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EDITORIALS

Looking East from Afar


People of the north-eastern states need more than infrastructure.
resident Pranab Mukherjees appreciable number of visits to the north-eastern states of India in the 16 months of his tenure is a reection of that regions strategic importance and potential role in a powerful India, he has said to an admiring mainstream media. Mukherjee has visited Assam thrice, Nagaland and Sikkim twice, and Manipur, Meghalaya, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh once each. Both the presidents and the medias commendatory themes have circled around the same (and predictable) subjects. He has pointed out how these states border the crucial south-east region of Asia and are therefore the bridge with it. This has led to an emphasis on improving the regions infrastructure, but that does not seem to be based on what the people of the north-eastern states want. The people have been demanding the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 (AFSPA) and lifting the disturbed area tag from many parts, an end to the documented disappearances of young men and women (including the rapes of the latter) in extrajudicial killings, focus on the economy, etc. Even the Supreme Court was forced to ask the Manipur government last year whether there was a war going on in that state, when considering its reply on AFSPA. These are issues that have disrupted normal life in large parts of the seven states engendering a siege mentality in the citizens and simmering resentment against the defence forces. The public discourse on Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura when it does take place centres around the alienation that the people of this region feel vis--vis the rest of the country, and the central government politically. The ethnic and cultural differences have to be addressed and this would need political and social initiatives beyond easy platitudes. Moreover, development itself needs a nuanced approach, one which has not been much on display. Contrary to popular perception, it is not the paucity of funds for development that is responsible for the regions poor infrastructure. Since 1998 all central ministries earmark 10% of their annual budget for the seven states. Apart from the North East Council, which is meant to channel these funds, there is also the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region. The Eleventh

Plan outlay for this ministry is a generous Rs 14,409.08 crore. However, a minuscule percentage of these funds seem to reach their target and the desired outcomes are rarely achieved. There are many reasons for this failure. Beginning with the manner of deciding which projects are really needed, to the siphoning off of funds, to the politician-bureaucrat-militant nexus, the entire process is ridden with shortcomings and loopholes. Monitoring and accountability of funds and works are almost non-existent. Earlier this year the government appointed a senior ofcer in the Central Bureau of Investigation to exclusively look into developmental scams and corruption in the north-east states. How far this will help is anybodys guess. A number of political observers in the region have pointed out that the larger issue here is one of governance and strengthening the trust of the people. Civil governance institutions suffer due to the endemic violence perpetuated by security forces and militants and are unable to deliver on their core activities. Just throwing money without addressing these issues will make the problems more acute and strengthens those who have a vested interest in keeping the region unstable and violent. In 2008, while releasing the North Eastern Region Vision 2020 document, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had spoken eloquently of the democratic sensibilities and traditions of the people and called the creation of the Vision an exemplar of participatory governance. Six years on, neither has his government sensitised the Delhi bureaucracy about the regions aspirations, democratic sensibilities or tradition, nor has the government managed to shift decision-making away from the centralised bureaucracy into the hands of the people of the local authorities. Even the minimal demands for the repeal of AFSPA or for reining in the excesses of the security forces have been ignored. The mainstream Indian media too ignores the region, as has been amply demonstrated in its non-coverage of Mizoram elections. Ultimately, highsounding platitudes must be accompanied by the desire to engage politically and culturally. The bridges that need to be built are not merely of the infrastructural kind. The government and civil society of India have failed to build both.
separate statehood. The split among the voters was sharply along communal lines, with the Christians (35 per cent of population) voting for the United Goans and the Hindus (60 per cent) supporting the Gomantak... The Central Government, including the Prime Minister, have always maintained that the future administrative set up for Goa will be determined according to the wishes of the people. Well, the people have now expressed their wish... What does the Central Government propose to do? Finding the contending forces more or less evenly balanced, the temptation will be to continue the status quo a course unequivocally rejected by more than two thirds of those who voted in the elections.

From 50 Years Ago

Vol XV, No 50, december 14, 1963

WEEKLY NOTES

Goans Verdict
Free Goas rst elections have been inconclusive insofar as no party has won an absolute majority of seats though the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak with 14 seats out of 30 is likely to form the Government with the support of 2 independents but they have established beyond doubt that the most important issue exercising the people
Economic & Political Weekly EPW

was the political future of the territory. The elections, in fact, took on the shape of a plebiscite with the people voting for either separate statehood or merger with Maharashtra. Not that Goans did not have complaints against the Central administration of the territory during the two years since liberation. Prices have gone up, a measure of economic austerity has been haphazardly imposed, import of consumer goods has been reduced to a trickle and at least one leading Congressman has threatened to clamp down prohibition. ... In contrast to Congress ambivalence, the other two parties took denite positions: the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak for merger with Maharashtra and the United Goans for

december 14, 2013

vol xlviII no 50

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