Status Ambiguity and Spirit Possession Author(s): Peter J. Wilson Reviewed work(s): Source: Man, New Series, Vol.

2, No. 3 (Sep., 1967), pp. 366-378 Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2798726 . Accessed: 12/06/2012 12:16
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STATUS

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PETER J. WILSON
Bennington College, Vermont

an Memorial Lecture, In hisrecent Malinowski I. M. Lewis(I966) recommends to prevailing of spirit possession, analogous epidemiological approach to thestudy in thestudy Lewis reviews Followinghisown suggestion, methods of witchcraft. of societies, asking specifically the 'questionof what variousdatafroma number and figure most succumb to spirit possession categories of person mostfrequently leadsto a numprominently in possession cults'(LewisI966: 309). Thisprocedure into focusthe ber of insights and the authorends his exposition by bringing The major religionand social therapy. relationship betweenspiritpossession, to possession is thatthephenomenon, and hypothesis arising out of thisapproach menandwomen itsalliedsymptoms, to theinnate conflict between maybe traced This in certaintypesof societywhere men monopolisethe social structure. and deprivation of women who, in social monopolyimpliesthe subordination andperipherality, as peripheral. it is implied, Deprivation terms, maybe described in spirit menand womenwhichcomesto be expressed generate hostility between is no formally sanctioned meansofexpression. Spirit possession possession, as there thesexes'(I966: 3I5-I6). is therefore partof the'war between malesand and topicalas this argument mayseemto thebeleaguered Attractive females is nota beguiling whether this verytopicality ofourown society, I wonder For the veryethnographical evidence temptation leadingto a falsehypothesis. citedby Lewis in support seemsto suggest another explanation of his argument to I submit, thefacts moreclosely. As thisis thecase it is appropriate fits which, the thesameexamples citedbyLewisandto retain present mypointofview using terms framework.' of his analytical stated. states seemmore Spirit possession and similar My 'thesis'can be briefly whichregularly, withsocialsituations thoughnot necessarily, closelycorrelated or jealousybetweenmembers tension, rivalry give riseto conflict, competition, thanbetween members of opposite of thesame sex rather sexes.Sinceit has been womenare pre-eminently to possessubject frequently pointedout thatmarried situation sion(LewisI966; HarrisI957; Messingi958) thespecific socio-structural womenin 'male dominated is thatof married societies' of mostinterest (theterm is thatusedby Lewis). cults have declined It is also pointed out by Lewisthat possession and possession and thattheirtherapeutic by in our own society function has been pre-empted of psychotherapy. variousforms However, the sex war stillexistsin our own to render the a fact whichtends Lewis'sreasoning I shallarguethat suspect. society, as sociallyacceptedphenomenaare mutually 'sex war and spiritpossession else But ifthisis so, thenspirit exclusive. to something possession mustbe related in thosesocieties else. something whereit is found.I shallsuggest
* * * *

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isillustrated maledominated societies The deprivation ofwomenin traditionally Writing of theSomali,of whom from a number of societies. by examples chosen he has had first women are ' merely Lewis notesthatin religion handexperience, as weaksubmissive women are regarded passive agents'and that'more generally character nomadic life, and thearduous nature oftheir creatures, despite theexacting placedin the of their they'are disadvantageously herding tasks. . .' and moreover of those the deprivation CitingColson'swork among theTonga he describes and ruralwomen 'who have remained by the town delights at homefascinated demysteries fromwhich theyhave been excluded' (I966: 320). Otherwriters Messing, societies; of womenin male dominated scribe, in similar vein,theplight forexample,speaksof 'married in a man'sworldin women [who]feelneglected whichtheyserve of water' (I958: I120). of wood and haulers as hewers I have italicised cannotbe considered wordswhich,to my way of thinking, unwittingly as he perhaps thevaluesofthefieldworker objective butrather intrude Certainly Somaliwomenappear ofhisown culture. judgesothers by thestandards whether to be deprived or downtrodden, butI seriously question by ourstandards In a 'male dominated' situation. so regard their Somali,be theymale or female, to itsmemis suchcomparison between therolesof thesexesconceivable society bers?Deprivationsurelyimplieswithholding thatwhich is due, but in what is it everregarded as a woman'sdue thatshe society traditionally male dominated in is a contradiction be granted accessto theman'sdomain?The veryproposition terms. of 'culture'to whatever maybe one's opinionof thecontribution Further, I think ithasbeenwell established socialroles theformation that oftheindividual, and statuses come to be periodand thereafter are learned duringthesocialisation Most ethnography indicates thatgirlslearntheirsocial roles takenforgranted. and boyslearnto participate in theexclusive worldof men. fromotherfemales, of of thesexes, Thus thesocialseparation withrespect to thedivision particularly a feature thebeginning of an individual's lifeand remains from labour,is learned In other menand womenacceptmostresistant to change. words, boysand girls, and prein fact rights no different-the of theroles, statuses, separation they know If such is the case, rivalry, competition, rogatives of the sexesin theirsociety. andperipherality on thepartofwomenas opposed hostility, feelings ofdeprivation of possibilities. It isjust thisthat is implied to menwould seemonlytheremotest

appropriate' (I966:

in spirit possession womenrather thanmenareprominent Lewisnotesthat and This dominant roleofwomenhasbeenviewedby other cults basedon possession. fortheir [women's]exclusion as 'compensation observers and commentators and further than spheres' (LewisI966: 3IO). Lewisgeneralises lackofauthority in other thatwomen 'exertmystical spirit possession thisby specifying thatit is through and of deprivation [i.e., men] in circumstances pressures upon theirsuperiors to them'(I966: 3I8). Thoughhe sanctions areavailable frustration whenfewother cultsarisein impliesthatpossession does not claim it as a fact,Lewis certainly insuchsocieties women societies' (I966: 32I) andthat 'traditionally maledominated inferior and are jurally are excludedfromsocial and politicallife,are ritually in suchsocieties 'if womenare not to men.Furthermore deprived in comparison are become so when the circumstances alwayssuffragettes thentheycan readily
319).

ofproperty' (I966: inheritance ofallforms

3II).

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of ascribed statuses in terms and roles, of socialstructure namely in thedescription thatthe separation of the sexesin their likelihood thereis an insignificant thatthesamepoint Makingsomewhat within. from willeverbe modified rolecapacity writes:'Primitive Evans-Pritchard women do not see in general, and speaking theclassof men withwhom they classas against as an underprivileged themselves do notwantto be likemen' (I965: 52). ... andalsothey seekto gainsocialequality they canhardly Unlessmenandwomenhaveaccessto thesamegoalsand rewards witheach other.But when the socialcontext be said to come into competition exists. opento bothmenand women,thencompetition goalsor rewards provides theemancipation that ofwomen,a gradual itisnotable ourown society Examining forthesame thatmen and women could openlycompete meantsimply process, theend of the begantowards in ourown society Thisemancipation socialrewards. of men,and it has now reachedits present on the initiative century nineteenth with the towardsequality.But, as Lewis notes,thistimingcoincides tendency psychology withtheriseof modern closely declineof possession cultsand 'fairly onlywhenmenandwomen (LewisI966: 325). Yet itis surely andpsychoanalysis' that forthesamesocialrewards witheachother can compete they mayadmitthat of possession thesexes'.Hence thedecline there can be saidto be a 'war between of the 'sex war' and one is led to questionthe coincideswith the declaration with correlated in any societyis functionally assertion that spiritpossession thesexes. between competition and spirit possession shamanism, byLewisthat I accept advanced theproposition persons who between tensions recurring in someway to regularly cults arerelated Thus,although positions. constant ofas beingplacedin structurally maybe thought maybe psychological withwhichitis associated, ofillness andtheforms possession, is thatit is also a viewpoint in nature, factfortheanthropological theimportant and thishelpsto and ritualised) (i.e. it is public,sanctioned social phenomenon of socioout of therelationship arising thatwe shouldlook fortensions confirm whichgenerate situations structural The constant or statuses. structural positions of bothsexes arenotonesin whichmembers societies in male dominated tensions of the but ones whichoppose members opposedto one another findthemselves and especially appearsmostlyamong females, possession same sex. Since spirit to use theepidemiology, context, structural therelevant females, amongmarried society. womenin anyparticular of married thestatus will concern Lewis'sterm, muchlessoften, though amongmales, also occurs possession as spirit Nevertheless, to betweensamesex members of tension to extendthehypothesis it is necessary situation. malesand their structural relevant sex do playvariousrolesin the of theopposite It maybe notedthatmembers areintermediary roles these that butitismycontention possession, complex ofspirit or to actors, offemale malesaretheagents ofthesamesex,that between contenders it, andsubstantiate argument this To expand tools. their speakevenmorepointedly, hisargument. I now turn usedby Lewis to support of theexamples to an analysis
* * * *

whichis exemplipossession I beginwithLewis'ssecondcontext ofSomalispirit youngmenwho spend boysand unmarried fiedby thesituation of camelherding therest from distant herds in regions thedryseasonpasturing their and watering

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lessthantypical of Thoughthisexample, becauseit involves men,is somewhat spirit possession, it seemsclearlyto supportan alternative to that explanation the time of offered by Lewis. As notedabove, possession does notcome during deprivation but when thefrustrations and deprivations have been removed.But letusassume that itisnotmenversus womenthat is therelevant structural situation, but rather relations between men.Possession at a timewhen occursor is feigned young men choose theirmates,when young herdsmen come 'down fromthe hills'and becomepotential and actualrivals forthegirlsof marriageable age. It is not whentheyare away in thepastures thattheir troubles begin,but whenthey come home! It is not womenwith but it is women whom theyare competing, for whom they are competing.Since possession is institutionalised, and often feigned, we maywell askwhythis is so in this particular context of mateselection in a society wheretraditionally emotions cannotbe shownpublicly (I966: 3II). a youngman One answer couldbe that through possession, or feigning possession, indicates hischoiceto thecommunity and to hispeers, publicly thereby removing uncertainty andpreventing openrivalry as might occuriftwo menwereto choose thesamegirl. The third context of Somali spirit possession is one in whichLewis notes'we touchon a phenomenon elsewith the widestsignificance and correspondence where' (I966: 3I3). The subjectof possession a married in thiscase is typically woman. The 'stock epidemiological situation is thatof the hard pressedwife struggling to survive ... liableto some degreeof neglect... on thepartof her husband.Subjectedto frequent, suddenand even prolongedabsencesby her husband... [and] to thejealousiesand tensions of polygyny . . .' (I966: 3I3). Divorce, we are told, is frequent and easilyobtainedby men and the Somali woman'slot offers little stability or security. Lewis goes on to note thatin such casesthe onsetof spirit possession coincides witha husband's openingmovesto marry an additional spouse, andthat'in every example knownto me somegrudge against herspousewas borneby thewoman concerned' (I966: 314). The opinionof Somali maleson thismatter is quotedby Lewis: 'What wives callsarpossession, affliction their husbands callmalingering, and they interpret this as yetanother ofthedeceitful tricks employed bywomenagainst men' (I966: 3 I4). we maynotethatpossession Finally by spirits leadsto demands by thewomen

form ofpossession' (I966:

of thepopulation so that'theyare deprived of the opportunity of meeting and chatting withthegirls ofthehamlets' (Lewis I966: 313). Surprisingly enoughthis timeof deprivation is not thetimeat whichyoungmensuccumb to spirit possession.This occurs in thewet seasonwhentheyoungherdsmen 'emergefrom their to the comfort of camp-life. dryseasonseclusion and privation and excitement It is on their return to thisother welcoming world,withitsprospects of meeting girls of marriageable age,thatsomeoftheyoungherdsmen developsymptoms of hysteria'. Thispossession isnottaken too seriously andis remedied bythemounting of a dance.'This typeof "possession", and used I am told,is now often feigned, a partiaffections towards as a meansof pointing of their by youths thedirection culargirlwho is thusdrawnintothedance.'Lewisadds: 'All I wishto emphasise in thelivesof and frustration here, however, is theelement of deprivation present theseyoungbachelor herdsmen, and its traditional outletin thisinstitutionalised
313).

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for'luxurious clothes, perfume and delicate foods from their menfolk' (I966: 3I4). For Lewis 'thischaracteristically woman'saffliction operates amongtheSomali as a limited deterrent against theabusesof neglect in a conjugal and deprivation relationship which isheavily biased infavour ofmen.In a society whichoffers them littledomestic security and veryinadequately protects themotherwise fromthe pressures and exactions of men,women,I am arguing, may thusresort to spirit possession as a means bothofairing their grievances obliquely and ofgaining some satisfaction' (I966: 3I4). Since polygyny and divorceare apparently stillcharacteristic alongsidespirit possession one can onlynotetheineffectiveness of thedeterrent! The mainpoint howeveris thestructural situation-polygyny, and thewoman'sstatus. Fromher point of view the adventof a new wifeinto a polygynous family is a crucial circumstance. Thisis an immediate threat to herstanding as a wifeand can evenbe regarded as a commentary on heradequacyas a wife.2 When a Somalihusband takes a new wife, hispresent wife, we mayinfer, feels distinctly threatened. But the threat is notherhusband, itis thenew wife:nota male,buta female. The husband is theagentwho is instrumental in bringing aboutthesituation of tension, and he remains thefocusof theconflict between thetwo women. We are toldthata married womanwhosehusband is aboutto takea new wife maysuccumb to possession by spirits. When so possessed 'she' demands luxurious clothing, perfume and delicate herhusband. foodsfrom Thesedemands areinterpreted byLewisas beingtheobliquesettlement ofgrievance between themaleand female, orfrom theSomalimalepointofview,a deceitful trick playedbywiveson theirhusbands. I suggest and Alternatively thata woman whose marital status is threatened prestige by thepublicactionof herhusband in taking a new wifeis able,through possession, to re-affirm thatstatus and prestige in public-especially her standing with respect to the new wife.The luxurious and feminine goods demanded are publicly indicative of thewoman'ssuccess as a woman and a wife in faceofa challenge in thenew wife.The deceit personified is notso muchthat a is tricked husband intogivinghiswifepresents, butthathe is usedas theagentor tool to confirm in of a woman whose positionhe was instrumental the status challenging. Lewisnotesthat thesituation arises morefrequently amongthewives ofwealthy menthan amongthewivesofpoormen, he doesnotexplain though why thismight be so. But in view ofthefact that menarelikely to havemore wealthy wivesthanpoor menthey arelikely to instigate moresituations offeminine crisis. The fourth from of Somalispirit attention context receives possession onlybrief In this Lewis-possiblybecauseit does not fitverywell intohis general thesis. of possession arenot so mucha context thesubjects are maleswho, it is claimed, Such a 'definablecategory'as simply'psychologically disturbed individuals'. 'for one phraseseemsto me to establish the category clearly!These individuals reasonor another in bearingthe pressures and difficulties experience particular burdens oftheir thesameway Harris describes Taita society' (I966: 3I5). In rather malessusceptible odd' (I957: I048). In other of to possession as 'rather discussions as beinghomosuchmalesare moreopenlydescribed and shamanism possession sexual(cf.FaronI964: I28; MetrauxI959: 64). I do not think to it unreasonable thatsome,if not all, Somali maleswho succumbto possession suggest may be If thisbe so tendin thisdirection. or at leastthattheir disturbances homosexual,

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then theparticular difficulties haveinbearing suchindividuals thepressures ofwhat Lewis describes as 'traditionally male dominated will be seento resolve societies' and tensions betweenmales.That shamanism intothefrustrations generated and is well knownand neednot be possession providean outlet forsexualabnormals is thatthe social difficulties elaborated here.The factor thatI wish to stress of thestrains of their homosexuals in largepartfrom withother, result relationships 'normal' males,not from their relations withwomen. of Somalispirit whichwe treat This brings us to thefirst context of possession itis ambiguous as well as females. from lastbecause it too concerns males, Actually in factoccurs in thiscontext. He writes: Lewis'saccountas to whether possession 'If a girl... exhibits of extreme or even more symptoms lassitude, withdrawal, is attributed hercondition to possession distinct ofillness, physical symptoms by the A trance-like is notsuggested objectofheraffections' state (I966: 3II, myitalics). if trancedoes occur,is in and does not seemtoo likely. But themaindifficulty, ofmalesin this Lewisnotesthat whatare accounting forthesusceptibility context. on thepartofmen,arenottraditionally involved are'emotions which, particularly recognised or overtly acknowledged' (I966: 3 II). Acknowledged by whom?The on this, matter in a can onlybe by men, or anyother answer forwomen'sopinions male dominated society, countfornothing. So although theagentof themalaise maywell be a female, theresultant on condition, putatively possession, is brought by the frustration the relations and difficulties occasionedby canonsgoverning between men.It mayalsobe observed that ifa manis rejected itmaywell bya girl, be becauseofheracceptance of another suitor-another male.In another example 'a youth, control of his elderkinsman forced to renounce the by the overriding girlofhisown choosing and impelled to marry another, may,ifhe evinces similar symptoms of malaiseor illness, be regarded as possessed by thetrueobjectof his Thereis surely affections' (I966: 3I2, my italics). no evidence of stress or conflict betweenmalesand females thatmembers of the same sex find here,but rather in conflict withone another, sexis the themselves whilethemember oftheopposite objectof theconflict. In these examnples when'possession' occurs in males, it does so as a consequence of male domination whichin effect blocksstatus transition. From the detailedconsideration of his own Somali material Lewis adduces evidence from numerous other societies to support hisargument. However, looking at these examples in thesameway as I havereconsidered theSomalimaterial seems onlyto strengthen thealternative argument. Certain of these additional examples cited byLewisareseen, on further analysis, to be irrelevant altogether; forexample, the 'poignantcase history' fromtheAkambais not a case of any formof spirit possession (LindblomI920: 235), and thePlateauTonga is nota 'male dominated society'(Lewis I966: 320). Lewis'shypothesis is reserved byhimforsocieties in whichspirit possession may be considered 'peripheral' in significance, whereitis not 'central to theupholding of the traditional tribalmorality' (I966: 3I9). Presumably in such societies, the hypothesis of crosssex conflict will not standup, whichis not surprising as it totters in societies weakly wherespirit possession is peripheral. But ifone examines societies in whichspirit possession maybe considered 'central'to tribal morality, the epidemiology of who getspossessed and why is stillthe same and seemsto support even more strongly the idea of same sex tension. Such a society is the

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combatsorcerers and hence may be considered to be therepresentatives of the forces of good in thesociety at large.Thesefemale shamans are 'neverpartof the coregroupofanyreservation on whichthey reside'and so maybe aptly described as peripheral' members of thecommunity (I964: I30). Shamans combatsorcery, ofsorcery and accusations aremadeparticularly between womenand ariseout of: the undermining of the favourof co-wives, therelations betweenco-wivesin a household and relations polygynous between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law and brothers' wivesin extended families, and thesecuring of matesfordesigning is identical directly to possession, with the epidemiology of possession in those societies considered by Lewis. is 'central' to tribalmorality, Even in a societywhere possession the episame is the as in those 'ocieties The where it is demiology 'peripheral'. distinction, relevance either. apartfrom beingso vague,does not appearto have substantive To further theambiguity of thisterm'peripheral', Lewisalso usesit to refer to the overallsocial statusof women, and othercategories of personssubjectto possession (cf.Lewis I966:32I). But notonlydoesthis peripherality imply'being for on theedge of society', it also has emotional or psychological connotations, to 'deprivation'.Thus 'the treatment it leads directly of women as peripheral creatures contradicts their fundamental flatly biologicalimportance and,in social clasheswith theirdeep commitment terms, to a particular societyand culture' In Fromthis, we are askedto believe,arises (I966:32I). female spirit possession. other womenin 'male dominated view of societies' havean ethnographer's words, to internalise theirsociety, it, get disturbed by it and protest by succumbing to psychology to actionareprodigious, and one is The jumpsfrom spirits. society forprealso led to wonderwhy it is thatnot all women succumb to possession, all women,notsomewomen,are'peripheral'. sumably structural There is, however,a specific, sensethatcan be given to the term and its the natureof femalestatus 'peripheral'which,in turn,helpsto clarify relation to spirit possession.
* * * *

(Faron I964: I27), andshamans, the vast majority ofwhom arewomen (I964: I23)

MapucheofChile,described byFaron(I964), from whichevidence willserve as an example. Mapuche is described as a 'thoroughly patrilineal and patripotestal society'

menandwomen (I964:

I32-3).

Thustheepidemiology ofsorcery, which leads

is the The critical epidemiological factor withwhichwe shouldbe concerned In 'male dominated relationships existingamong women in a community. and in othersocieties and reasonably too, it may be safely generalised societies', their co-resident malesareboundtogether tiesother than that socially byimportant Theseoften based co-residence. kinties, sometimes intoa descent include specialised with respectto grouping,and they may also include common relationships ritualand membership All formal property, in a community based association. are maleoccupied, statuses womencannot although thisdoesnotmeanto saythat or achievespecific is a havestatus, there community identity. Equally,at marriage formalesto remain tend in thevillageof their tendency birth; ifthey move,they to livein a villagewherethey malesarebound arenotstrangers. Thus co-resident

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in mutualloyalty together or commoninterest over,above and beyondany ties theyassumethrough marriage. The verybondingtogether of co-resident males, their participation in a formal status system, their commoninterests in property arefactors and so forth thatmakeforrivalry and thence conflict whichis divisive rather thanfissive, i.e. it maydividethem butdoesnotseparate them. Co-resident femalesof a community in a male dominated society, as Lewis intheformal societal structure rightly points out,playno part whilerelations among are only in certainaspectsexplicitly structured. The women of a themselves residence is patrilocal, in a societywhere the rule of post-marital community virilocal or avunculocal will includethefollowing:i. thosebornintothe community-sisters, daughters, or generally speakingunmarried females relatedby to resident birth malesand oftento each other;2. thosemarried into the community. Thesewomenarelikely to havecomefrom a number ofother communitiesand to be unknown to eachother before their arrival as spouses. Exceptions do occur,of course, as when thereare preferential Women marriage arrangements. thusmarried intoa community are affmally related to resident malesand may or is maynotbe affmally related to eachother. Theirstatus, their verysocialidentity into a derivedfromthatof theirhusbands. Relationsamong women married of residence: community maybe defined in general terms withrespect to length those longresident (andolder)as against those newly Thisis also specifically arrived. correlated withtherelationship relationmother-in-law/daughter-in-law, a critical shipin manyrespects, and withtherelationships or elder within a family: senior or younger wifein thosesocieties wife/junior allowingpolygyny. Thusfrom a community structure pointof view it will be seenthat womenare and thateachwomantakeshersocialstanding males from individual peripheral' andenters intorelationships moreparticularly on a dyadic basis within thedomestic realmas compared to thecorporate or groupmatrix ofherhusband's socialstatus. The obligations of in-married women,especially theireconomictasks, are vital to all aspects of community lifeas well as to the households in whichtheyare An in-married members. woman contributes certain well-defined and specific tasks to thehousehold and community in herstatus as 'wife'. Theseincludesuch thingsas child bearing, householdmaintenance, provisioning and preparation, raising of children and service of husband. Each of thesetasks maybe performed adequately by culturally absolute standards, butin anyspecific instance thedegree of adequacy can be measured relative to the level of performances withinthe community, or in thecaseofpolygynous households, within thehousehold. There is therefore a certain possibility ofcompetitiveness amongwomenin a community or segments thereof. Equally theability of a woman to function adequately as a iwife' in all respects variesfromindividual to individual and also in the same individual as shepasses through thelifecycle.Thus giventhegeneral variation of performances of wifelyroles withina community, and the varyinglevels of adequacy of individuals as theyage, thereare particular circumstances during a woman'swifely career whenheradequacyor wifestatus will diminish. When a woman ceasesto bear children (or cannotbear children) is one suchtime;when herphysical powersarenotadequateto thedemands madeon heris another. Such actsas thetaking ofa new,andyounger wife, intoa household ispublicevidence of orchange diminution, instatus, ofthe already in-married woman;or,conversely, the

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adventof a young and inexperienced wife to a household places her in public contrast withherelderand moreexperienced co-wives. It is precisely at suchtimes in a woman's careeras a wife,notablywhen thatstatus is rendered even more indefinite orambiguous than itisat thebestoftimes, that possession byspirits seems to occur.And it is tensions brought about by the relations amongwomen of a community thatprovides the emotional conditioning. As we haveseen,possession by spirits occursin publicand is associated witha formof public performance by women duringwhich men, particularly their husbands, bestowon thema markof favour. This mayindeedbe donewithlittle graceand some unwillingness, forit is an expenseforwlhich is apparently there neither rhyme norreasonto thebemused male,exceptthatit will buyhimsome peace.But itis thehusband who hasbeeninstrumental in bringing aboutthestatus ambiguity and tension betweenfemales, of his wife and his publicprovisioning markshim out as the agentre-affirming the wifely status, or, as I shallsuggest themeansforstatus below, in some instances providing transition. Sincea woman'sposition in a community or derives from thatof herhusband, closecognatic malerelative, therelations between womentendto be openended. However,participation in public tranceand possession a rallying cultsprovides and this is activity for women of comparablestatusin similarlife situations especially so inthose societies withshamans, of healers and cults. The requirements does notreachcult possession and possession dances, evenwheretheorganisation complexity, areextensive and require as virtually considerable female co-operation ofthephenomenon an individual, anyaccount willtestify. Thuswhilea spirit seizes the phenomenon is in facta group activity withinwhich thereis certain role Thisis thecaseevenwhenpossession differentiation. hasnotbeeninstitutionalised to theextent of being'enculted '.4 At this occurs pointI needbriefly to recapitulate myargument. Spirit possession primarily amongwomen,and especially married women.It is therefore thestructural context ofmarried womenin maledominated concerns us most. societies that In sucha context thestatus of 'wife' enjoins a specified roleperformance. This is on status compotentially a competitive roleand becomesactively so, depending petition betweenmen and thejuxtaposition of womenin theirroleswithinthe differcommunity or conjugalsituation. The lifecycleand individual personality encesmay result in timesof crisis whichmay be socially manifested by a public of roleadequacy.The seizure ritual questioning and theaccompanying by spirits removes or transforms publicly theambiguity of status status. Thus I wish to arguethatsociologically ritesof spirit theact and subsequent possession area form ofrite depassage and whereby socialidentity maybe changed socialstatus emdefined. In societies wherespirit possession is not professionally status or ployed, spirit possession is confined to re-affirming marital and situational re-defines it.In societies wherepossession is institutionalised, are whereindividuals 'professionally' seized,theachievement of specific, formal socialstatus-shaman or priest-is quite clear.So also is the role,thatof healingor divining. Such a in a community is of considerable as position socialsignificance and theinfluence, well as thewealth, of shamans in manysocieties is frequently attested (cf.Murphy (I964) on St. Lawrence Islandshamans, Whisson (I964) on Luo possession, Turner (I964) on Ndembu medicalpractice).The cases described in Kiev (I964) all

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one othercrucialfactor, demonstrate namely,thata practitioner onlybecomes to deal withillness qualified if he or she has herself involving possession been ill andthe andbeenpossessed-usually In other wordsthemalady by thesamespirits. of a status possession, whichis often fortheachievement induced, are mandatory position: or person-+patient-*person. Of course, person-*patient-* shaman, not all those is thebasicexaminawho succumb to possession becomeshamans, butthis in tongues, tionso to speak.Sincepossession involvesa stateof trance, speaking assuminganother identitytemporarily, it preciselyparallels those ritesde passage whichincludesymbolic re-birth.5 The socialepidemiology-of possession, or not, suggests whether thatby farthe greatest professionalised of proportion involvedhave some sortof ambiguousstatus whether persons identity theybe male or female. This ambiguity can arisefrom innate characteristics such personal as sexualabnormality, social conditions specific (e.g. the 'doctor' described by Turner from hadmigrated butwas excluded (I964: 24I) was ofroyal lineage office, andthus hadlbeen from localpolitical andwas at thesame prevented holding office, timea great or regularly conditions associated withthelife opportunist), recurring cycleand itseffect on socialand conjugaladequacy. is not professionalised as the Even whenpossession economic it brings rewards, cited a shaman andluxuries). examples byLewisshow(fine clothes Becoming then, notonlyprovides an accepted socialstatus, it is a meansto economic advancement -in manycasesperhaps theonlyone opento women.Faronsaysthat whether or nota cureis effected by a Mapucheshaman on theability oftheclient to depends pay the high cost of the performance (Faron I964: I24). In Haiti becominga or mambo canbe an expensive business hungan (Metraux I959: 73) butthese expenses are 'fortunately balanced by considerable profits' 74). The Ndembudoctor (I959: described by Turner(I964: 24I) 'earneda substantial income' fromhispractice. Sincepossession, in amongotherthings, opensa way to economicadvancement mostsocieties whereit occurs, theformof its occurrence may well be correlated withthenature of thedivision of labour,particularly thesexesand also between withregard to the extent of specialisation. This association is suggested by Kiev (I964: I3) wherehe suggests an increasing specificity of qualifications with increasing specialisation in thedivision of labour.I would liketo notea correlation between thesexualdivision oflabourand theform ofpossession. In the'traditional' societies of whichLewis treats, thesexualdivision of labour is precisely defined and the possibility of any overlapbetweenthe sexesin the of tasks performance is minimal. Tasksperformed by thesexescomplement each otherbut remainclearly separate. Thereis no scope forcompetition betweenthe sexesnoris there anypossibility thattheycan achievethesamegoals or rewards. While the work of women is vital to the economicsufficiency of the society, wealthand economicstatus is achievedonlyby men,e.g., havinga numberof wivesis a majoravenueto economic prosperity andis also symbolic ofsuch, while beinga co-wife confers no economic status on a woman. In peasantsocieties, such as Haiti, the sexualdivision of labouris stillclearly defined andtheroles ofthesexes remain separate. Butwomencanachieve economic status in their own right, though theycannotalwaysbe completely independent. The economic roleofwomen,particularly in theretail market situation, is often of vitalsignificance forthepubliceconomy as a whole.In situations suchas this, men
2-M.

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and women are publiclydependent on each otherwhile theireconomicstatus remains separate. They do not competewitheach otherforthe same economic rewards and socialstatus. The situation maybe illustrated by theexampleofHaiti. Here, 'the peasantcan compartmentalize marketing as woman's business'and although 'highcultural valuescan continue to be in terms ofland' (i.e. maleroles) yet 'the actualeconomicfactis thatthelocal markets may producea good part of thefamily income-a hardreality knownto thepeasant'and this, in turn, can giveriseto suchinterdependent situations as a 'man doingthecooking on daysthat hiswifehasgoneto themarket' (UnderwoodI960: 30-I). I doubtthat sucha role exchangewould be conceivable among the pastoralSomali. Yet while such is possible in Haiti,thedivision oflabourremains clearly defined: menareconcerned withmanuallabouroutside thehouseand womenwithhousekeeping and trading (Herskovits 1937: 85). Also theevidence seems to suggest that thecontext ofinterpersonaltensions involvesmembers of the same sex. Herskovits describes the violent manifestations ofjealousy between co-wives and how,in someinstances, a newlytakenplacee 'will pace in front of the house of her man's otherspouse, flaunting theclothes andtrinkets shehasreceived from him' (I937: I I 5)-a vignette reminiscent of possession situations amongthe Somali or Taita. of thedivision of labourbetween Wherethisis theform thesexeswe findthat to spirit butthattheyco-operate bothmenand womensuccumb with possession, Both men and women becomepriests each otherin cultrituals. of shrines, and, be competition between thisis not crosssex comwhilethere may often shrines, in the'rulesof theculture' Thereis no provision formenand womento petition. forthesamerewards there is provision witheachother compete fortheir although in theachievement of economic ends.Hencetheycanbe expected to co-operation and be equallysusceptible to possession.6 in possession rituals co-operate to show,the'sex war' is a myth in societies But if,as I havetried wherepossessionoccurs, is ita fact? orin 'nmale dominated' where I suggest that itmay societies, thedivision of labourpermits be foundwherever betweenthesexes competition and rewards-ourown 'western'society forthesamesocialstatuses forexample. cults haspointed But,as Lewishimself out,possession disappeared (oratleast public sanctions at aroundthesametimethatwomen thatapprovedthemdisappeared) is to say, at the timewhen women entered achievedemancipation-that into and rewards, withmenforthesamepublicstatuses whenin factthe competition It is also at thistimethatwomencame to be in a position 'sex war' wasjoinedc! therelative extent ofthe'deprivation' on them wherethey couldperceive inflicted notbefore thistime.7 by men,butcertainly is obviously a multi-faceted whichplaysa major Spirit possession phenomenon role in socialand individual and healing, whichprovides entertainment therapy haveallbeenextensively Theseaspects (cf Beattie I964: 23 I) andevenemployment. to emphasise in various sources. In this article I havesought thesociology described ofpossession, withrespect to itsrelation withfemale status. In so doing particularly I havefollowed theepidemiological approach suggested by Lewisand find myself in disagreement withhisbasiccontention, that is an outcome of namely, possession crosssex rivalry and tension. Such an argument ethnocentric is, I have suggested, and vague and is not supported lend Or at leastthefacts by thefacts. presented To posit that spirit themselves equally well to an alternative interpretation.

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or identity and arises in contexts where definition, is a meansto status possession of uswitha means provides ambiguous, or rendered isjeopardised status individual tllan thevague behaviour better suited to elucidating conceptualisation sociological No matter whatthe and 'socialperipherality'. of' deprivation' notions andgeneral and ofstatus is alwaysa possibility ambiguity orwhatthesocialconditions, society and on the life positions relative depending and is entirely oftenan actuality, ofsuchambiguity, or tension ofindividuals; whilethemanifestations personalities withintheterms of the culture. can be seento be expressed resulting therefrom, illness possession, leadingto spirit through expressed is so often That thistension itsassociation withsocialidentity. depassage, seemsto confirm of rite a form
NOTES

to allow ofanalysis usedby Lewisaretoo vagueandgross In many respects thecategories clear article couldbe written! Thus,itis nowhere iswhythepresent for much precision, which under theterm He lumpsto'spirit possession'. justwhatstates ofbeingLewisis subsuming by by a loved one', 'possession 'feigned possession', 'possession gether 'trance','hysteria', is subsumed all that undertheterm to analyse spirits of thedead' and so on (foran attempt is likewise I965). The category 'male dominated society' 'spirit possession' see Bourgignon that ofargument. Itcanbe quitereasonably argued toogross toallowfor unambiguous precision not to quitetheextent thatmalesdominate our own society is 'male dominated'-though in thephrase of measurement is implied 'not quitethe Somalisociety perhaps. But whatsort in mind,I retain suchterms in thefollowing extent ... perhaps'? With thesereservations
I

2 Comparison citedby Lewis,the Hausa, raisesthe society of the Somali with another married wivesandthestatus ofpolygynously of oftherelationship between ranking questions but wife who succumbs to possession, the'seized' wife. AmongtheSomaliitis theestablished to ranked according amongtheHausait is thenewwife.AmongtheHausa wivesareclearly husband (cf.Smith I964: 26; Tremeame ofmarriage to thecommon seniority, basedon order so welldefined. So thestatus doesnotappear I9I3: 78) whileamong theSomalisuchranking The ofa newwife-infact itisenhanced. ofa Hausasenior isnotthreatened bytheadvent wife to possession. Amongthe position, anditis shewho succumbs newwife isplacedin an inferior andconsequently itis shewho is wife's position which is threatened, Somaliitis theestablished likely to be seized by spirits. 3 A correlation hasbeen ofco-wife residence witchcraft accusations andproximity between demonstrated by LeVine(I962). 4 Withthis so a suggestion as to whywomenas shamans, in mindI venture whenpossessed, maleparaphemalia as part oftheir costume. Powerand often assume malegarboradoptcertain or rarely has any meansof expression societies', authority, especially in 'male dominated 'maleness'. ofshamanism that thepractitioner Itis a vital aspect authenticity other than through oftheperformance. The assumption atleast within thecontext assume andbe granted authority, isa means ofmaleparaphemalia hats ofexpressing orsymbolising canes, crowns, suchaswands, those inthecorrect idiom.Certainly ofpossession which describes no account authority cultural as wearing asserts consider themselves to bemen thattheparticipants possessed male attire, men'). is no attempt to impersonate (cf Harris I957: I054, 'there 5 Possession by Wallace(I966: I43-6), but ofstatus identification hasbeennoted as a means hisemphasis different. is somewhat 6 An unusual toprovide an exception to theabove CultofJamaica, seems cult, theConvince Atthe males exclusively. inpeasant societies. Thiscultinvolves generalisations aboutpossession timeof hisfieldwork, and functioned reports that theculthad deteriorated theethnographer observations whichseemto But there areone or two interesting primarily as entertainment. confirm andfrustration between men.Hogg that thecult is a manifestation ofcompetition itself 'The Maroons, wereexceedingly restricted and men writes: among whomthecultoriginated, werein great 'Bongo witheachother'(Hogg I960: 22). And further: economic competition each otherof black magic and men themselves to their notoriety by accusing contribute slight of their spirits'. It would seem,on thebasisof rather admitting malevolent tendencies even andtension ispresent andthat situation ofsamesexrivalry information, that thestructural this'exceptional' myargument. casesupports 7 As Lewisobserves, at thistime, and,I think beganitsriseto prominence psychoanalysis 'consultation' and theshamanistic between thetherapeutic quitereasonably, theconnexion

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relevance to notewith It is of some,albeitslight, 'performance' has been muchexplored. ofFreudian theory, especially that it is a majorcontention respect to the'samesexhypothesis' thatmembers of thesamesex, forexample, as implied in theidea of the Oedipuscomplex of themembers of the family, rivaleach otherforpossession especially within thenuclear opposite sex.
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