Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia.

Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,

Volume 2, Issue 3
1




Civil society conflicts The Peoples Democratic Party in Riau
Volume 2 2012 Issue 3

The emergence of Fundamental Socialism in Riau, Sumatra - Indonesia

Andreas Wimmer, MSc.















Copyight 2012 The Deutsche Asien Stiftung. All rights reserved by the author
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
2



Key Words Militancy in Riau, Revival of communism in Indonesia, militant environmentalism,
anarchism, non-state actors, social media, fundamentalist socialists, neo-communists

For Quote: Andreas Wimmer, Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau; Civil society conflicts The
Peoples Democratic Party in Riau; The emergence of Fundamental Socialism in Riau,
Sumatra Indonesia; Civil Society Development in Indonesia: Examining the
emergence of Fundamental Socialism in Riau, Sumatra Indonesia; The Militancy of
the Peoples Democratic Party in Riau, Indonesia;
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2125755; 7 January 2012;
http://www.researchgate.net/publication/233810739_FUNDAMENTAL_SOCIALIS
M_IN_RIAU_INDONESIA; 3 December 2012
















Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
3

Civil Society Development in Indonesia: Examining the emergence of
Fundamental Socialism in Riau, Sumatra - Indonesia

Andreas Wimmer, MSc.
Abstract:
The revival of the old communist ideology in the post-Suharto democratic society in Indonesia has
spawned a renewed fascination with the militant ideas of Trotsky, Marxism/Leninism, and the global
anarchist movement. The resurgence of such extreme political views has been ignored by the political
centre and has therefore enjoyed a steady and unchecked growth in popularity. The PRD and its
clones attract a steady flow of young radicals who are enamoured with the romantic notion of the
peoples struggle and are eager to become soldiers in a peoples war to set Indonesia free from
oppression and neo-colonial forces. This being said, while the PRD/STR in Riau likes to claim the
mantle of neo-socialism/Marxism, they are in fact little more than poseurs, as they have only a vague
comprehension of the actual philosophies of Marxism and Islam. Nevertheless, the PRD/STR still
qualifies as a radicalized fundamental socialist group despite their members lack of comprehension
of the core tenets of their claimed belief.

In Riau, as in other provinces, the political struggle of the main parties created an environment of
politically induced violence, and environmental and social issues are used to promote a new found
purpose for the old communist ideals. The movement spread rapidly and in Riau alone the PRD now
comprises an estimated 25,000 members
1
. The ideals of this neo-communist movement have attracted
an emerging group of Indonesians who were in pursuit of capturing local power while in search of an
alternative individual political purpose. Many of these individuals see themselves as disenfranchised
and feel that the current economic model has failed them. They are therefore pushing for more
aggressive pursuits of change either using the methods of parliamentary and extra-parliamentary
movement
2
.

The ideology of the PRD is not new nor is it original. It is a regurgitation of an unsolved past and a
glorification of the failed communist and socialist ideals that are still promoted by militant Australians
and South American doctrines disseminated through social media, where they are finding fertile soil
3
.
The appeal of the radical teachings of communism is stronger than that of jihadist, as the
disenfranchised, the fringe, and the poor can associate easier with its cause, its history, and the idea
that violent change is needed to liberate Indonesia from its neo-colonial oppressors. Like its very
distant cousins, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI),
hypothesizing their ideals as being merely symbolic is a miscalculation
4
. Militancy is easier to
accept and promote as part of the peoples struggle than democratic forums. The democratic
freedom in the new Indonesia is a double edged sword, as this more open atmosphere allows these
new players to go unnoticed and unchallenged since the political leadership and the security apparatus
do not comprehend the propensity for violence the new forces embrace.

1
Estimates range of the PRD musters 675,000 followers throughout Indonesia reaching the estimate same size
than the PKI in 1966. Activists claim the party aims to recruit and mobilize up to 4 million voters for the 2014
presidential election. This includes SRMI, LMND and other pro-leftist groups. The PRD does however aim to
capture provincial power by 2019. This includes SRMI, LMND and other pro-leftist groups.
2
http://www.gatra.com/nasional-cp/1-nasional/14606-prd-amandemen-uud-45-picu-berbagai-persoalan-
bangsa; 24 June 2012;
3
http://www.militanindonesia.org/analisa-politik/17-akhir/8306-lenin-parlemen-dan-realitas-obyektif-kritik-
atas-ragil-nugroho-dan-martin-suryajaya.html; and https://www.facebook.com/#!/jaringan.militan; Militant
network; 1 June 2012
4
http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/Perspective/RSIS0672012.pdf; No. 067/2012 dated 18 April 2012
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
4

THE EMERGENCE OF THE NEW COMMUNIST AND THE ATTRACTION
AN ASSESSMENT OF THE PRD/STR IN RIAU

The development of the Partai Rakyat Demokrat/PRD
5
and Serikat Tani Riau/STR
6
is
occurring alongside that of the nascent environmental movement in Indonesia. Although
quickly dismissed as part of the awakening of the civil society movement, the political
agenda and underlying issues surrounding the revival of the PRD in Riau must be viewed
with not merely political motives.
The Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat
(Kesbangpolinmas)/Office for National Unity, Politics and Public Protection termed the PRD
as a neo-communist
7
movement that penetrated the non-government organizations in Riau.
This raises the question of Who are these neo-communist groups that threaten social unity?
Examination of the neo-communists argument shows that the groups follow a fundamental
socialist
8
model that pursues a revolutionary overthrow of the government in hopes of
replacing it with some form of communist governance.
Within the context of Riau, the main focus of this paper, we examined these newly formed
more militant groups that pursue political violence and we evaluated their fascination with
the use of political violence. But before launching into our analysis, we must first list the
actions we reviewed in the context of the claim made by the Kesbangpolinmas. In 2011 and
the first two quarters of 2012, Riau province recorded six (6) acts of arson, one (1) pre-
mediated murder (13 July 2011), one (1) attempted murder, two (2) hunger strikes, and three
(3) attempts to commit a public suicide
9
in protests against the state siding with the capital.
The pre-meditated murder on 13 July 2011 pushed the movement over the threshold from
being a non-violent movement to a violent one and removed legitimate claims of the group
being a non-violent movement
10
. The process of self-radicalization was achieved and the
groups ideological and operational state has continuously promoted acts of violence as being
its core method.
The emergance of the new Left in Indonesia is part of the attraction for the communist
diaspora that is keen on reliving the past, the disenfranchised, and the disillusioned growing
population in search of a new meaning. Identifying with the political Left rather than with

5
Peoples Democratic Party; successor of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI)- Indonesian Communist Party
6
State Farmers Union Riau, part of the State Farmers Union (STN)
7
http://riauterkini.com/sosial.php?arr=48496 ; Waspadai LSM Berbau Neokomunis di Riau/ Beware of NGOs
smelling neo-communists in Riau; 27 June 2012
8
http://www.breakingperceptions.com/political-ideologies-socialism-distinguish-between-fundamentalist-
socialism-and-revisionist-socialism/;
9
http://antarariau.com/berita/20613/seteru-rapp-ancam-bakar-diri; 30 May 2012
10
Since the original print in 2012, on 25/26 January 2013 agitated communities firebombed three barges of
Asian Pulp Paper in the straits with the aim to block the traffic off the coast of Pulau Muda and force the
company to agree to 13 demands. Although NGOs are quick to point out the grievances voiced by one village
on the island long standing interaction between members of the PRD now working for Jikalahari/WWF and
Youth Group exist supporting the argument that the agitation of the community and encouragement provided
the stimulus for the fire bombing. http://www.riauterkini.com/hukum.php?arr=55576 - 22 January 2013
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
5

militant Jihadism has a much greater attraction since the jihadist cause is derided by much of
the world. It would be difficult and in many cases illegal to recruit supporters and solicit
funds if the group identified itself as a jihadist organization. Nevertheless, we argue that the
fundamental socialists are no less violent than the militant jihadists. Politically, the Left is
globally alive, legitimized as part of mainstream politics, and widely accepted. Therefore,
claiming the mantra of a leftist movement opens doors worldwide to donors and supporters
who still yearn for the good old days before communism collapsed in 1991. We observed
the emergence of a new Left in the context of militancy since the group in Riau is openly
associated with a peoples war/peoples struggle concept that is pursuing the extremist
Marxist/Leninist doctrine
11
of fundamentalis sosialis/fundamentalist socialism
12
.
Operating under the mantle of a Marxist/Leninist doctrine, the Peoples Democratic Party
(PRD)/State Farmers Union in Riau (STR), Sumatra, Indonesia evolved from being a
mediocre political faction engaged in environmental activism to an active small-group,
militant group that committed acts of political violence. The violence was justified under the
guise of using Law No. 33 of the 1945 Constitution (33 UUD 1945) as its political manifesto.
In mid-July 2011 the local PRD splinter group produced an 11-page pamphlet calling for the
creation of a new republic pursing a secessionist ideology of gaining true economic and
political freedom from the oppressors of the state and calling for an independent Riau. While
the piece was utopian, it propelled the PRD and its local offspring onto the path of violent
resistance.
We can compare the socialist fundamentalists with the religious fundamentalists and the
cognitive radicalization argument
13
that states, that the organic reactivity to existential threat
of religious fundamentalism is a form of cognitive radicalization. Replacing religion with
socialism, the emergence of an identical cognitive radicalization that shapes the Riau socialist
groups is present.
Recent academic studies recognize cognitive radicalization as the process through which an
individual adopts ideas that are severely at odds with those of the mainstream, refutes the
legitimacy of the existing social order, and seeks to replace it with a new structure based on a
completely different belief system. Again, all components of this self-radicalization process
are present, including dualism
14
, paranoia in the group context, and millennialism
15
. The PRD

11
http://links.org.au/node/88;
12
http://www.breakingperceptions.com/political-ideologies-socialism-distinguish-between-fundamentalist-
socialism-and-revisionist-socialism/; 26 March 2010; Fundamental socialism rejects capitalism and seeks to
abolish and replace it with a form of communism. Both revolutionary socialists and evolutionary socialists can
seek fundamentalist socialism. Marxists use revolution to overthrow capitalism and replace it with a new
system. This system would involve a classless society in which there is common ownership rather than private
property and total social equality to have a substantial equality of outcome.
13
Subject presentation 2011
14
http://www.aw-bc.com/info/todaro_smith/Chapter4.pdf; The postWorld War II literature on economic
development has been dominated by four major and sometimes competing strands of thought: (1) the linear-
stages-of-growth model, (2) theories and patterns of structural change, (3) the international-dependence
revolution, and (4) the neoclassical, free-market counterrevolution. In recent years, an eclectic approach has
emerged that draws on all of these classic theories.
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
6

in Riau under the leadership of Muhammad Riduan and Bambang Aswandi qualify as having
adopted these fundamentalist views.
I. THE SURFACE
Publically confused with claims by militant non-government actors, the violent acts are part
of restless communities desiring justice. The appearance of communal violence so common
in Indonesia receives little or no attention. Most attention is created by non-governmental
organizations that pursue an NGO agenda with little or no in-depth study of the root causes or
by political pundits focusing on the militancy of the religious groups and actors.
Claims by the NGO community and the media are quick and center on blaming companies,
long standing historical grievances by communities, or corruption by state officials in
pursuit of their ideological goals. Claims such as the human-tiger conflict, inadequacy of the
political and legal framework to secure land tenures, and sustainable environmental
stewardship resulting in great social conflicts are appearing on the surface without an
understanding of the deep political influencing forces that go beyond the environmental
argument. We found little evidence to support the theory that violent actions associated with
communal violence in Riau are a true reflection of genuine community grievances, rather
they carry more often the signs of deliberate, politically-motivated agitation intertwined with
myriad contributing factors such as fundamental socialism that trigger communal conflict.
II. THE REVIVAL OF THE COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST CAUSE
The renaissance of the communist/socialist cause and the emergence of the PRD/STR as a
militant force in Riau are not solitary events. Rather, a broader, national context of the
revival of the communist struggle with the PRD seeking a new purpose has existed for some
time. Although viewed as politically insignificant in the context of mainstream politics the
two groups move in a parallel and violent trajectory. Both groups attract the larger factions
of the disenfranchised leftists that are emerging in the political landscape in Riau and other
parts of Indonesia.
The attraction of toiling with Lenin, Marx, and the global Left is comparable to the extreme
jihadist splinter groups that attract the disenfranchised to their cause. Politically we place the
Riau-based groups into the fundamentalist socialist milieu with the aim of replacing the
current democratically elected system with some form of communist regime.
Historically, the concept of communism has not been well understood and has been largely
forgotten by Asian society. This is because the political educational process has completely
eradicated communism from the mainstream educational program. However, since Asia is
enjoying a high level of IT penetration, new technology platforms and social media are
accelerating the spread of traditional fundamental socialism ideologies, thereby indoctrinating

15
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Millennialism; Millennial social movements are a specific form of
Millenarianism that are based on some concept of a one thousand year cycle. Sometimes the two terms are
used as synonyms, but this is not entirely accurate for a purist. Millennial social movements need not be
religious, but they must have a vision of an apocalypse that can be utopian or dystopian.
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
7

large numbers of fresh converts from the ranks of the already disenfranchised. The new
attraction to the Left can be compared to the early stages of the development cycle of
jihadists. Due to the political taboo associated with it, the subject of communism does not
receive any attention by academia, policy officials, or the security apparatus to address the
growing movement and address the historical baggage of Indonesian society.
While the jihadist movements lifecycle is in a downward spiral/holding pattern as a result of
effective counter terror efforts in the national, regional, and global context of Indonesia, the
leftist militant factions are in the early development stages of their violent lifecycle. The
Indonesian Left remerged in the national and local arena with the belief that the struggle for
liberation from the oppressors is still not completed and today is a continuation of a
nationwide struggle that was halted in 1965.
Driven by an association of nationalistic, populist politics pursued by GERINDA, the
coalition partner of PDI-P of the former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, the nationalistic
Right of retired General Prawobo is now bedfellows of the political Left. Reformed after the
last electoral meltdown in which they lost all parliamentarian seats, the PRD maintains a
loose coalition with the Justice Party/Partai Kedilan (PK)
16
. In 2005, the PRD split into the
Peoples Liberation Party (PLP) following a moderate path under the Golkar leadership of
former Vice-President Yusuf Kalla. The PRD faction joining the GERINDA/PDI-P fray
distinctively adopted a fundamentalist position on the outer Left of the neo-socialist spectrum.
Its ideology, doctrine, and approaches are located in the fundamental socialist spectrum of the
Marxist movement. Since 2005 the Riau splinter, although part of the national structure, has
mutated into a mirror image of other localized splinter factions that pursue militant actions
appearing in other provinces of Indonesia.
But the PRD in Riau is not merely another homegrown extremist group.
Indirect affiliation, contact, and constant interaction with the global digital socialist world
make the PRD part of the global village. Evidence for this broader effort in the Indonesian
context can be found in the public statements made by the militant Left in Australia
17

suggesting that the violent demonstrations in Batam, Sulawesi, and Kalimantan are part of
this national agenda of the leftist coalition
18
. The PRD, according to its own estimates, has
mustered in Riau some 20,000 voters and is targeting 150,000 more to enter the upcoming
governor election in Riau. Nationwide the PRD mobilizes in all of the 26 provinces with the
ultimate goal of entering mainstream politics in 2019. Since politics are a numbers game the
PRD is aiming to increase its estimated size of 675,000 followers throughout Indonesia to
roughly 4.1 million party members. The current size of the PRD is now close to the size of
the PKI in 1965, which shows that the past carries the attraction of the future.

16
Was reconstituted as Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in April 2002
17
http://directaction.org.au/tens_of_thousands_rally_across_indonesia_for_may_day; 11 June 2012
18
http://directaction.org.au/issue37/indonesia_strikes_and_protests_as_discontent_rises; The November
2011 demonstration in Batam were an organized protest by KSPPSI (the Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh
Indonesia), FSPMSI (Federasi Serikat Pekerja Metal Seluruh Indonesia) and KSBSI (Konfederasi Serikat Buruh
Seluruh Indonesia).
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
8

But within the PRD and in Riau in general the socio-political setting of subversive-motivated
militant/extremist cells has formed and operates with impunity to pursue violence and
militancy as part of the struggle for recognition. Adding to the complexities of the PRD/STR
in Riau is the targeting of businesses. This may appear to be motivated by socio-economic
reasons on the surface, but the subversive nature and true political motivation of the
PRD/STR in Riau, quickly dismissed by the uninformed observer since the PRD/STR actors
are cooperating with a foreign environmental agenda, is misleading. Packaging the violence
as a vertical conflict against the state, industry is referred to in PRD lingua Franca as the
oppressors. Therefore, the targeting of industry is straight out the Trotskyist 1932
19

playbook, which preached targeting the bourgeoisie owners of industry.
We viewed the groups evolutionary development based on common drivers of subversive
movements that require knowledge, intent, and resources. In our view all three of these
elements are in the well-advanced stages. To argue our point further, the group qualifies as
non-state actors that are demanding greater attention and getting it
20
. Quiggin writes, Non-
state actors can cause events to happen which significantly alter the policies of states.
Quiggin states further, aggressive environmental groups such as Greenpeace have focused
attention on, and have been responsible for state law changes or modifications. Political
scientists and sociologists have noted the changes since the 1980s many non-state actors use
the issue of local identity as a common connecting thread resulting frequently in distancing
themselves from their state identity and choosing to identify with non-state groups instead
(Quiggin 2007).
The PRD/STR is a hybrid. While the groups in Riau associate themselves with non-state
actors, i.e. the militant environmental movements like Friends of the Earth/WALHI they also
reach out to the militant Islamic groups like, PKS
21
, HTI, HMI-MPO, KAMMI, while giving
their primary loyalty and obedience to the political ideology of the reminiscent leftovers of
the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) rekindled in the PRD pursuit of 33 UUD 1945 (Law No.
33). We could argue that therefore the cause is political however we see this motive only as a
reason to pursue a militant ideology pursued by the radicalized actors.
At the same time they embrace foreign ideologies such as the U.K.-based Forest Peoples
Program, which promotes aggressively the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) that
results in individuals (and groups) distancing themselves from the state and questioning the
concept of laws and local regulations while claiming cultural discrimination. This complexity
of irrelevance, local politics, and zealous pursuit of a Marxist/Leninist doctrine converging
with a global environmental agenda provides the ideal conditions for the subversive nature of
the group to flourish.

19
http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/tp/index.htm; The transitional program (1938); The turn is
now to the proletariat, i.e., chiefly to its revolutionary vanguard.
20
Thomas Quiggin, Seeing the Invisible, National Security Intelligence in an Uncertain Age
21
PRD leadership in Riau stated on 26 May 2012 interview to attract PKS voter support for upcoming governor
race.
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
9

The evolution of the militants from political activists to militant actors executing direct
actions has materialized but is not yet complete. The metamorphosis continues since no
counter by the state, authorities, or the public exists. The vacuum of a rejectionist position by
society allows the actors to feel empowered and justified. The development is not unlike any
other militant movement, hence the (hard) lessons learned from countering the jihadists apply
to these militants as well. Viewed in the context of intent, knowledge, and resources we
assess the PRD/STR splinters as displaying the following components characteristic of the
trademark of a militant, fundamental socialist group:
II.1 POLITICAL LEADERSHIP
In Riau at the village level the PRD has formed Leadership Committees (KPDe) and an
informal cadre of community members that are regularly indoctrinated by political education.
Structures such as the Peoples Academy (Akademi Rakyat) are replications of Islamic
Pesantren to recruit the young. More studies are needed to address the ideological education
of the PRD educational structures. The PRD at the national level consists of a Central
Committee with equal representatives in the provinces. In Riau Bambang Aswandi, a zealous
young activist is the current General Secretary of the Marxist PRD. The structure transcends
to the provincial level but is aligned in traditional communist structures rather than
democratically elected formats.
The function of the public, visual, leader is a distinctive feature of the neo-
communist/fundamental socialist structure. He is represented by Muhammad Riduan
22
. The
exact relationship between the provincial and national leadership and its command and
control is not entirely clear and will require additional research; however, evidence exists that
some of the major actions involve central committee approval. Local actions in Riau fall
somewhat into the strategic objectives of the PRD
23
when as recently as of 24 June 2012 the
chairman of the PRD stated, the PRD will continue to move, either using the methods of
parliamentary and extra-parliamentary movement to restore Pancasila as the state
philosophy and restore the 1945 Constitution as the basis for the nation. "We call on all
components of upholding the sovereignty of the nation unite and drive out the evil forces in
our country. The extra-parliamentary movement can be translated into direct action to
achieve a fundamental socialist regime change.
The PRD is a learning organization and compares past leadership models with concurrent
political groups such as the PKS. In Lenin versus PKS the PRD activists state, the PKS
apparently perceives Lenin's treatise. They adapt to the Earth Indonesia. Ordinary of course.
Another difference is the soil water content. Order and the ruthless soldiers, forcing the rebel

22
Former member of PKS, HTI and Friends of the Earth joining the PRD after he found that Walhi/FOEI was
not action direct enough. The activist was detained for six months for violent demonstrations.
23
http://www.gatra.com/nasional-cp/1-nasional/14606-prd-amandemen-uud-45-picu-berbagai-persoalan-
bangsa; 24 June 2012
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
10

organizations [went] underground. PKS embryos, [like the] Tarbiyah
24
group, gather the
masses through halaqah (discussion groups), as well as clandestine moves.
25

II.2 SUBVERSIVE LANGUAGE INSTILLING VIOLENCE
The political language used by the group includes both militant calls for action that reflect
traditional socialist, communist militant language as well as symbolic affiliation with jihadist
causes. The use of symbolic affiliation with the cause, such as Marx, Lenin, the Red Army,
the crushing of U.S. imperialistic forces, references to the PKI, and communist causes are
widely in use.
The use of the Internet and social sites, particularly Facebook, are highways to disseminate
and indoctrinate the increasingly media savvy Indonesians and disseminate the neo-socialist
ideology. The message is simple, comprehensible, and provides the insulated individual a
sense of global belonging. Although we found in our research a heavy concentration of young,
middle class Indonesians who associate themselves with the socialist ideology, the average
elder middle class person is equally present in the social domain participating in the social
space debating, contributing, disseminating, and participating in the lively socialist debate.
Association with the cause is often executed symbolically, like the use of a jihadist flag and
the communist symbols. Indoctrinated language and socialist political ideology of
fundamentalism are widespread and ongoing. Recent publications compare Lenin with the
PKS
26
and lessons for the organization (PRD) to learn such as, only the light [is a] guide on
building a political organization that is not an amateur. Because the situation cannot breathe
freely, then the organization must be strict with discipline. The goal is that the ruler is not
easy to hit. There are cells that interlock. The PRD stated further, Tarbiyah is not open, but
moved like an octopus, [it] masters the campus [and] institutions, make the mosque as a
place of consolidation.They do not merely speak of heaven, hell, but also political speech
criticizing the New Order. Note Greg Fealy, et al, in a book Zealous Democrats: Islamism
and Democracy are Egypt, Indonesia and Turky, showed at the end of the 1990s there were
about 10-15 percent of students who are part of the Tarbiyah. Not surprising when Soeharto
giddy, [the] Tarbiyah group was ready. Not wanting to take a stand like the Mensheviks who
unwilling to take part in the revolution of 1905, and once again follow Lenin, the group then
formed KAMMI Tarbiyah (Indonesian Muslim Student Action Union). The example shows
that the PRD is a learning organization that builds relationships and understands the
significance of structural development of an organization.

24
The Muslim American Society translates Tarbiyah as education and growth according to Islamic standards;
http://www.mascalifornia.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=116&Itemid=185;
25
http://indoprogress.com/2012/05/13/pks-dan-
lenin/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+indoprogress-
feed+%28IndoPROGRESS%29&utm_content=Yahoo%21+Mail; 9 May 2012
26
http://indoprogress.com/2012/05/13/pks-dan-
lenin/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+indoprogress-
feed+%28IndoPROGRESS%29&utm_content=Yahoo%21+Mail; 13 May 2012
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
11

The second type of communication is addressed directly to the followers of the groups. In
most of the communications by key leaders like Muhammad Riduan the use of death, fight to
the death, fight peoples oppressors, anti-colonialism, and similar language is well
documented in the public domain. As recently as 4 May 2012 in a businessindonesia.com
interview the link to children will continue the fight as long as they can raise a machete,
was just one of many examples of the subversive language that promotes, hate, violence, and
promotes the fascination with death. On 24 June 2012 the leaders of PRD/STR called for an
act of collective suicide, titled grilling, by volunteers
27
. The action was coordinated by
Bambang Aswandi, Rinaldi S. Sati, and Muhammad Riduan. The call for action reflected a
nihilist narrative in pursuit of a fundamentalist socialist ideology that is similar in narrow
interpretation to Marxist/Leninism like the jihadist doctrine. It believes that all democratic
systems have failed, the system of governance is betraying the people, and armed and violent
resistance to replace democracy with some form of communism is the only solution.
II.3 ACTION AND USE OF VIOLENCE
The application of direct action (blockade, arson, etc.) and the agitation of political violence
is a constant factor in Riau. Most of the acts of communal violence that include a presence of
the LMND, FNPBI, STN, SRMI or PRD are coordinated provincial and regional efforts to
destabilize the local communities
28
. In Riau the line between social and environmental
campaigns and political agitation is blurred by the interconnectivity of the actor node and
networks that pursue different agendas but are interacting through a cauldron of political,
social and environmental groups and affiliation. The network is not linear but rather amorphic
and continuously evolving.
Reviewed from a more critical perspective the coordinated actions by Jikalahari (a
coordination body funded by Friends of the Earth, SIEMENPUU of Finland, WWF from
Switzerland, the Rainforest Action Network, and Greenpeace) and the linkage to the PRD
and individual actors such as Bambang Aswandi, the Head of the PRD in Riau, as well as the
classmates Usman Hariansyah, the Executive Director of Friends of the Earth Riau and
Muhammad Riduan, ex-officio PRD and now chairman of the STR are a constant factor that
blurs the distinction and raises the question if the actual impetus of the militancy is a result of
the dangerous mix of the militant Left using the environmental cause to gain credibility or the
environmental Left using the militants to deceive the public by claiming the fundamental
militants are part of a social issue and industry is to blame.
In either instance the environmental movement and the political Left are pursuing a
dangerous game of chicken that counts on the government backing down and in which the
Left counts on violence shocking the public and the political leaders into submission. So far
the gamble has paid off, but the propensity for failure is high leaving the militants with very

27
http://mimbarriau.com/2012-06/air-mata-tumpah-di-merbau-10-relawan-bakar-diri-dilepas-warga/; 25
June 2012
28
http://www.riaulive.com/masyarakat-pulau-padang-lebih-baik-mati-berjuang-daripada-mati-ditindas/; 4 July
2012
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
12

little alternatives but to further accelerate violent means that drift the group closer to the
domestic terror spectrum of political non-state actors.
The single violent act that defines and separates criminal actions from domestic terrorism has
been committed. We found that both action (homicide on 13 July 2011) and doctrinal pursuit
of fundamental socialism is present that defines the PRD in Riau. With the death of an
innocent employee the threshold from non-violence becoming a violent movement was
reached. We found that the use of violence was deliberately designed to terrorize the state
into submission
29
. The doctrine transcends throughout the communications, statements, and
publications circulated by the leadership of the PRD in Riau.
The killing of the contractor on 13 July 2011 in a remote location in Pulau Padang was a
premeditated act. Actors were mobilized to conduct arson in Pulau Rupat and Pulau Padang.
Other questionable fires occurred in Kampar that were associated with the company the
splinter was targeting. The formation of a 10-man suicide commando team to set themselves
alight in front of the presidential palace in Jakarta is only a manifestation of the ongoing self-
radicalization of the group as a whole
30
.
The use of arson as a tool to express the resistance of the people against the neo-liberal,
oppressive government is the preferred method of resistance since the local security
institutions are incapable of comprehending the link between leftist politically motivated
violence and arson is a tool of resistance.
II.4 GROWTH
The PRD in Riau has grown in numbers and group affiliation. Currently the PRD is able to
muster approximately 20,000 members of various factions. The exact breakdown of LMND,
STR, SRMI, and other factions will require some more detailed research, but the PRD is able
to draw from a large pool of self-radicalized, disenfranchised youth and students with a
natural tendency to embrace willingly a militant, new, and appealing ideology that in fact has
its roots in Indonesia, is permissible by law, and appeals to the poor and under-privileged.
For 2014 the target is to achieve 150,000 members in Riau alone. In interviews the PRD
leadership in Riau has stated that a coalition with PKS or groups like the fundamentalist
Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is being sought to bolster the voting ranks. This may not be
viewed with equal euphoria by these organizations but discussions and joint actions with
Islamic splinter groups such as KAMMI and HMI-MPO are a regular event as a matter of
common support for each others cause. The GERINDA affiliation remains firm. Within the
district growth we have seen the PRD/STR growing from obscurity to four (4) districts in
Riau. We have also seen expansion in the South and North of Pekanbaru, such as Dumai,

29
Interview with Jikalahari media/campaign manager Made Ali who stated that the use of suggestive violence
is part of the strategy to mobilize the public with a type of shock and awe strategy of to stimulate political
change.
30
http://riauterkini.com/hukum.php?arr=48668; 3 July 2012
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
13

Rumbai targeting the communities surrounding the oil fields and in the south aligning the
communities in the Pulau Muda and Teluk Meranti district.
II.5 LOGISTICS
The logistics are less monetarily demanding compared to traditional terrorist organizations
since the main weapon is arson, demonstrations, and violent brawls. Funding of the groups
comes from a variety of financial sources, is usually unaccounted for, and is not publically
transparent. Collection from communities to pay a peoples tax were reported and up to
10,000 IDR per head has been collected. Anecdotal evidence suggests political funding as
well, as wealthy individuals have contributed to the funding of the groups up to 25 million
IDR (an estimated 3,000 USD).
We must now differentiate between the two main antagonistic factions within the militants.
First, the PRD Direct Action Teams (DATs) and the secondly, the more common mass
demonstrations.
The DATs often operate within the context of a larger demonstration, although in Riau
particularly in the Kampar, Meranti, Pelalawan area we have seen the single-arson type of
attack being the predominant method. The arson attacks have evolved from demonstrative
throwing of Molotov-cocktail types of design to a deliberate targeting with the objective of
completely rendering the target inoperable and inflicting complete destruction. An increase in
sophistication from partial destruction to total destruction was observed, thereby indicating
that the organization is a learning organization. But the funding for these actions is relatively
small and handled within the financial capabilities of the commune.
Anecdotal evidence shows that the PRD uses various activists to teach, recruit, and agitate
arson as a preferred method of resistance. Activists travelling from Jakarta to lecture
resistance were associated with subsequent acts of demonstrations in the communities that
targeted primarily government buildings such as district offices of agricultural or forestry
officials. Threats and intimidation by the community, cleverly concealed on the surface and
mistaken as community disputes, are results of misguided agitation and community
empowerment policies. The funding for these activists is coming from central funds of the
national PRD coffers.
II.6 RECRUITMENT & AGITATION
Recruitment is ongoing and continuous. The recruitment focus includes student groups and
student activist groups managed by a small cadre of activists embedded in University Riau
(UR) and University Islam Riau (UIR), farmers, the poor, and homeless children. The
recruitment usually takes place through organizations such as student journalist groups or
student advocacy groups. The recruit will first be exposed to the ideological debate that
follows on with indoctrination. Activists reviewed showed a pre-conditioned experience in
other groups ranging from the Islamic group to NGOs and often switch over due to
school/classmates and the desire to be more action oriented. Since the appearance of Bahana
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
14

Mahsiswa
31 32
with the student magazine being managed by a PRD activist the Riau
University (UNRI) saw an increase in violent action on the campus that resulted in recent
damage of university property.
Whereas mass demonstrations consists of a wide array of groups, affiliations, and thematic
actions of social and environmental causes, the PRD activists regularly submerge themselves
in demonstrations to give their cause political credibility and stay within the mainstream of
their 33 UUD 1945 message. But the message remains part of the national and global
Marxist doctrine
33
. Demonstrations frequently target government and private companies and
follow the theme of the overarching campaign of, for example, a civil society or
environmental group.
The recruitment into the PRD is a loose network of schoolmates, personal relationships, and
next of kin. However, the inner circle of the group is a tight knit unit of activists known to
each other for decades. Like any other militant group the group cohesion is built on the trust
of the collective. A firm indoctrinated belief in the Marxist/Leninist-socialist ideology is
playing the part of the recruitment into the organization often attracted via next of kin or
classmates.
But compared to the jihadist model the PRD is not a purist organization. It embraces the
Islamic fringe, Muslim ultra-conservatives, the poor, students, middle class, farmers, and is
part of the national agenda as long as the PDI-P is the coalition partner of GERINDA. The
ideological goal of seizing power, as utopian and far-fetched as this may sound, is the
common denominator. In the context of Indonesia, the fundamentalist socialist agenda does
in fact embrace religious groups as part of the process to capture power. This is distinctively
different from the purist jihadist perspective which sees the l leftist only as a distant fringe in
order to support the jihadist groups in an auxiliary function or due to the actors have prior
knowledge or are kin
34
.
The common denominator in both DAT and mass demonstrations is the use of violence and
the desire to inflict injury or death. Since the 25 December 2011
35
clashes in Bima, NTB, the
phrase Bimakan is part the activists lingua Franca. In early December 2011 a more violent
scenario played out in Mesuji
36
, Lampung that resulted in beheadings and shocked the nation.
Although the outcome was quickly blamed on company disputes, the evidence of the
superficial assessments and a structured process of constructive agitation of the communities
by leftist, anti-development ideologies appeared in the public domain in the post-incident
scenario as calls for agrarian reforms.

31
http://bahanamahasiswa.com/
32
http://suarariau.com/pekanbaru/55-riau/3507-kronologis-kerusuhan-kongres-mahasiswa-universitas-riau;
15 June 2012
33
http://www.marxist.com/; and http://www.marxist.com/website-of-marxists-in-pakistan-a-success.htm;
34
Interview the research specialist in Singapore 12 January 2012
35
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/mining-energy/deaths-escalate-protest-against-aussie-mine-
company/story-e6frg9df-1226231647007; 28 December 2011; the demonstration includes
36
http://www.sumbarpost.com/berita-469-misteri-dibalik-tragedi-mesuji-lampung-yang-memakan-korban-
jiwa.html; 18 December 2011
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
15

The logistics required is often not more than SMS messages from activists that encourage
local communities to rise against the perceived injustices done by corrupt officials or
managers of companies. The provision of a few plastic bottles of gasoline is widely available,
so are weapons of common agricultural use.
The use of firearms is also a distinctive element in the fundamentalist belief to bear arms to
defend the homeland against foreign oppressors and neo-colonialist forces. The Direct
Action Teams use converted high pressurized air rifles that shoot black-powder charges made
out of home-made metal bolts. The Riau based PRD Direct Action cell has access to home-
made weapons that are able to apply deadly force. We believe at least two such weapons
were used in the pre-meditated killing of a 30-year old father of a small child working as a
contractor in Pulau Padang in 2011.
Arson is becoming more sophisticated. Molotov cocktails are usually prepared in advance,
and target location and security is assessed prior to the action. In all six arson cases in 2011
an evolutionary pattern can be seen ranging from uncontrolled throws of Molotov cocktails to
more sophisticated targeting of the engine compartment and fuel cells designed to
permanently disable the targeted equipment.
We estimate the operational budget locally ranging from a few hundred USD dollars (in
Indonesian currency) to a maximum of 2,500 USD or less. National demonstrations are
usually calculated between 50,000 150,000 IDR per day.
II.7 POLITICAL EDUCATION & BUILDING THE CADRE
The educational structure of building an educational system that supports the future of the
PRD is being created. Akademi Raykat (AKAR) represents this structure. The school is
designed to attract the young, the poor, and the disenfranchised to provide an educational
avenue as early as pre-school. This is a similar evolutionary process as the jihadist movement
underwent.
Building up the youth and future young cadre plays an important role in the development of
the fundamentalist socialist structure. The recruitment of the young provides a long term view
on building the group for the 2019 general elections, but at the same time identifies future
leaders that are able to rise through the ranks or if required be selected for Direct Action
Teams (DATs). More research on the educational structure, teachings, and strategic
orientation of the teachings should be undertaken.
II.8 THE PRD NETWORK IN RIAU
The PRD in Riau is affiliated with a consortium of leftist groups. These include the student
movement, labor union FNBPI, an ideological central committee JAKER, the State Farmers
Union STN, the LMND (The Democratic Student League), the STR (State Farmers Union-
Riau part of the National State Farmers Union), and the media arm
www.bikarionline.com,and in Riau Bahana Mahsiswa.
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
16

The group was initially formed by Rinaldi S. Sati, who is today the special advisor to Mrs.
Intsiawati Ayus member of the Riau DPA in Jakarta. She has supported the political
militancy of the groups in Riau throughout her political career. The militants leadership
includes, Bambang Aswandi, Head of the PRD in Riau; his girlfriend Dessry Kurniawati;
Muhammad Riduan, now head of the State Farmers Union-Riau (STR) part of the National
Farmers Union (STN); Sutarno; Yahya, Muhammad Riduans brother; and Usman
Hariansyah, the Executive Director of Friends of the Earth/Walhi as long-time friend of the
PRD leadership. Others include the spouse of Muhammad Riduan participating in the
mobilization of woman in the community; Loevina, and Made Ali of the PRD media team
but now embedded in Jikalahari; Bahana Mahsiswa (a university media outlet); and Aang
Ananda Suherman officially operating in the Riau Corruption Trial (RCT). Positioned as a
civil society group the actors are, however, representing Marxist fundamentalism doctrine.
This is some of the core of the PRD/STR in Riau that openly agitate, mobilize, plan, and plot
violent actions.
The Direct Action Teams are drawn from the agitated farmers and individuals in the
communities, namely the villages of Lukit, Bagan Melibur, and Mengkirau. Direct Action
Activists (DAAs) are joining actions upon being called on by the leadership of the PRD/STR
structure. In the past, coordinated actions from the National Farmers Union were supported
by Greenpeace, WALHI/FOEI, JMGR, Telapak/EIA, the River Defender Team, Kabut Riau,
and others under the guise of environmental, anti-corruption, and other civil society issues.
But the ideologically repackaged Marxist/Leninist doctrine of the PRD/STR under the title
socialism enjoys foreign support. Influences from South America, the Australian Left, and
from within the Islamic militancy are ever present. Muhammad Riduan was a follower of
PKS and HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) before joining Walhi/FOEI and switching over to a
more direct action oriented group, the PRD. Its millennium cognition can be summarized as
our cause is sacred, theirs is evil. We are righteous; they are wicked. We are innocent, they
are guilty. We are the victims, they are the victimizers. (A. Beck)
37
. The transcendence of
this mindset is ever present within the groups behavior and demands since it includes
collectivism (us vs. them), power distance (inspire to follow Chavez, Marx, etc.) and
uncertainty avoidance (the extent of a member of a culture to feel threatened by ambiguous or
unknown situations). The latter tends to promote xenophobia and intolerance and represents
fundamentalist outlooks.




37
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aaron_T._Beck; He is widely regarded as the father of cognitive therapy, and
his pioneering theories are widely used in the treatment of clinical depression. Beck also developed self-report
measures of depression and anxiety including Beck Depression Inventory (BDI), Beck Hopelessness Scale, Beck
Scale for Suicidal Ideation (BSS), Beck Anxiety Inventory (BAI), and Beck Youth Inventories. He is the President
Emeritus of the Beck Institute for Cognitive Behavior Therapy

and the Honorary President of the Academy of
Cognitive Therapy, which certifies qualified cognitive therapists.
Andreas Wimmer, MSc., Fundamentalism Socialism in Riau, Indonesia. Deutsche Asienstiftung 2012,
Volume 2, Issue 3
17

III. CONCLUSIONS
We conclude that the militant Riau-based faction of the PRD/STR is, despite its basic rhetoric,
a fundamentalist group. Their messages contain continuous references to socialist,
communist/Marxist doctrinal beliefs, mixed with a dosage of nationalism and religious
fundamentalism, as well as populist current themes that appear on the surface to be
environmental or localized social issues.
But when stripped away the actors of the PRD/STR in Riau are a self-radicalized, home-
grown domestic militant group. It has pursued and as of 1 July 2012 continues to promote a
climate conducive to violent action that has included arson, homicide, and now public ritual
suicide. Muhammad Riduan has emerged as a fundamentalist socialist cult leader who is
compliant with the groups doctrine, suppresses dissent (traitors of the people), and
devaluates others. His and the groups prejudices qualify for a cognitively radicalized wider
culture causing a mutation to violence. Living on the insulated enclave of Pulau Padang has
contributed to the real world violence that is unlikely to cease.