Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 55, No. 4, 1999, pp.

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Television and Prejudice Reduction: When Does Television as a Vicarious Experience Make a Difference?
Sherryl Browne Graves*
Hunter College, City University of New York

Televised role portrayals and interracial interactions, as sources of vicarious experience, contribute to the development of stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination among children. The first section of this article reviews the amount and nature of racial/ethnic content on television, including limited portrayals of racial/ethnic groups and of interracial/ethnic interaction. The second section focuses on theoretical models that help explain televisions role in the development, maintenance, and modification of stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. The third section addresses research on the effects of television in altering stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination, with particular attention given to media intervention programs specifically designed to address these issues (Sesame Street and Different and the Same). This article concludes with a discussion of suggestions for future research. Almost all children have a television, with 97% living in households with a VCR and 74% having access to cable or satellite television (Rideout, Foehr, Roberts, & Brodie, 1999). The most recent statistics suggest that children watch almost 3 hr per day of television (Rideout et al., 1999). As a window on the world television can be seen as a vehicle for providing children and youth with experiences and information otherwise not available to them, their families or communities. In the case of race relations, television is indeed a key socializing agent. Both non-Hispanic Whites and African Americans are most likely to live in a neighborhood in which most residents are of the same ethnic group (Council of Economic Advisers, 1998). Furthermore, though school segregation is illegal,

*Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Sherryl Browne Graves, Department of Educational Foundations and Counseling Programs, Hunter College, City University of New York, New York, NY 10021 [e-mail: Sherryl.Browne.Graves@hunter.cuny.edu]. 707
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current statistics suggest that African American and Latino students continue to attend segregated schools in large numbers (Orfield & Monfort, 1992). Televised role portrayals and interracial interactions, as sources of vicarious experience, are relevant to the creation of cognitions about racial groups (stereotypes), the development of negative attitudes toward these groups (prejudice), and the performance of exclusionary behaviors (discrimination). Television could influence children by providing examples of people with or without prejudice, diverse social groups that stimulate positive or negative affect, and settings in which racial discrimination is endorsed or rejected. To understand how television functions as a source of vicarious racial experiences, this article begins with a review of the amount and nature of racial/ethnic content on television, including its portrayals of different racial and ethnic groups and its presentation of interracial/interethnic interaction. Next, this article focuses on theoretical models that help to explain televisions role in the development, maintenance or modification of stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. Then, a review of research on the effects of television in altering stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination follows, with particular attention directed to media intervention programs specifically designed to address these issues. The article concludes with a discussion of suggestions for future research. Inclusion or Invisibility? Television Content and Racial/Ethnic Representation Television programming provides information about social groups in two ways: by inclusion and by exclusion. When diverse groups are included, television content offers specific examples of the physical, psychological, social, cultural, and economic characteristics of each group. However, when groups are absent from the television curriculum, there is the implication that the missing groups are unimportant, inconsequential, and powerless. Both types of information can contribute to the development, maintenance, and modification of childrens thoughts, feelings, and actions toward racial/ethnic groups. Televised Racial and Ethnic Representation Content analyses of television programming of racial/ethnic group portrayals specify the extent of inclusion and the nature of portrayals assigned to African American, Asian American, European American, Latino, and Native American participants. Television programming is overwhelmingly White, with visible racial and ethnic groups1 underrepresented (Berry, 1980; Bianco, 1999; Calvert,
1 The term visible racial/ethnic groups refers to African, Asian, Latino, and Native Americans. This term is favored by the author over the more traditional minority group, since the accuracy and applicability of the numerical referent varies according to the context being studied.

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Stolkin, & Lee, 1997; Graves & Ottaviani, 1995; Greenberg & Collette, 1997; Huston et al., 1992; Kubey, Shifflet, Weerakkody, & Ukeiley, 1995; Lichter, Lichter, & Rothman, 1994; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1977; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). For example, the diversity profile for the 19992000 U.S. prime time television season was initially labeled a whitewash until boycott threats from the NAACP and other civil rights organizations led four networks to add minority characters in leading roles to new series (Bianco, 1999; Carter, 1999). The racial trends are similar for cable television, with the exception of ethnicdestination channels, like Black Entertainment Television or Spanish-language Univision (Kubey et al., 1995). Generally, childrens and educational television provide more diversity than does prime time television (Calvert et al., 1997; Graves, 1996; Neopolitan & Huston, 1994; T. Williams & Cox, 1995). On the Public Broadcasting System (PBS) childrens and educational programs, there is more diversity, including variations in language and disability status (Greenberg & Brand, 1993; Neopolitan & Huston, 1994). Childrens programming on cable, particularly Nickelodeon, has included diverse characters. Among visible racial and ethnic groups, African Americans are most likely to be shown on television, with virtual invisibility for Latino, Asian, and Native Americans (Gerbner, 1993; Greenberg & Collette, 1997; Kubey et al., 1995; Lichter et al., 1994; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). Latinos have few national prime time roles, and Asians almost always appear in supporting roles (Bianco, 1999; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). Native Americans are virtually absent or restricted to historical westerns (Geiogamah & Pavel, 1993; Merskin, 1998; Morris, 1982). Advertising presents more racial heterogeneity than does commercial programming. Generally, advertising associated with childrens programming includes more diverse participants than does advertising directed at adults (Greenberg & Brand, 1993). Both Asian and European Americans are overrepresented in commercials in proportion to their presence in the population (Palmer, Smith, & Strawser, 1993; Taylor & Stern, 1997). Historically visible racial/ethnic groups are rarely cast as sole endorsers of products. With the rising popularity of celebrity endorsements, particularly by African American sports figures and hip-hop artists, and with the shift toward niche marketing and narrowcasting, there are currently more instances of African Americanonly television advertising (Turow, 1997). Racial/Ethnic Roles and Portrayals The limited inclusion of visible racial/ethnic groups in television programming and advertising conveys to children and youth the relative lack of power and importance of these groups in the larger society. Though the numbers are limited, the portrayals of visible racial/ethnic groups are relevant to televisions capacity to create, maintain, or modify stereotypes and prejudice in children and youth. The

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portrayals vary along two dimensions: scope of action (starring, supporting, background roles) and valence of the role (positive, negative, neutral). There are also demographic variations based on age, gender, family group membership, occupation, and other physical or psychological characteristics associated with the roles. Depending on the role dimension studied, there is disagreement about the degree to which current portrayals are positive or realistic (Dennis & Pease, 1996; Frazer & Frazer, 1993; Kern-Foxworth, 1994). The variations in role portrayals are clear. Visible racial/ethnic groups are more likely to be presented as criminals or as crime victims (Children NOW, 1998; Entman, 1998; Lichter, Lichter, Rothman, & Amundson, 1987; M. E. Williams & Condry, 1989) and in limited occupational roles (Greenberg & Brand, 1994; Greenberg & Collette, 1997). There is some variability, however, in how each racial/ethnic group is portrayed (Dorr, Kovaric, & Doubleday, 1990; Dorr & Rabin, 1995). African American characters are subtly stereotyped through segregation on racially homogeneous situation comedies (the ghetto gulch phenomenon), on specific networks (Universal Pictures Network [UPN] and Warner Brothers [WB]) and most recently, on specific nights (e.g., Monday UPN). The increased isolation of African Americans from other groups on television reinforces the idea of the limited power and influence over other elements of the society. African American women and men are associated with low-status, menial, and service jobs, despite the overrepresentation of professional and white-collar occupations on television (Greenberg & Brand, 1994; Greenberg & Collette, 1997). In a study of family life on television, African American families were more likely to be urban and twoparent families (Dorr et al., 1990). African American adults regularly appear in commercials associated with upscale lifestyle products (Taylor & Stern, 1997; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). Finally, African American children are more likely than European American children to be associated with a sports-related or musical (rap or hip-hop) theme rather than with a learning or creative one (Seiter, 1995). Latinos in their limited participation in background roles (Taylor & Stern, 1997; Wilkes & Valencia, 1989) represent less than 1% of televised families on English-language programming (Subervi-Velez, 1990). They are often associated with criminal activity (Entman, 1990; Lichter et al., 1987; M. E. Williams & Condry, 1989). Latino adults regularly appear in commercials associated with upscale lifestyle products (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). Finally, Latino adults (both men and women; Kubey et al., 1995) are more likely to be portrayed than Latino children (Palmer et al., 1993). The Asian American portrayal is characterized by rare appearances as a parent or spouse (M. E. Williams & Condry, 1989). In advertising Asian American adults are typically part of a group of consumers in a business setting (Taylor & Stern, 1997; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995), and likewise Asian American children are usually portrayed in a group setting. In a similar vein, Native American role assignments are negligible. Their cultures tend to be distorted in ads as the names of automobiles or sports teams (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995).

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In short, role presentations of visible racial/ethnic groups are limited in number and restricted in the characteristics and roles assigned to the different groups. These stereotyped portrayals are overgeneralized physical, emotional, and intellectual characteristics (Merskin, 1998, p. 333). The isolation of some groups and the exclusion of others offer support for negative perceptions of members of visible racial/ethnic groups on television. Televised Portrayals of Intergroup Interaction With the limited inclusion of diverse groups in programming and advertising, television is an unlikely source of information on how to interact successfully in cross-ethnic situations. In a study of demographic diversity in broadcast, cable, independent, and PBS programming, only 15% of the sample included mixed-race groups (Kubey et al., 1995). Across 32 channels of the 108 mixed-race situations noted, European Americans appeared in all but 4 instances. Stereotypic intergroup interaction is also connected to other programming practices like segregation by program type and role portrayal. As a consequence there is limited opportunity for explicit discussions of race relations and modeling of positive interracial relations (Greenberg, 1986; Pierce, 1980; M. E. Williams & Condry, 1989). When intergroup interactions are presented on television, they are generally portrayed as neutral or positive, especially on childrens programs (M. E. Williams & Condry, 1989), and they are more likely to occur in the context of business relationships than in social or recreational ones. PBS childrens programming provides positive examples of interracial interaction on a range of programs, including Barney; Bill Nye, the Science Guy; Magic School Bus; Newtons Apple; Puzzle Place; and Sesame Street. There is a tendency to depict positive cross-racial social interactions between visible racial/ethnic and majority group characters. Only a very small percentage of the identified intergroup encounters showed negative interactions or overt acts of prejudice or racism (Jackson, Travis, Williams, & Phillips, 1996; M. E. Williams & Condry, 1989). As a result there are few opportunities to model how to handle this type of interaction. Furthermore, television commercials tend to leave the impression that race does not matter, that race relations are good, and that the issues of racism, discrimination, and prejudice are outdated. For example, in commercials, mixed-race groups including Whites, visible racial/ethnic group characters are portrayed as members of a peer group in a public setting, like a school, playground, or street (Seiter, 1995). Moreover, commercials featuring visible racial/ethnic groups interacting with European Americans tend to show the group members participating in activities representative of a high standard of living (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). In sum, images of televised intergroup interaction are limited in number and are somewhat superficial.

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Theoretical Models and Conceptual Frameworks Several theoretical positions offer explanations of how the presence of stereotyped portrayals or the exclusion of racial characters could contribute to the development, maintenance, or modification of attitudes, knowledge, and behavior in children. Cultivation Theory Cultivation theory suggests that exposure to television content creates a worldview, or a consistent picture of social behavior, norms, and structure, based on the stable view of society that television content provides (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980, 1994; Gerbner & Signorielli, 1990). This model suggests that the constant drip of restricted images would lead young viewers to develop stereotypes and prejudice. The world of television becomes the social reality of the viewer. Given this model, viewers who do not see images of a group may believe that the invisible groups are powerless and unimportant. In the case of same-race viewers whose group is rarely shown, it is hypothesized that invisibility might create feelings of low self-esteem. For other-race viewers it is assumed that lack of inclusion of an outgroup would lead to the mentality of out of sight, out of mind (Palmer et al., 1993). The theory concludes that exposure to stereotypes would lead to distortions in the viewers sense of the groups portrayed as a result of exposure to different diets of televised racial content. The Drench Hypothesis Greenberg (1988) proposed a drench hypothesis to explain the effects of very positive racial and ethnic group portrayals, like The Cosby Show or Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman. In this model distinct or unusual television portrayals of African Americans, for example, could overwhelm or drench more mundane, stereotyped roles. It is assumed that these rare, positive portrayals could have a profound effect on the viewer because of their strength, intensity, or authenticity. Although this hypothesis offers an intriguing model and merits examination, there is no empirical test with children of its predictions. Research based on the drench hypothesis would first have to identify rare or unique portrayals from the viewers perspective. Then the research would have to demonstrate that exposure to the unusual stimulus was more powerful than exposure to multiple examples of stereotypes. Uses and Gratifications Model The uses and gratifications model predicts an interaction between the characteristics of children and the type of content on television (Blumer & Katz, 1974).

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Children actively select television content that satisfies their needs. Visible racial/ ethnic viewers would be expected to want to see same-race characters. However, youth frequently report watching television to learn about the world around them. Under these conditions children would expose themselves to content that provided experiences different from that of their immediate environment. Although this approach has potential utility in the area of race relations, it has not been applied to study televisions effects on children outside of research describing the viewing habits of children and youth. Constructivism Constructivism suggests that children are largely responsible for how programming influences them. Children actively make sense of the world they live in and are particularly responsive to information that helps them develop a better understanding of the world and their experiences (J. A. Anderson, 1983). Children develop beliefs or cognitions, schemata, about their experiences. Childrens experiences with diverse racial/ethnic groups would contribute to the development of racial schemata, which would form the basis of their understanding of how racially diverse people are likely to act. Constructivist-based research on the effect of televised racial portrayals predicts that children and youth would (1) have selective attention based on congruence between race of the viewer and race of televised characters, (2) pay greater attention to same-race characters, (3) better remember racial experiences and information that conform to existing racial schemata, (4) rely on television experiences for information when real-life intergroup experiences are lacking, (5) alter their perceptions of programs with diverse role presentations when there are preexisting racial schemata, and (6) distort racial information received from television if it does not match prior racial schemata. As will be reviewed in later sections, there is empirical support for the constructivist position. Social Cognitive Theory Social cognitive theory predicts that viewing television may lead to imitation by the viewer, since children learn from others. Social influences come in different forms, including imitation, modeling, observing the model, vicarious and actual reinforcement, and punishment (Bandura, 1986). Viewers abilities, interests, motivations, and self-concept may make them more or less susceptible to the influence of role models. Role models are more likely to be influential in the development or modification of stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination when they are perceived as attractive, trustworthy, competent, and similar to the viewer. Therefore, it would be important to have a diverse set of role models, so that a diverse audience can find at least one same-race role model. Same-race models are

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theoretically more likely to (1) stimulate higher levels of attention, (2) elicit better mental representations, (3) produce higher levels of self-efficacy (the belief that one can deal effectively with a task; Bandura, 1997), and (4) increase motivation to imitate. Cross-race models can also be effective in promoting imitation, if their levels of trustworthiness, attractiveness, or perceived competence are high. Social cognitive theory explains the high levels of acceptance and influence of African American celebrities such as Michael Jordan, the basketball player, or Bill Cosby, the comedian, among children of all racial/ethnic groups. To summarize this section, there are several viable theories of how stereotyped portrayals and exclusion of racial groups from television contribute to the development and maintenance of prejudice and discrimination among children. In the next section, some of the research findings that bear on these theories are described. Effects of Diversity on Television: Research Findings Most research on the effects of diverse television programming examines how the portrayal of African American characters alters the racial attitudes of children. Unfortunately, there are few studies of the effects of Asian, Latino, or Native American characters on childrens attitudes. As will be discussed, studies have focused on educational and prime time programming and tend to assess the impact on European and African American childrens attitudes. Effects of Ingroup Portrayals: African American Portrayals and African American Youth Television programming of African Americans has been shown to alter African American childrens attitudes of their own group (Graves, 1980, 1993). However, the relationship between the nature of the portrayals and impact on same-group attitudes is mixed. For example, one study (Graves, 1975) found that cartoons featuring African American characters, regardless of type of portrayal, resulted in more positive racial attitudes on a standardized measure of racial attitudes in African American elementary-age children. This positive effect was strongest when same-race characters were presented in an integrated setting versus a segregated one (Graves, 1975). However, a study of prime time programs found that exposure to same-group characters produced negative attitudes (Dorr, Graves, & Phelps, 1980). These contradictory findings could be explained in one of two ways. From a social cognitive perspective, viewers of prime time shows did not perceive the same-race models as being as attractive, as trustworthy, as similar, or as competent as the adults who rated the portrayals. Constructivism would explain the findings in light of the prior racial experiences of the subjects in the

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study. This experience and the corresponding racial schemata could influence childrens understanding of the cartoon or prime time portrayals. Advertising research with children offers further insights into the effects of ingroup portrayals on Black youth. African American children prefer and are positively influenced by commercials with same-race characters (Barry & Hansen, 1973). Certainly, when one looks at the availability of ethnically directed advertising, there is ample evidence that the advertising community accepts this finding. Since children judge commercials based on the perceived relevance of the messages (Van Evra, 1995), the industry features highly successful members of visible racial/ethnic groups, especially African American celebrities, to sell a variety of products. Counterstereotypic content can also influence the attitudes of African American children. In a study of Superfriends, a multiethnic cartoon, African American children reported higher levels of identification with same-race messages, recognition of positive emotions of a same-race character, and recall of activities of the character along with cultural features of the characters environment (LaRose & Eisenstock, 1981). The influence of these messages could be attributed to identification with same-race characters (social cognitive theory) or to the influence of existing racial schemata (constructivism). Social cognitive theory predicts that children attend to and remember messages associated with same-race models. A social cognitivist would predict that same-race models would be more influential when featured in integrated settings, perhaps because of higher levels of perceived competence, attractiveness, or trustworthiness. To a constructivist there is better retention of the message conveyed by same-race portrayals when there are perceived similarities between TV content and prior racial knowledge. Additional support for a constructivist perspective comes from research on the effect in childrens learning of nonracial messages from same-race models. Children learned about gender roles of parental divorce from same-race models (Calvert et al., 1982; Calvert, Huston, & Wright, 1987). After exposure to an episode of Good Times, an all-Black situation comedy, that featured a gang avoidance theme, African American children reported that they learned the negative features of gangs and that one should avoid associating with gangs (W. H. Anderson & Williams, 1983). In addition, they learned prosocial messages about family cooperation and family support. Effects of Outgroup Portrayals White children, especially those living in rural settings, use television as a primary source of information to learn about different racial/ethnic groups (Greenberg, 1972; Greenberg & Brand, 1994; Lichter & Lichter, 1988). In general, then, television would appear to be very influential in the development of racial

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schemata among White children, congruent with a constructivist perspective. Earlier research suggests that for White American children, the greater the personal contact with African Americans, the less likely they are to perceive African American television portrayals as realistic (Greenberg & Reeves, 1976). For White American children, the nature of the African American portrayals, positive or negative, generally predicts attitude change (Dorr et al., 1980; Graves, 1975). In some instances (Dorr et al., 1980), exposure to any Black portrayals resulted in more positive cross-group attitudes. Without prior knowledge about how the viewers perceived the televised models attractiveness, trustworthiness, similarity, and competence, it is difficult to predict whether a portrayal is viewed as positive or negative. Since childrens and educational programming have not focused exclusively on portrayals of African Americans, research suggests how other-race portrayals affect White American children. After 2 years of viewing Sesame Street, White American preschoolers had more positive attitudes toward African and Latino Americans (Bogatz & Ball, 1971). Another educational series, Vegetable Soup, increased acceptance of other racial groups by White American subjects (Mays, Henderson, Seidman, & Steiner, 1975). Whereas Latino American and Native American children exposed to the series increased the diversity of children considered as potential friends, Asian American children were unaffected. The Vegetable Soup series also increased identification with a subjects same-race group, particularly for Chicano children. This finding supports social cognitive predictions of the importance of same-race characters in the development of self-concept and self-identity for children from underrepresented groups. For Asian and Latino American youth, African American television portrayals are perceived to be realistic or more positive than portrayals of their own group (Lichter & Lichter, 1988). The presence of existing racial schemata based on real-life experiences makes it more likely for youth to identify the distortions in televised content as these studies confirm. Summary of Research Findings Children can learn racial and nonracial information from television. Shortand long-term exposure to televised racial portrayals can influence their racial attitudes and perceptions. The nature of televised racial portrayals does not consistently predict the racial attitudes of African and European American children (Graves, 1980), since viewers from varied backgrounds may interpret content differently, resulting in distinct effects (Livingstone, 1990). Among White children, there is evidence that positive portrayals are more likely to lead to positive attitudes. For African American children, the type of portrayal, the racial composition of the setting, and prior knowledge are related to modification of their racial attitudes. These findings suggest that exposure to television messages and images can modify existing racial schemata, including the willingness to play with and be

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friends with cross-race peers. There is also evidence that children observe and imitate same-race and cross-race models. African and European American children identify with cross-race models (Graves, 1975; Greenberg, 1972). However, little is known about the role model preferences and identification process for Asian, Latino, and Native American children and youth. Finally, although televised interracial interaction influences childrens racial attitudes, there has been little examination of these portrayals on childrens willingness to live, work, or play with members of diverse racial/ethnic groups. Such research would test cultivation theorys utility in understanding televisions role in stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. Media Interventions In recent years media interventions have been created to influence childrens racial and ethnic attitudes, knowledge, and behavior. This research has examined the effects of racially diverse content on African, Asian, European, Latino, and Native American children. Sesame Street Race Relations Curriculum Sesame Street from its inception has provided its young viewers with examples of diverse African, Asian, European, Latino, and Native American children and adults interacting positively with one another. These people help each other, play, sing, learn, and work together with little difficulty. Traditionally, the diverse people on Sesame Street have lived in racial utopia with no talk about racial or ethnic problems; they simply modeled positive, cordial, and respectful relations and attitudes toward each other. During the mid-1990s, however, specific Sesame Street segments were developed to explicitly address racial themes, with the goal of changing young childrens racial stereotypes and attitudes (Lovelace, Scheiner, Dollberg, Segui, & Black, 1994). Prior to the development of the Sesame Street race relations curriculum, extensive research was conducted on the nature and content of young childrens racial knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors (Lovelace et al., 1994). Over 1,500 low-income African, Asian, European, Latino, and Native American children were interviewed. These children were recruited from racially segregated day care centers. The childrens attitudes and knowledge were examined using photographs of real children, racially diverse dolls, games, and video segments (Lovelace, Freund, & Graves, in press). The baseline data suggested that it was particularly important to show cross-racial friendships between European and African American children, since European American children, in general, and 5-year-old White children in particular, were unwilling to integrate Blacks and Whites when they played the

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neighborhood game,2 though they integrated Asian, Latino, and Native Americans with White figures. When questioned about why the two groups should not be together, White preschoolers gave various answers. In particular, their answers focused on differences (Because they are different colors, They dont eat, No toys); conflicts (Once they get older they hurt each other, Because they might argue); or isolation ( Because they dont live together, Because they live in two separate houses). In addition, respondents indicated that authority figures were relevant (I would do it for my sister, My teacher told us that Black people live in another house and White people in another house). Despite their negative ideas, the preschoolers were able to discuss the perspectives of both groups and understand that the children would be sad about the segregation. Segments explicitly addressing race were developed to modify childrens stereotypes and negative affect (Lovelace et al., 1994). The specific goals of the Sesame Street race relations curriculum were (1) emphasis on similarities as humans, (2) appreciation for racial/ethnic cultural differences, (3) consideration of people who look different as potential friends, and (4) inclusion of a child rejected for physical or cultural differences. The curriculum used modeling by real children and adults to influence preschoolers. Live actors were shown in cross-racial friendships, visiting the home of one friend. For example, the segments include a European American girl or boy visiting an African American friend. Both visits take place in the African Americans home with the African American family members shown. The cross-racial friends played together, ate a meal together, and interacted with African American family members and friends. The Black and White children in the segments looked comfortable with each other and they talked about having fun during the visit. The segments were appealing to all children (Lovelace et al., 1994), and the children were able to remember details about what happened to the children during their visit. Preschool viewers spontaneously related televised events to their own lives. However, after viewing, most African and European American preschoolers reported that the mothers of the children would be angry or sad about the friendship and the visits. This response was consistent with baseline data in which preschoolers stated that mothers would be negative about cross-race friendships. The children maintained this belief, despite exposure to the race relations segments in which hospitable, friendly, and inviting adults were shown. Interestingly, in neither segment was the mother of the White child on screen. Apparently, more pronounced change in preschoolers beliefs would require members of both friends

2 The neighborhood game provided children with paper game pieces of two of each of the following: homes, schools, playgrounds, houses of worship, and stores. Children were provided with paper game pieces of same-race and cross-race children. They were asked to place the child pieces where they belonged in the structures.

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and family to overtly support cross-race relationships between children from different racial groups. It was further suggested that adult and family support should be shown before the cross-racial visit, during the visit, and after the visit to enhance the segments impact (Lovelace et al., 1994). Since all postviewing measures were taken immediately after viewing, it is not known if the Sesame Street race relations approach can generate long-term changes in racial attitudes and knowledge. Different and the Same: A Prejudice Reduction Video Series Different and the Same is a prejudice reduction curriculum for early elementary children developed by Family Communications Inc., the producers of Mister Rogers Neighborhood. It consists of nine 1215 min videos for children, a teachers guide, and a workshop facilitators guide and training video. Four principles, namely, fairness, awareness, inclusion, and respect, form the curricular basis for Different and the Same. The Different and the Same pedagogy emphasizes collaboration, responsibility, reconciliation and acknowledgment of personal feelings and attitudes as well as the feelings and attitudes of others. All of these features are identified as crucial to changing how children think, feel, and act toward people who may be different from them. The nine videos have very specific features. They are set in a school environment, using a dramatic format to highlight curricular themes. The videos use animal puppets that are not representative of any racial or ethnic group to present very complex ideas. Yet racially and ethnically diverse adult role models, played by live actors, help the puppets resolve difficult intergroup situations. Like the Sesame Street unit, modeling is one of the major teaching strategies used in the Different and the Same videos. The puppets model prosocial behavior, including (1) resisting peer pressure, (2) looking beyond stereotypes, (3) including others, (4) reaching out to helpful adults, (5) expressing feelings, (6) honoring differences and similarities, (7) problem solving, and (8) taking positive action. Each of the nine videos has a theme or idea, including (1) name-calling, (2) being excluded from the group, (3) speaking a different language, (4) stereotyping, (5) standing up against prejudice, (6) interracial friendships, (7) cultural identity/ assimilation, (8) definitions of being American, and (9) hate crimes. The videos provide specific approaches to handling problems. Sticks and Stones, a segment on name calling, starts with Cat-a-lions experience of being called Mophead by children at the playground. He is hurt and angry when this happens. When a new boy, Arthur, joins the class, Cat-a-lion tells his friends that he doesnt like the new boys looks and encourages them to join him in calling Arthur Pumpkinhead. Mrs. Chung, the Chinese American principal, overhears the name calling. She tells Cat-a-lion about her childhood experiences about being called horrible names. She talks about how she felt about the name calling and her parents emphasis on feeling proud about who she was. Cat-a-lion apologizes to

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Arthur, invites him to his birthday party, and promises never to call him names again. The video focuses on feelings, fairness, friendship, and the connection between experiences of visible racial/ethnic adults and those of the puppet characters. The adult role model provides suggestions but does not solve the problem for the child puppets. To evaluate the interventions effectiveness, a series of classroom-based studies were conducted (Graves, 1999; Katsuyama, 1997). Data were collected in naturalistic classroom settings from African, Asian, European, and Latino elementary students. A variety of measures of their racial knowledge, attitudes, and behavior were employed. Different and the Same was most effective in altering students schemata of specific strategies for resolving prejudice-based interpersonal conflict. For example, exposure to the video series increased the use of group norms as an explanation for prejudice and interpersonal conflict. That is, experimental subjects were more likely than control subjects to identify a group standard as more responsible than the characteristics of an individual for the social isolation of that peer from the group (Katsuyama, 1997). This attribution is congruent with specific scenarios presented within some of the videos (e.g., Play Ball, Sticks and Stones, Cinderella and Me). Similarly, experimental subjects, especially at the thirdgrade level, were more likely than control subjects to identify teacher mediation as a step in the successful solution of situations of social isolation and exclusion (Katsuyama, 1997). This was most likely to occur when the cause for the social isolation was attributions to physical differences rather than a group norm. Moreover, experimental subjects at the third-grade level were more likely than thirdgrade controls to select child intervention as an important component of successful solutions to social isolation when the cause of the isolation was the target childs personality or attitude characteristics (Katsuyama, 1997). In general, the video intervention was effective in teaching children specific techniques for handling interracial conflict. This was true regardless of the racial composition of the classrooms (Graves, 1999; Katsuyama, 1997). Different and the Sames impact on racial attitudes is less clear. Exposure to the video curriculum did not seem to systematically affect childrens evaluations of the target stimulis cognitive or intellectual characteristics. On the one hand, children exposed to the video series were less likely to state preferences based on physical attributes (Katsuyama, 1997). This preference pattern was more apparent in African, Asian, and Latino American subjects than in European or White American subjects. When racial attitudes were measured using a free-selection, photograph-based racial attitude measure, children exposed to the series had more positive attitudes toward cross-race stimuli than did controls (Graves, 1999). The effect was more pronounced among European American children, even though the classroom and school settings were integrated. Sociometric measures were employed as behavioral measures. Third graders in experimental

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conditions were also more likely than their grade level controls to make crossrace friendship selections (Graves, 1999; Katsuyama, 1997). Children at schools with high enrollments of African, Asian, and/or Latino American children were more likely to make cross-race selections than were children from schools with low enrollments of minority group members (Katsuyama, 1997). Children in schools with low enrollments of visible racial/ethnic group children (520%) were limited in their friendships by the number of diverse children in a class. However, in integrated classrooms in which visible racial/ethnic group children represented more than 20%, exposure to Different and the Same influenced the sociometric choices of European American children (Graves, 1999). In general, these children expanded their choices to include fewer White peers and more peers who were African, Latino, or Asian American. Another measure of the series effect on stereotyping, discrimination, and prejudice was willingness to help a cross- or same-race child. European American third-grade experimental subjects were significantly more likely than third-grade controls to offer help to a different-race child (Katsuyama, 1997). Among the other groups of children, there was no statistical difference in the pattern of offers of assistance by race. In addition, most children, regardless of experimental status, expressed a willingness to help or assist a student who could not speak English. In sum, the Different and the Same intervention was effective in changing childrens knowledge about possible sources of prejudice and interpersonal conflict, promoting more cross-race friendships, and improving racial attitudes. Different and the Sames effectiveness in prejudice reduction seems related to several mechanisms. First, identification and labeling of interracial conflict occurred. Second, specific solution strategies were modeled by child puppets and endorsed by adult models. Viewers attention was directed to identification of the feelings of the other and the specific behaviors needed to resolve conflict. Third, both peer and adult models positively reinforced nonbiased solutions. The Different and the Same intervention reminds us that television and video do not exist in a vacuum. There are other people who are available to mediate the effects of the content. It is important to learn how to effectively engage parents, teachers, other adults, peers, and siblings to reinforce positive racial messages and weaken negative racial messages that come from television. Taken together, findings from the Sesame Street race relations curriculum and from the Different and the Same video series suggest that television and video can positively influence childrens racial knowledge, attitudes, and preferences. Results from these interventions suggest that the following strategies are effective: the use of live models and symbolic models; viewing the video clips at home or in school, addressing specific racial problems or conflicts; using models of effective solutions; and selecting content relevant to the childrens developmental level.

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Future Directions Fruitful areas for future research in this area are many, including content characteristics, subject characteristics, and outcome measures. Content Characteristics There is a need to study more varied racial content from television. Different media approaches to prejudice reduction should be studied. For example, the PBS series Puzzle Place uses puppets and real life children and adults who represent diverse racial and cultural groups. The characters confront a range of emotionally charged, familiar conflicts that are part of the challenges, tensions, and gratifications of intergroup interactions. In these half-hour episodes there is a dramatic storyline involving the puppets. In many cases, the puppets interact with real life children and adults to learn about their experiences and their thoughts. Puzzle Place addresses sociocultural conflicts, but it also addresses the sharing of cultural celebrations and events and everyday experience. More research is needed that examines content that is specifically tailored to the developmental characteristics of childrens developing ideas and feelings about visible racial/ethnic groups. For example, the Sesame Street race relations curriculum was tailored to the specific racial ideas of preschool children. There is some evidence that youth seek out stereotypes because they maintain high self-esteem and a sense of social status (Jost & Banaji, 1994). Thus, attempts at changing stereotypes may be resisted by viewers if the television content threatens self- esteem or social status. Another line of content-focused research would be to examine whether symbolic role models like puppets or cartoon characters are as effective in prejudice reduction as are live, diverse models. There are a number of media efforts that feature symbolic characters, both humanoid and animal, but the degree of effectiveness of these different types is not clear. Subject Characteristics It is important to learn more about how children with different experiences and backgrounds perceive differing portrayals of African, Asian, European, Latino, and Native American characters. We need more information about the relationship between prior television use and content exposure and racial attitudes, knowledge, and behavior. Is heavy television viewing related to higher levels of racial prejudice and stereotyping? Do children who differ in their racial attitudes, knowledge, and behavior have different preferences for race role portrayals? How does the presence or absence of cross-race experiences interact with exposure to television content? There are very little data of this kind, though it is known, for example, that

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African American children and youth have higher levels of television viewing (Comstock, 1991; Graves, 1996) and are more likely to watch programs with same-race characters (Graves, 1996; Greenberg & Atkin, 1982; Greenberg & Brand, 1994). Given changes in the television landscape with wide adoption of cable, how are children using mass-audience programming versus programming narrowcasted to their racial/ethnic group? Outcome Measures Since television programming provides complex messages and images, it is unlikely that a single outcome measure will capture the full impact of the medium. Assessment of childrens baseline levels of stereotypes, attitudes, and behaviors is needed to understand postviewing changes. Little is known about the magnitude of or the duration of these effects, so follow-up measures are important. There is almost no research that measures how children of different racial groups interact with each other as a consequence of exposure to television. This is a research area in which investigators could plan interventions incorporating television in a natural part of the setting. For example, one could imagine the inclusion of race-related television content in day care or nursery settings or the inclusion of videos during summer camp experiences. Such naturalistic experiments would permit some control over access to television during the period of the study, while preserving the real-life quality of childrens interaction and use of the programming. The role of theory is particularly important in developing research examining behavioral effects of televisions racial message. The research has thus far confined itself to pseudobehavioral measures of preferences or of sociometric choices. Given the dramatic positive and negative intergroup interactions in todays world, it becomes vital that we understand how television contributes to children and youth learning how to live, learn, play, and work together in the 21st century. Conclusion Television has not yet fulfilled its promise as a positive force in childrens lives. Through its real and fantasy curriculum, television can present people of diverse racial and ethnic groups in a vast array of social settings and roles. They could be intermingled in a wide variety of combinations engaging in the full range of human pursuits. Given the challenges that national and international diversity present, and given the role of television and new media in the lives of children, we must learn how to better harness them for the benefit of all members of society.

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SHERRYL BROWNE GRAVES is an Associate Professor and Department Chairperson in the Department of Educational Foundations and Counseling Programs at Hunter College, City University of New York. She holds a doctorate in Clinical Psychology and Public Practice from Harvard University. Her research interests focus on racial and ethnic influences in the mass media, the impact of diversity in the educational process, and the use of technology in the classroom. Graves currently serves as a consultant to childrens televisions series, including CTWs Big Bag and Dragon Tales series, WBGHs Arthur series, and KCETs Puzzle Place. She has also served as a consultant to numerous media organizations, including CTW, WGBH Public Television Station, and the Center for Media Education.