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Asimilasi adalah pembauran dua kebudayaan yang disertai dengan hilangnya ciri khas kebudayaan asli sehingga membentuk

kebudayaan baru. Suatu asimilasi ditandai oleh usaha-usaha mengurangi perbedaan antara orang atau kelompok. Untuk mengurangi perbedaan itu, asimilasi meliputi usaha-usaha mempererat kesatuan tindakan, sikap, dan perasaan dengan memperhatikan kepentingan serta tujuan bersama.Hasil dari proses asimilasi yaitu semakin tipisnya batas perbedaan antarindividu dalam suatu kelompok, atau bisa juga batas-batas antarkelompok. Selanjutnya, individu melakukan identifikasi diri dengan kepentingan bersama. Artinya, menyesuaikan kemauannya dengan kemauan kelompok. Demikian pula antara kelompok yang satu dengan kelompok yang lain. Asimilasi dapat terbentuk apabila terdapat tiga persyaratan berikut

terdapat sejumlah kelompok yang memiliki kebudayaan berbeda. terjadi pergaulan antarindividu atau kelompok secara intensif dan dalam !aktu yang relatif lama. "ebudayaan masing-masing kelompok tersebut saling berubah dan menyesuaikan diri.

#aktor-faktor yang mendorong atau mempermudah terjadinya asimilasi adalah sebagai berikut.

$oleransi di antara sesama kelompok yang berbeda kebudayaan "esempatan yang sama dalam bidang ekonomi "esediaan menghormati dan menghargai orang asing dan kebudayaan yang diba!anya. Sikap terbuka dari golongan yang berkuasa dalam masyarakat %ersamaan dalam unsur-unsur kebudayaan universal %erka!inan antara kelompok yang berbeda budaya &empunyai musuh yang sama dan meyakini kekuatan masing-masing untuk menghadapi musuh tersebut.

#aktor-faktor umum yang dapat menjadi penghalang terjadinya asimilasi antara lain sebagai berikut.

"elompok yang terisolasi atau terasing 'biasanya kelompok minoritas( "urangnya pengetahuan mengenai kebudayaan baru yang dihadapi %rasangka negatif terhadap pengaruh kebudayaan baru. "ekha!atiran ini dapat diatasi dengan meningkatkan fungsi lembaga-lembaga kemasyarakatan %erasaan bah!a kebudayaan kelompok tertentu lebih tinggi daripada kebudayaan kelompok lain. "ebanggaan berlebihan ini mengakibatkan kelompok yang satu tidak mau mengakui keberadaan kebudayaan kelompok lainnya %erbedaan ciri-ciri fisik, seperti tinggi badan, !arna kulit atau rambut %erasaan yang kuat bah!a individu terikat pada kebudayaan kelompok yang bersangkutan )olongan minoritas mengalami gangguan dari kelompok penguasa

Cultural assimilation is a socio-political response to demographic multi-ethnicity that supports or promotes the assimilation of ethnic minorities into the dominant culture. *t is opposed to affirmative philosophy 'for e+ample, multiculturalism( !hich recogni,es and seeks to maintain differences. $he term assimilation is often used !ith regard to immigrants and various ethnic groups !ho have settled in a ne! land. -e! customs and attitudes are ac.uired through contact and communication. $he transfer of customs is not simply a one-!ay process. /ach group of immigrants contributes some of its o!n cultural traits to its ne! society. Assimilation usually involves a gradual change and takes place in varying degrees0 full assimilation occurs !hen ne! members of a society become indistinguishable from older members. Cultural influence A group 'a state or an ethnicity( can spontaneously adopt a different culture due to its political relevance, or to its perceived superiority. $he first is the case of the 1atin language and culture, that !ere gradually adopted by most of the subjugated people. $he second is the case of subjugated, but older and richer culture, !hich see itself imitated by the ne! masters, e.g. the victorious 2oman 2epublic adopted more from the Hellenistic cultures than it imposed in most domains, e+cept such 2oman specialties as la! and the military. *mmigrant assimilation is a comple+ process in !hich an immigrant fully integrates themselves into a ne! country. Social scientists rely on four primary benchmarks to assess immigrant assimilation socioeconomic status, geographic distribution, second language attainment, and intermarriage. 3illiam A.4. 5lark defines immigrant assimilation 6as a !ay of understanding the social dynamics of American society and that it is the process that occurs spontaneously and often unintended in the course of interaction bet!een majority and minority groups6. *t has been found that bet!een 7889 and 7:;9, the United States took in roughly ;< million immigrants. $his increase in immigration can be attributed to many historical changes. 1ater, during the cold !ar from the 7:=9s through the 7:89s and the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the late 7:89s, over 7.8 million >e!s 'including some non->e!ish family members( emigrated from the former Soviet Union. $he major destination countries !ere *srael 'about 7.7 million(, the United States 'over <99,999(, )ermany 'about 7?9,999(, and 5anada 'about ?9,999(.$he beginning of the t!enty-first century has also marked a massive era of immigration, and sociologists are once again trying to make sense of the impact that immigration has on society and the impact it has on immigrants themselves. 2esearchers have attempted to e+plain the assimilation rate for post 7:=@ immigrants in the United States !ith e+periences of immigrants !ho entered the United States bet!een 7889 and 7:;9. &any of the methods and theories that are used to assess immigrant

assimilation today are derived from earlier immigrant studies. Ane of the leading theories in understanding immigrant assimilation came from 3illiam *. $homas and #lorian Bnaniecki !hom published 6$he %olish %easant in /urope and America6. 3illiam *. $homas and #lorian BnanieckiCs study on %olish immigrants '7889D7:79( assessed ho! these immigrants built an institutional community in the United States during the -apoleonic 3ar. Another influence on immigrant assimilation came from 2obert %ark, /rnest Eurgess, and 3illiam *. $homas, in !hich they trained graduate students to study the e+periences of immigrants in 5hicago. 2obert %ark, /rnest Eurgess, and 3illiam *. $homas provided these graduate students !ith theoretical tools such as %arkCs theory on collective behavior. $he third theory on immigrant assimilation comes from )ordonCs book, Assimilation in American life. )ordon highlighted the generational change in immigrant groups, it states that the first generation or foreign born !ere less assimilated and less e+posed to American life than their American-born children 'the second generation(, and their grandchildren 'third-generation( !ere more like the American mainstream than their parents. Theoretical models to immigrant assimilation $he first, classic and ne! assimilation model sees immigrants and native-born people follo!ing a 6straight-line6 or a convergence. $his theory sees immigrants becoming more similar over time in norms, values, behaviors, and characteristics. $his theory also e+pects those immigrants residing the longest in the host population, as !ell as the members of later generations, to sho! greater similarities !ith the majority group than immigrants !ho have spent less time in the host society. $he second, racial or ethnic disadvantage model states that immigrantCs chances to assimilate are 6blocked6. An e+ample of this model !ould be discrimination and institutional barriers to employment and other opportunities. $he third, the segmented assimilation model theori,es that structural barriers, such as poor urban schools, cut off access to employment and other opportunities F obstacles that often are particularly severe in the case of the most disadvantaged members of immigrant groups, and such impediments can lead to stagnant or do!n!ard mobility, even as the children of other immigrants follo! divergent paths to!ard classic straight-line assimilation. Core measurements to immigrant assimilation 2esearchers have assessed that assimilation e+ists among immigrants because !e can measure assimilation on four primary benchmarks. $hese core measurable aspects of immigrant assimilation that !ere formulated to study /uropean immigrants to the United States are still the starting points for understanding current immigrant assimilation. $hese measurable aspects of assimilation are socioeconomic status, spatial concentration, language attainment, and intermarriage. 7. Socioeconomic Status is defined by educational attainment, occupation, and income. Ey measuring socioeconomic status researchers !ant to find out if immigrants eventually catch up to native-born people in terms of human capital characteristics.

;. Spatial Concentration is defined by geography or residential patterns. $he spatial residential model 'based on theories of %ark( proposed by &assey states that increasing socioeconomic attainment, longer residence in the U.S, and higher generational status lead to decreasing residential concentration for a particular ethnic group. ?. Language Attainment is defined as the ability to speak /nglish and the loss of the individualCs mother tongue. $he three-generation model of language assimilation states that the first generation makes some progress in language assimilation but remains dominant in their native tongue, the second generation is bilingual, and the third-generation only speaks /nglish. <. Intermarriage is defined by race or ethnicity and occasionally by generation. High rates of intermarriage are considered to be an indication of social integration because it reveals intimate and profound relations bet!een people of different groups, intermarriage reduces the ability of families to pass on to their children a consistent ethnic culture and thus is an agent of assimilation. *ntermarriage came under particular scrutiny by the >e!ish community in the early-mid ;9th century as >e!ish leaders more and more often turned to social scientists to e+plain !hy >udaism !as a typically endogamic religion. Although intermarriage !as vie!ed as a firm base from !hich to begin an argument for assimilation, it !as also seen as a !ay to gradually ease the transition into their ne! culture. >ulius Draschler, a graduate student at 5olumbia University, believed that as long as people are allo!ed to maintain some differences, such as the >e!ish practice of only marrying another >e!, they !ill delay the inevitable !hile simultaneously enriching the nation in the process of their slo! assimilation. 3hile Draschler ackno!ledged that assimilation !as the ultimate endpoint for all American groups, he hoped to prove through his intermarriage studies that, the more gradual the process, the better. Such need to justify 'or vilify( the intermarriage practice became increasingly important after the 7:@9s as >e!s 'as !ell as other typically endogamic cultures, such as African-Americans( began to engage in more e+ogamic relationships. Immigrant name changing as a form of assimilation 3hile the changing of immigrant names is not one of the < measurable benchmarks for assimilation outlined by early sociologists, it nonetheless represents a clear abandonment of the old as ne! immigrants are absorbed into the fabric of society. *t is often believed that, due to language barriers, or the lack of training and sensitivity by government officials, names !ere often changed, !ithout consent, by inspectors on /llis *sland. $his general misconstruction of the facts is refuted in an article released by the *mmigration and -aturali,ation Service, claiming that inspectors did not personally take names, instead inventorying the passengers using manifestos created by the shipping companies themselves. As a matter of fact, many immigrants changed their names !illingly. *tCs suggested by the *mmigration and -aturali,ation Service that most name blunders !ere likely the fault of the origin, and not the destination. Donna %r,echa, a published and !ell-kno!n e+pert in genealogy, suggests a number of alternative e+planations for name changing, one of !hich !as a need for employment. A huge surplus of labor began to

immigrate to the United States, many of !hom !ere unskilled, !ith names that !ere often difficult to pronounce. /mployers !ere not bound by the same anti-discriminatory legislature that they are no!, and tended to gravitate to!ards individuals !ith more American names. 5omfort and fitting in !as also a heavy motivator behind the changing of names. &any, if not most, US immigrants in the mid 7:99Cs planned to make the United States their ne! home, permanently. )iven this fact, it should come as no surprise that many immigrants !elcomed the impending assimilation brought on by their host country. /ager to begin their ne! lives, many did as much as they could to become 6American6 as .uickly as possible, particularly children. Af course, simplicity !as yet another factor in the abandonment of old titles. As immigrants poured in from various /uropean countries, many found their names to be difficult to pronounce andGor spell for many Americans, such as those names !ith many syllables, or !ith a large number of BCs. Policies on immigrant assimilation 3hen considering immigrant assimilation it is important to consider !hy immigrants migrate. Ane reason immigrants migrated !as $he 7:8= *mmigration 2eform and 5ontrol Act'*25A(, !hich legali,ed ;.? million formally undocumented &e+ican *mmigrants. $his Act freed these ne!ly legali,ed immigrants from the fear of being apprehended, and it !as found that many of these immigrants moved to states beyond the nearest U.S-&e+ican border. Modifications for assessing immigrant assimilation Studies on immigrant assimilation in the 7:th century and ;9th century conclude that immigrants had a hard time catching up to the same human capital characteristics as native-born people in the 7:th century, but studies in the ;9th century suggest that immigrants eventually catch up to native born people. $imothy >. Hatton e+plains this pu,,le on immigrant assimilation in the 7:th century and in the ;9th century. He e+plores ho! recent studies have been producing misleading results bet!een the t!o. Hatton focuses his research on the specification of the earnings function.Hatton argues that that specification of the earnings function should be improved in t!o !ays. #irst, immigrants !ho arrived as children should be treated separately from those !ho arrived as adults. Second, specification of the earnings function should be better appro+imate to the true shape of age-earnings profiles. Hatton points out that !ith these modifications , the patterns of immigrant earnings !hich have emerged make more sense !ith those of the ;9th century and !ith traditional vie!s on immigrant assimilation in the 7:th century. Owning a home and immigrant assimilation A!ning a home can be seen as a step into assimilation. 3illiam A.4. 5lark e+plores this link in his book 6*mmigrants and the American Dream 2emarking the &iddle 5lass6. 5lark is a!are that the process of assimilation is more than just being able to purchase a home. He argues that 6homeo!nership6 is one of the steps of assimilation, it is becoming

part of the community and a neighborhood, and being a part of the daily activities that take place in a community. -aturali,ation and immigrant assimilation Ather than marriage, 5iti,enship is one of the most significant factors in assimilation .$he immigration debate focuses not only the number of immigrants !ho should be admitted, !ho should be allo!ed to be admitted but it is also looks at the processes of incorporation, and most importantly ho! citi,enship should be e+tended and to !hom it should be e+tended to. #or e+ample, should it be e+tended to those !ho arrive illegally. Allo!ing for naturali,ation of immigrants can create tension in assimilation. An one hand, those !ho favor the admission of immigrants input that these ne! residents !ill help build and enrich the American democratic process. Ho!ever others argue that the nature and legitimacy of the nation may be challenged and perhaps even threatened. -e! immigrant gate!ays and immigrant assimilation Although it is changing, the over!helming majority of immigrants still settle in traditional gate!ay states such as #lorida, -e! Hork, 5alifornia, *llinois, $e+as, and &assachusetts. *t has found that immigrants settle in traditional gate!ays !here there are large populations of foreign-born people. 3alters and >imene, have illustrated the changes in the geographic distribution and the rates of gro!th of immigration in the United States. $hey sho! the number of foreign-born individuals in states !here the foreign-born population gre! by a factor of t!o or more bet!een 7::9 and ;999. 3alters and >imene, found that the largest percentage gro!th in the foreign-born population, !as found in either the &id!est or the South in additional none of the traditional gate!ays !ere included in this large percentage gro!th. 3alters and >imene, noted that a reason these traditional gate!ays did not have an increase at the same rate of the ne! gate!ays !as because, ne! gate!ays did not have many immigrants to begin !ith. 3alters and >imene, have argued that this ne! change in geography could possibly change the !ay researchers assess immigrant assimilation. $hey argue that these ne! gate!ays are uni.ue and they propose that immigrant assimilation may be different from the e+periences of immigrants in more traditional gate!ays in at least three !ays. #irst, the long history of immigration in these established gate!ays means that the place of immigrants in terms of class, racial, and ethnic hierarchies in these traditional gate!ays are more structured or established on the other hand these ne! gate!ays do not have much immigration history therefore the place of immigrants in terms of class, racial, and ethnic hierarchies is less defined and immigrants may have more influence to define their position. Second, the si,e of ne! gate!ays may influence immigrant assimilation. Having a smaller gate!ay may influence the level of segregation among immigrants and native-born people. $hird, the difference in institutional arrangements may influence immigrant assimilation. $raditional gate!ays unlike ne! gate!ays have many institutions set up to help immigrants !hich include legal-aid, bureaus, social organi,ations. #inally, 3alters and >imene, have only speculated that these differences may influence immigrant assimilation and the !ay researchers should assess immigrant assimilation.