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Science and Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: The Natural Philosophy of William of Conches Author(s): Joan Cadden Reviewed

work(s): Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 1-24 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2710004 . Accessed: 02/07/2012 20:44
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in ScienceandRhetoric theMiddleAges: of TheNatural Philosophy William ofConches


JoanCadden
By theend of thethirteenth century theprominence of universities and the influence of Aristotelian thought provided theinstitutional support and philosophical justification of scientific inquiry. These legitimizing forces In the were neither univocalnor static, but theywere strong and lasting.1 theinstitutional framework oftheuniversities was twelfth century, however, orders which wereto havea critical influence absent, andthepreaching upon ofhigher hadnotyetbeenfounded. Monastic theform andcontent education a regular natural andcathedral schoolsdidnotdesignate place for philosophy in their variouscoursesof study (although astronomy, as one of the seven to an amplebody norwerethey committed liberalarts, was acknowledged), world. of authoritative texts aboutthenatural In theearly theinvestigation of"thecauses yearsofthecentury physica, in their from their was sometimes effects and theeffects of things causes,"2
for I am indebted referee to an anonymous and suggestions For invaluablecriticisms Peter particularly at Harvard, of the Mark M. HorblitSymposium JHI and to members Anthony particularly Buck; of the Shelby Cullom Davis CenterSeminarat Princeton, Clifton at Kenyon,particularly Grafton and Natalie Davis; and of theFacultySymposium theresearch. Funds supported Crais. KenyonFacultyDevelopment I See JamesA. Weisheipl,"Classification of the Sciences in Medieval Thought," of Sciencesand McKeon,"The Organization Mediaeval Studies, 27 (1965), 54-90; Richard Centuries,"in JohnEmery the Relations of Cultures in the Twelfthand Thirteenth Murdochand Edith Dudley Sylla (eds.), The Cultural Contextof Medieval Learning: Science, and Theology Colloquiumon Philosophy, Proceedingsof theFirstInternational in the Middle Ages-September,1973 (Boston, 1975), 151-84; RichardWilliam Hunt, in Studia mediaevaliain honorem Century," to the 'Artes' in the Twelfth "Introductions reverendi JosephiMartin(Bruges, 1948), 85-112. admodum patrisRaymundi 2 Hugh of Saint Victor, Didascalicon de studiolegendi,ed. CharlesHenryButtimer in effectibus suis et effectus 1939), bk. II, ch. xvi,34: "Physicacausas rerum (Washington, 1 Inc. ofIdeas, ofthe 1995byJournal History Copyright

Joan Cadden

namedamongtherecognized branches of knowledge, yetwas thesubject of Aristotle's workswerejust beingtranslated verylittleacademicattention. to be read and assimilated in thelatter intoLatinand wereonlybeginning scholarsknew theycould findinformation part of the century. Although worldin Virgil's Georgics, aboutthenatural Isidoreof Seville's Etymolothesources substance andlegitimacy to gies,andGenesis, capableof lending thestudy ofnature weremeager. Themostcherished andprestigious resource came to be Plato's Timaeus, whichincludesa mythic of the representation in Latin. in truncated birth of thecosmosand whichexisted form thetwelfth had no stableconstiBefore natural century, then, philosophy tution, no particular social or institutional and no significant support system, corpus of authoritative and authorizing texts;and by the middle of the thirteenth century natural was a clearly defined philosophy domainof learning supported by a well articulated set of institutions and an established texts.The standard accountsof theprocessby which groupof recognized medieval sciencetookshapeand gainedprominence tendto emphasize those twelfth-century developments whichshedlight on thesubsequent emergence of scholastic therationalistic of mind sciencein a university setting: frame and theprominence of logic;theshift of scholarship a monastic from setting to theurban schools;andthetranslation oftheAristotelian corpus intoLatin.3 to minimize Thismildly tends theextent to which teleological approach of natural thedefinition and direction philosophy, as well as its social and institutional was stillundetermined thecentury which niche, during preceded ThomasAquinasand RogerBacon. An inquiry intothemodesof presentationandsocialenvironment ofsciencecan begintoyielda picture notonlyof theunsettled of natural dimensions philosophy's constitution and place but also of theprocessby whichscholars to clarify engagedin it sought both.It if also suggests we are to how science became we that, explain authoritative, mustlook at how thosewho createdor used knowledge aboutthenatural in a position worldplacedthat to be an embodiment knowledge and vehicle of power.Receivedwisdom, forgood if sometimes reasons(from divergent to Foucauldian), locatestheinception positivist of themodern of apotheosis or eighteenth science in the seventeenth but a medievalist century, may
a causis suis investigando considerat." Hugh also characterizes physica in termsof the elemental composition of things and simply as thestudy ofthings (bk. II, ch,xvii,36). The sense ofphysica spiralsbetweennatural philosophy and medicine, accumulating meaning in the courseof the Middle Ages. See Paul Oskar Kristeller, "The School of Salemo: Its Development and Its Contribution to the History of Leaming,"Bulletinof theHistory of Medicine,17 (1945), 138-94,and Jerome J.Bylebyl,"The Medical Meaningof Physica," in RenaissanceMedical Learning:Evolutionofa Tradition, ed. Michael R. McVaughand Nancy G. Siraisi(Osiris,2nd ser.,6 [1990]), 16-41. 3 E.g., Charles Homer Haskins,Studies in the Historyof Mediaeval Science (New York, 1960 [c. 1927]); A. C. Crombie, to Galileo: The History Augustine of ScienceA.D. 400-1650 (Cambridge,1953); Lynn Thomdike,A Historyof Magic and Experimental Science (New York, 1923-58).

William of Conches

forthisstatus. Posed in this ask how sciencebecamea candidate sensibly of the audiencesand support way, the problemcalls for an exploration of languageand genrewhich of science and of the deployment systems theaccepted bodyof knowledge. theplacement of sciencewithin affected orproduce will illuminate theroleofall ofthesevariables No case study a of anyof them, buttheworkof Williamof Conches, a definitive account yields sufficient century, half of the twelfth Normanscholarof the first The contents, of thisline of inquiry. evidenceto suggestthe fruitfulness throw lighton the of William's writings about nature tones,and settings in the emergence of Western and articulation century place of the twelfth and advocates how the rhetoric of its practitioners scienceby illustrating ofthenatural bothin terms world outclaimsforthesystematic study staked of learning of the and in terms and hierarchies of contemporary boundaries resources. availablesocial and institutional and of William'sworkrevealsnot a smooth The character and history a maAristotelian science but inevitable toward university-based trajectory In particular, his ratioand competing although trixof diverse possibilities. in scholarly communities and his participation nalisticapproachto nature associatehimto some degreewitha new way of outsideof themonasteries more and a new sectorof society,William positionedhimself thinking in relation to thetransformation of thecourseof learning and ambiguously from and geographically thenew cenhimself bothrhetorically dissociated and administrative power.4 tersof intellectual in thelate eleventh century Williamof Concheswas bornin Normandy somewhere and receivedat least the moreadvancedpartof his education whereremarkable changeswere amongthe schools of the Ile-de-France, of learning. Natural held in theinstitutions and content philosophy occurring and a modest especially bytheinterpretation represented place in thisworld, the attention of elaboration of Plato's Timaeus,a textwhichcommanded of his mostgifted Thierry including Williamand a number contemporaries, Silvestris. of Chartres and Bernard and scholarat Williamprobably spentmostof his careeras a teacher or Parisor both, sometime around1120,whenhe was in Chartres beginning masters and mostrespected one of thebestknown his thirties and becoming likethat ofhis contemporaries, was in Mostofhis written ofhistime.5 work, to glosses on the of authoritative texts.In addition theform of expositions for opportunity Timaeusand Macrobius(whose workprovidedadditional Williamwroteglosses on thegrammatinatural exploration), philosophical of Juvenal, and on Boethius'sConsolacal theory of Priscian, on thepoetry
4 Cf. Alexander Reason and Societyin theMiddleAges (Oxford,1978). Murray,

5 On William's life and works see Tullio Gregory, Anima Mundi: la filosofia di (Florence,1955), 1-40; Williamof Conches, di Conchese la scuola di Chartres Guilielmo 9-31. (Paris, 1965), intro., ed. EdouardJeauneau Glosae superPlatonem,

Joan Cadden

One of William'searlierworks, written perhapsabout tionof Philosophy. on naturalphilosophy called 1125 or a littlelater,was a broad treatise of orthodoxy of around1140,one of thewatchdogs Philosophia.6 Sometime in work, to faith some of the views that as contrary theperioddenounced of Eve.7In thelate and aboutthecreation thoseabouttheTrinity including to the sons of Geoffrey 1140s, after leavingthe schools to become tutor Williamsignificantly Plantagenet, Countof Anjou and Duke of Normandy, which errors notonlyretracting someofthetheological reworked thetreatise, but also adding new materialand fillingout some had been identified itfrom itintotheform four booksto six andreshaping arguments, expanding a and Philosopher. of a dialoguebetween theDuke ofNormandy in thePhilosophia Philosophy of Natural The Creation and Legitimation In thePhilosophiaWilliamof Conchesemploys anti-rhetorical polemic itsowncharacter, itsownstatus, anditsown to claimfor natural philosophy in opposition to thosedevotedto but even as he sets himself authorities; he displayshis own rhetorical linguistic analysisand elegantexpression, to philosophy, appliesstanstyleappropriate plumage, proposes a rhetorical thenatural world andportrays as itself oftextual interpretation, dardmethods to twelfth-century significantly elegantlyadorned.William contributed ofthephysical but world, thenaturalization andsecularization trends towards theword.8 theworldfrom he did notsimply dissociate Fromthe first sentence of the PrologueWilliamsets the tone of this to distinguish theverbalarts his subject from doubleagendaofappropriating mererhetoric. to dismiss Cicero, Citing them: he uses conventional rhetoric on thatart,Williamdeclaresthat"eloquencewiththeundisputed authority it does little butwisdomwithout eloquence, though outwisdomis harmful,

6 More thanone versionof this work has come down to us. William of Conches, 2-11 (references hereare to this 1980), intro., Philosophia,ed. GregorMaurach(Pretoria, de la Philosophia de Guillaume de Conches," edition); A. Vernet,"Une remaniement Forschungen 1 (1946-47), 243-59; and MartinGrabmann, Handschriftliche Scriptorium, der des Wilhelmvon Conches in Sitzungsberichte zum Schrifttum und Mitteilungen (Munich, Akademiedes Wissenschaften, Abteilung Philosophisch-historische bayerischen 1935), fasc. 10, 7-10. 7 JeanLeclerq, "Les lettres de Guillaumede Saint-Thierry a Saint Bemard,"Revue probablywrotethe letteron 79 (1969), 375-91. William of Saint-Thierry Benedictine, to Bemard of Clairvauxand Geoffroy of Levres,Bishop of Williamof Conches's errors his similar letter Abelard(1138) and before his tracts Speculum after condemning Chartres, fideiandEnigmafidei (composedbetween1140 and 1144). See J.-M.Dechanet,Guillaume L'hommeet son oeuvre(Bruges,1942), 65-69, 82-90; and AndreAdam, de Saint-Thierry: Guillaumede Saint-Thierry: Sa vie et ses oeuvres(Bourg, 1923), 69-70. 8 Cf. Tullio Gregory, au XIIe "La nouvelle idee de natureet de savoir scientifique 193-218. of Medieval.Learning, siecle," in Murdochand Sylla (eds.), CulturalContext

William of Conches

his opponents as thosewho good, at least does some."9He characterizes according to William,is a value eloquencewithout wisdom.The problem, preoccupation withexpression at theexpenseof substance.10 themselves The objects of William's scornmay in partbe fictional, in veryreal changes and conflicts rhetorical constructs, butthey also reflect France.The study of theverbalarts-gramtheacademicsceneof northern prestige, constituting one important mar,rhetoric, and logic-enjoyed great For example, manifestation of thehumanism forwhichtheperiodis known. a teacherof PeterAbelardand one of the early Williamof Champeaux, in the centuries-long debateabout the problemof universals, participants in Parisduring Williamof Conches'sstudent years,emphataught rhetoric In thePhilosophia William hints that thelocusofthe sizingornamentation.11 in whichmasters were like Bernard of Chartres problem is the schools,12 on theverbal famous bothfortheir own eloquenceand fortheir teachings in Butinthiswork, written at a time whenhe was establishing hiscareer arts. about William'sdirect complaints thoseschoolsand amongthosemasters, to thosein theDragmaticon. them are fewand general, compared generated somestrong andvisible The prominence oftheverbalsciences of Salisbury laternamed resistance. We knowtoo little aboutthemenJohn of Virgil) to say whether William was "Cornificians" (aftera detractor their on thesciences John condemns attacks alignedwiththem. specifically ofthearts"mayseem of speech, andhe warns that sucha detractor although all liberalstudies, all the attacks to go after eloquencealone,he overthrows work of the whole of philosophy, [and] tears apartthe bond of human If William'spolemicsin thePhilosophiamight expose him community."13

9 Philosophia,I, Prologue,? 1, 17: "... eloquentiasine sapientia vero nocet,sapientia sine eloquentiaetsi parum,tamenaliquid ... prodest...."Cf. Cicero, Rhetoricilibri qui 1977), I, i, ?1, 2b. See also De inventione, ed. E. Stroebel(1915, repr.Stuttgart, vocantur Didascalicon: A Medieval Guide to to Hugh of St. Victor, Taylor,"Introduction" Jerome theArts(New York, 1961), 16. 10Philosophia,I, Prologue,? 1, 17: "Mercurii ... solvere." et Philologiaeconiungium Cf. MartianusCapella, De nuptiisPhilologiae et Mercurii libri viiii, ed. Adolf Dick (Leipzig, 1925), I-II withPeter Dronke,Fabula: Explorationsinto the Use of Mythin MedievalPlatonism (Leiden, 1974), app. B, 167-83.See also Philosophia,I, Prologue,?1, 17. 11Peter Abelard, Historia calamitatum, ed. J. Monfrin(Paris, 1959), 65; Karin CiceronianRhetoric:Its DoctrinalDevelopment "Twxelfth-Century MargaretaFredborg, in BrianVickers(ed.), Rhetoric Revalued: Papers fromtheInternational and Influences" N.Y., 1982), 87-97 on 91. (Binghamton, ofRhetoric Society for theHistory 12 E.g., Philosophia,IV, Prologue,?1, 88. 13 (Turnhout, ed. J.B. Hall withK. S. B. Keats-Rohan John of Salisbury, Metalogicon, persequi,omnialiberalia eloquantiam 1991), bk. I, ch. 1, 13: "Et quamuissolam uideatur humanaefeodum impugnat operam,societatis omnemtotiusphilosophiae studiaconuellit, on Cicero's De inventione by distrahit...." Cf. J. 0. Ward,"The Date of the Commentary Attackon the Liberal Arts," (ca. 1095-1160?) and the Cornifician of Chartres Thierry Viator, 3 (1972), 219-73 on 222.

Joan Cadden

he couldnotbe accused,like assured his verbalvirtuosity to suchcriticism, he rejected.14 ofthat which some,ofbeingignorant ofsuperficithecondemnation to Books II andIII reiterate Theprologues "We know who seek the with ornament: many alityand of preoccupation fewthetruth ofknowledge."15 Thesemanyare ofwords, ornament [ornatus] with that, and believing offthe clothesof Philosophy "men [who,]tearing This depart."16 herwholeselfto them, rags,shehas surrendered thegrabbed in is notonlyrhetorically striking whichWilliamuses often, lastmetaphor, in theprogram ofa significant gender dimension itsownright andsuggestive to William'sreaders the butwouldhaverecalled oftwelfth-century learning, herelegant raiment torn by false by Boethius, of Philosophy depicted figure 17 philosophers. Williamis messagein theseaccusations. Thereis morethana negative of true true true a for the knowledge, philosowisdom, pursuit building case phy. to confess do not ashamed aboutphilosophy, they Knowing nothing of theirignorance, they knowsomething, and seekingthe comfort do notknowareofno use. But which they that thosethings proclaim aboutphilosophy, so that we to say something ... we have proposed in to excite delight may may help thosewho delight it, and truly thosewho do not.18 thesubject of his treatise, is, as WhatWilliammeanshereby "philosophy," ofwhatexists understanding ofthework, "thetrue he saysinthefirst chapter that is (as theorganization and is notseen and of whatexistsand is seen,"19 Williamthus of his treatise makes clear),natural philosophy. and content ofthe his domain, tiedas itwas to thePlatonic delineates cosmology which, thehuman soul andtheworldsoul not suchas spirits, entities, age, included
14

229).

of Chartres," of Poitiers(Ward,"Thierry by Gilbert Comparetheupstart chastised

scientiaecognoscamus...." quaerere,paucos veritatem 16 et Philosophia,III, Prologue,?1, 73: "... multosvestesphilosophiaeabscindentes totamsibi eam cessisse credentes abisse cognoscimus...." cum panniculisarreptis 17 (Cambridge,1968), I, Boethius,De consolatione philosophiae,ed. H. F. Stewart, prose i, 22-24 and prose iii. 18 aliquid se Philosophia,I, Prologue,?2, 17: "Nihil quippe de philosophiascientes, nescire confiteri erubescentes, suae imperitiaesolacium quaerentesea quae nesciunt nullius utilitatisesse minus cautis praedicant. Sed ... de philosophia aliquid dicere vero ad non diligentes proposuimus, ut diligentibus ipsam pro posse nostroproficiamus, diligentiamexcitemus." 19 et eorum est eorumquae suntet nonvidentur, Philosophia,I, i, ?4, 18: "Philosophia vera comprehensio." See Helen Rodnite Lemay, "Guillaume de quae sunt et videntur in theAccessus ad Macrobium," Conches' Division of Philosophy Mediaevalia, 1 (1977), 115-29.

15 Philosophia, II, Prologue, ?1, 41: "Sed quamvis multos ornatumverborum

William of Conches

"visible coveredby modemscience.At thesame timetheuse of theterms things"and "invisible things"resonatesboth with the Creed, thereby andwith usagetiedto ofthecreator,20 knowledge hissciencewith associating and werevisibilia words to which ofbiblicalexegesisaccording thepractices meaning wereinvisibilia.21 their spiritual Thus the prologuesof William'sPhilosophia,whichattackthose deemploy,even as theyclaim to of learning, voted to the mere trappings methods. and exegetical authorities rhetorical elegance, stylistic transcend, from which function as platforms they andequipped, grounded Ambiguously of his work-the direct theimportance of thesubjectand form to proclaim in a free-standing with an orderly sequence treatise world ofthenatural study on theearly chapters of as werecommentaries Neither tiedto a text, oftopics. of moraland spiritual to the discovery primarily Genesis,nor committed the Philor Physiologus, objects,as was the bestiary meaningin natural works ofthiskind, Northern European osophiaand itwas one oftheearliest in thecourseof thecentury. common whichbecameincreasingly over intothe in the prologues carry The effects of William's strategy the for In of four well. his discussion example, the work as elements, bodyof in a likeletters theelements onlyin compounds, we encounter he holdsthat he refers to the prideand thisposition, syllable,neveralone. Defending or of of Constantine of thosewho "have neverread thewritings arrogance of bodies").22 He thenature (thatis, anyone"treating physicus" [any]other the theAfrican, a converted Moslem, who,toward to Constantine is referring into Latin a large body of Arabic rendered end of the eleventh century, William it of natural philosophy. with a amount and considerable medicine we knowof to cite Constantine, Northern Europeans was one of the first not regarded as authoritative at thistime.By whose workswere certainly thanthe well established as his main source rather namingConstantine to support Plato and Macrobius(whose opinionshe cites merely experts of a new canon for to the creation Williamis contributing Constantine's) He also draws on otherauthorswhose works,like naturalphilosophy. of at the time in the lively community were circulating Constantine's, at Salernoin Southern Italy.23 medicalintellectuals
See also omnium et invisibilium." ... visibilium "Credo in unumdeum ... factorem Philosophia,IV, xxxiii,?58, 116. of and theArtifice Medieval History 21 See NancyF. Partner, "The New Cornificius: (Kalamazoo, Words" in Ernst Breisach (ed.), Classical and Medieval Historiography 1985), 5-59 on 26. physici scripta neque alterius 22 Philosophia, I, vii, ?23, 28: "... qui neque Constantini corporum igitur ut physicusde naturis and ?24, 29: "Constantinus umquamlegerunt...."; On physicus,see note 2. tractans...." 23 He mentions at I, vii, ?23, 28 and IV, xviii, ?31, 104. See Heinrich Johannitius Sudhoffs unterdem Einflussdes Arabismus," "Die Schulen von Chartres Schipperges, 40 (1956), 193-210 on der Medizinund der Naturwissenschaften, fur Geschichte Archiv 203.
20

Joan Cadden

in a provocative of thecreation of Eve in whichhe discussion Similarly, toAdam's,hisincorporation ofthebiblical saysGod madeherofclaysimilar itonlyserve ofthenatural behind andhisunusual story interpretation history to underscore his deviation from standard scriptural readings whichemphaof Adam's rib.William sizedthemoraland spiritual tookpainsto meanings his heterodox use of thetextand of exegetical and he emphasize practice, him(perhaps thepublictheological laterlaunched anticipated attack against from his students he had alreadyheardobjections or colleagues),whenhe toknowabouttheforces dismissed thosewhodidnotwant ofnature andwho thosewhodid.24 The Philosophia labelas heretics contains numerous biblical butfewserveto provideinformation aboutnature. quotations, When,as in thiscase, Williamdoes acknowledge in relation scriptural to the authority of his argument, he usuallygives it an unorthodox substance naturalistic hereof subjects suchas thetheory of thefour spin.His treatment elements of natural highlights his commitment to thestudy processesand thusplaces him on the threshold of a new way of lookingat the world.25 Yet, while William'sanalysisis naturalistic and rationalistic, it is stillfimdamentally tiedto assumptions oftheexegetical andmethods tradition: theinvisibilia of are embedded in thevisibiliaof words. insight In other ways,too, Williamwas usinghis literary skillsto createand He called attention advance natural to his use of an unornaphilosophy. mented prose style,whichis indeeda model of clarity. UnlikeMoliere's whodidnotknowhe hadbeenspeaking bourgeois gentilhomme proseall his life,Williamtookpainsto pointout thata simplestyleis notno style. For fromone partof philosophy to another, example,makinga transition he used rhetorical deliberately terminology: "Up to now our oratiohas been aboutthosethings whichexistand are notseen;now [our]stilusis turned to thosethings whichexistand are seen."26 He contrasted his style withthat of the eloquence-mongers, once again claimingthatthe difference was not one ofform: "Forwe prefer to putforward merely nakedtruth than costumed He represented his workas a response to theviolation falsity."27 of Philoso"Lest sheremain we have sewntogether thetorn phy, naked, the pieceswith of ourinsignificance."28 Witha rhetorical style he explained flourish, whya manin hisposition couldnotbe expected to engagein rhetorical flourishes:
ch. xii, ?43-44, 38-39. See above,note7 and Taylor,"Introduction"to Hugh,Didascalicon, 12-13 and 18; and 166, n. 69. 25 Dorothy "Williamof Conches,"in PeterDronke(ed.), A History Elford, of TwelfthCentury Philosophy (Cambridge,1988), 308-27. 26 Philosophia,I, vii, ? 19, 26: "Hactenusde illis quae suntet non videntur nostra disseruitoratio; nunc ad ea quae sunt et videntur stilus convertatur." "Stilus" is also "pen. " 27 Philosophia, Prologue,? 1, 41: "Maluimusenimpraetendere nudamveritatem quam palliatam falsitatem." 28 Philosophia,III, Prologue,?1, 73: "... ne nuda remaneat, particulas abscisas stilo nostraeparvitatis consuimus...." "Stilus" also evokes a pen wielded as a needle.
24 Philosophia, bk. I,

of Conches William ofourspeechshould thedryness whom there is someone If,however, notonlywouldhe ofourmind, ifhe knewtheoccupations displease, [ornatus]of speech,but he would be not ask for the ornament For whatplace at all can be by whatwe are dealingwith. astounded whatand how we to think whenit is necessary leftforornament, falsehoods, to declaimagainst byreading; to explicate read,andthen against thetongue of others, [and] to sharpen to judge thefindings [the of the envious,so thatnow in us is fulfilled the detractions the of Israel,who,rebuilding passage] aboutthechildren scriptural had a swordin one handand a stonein theother?29 temple,

of thework'sfour to theprefaces mainly suchmelodrama Williamconfines thematerial accessible making simple, books;his styleis, forthemostpart, as philosophy natural accepted whohad notyetfully andmasters to students or interesting enterprise. a legitimate or styleruns of rhetoric Not all of William's consciousemployment and practices. understandings from conventional to or evendiverges counter well that he knewperfectly of Eve illustrates of thecreation His explication tools of verbalanalysiswhichhis contemporaries how to use the standard Solomonto Ovid-indeed they of textsfrom used to explainthemeanings were Medievalreaders and teaching.30 werethebasis ofmuchof his writing utterance authoritative in fact, thatany Theypresumed, no fundamentalists. eventhebasic, than one level,andthat be readatmore should couldandoften the saying clear.31Addressing literalmeaningmightnot be immediately pattern, a familiar Williamis following "The heavenscover everything," speaks of heavenlybodies in threeways, when he explains,"Authority and detennines thatin and astronomically,"32 astrologically mythologically, subjectssometimes is astrological. Controversial themeaning thisinstance some interpretaof Scripture, although creative readings seemedto demand over othersby theirpedigreesor theirtheological tions were privileged whatit couldmean of explaining tookon theproblem William implications. had its place,God proper in the four elements in each of that, a world which

29 Philosophia,II, Prologue,?2, 41: "Si quis tamenest, cui ariditas nostrisermonis sermonisnon non tantumornatum displiceat,si nostrianimi occupationescognoverit, Quis enim ullus reliquuslocus potestesse sed de illo quod agimus stupebit. quaesierit, quid et qualiterlegamus cogitare,deinde legendo exponere,in ornatui,cum oporteat, contrafalsa declamare,de alioruminventisiudicare,contrainvidorum disputationibus sit illud de filiis Israelis, qui linguamacuere, ut iam in nobis impletum detractiones in una manugladium,in alia lapidemhabebant?" templum reaedificantes 30 E.g., Philosophia,II, vii, ?18, 48. 31 Philosophia, Homilia Chrysostom, I, xii, ?45, 39. On theEve passage,see, e.g.,John XV, ?2 (PG, 53, cols. 120-21). de superioribus: modis auctoritas loquitur 32 Philosophia,II, iii, ?, 44: "Tribusigitur fabulose,astrologice,astronomice."

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in themidstof the waters."33 "Since thisis against "placed the firmament "we shall show whyit naturalism, reason,"he says withhis characteristic Williamexplains shouldbe understood."34 be thusand how Scripture cannot may have allegorical watersabove the firmament thatthe gravity-defying of the ordered cosbut do not reflect the actual arrangement significance mos.35 theappearances oftexts, habit ofreading alongwith Thiscultural beyond of theappearances reading beyond a neoplatonic outlook whichencouraged and signifito William'smostcomplicated contributed things figuratively, to the with rhetorical elegance.Why,ifhe is so committed cantengagement The clothes? mending philosophy's has Williambusiedhimself nakedtruth, occurin separate contexts. thetwosetsofimagery mayseemunfair: question this paradox,and he exconstructed Williamhad, however, deliberately howthephilosophy ofnature involves itto show,among other things, ploited ofrhetoric. We maybeginto see thisifwe a transcendent form andembodies at by thoseignorant of Philosophy. As grabbed ofher thegarments examine thecovermerecoverings; butto theinitiated essence,theyare superficial, are windowsto deeperknowledge-thewordsand signs ings themselves it. whichclothetheworldalso express to William'suse oftheword has been devoted Considerable scholarship it to say herethathe treats or "covering."36 Suffice theveil integumentum of texts and things, thesurfaces as opportuniwhichwe see darkly, through In Boethius'sConsolation of than to,knowledge. impediments tiesfor, rather is encodedwitha text-notmere William'ssource, hergarment Philosophy, For Williamthetruths of buttheimaging of herveryessence.37 decoration written weresimilarly intothecosmosforthose andtheCreator theCreation with of early modemscienceare familiar whoknewhowto readit. Students in the the Book is written of mathematics. view that of Nature language the in the languageof the Book of Naturewas written For William,however, that language.And in the same way thatearlymodemsmeantnot simply

33 Philosophia, II, i, ?3, 42: "'Posuit firmamentum in medio aquarum' et iterum: ab his, quae erantsuperfirmamentum' [Genesis 'divisitaquas, quae suntsub firmamento The Case of the 1:6-7]." See Helen RodniteLemay,"Science and Theologyat Chartres: British Supracelestial Waters," JournalfortheHistory of Science, 10 (1977), 226-36. 34 Philosophia, rationem est,quaresic esse non II, i, ?3, 42: "Sed quoniamilludcontra et qualiterdivinapagina in praedictis sit." intelligenda possit ostendamus 35 Philosophia, dictum II, ii, ?6, 43: "... quamvishoc plus allegoricequam ad litteram credamus." 36 See EdouardJeauneau, les gloses de a travers d'integumentum "L'usage de la notion du MoyenAge, 24 Guillaumede Conches,"Archivesd'HistoireDoctrinale et Litte'raire (1957), 35-100; and Dronke,Fabula; also Brian Stock,Mythand Science in the Twelfth A Studyof BernardSilvester (Princeton, 1972). Century: 37 Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae,I, prose i, 11.18-19: "Harumin extrema margine. I . [= practica]Graecum,in supremouero . 0 . [= theorica],legebaturintextumr."

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figure, and ratioconstitheworldbutthatnumber, mathematics described Williamand someof his theworld, tuted or at theveryleastdeeplyordered understood thatword, figurative and linguistic structure, contemporaries or at leastordered nature.38 The nakedtruth constituted ofphilosomeaning that an understanding only be attained-by can phycan be attained-indeed, and and beyondthe signsshownon hergarment of figures worksthrough leads trappings The superficial emphasisupon the rhetorical appearances. theappearance for theessenceandto a failure tomistaking to appreciate both thebodyoftruth beneath. andrespect by order thisvisionof thenatural In thePhilosophiaWilliamsuggests The wordhas a number of meanings, includ"ornatus." his use of theterm "adornment,"and "splendid attire." ing "preparation,""furnishing," I have it in thecontext of William'sattacks on mereeloquence, Translating its resonancewith the figureof clothing requiresno used "ornament"; In the veryprologueof the secondbook he complains about elaboration. thetruth of science, ofwordsrather than sayshe thosewho seektheornatus becausehe has a swordin one handand a building has no timeforornatus that he will now speakabouteach of the and announces blockin theother, is He saysofaether, for that "itsornatus anditsornatus.39 example, elements thestars, thefixedones as well as seen above themoon,namely something with the wandering ones."40 Thus, even as he dismissesa preoccupation in on the nature is The he insists attention to which arrayed. way decoration, betweensimpleornatusand of clothing heraldsthe distinction ambiguity Thishigher, andtruth-bearing sort.41 ornatus of a moreprofound philosophiof the whenhe speaksof theornatus cal sensewhichWilliamis employing theplanoftheworld.It retains the has to do with thearrangement, elements order itto therational of thecreated universe.42 auraand extends rhetorical of thisorder is illustrated The rhetorical character by William'sattribuin their of and his to the world by comparison theelements tionof a soul In some respectsWilliam's plain prose places to the layersin an egg.43
withChrist, of theLogos or Verbum by theassociations This view was encouraged connected withthe parallel and related of God but was more explicitly the Incarnation and withWilliam's in whichlogos was bothorderand its expression tradition neoplatonic esp. 58-84. "La notionde l'integumentum," readingof the Timaeus.See Jeauneau, 39 Philosophia, II, Prologue, ?1-2, 41. On the ornatus elementorum in Bernard see Stock,Myth and Science, 119-37. Silvester 40 Philosophia,II, i, ?3, 42: "Ornatus vero illius est quidquid superlunamvidetur, scilicetstellae tam infixaequam erraticae." foran array thedoublemeaning, 41 The Englishword"array" mayhelp to illuminate as in the phrase "a rich array,"or it may be an orderor may be a dress or garment, as in the phrase"battlearray." arrangement, 42 Williamuses theterm in thesame period written thusin his Glosae superPlatonem, ?LXXI (on Timaeus34B), 144; ?CIV (on Timaeus39D), as thePhilosophia,ed. Jeauneau, 191; ?CLIV (on Timaeus47E), 258; and especially?CLXXVI (on Timaeus53A), 289. 43 Philosophia,I, iv, ? 13, 22-23; IV, Prologueand i, ?3-4, 88-89. See Gregory, Anima Mundiand Dronke,Fabula, 79-99.
38

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ofhis contemfrom that order differed significantly ofthenatural exposition speechesby a features whose verse cosmogony Bernard Silvestris, porary certain withBernard butWilliamshared characters, Platonic cast of abstract Fis views not only about naturebut also about language.44 fundamental of rhetorical figures speechdid notincludea suspicion of elegant suspicion readerof the William,who was a sympathetic per se. On the contrary, in Plato's mythof naturecontained interpreted extravagantly sometimes ofnature to view figures and imagesas basic features was inclined Timaeus, of nature.45 and interpretation of thedescription itself and therefore of the Philosophiapurchasedfor William a currency The rhetorical ofthe himself as a master On theone handhe established doubleadvantage. inthemostadvanced intellectual andpracticed weretaught arts as they verbal his of Northern Europe,theurbanschools.He demonstrated environments and his skills at withthe classical authorities, eloquence,his familiarity himself from thesein handhe distanced and exegesis.On theother glossing to accordit its of natural thedistinctiveness philosophy, to highlight order with and its own relationship its own style, its own authorities, own status, of at thebeginning William'sposition mirrors speech.Thisduality figurative in a set of thePhilosophia.He was a participant whenhe wrote his career, outsidethewalls of the devotedto advancedlearning institutions dynamic fortheirsophisticated traditions remarkable and in intellectual monastery andChristian scripture. oftheverbalsciencesto classicalpoetry applications but theyhad These were perhapsnot much older thanWilliamhimself, in his whichWilliamharnessed momentum, alreadyacquireda formidable and whichhe resisted to the to the study of nature them to extend attempt and stultifying. thathe perceivedtheirverysuccess to be limiting extent in and immediate had William's later much general changed Twenty years ofhisearly this whenhe cameto rework career, so that product environment, In themeantime, and force. howlackedimmediacy itsrhetorical strategies newopportunities to use his William with newcircumstances presented ever, in the serviceof natural this philosophy, skillsand imagination rhetorical thanto exploreits possible its subjectand methods timeless to legitimize and sourcesof support. audiences and theSocial Locus of Science The Dragmaticon on naturalphilosophy the new, expandedtreatise The Dragmaticon, in thecourt of Geoffrey sustains manyof therhetorical written Plantagenet, of thePhilosophia.6Once again Williamheads each book witha practices on the verbal classical authorities polemical preface;cites the standard
44 Bernardus ed. PeterDronke(Leiden, 1978); Stock,Myth Cosmographia, Silvestris, and Science,237-40, 249-62. 45 See note36. 46 Vuilelmus,Dialogus de substantiis physicis (Strasburg,1567; repr. Frankfurt, This title, to here as Dragmaticon,followingthe modernconvention. 1967), referred

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anddevelops ofverbalanalysis;48 techniques thefamiliar employs sciences;47 are no energies William's However, language. of figurative his application natural to promote theverbalsciencesin order longer aimedat denigrating to legitimate nordoes he use devicessuchas theplayon ornatus philosophy, or substance ofhis subject. Eloquenceis notan issue in and deepenthestyle of natural a vehicleforWilliam'spromotion butit remains thislaterwork, from thoseofthe strategies rhetorical verydifferent He employs philosophy. the studyof naturein relationto a changing Philosophia to reposition the new targets forhis polemicand shaping academicscene. By choosing William and his secularpatron, a philosopher workas a dialoguebetween as he has physically fromthe teeming metaphorically distanceshimself that of the of the the Philosophia, Like rhetorical strategy schools. so that William'snewwork although has morethanone layer, Dragmaticon in another addressed to theDuke ofNormandy, is in one senseauthentically a newnatural philosodeveloping is a newkindof scholar senseitsaudience Europe. phyin Northern his earlieragenda?He What accountsforWilliam's shift away from of as thetrueservants thepassingof thosehe regarded withregret mentions a his own which teachers, generation Wisdom. These would have been of grammar and rhetoric but and practice notonlyto the study contributed of classicalLatinpoetry. William, and interpretation also to theappreciation a lotfrom them andhadhimself hadlearned Horace, whowas alwaysquoting If in thePhilosophia William andpoetry.49 andwritten aboutgrammar taught of withthemto highlight the distinctness had playedupon his differences himfrom haveseemed them must separating thedistance philosophy, natural years. farless significant after so many and theverbal of natural therelative philosophy positions Furthermore, workof severalsortshad made and creative artshad changed.Prodigious A number who ofscholars andfashionable. morefamiliar natural philosophy ofreading the on theproject GenesisandPlatoto go on hadtaken hadmainly had written hisImagomundi, and Bernard world.Honorius of Autun natural at Tours.In aboutPlatonicnatural had been teaching Silvester philosophy to knowof and benefit from werebeginning Northern Europeans addition, in of Greekand Arabicworksoccurring and appropriation the translation theAfrican in WhenWilliam hadcitedConstantine Italy. Spainand Southern of the Arabictradition were largely unthe 1120s,the scientific treasures in Northern had whereas known Franceand England, by thelate 1140sthey his Questiones Adelardof Bath had completed made a real impression.
work. oftheearlier withthevariousversions Dialogus avoidsconfusion alongwith attested (Variations on "Philosophia" predominatein the manuscripts:Vernet, "Une remaniement,"255-57.) 47 See Clothilde des Quaestionesnaturalesde Seneque "Une utilisation Picard-Parra, au milieudu Xiie siecle," Revue du MoyenAge Latin,5 (1949), 115-26. 48 He adds glosses-e.g., on "substance"(Dragmaticon, I, 8-9). 49 See John I, v, 20. of Salisbury, Metalogicon,

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theArabs;50 in which among naturales, he boastedaboutwhathe had learned and theelements, had come from an expert on astrology and PeterAlfonsi, in thecourt ofHenry I ofEngland.51 The workof Spainto serveas physician these individuals and othershelped to assure the subjecta place in the and establishthe practiceof incorporating new of learning constellation in to settle theproper form or style authorities intothecanon.Theydid little to be conveyed-indeed muddied whichknowledge aboutnature they ought on thatscore-but Williamno longer neededto be thewaters considerably theof natural legitimacy aggressivein the Dragmaticonabout asserting philosophy itself. eloquencehad At the same time,the statusand the study of rhetorical undermined.52 One facetof thischangewas themeteoric been considerably by Peter Abelard. rise of logic among the verbal sciences,represented on thisdevelopment, commented and modWilliamand his contemporaries to William'sconcerns, the ernscholars have analyzedit.53 Equallyrelevant to of rhetoric based on classical textshad lost ground traditional teaching manuals modelsmorerelevant to whichoffered instruction by newpractical of letters, and the like. Alcharters, mundane, modern tasks-the writing thoughWilliamhad objectedto eloquence for its own sake, the proper thosehe himself had to do withthe he had in mind, exercised, applications of everyday life. The of higherwisdom,not withthe trivialities pursuit notonlysuggests his character of thisnewrhetoric whyWilliamabandoned on theold rhetoric and its practitioners, butit also signalsa larger attacks environment. changein theeducational That environment was very fluidfor two reasons. First,it was not within thewalls Even in schoolswhichfunctioned institutionalized. strongly of varicurriculum was notstandardized, students of cathedral compounds, oftime, no degrees weregranted, andno ous ages studied for various periods in existed.Outsidethe cathedral, of masters protocolforthe certification masters came and went, setting citieslike Paris,Laon, and Tours,freelance didthis, for schoolsin rented houses-PeterAbelard example. up one-master of Latinlearning had to do withthedeep The secondreasonforthefluidity theperiod and rapideconomic, social, and politicalchangeswhichmarked The consolidation of to theendofthetwelfth century. from thelateeleventh the English,French,and "papal" monarchies was accompaniedby the andelaboration ofcivilandcanonlaw,andbytheriseofsecular codification
50 Die Quaestiones zur Muller,Beitrdge naturales des AdelardusvonBath,ed. Martin 31/2(1934), 5, 11. Geschichte der Philosophieund Theologiedes Mittelalters, 51 See Dronke, A History, De d'Alvemy,"Pseudo-Aristotle, 453; and Marie-Therese in Pseudo-Aristotle elementis" in theMiddle Ages, ed. JillKraye,W. F. Ryan and C. B. Schmitt (London, 1986), 63-83. 52 "Thierry and the Liberal Arts,"224-32; Fredborg, "Twelfth-Century of Chartres Ciceronian Rhetoric." 53 Dragmaticon, Prologue,5. See, e.g., LambertusMarie de Rijk, Logica ModerA Contribution to theHistory ofEarly Terminist Logic (Assen, 1962, 1967). norum:

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of longAt the same timethe expansion bureaucracies. and ecclesiastical by the was accompanied distancetrade,regionalfairs,and urbancenters bourgeois andbya growing andfinancial functions ofmercantile articulation witha new self-awareness and new sets of standards, elite. Professionals had a place in theseprocessestoo. but also physicians, especiallylawyers, and forliteracy demands practical created new and largely All thesetrends met within inforand although manyof theneedswereprobably education, thantheattainment withgoals other students of apprenticeship, mal systems to as garciones-mercenaries referred dismissively of Wisdom(sometimes in search a high There was thus ofteachers.54 flooded thetowns ormarauders) in orientation and and fora courseof study practical demandformasters in duration. short own therigorous Whilethey wereno doubt goldenage oftheir idealizing were lookingat very Williamand some of his contemporaries educations, beganlamenting they themiddleof thecentury, real changeswhen,around perhaps of Chartres, Thierry valuesand standards. thedeclinein educational William than more prominent William's generation the only masterof and multitude the "ignorant thatif he did not flatter complained himself, students.55 John of of the school,"he wouldbe leftwithout riffraff butting in theEnglishChurch, who had studied a powerful administrator Salisbury, trend as the in France, with masters spokeabouttherecent William andother from theschools: cause of William'swithdrawal to and peoplepreferred truth, damaged becauseopinion Afterwards, ofthearts promised andteachers than tobe philosophers, seemrather in less pouredintothem listeners wouldhave philosophy they their Richard years[Williamof Conchesand a certain thantwo or three multicalled "the Bishop"],defeated by the attackof the ignorant tude,retreated.56 become and masters, bothstudents and betrayers of learning, These diluters in particular He attacks thenew objectsof William'spolemicalprologues. of the new mentioned by Johnand the venality courseof study the short the to his general point: getsright prologue breed.As in thePhilosophia,
scolaire au Xiie siecle," Traditio,5 (1947), 54 See PhilippeDelhaye, "Organisation 225-29. On garcionessee below,note64. 55 Thierry Ciceronis,in Karin Margareta super Rhetoricam Commentum of Chartres by Chartres(Toronto, of Thierry Fredborg(ed.), The Latin Rhetorical Commentaries scolae petulcam 1988), pt. I, Prologue, 49: "... ut vulgus profanumet farraginem excludere." ex quo opinio 56 John I, xxiv, 120-24,54: "Sed postmodum of Salisbury, Metalogicon, profesfecit,et hominesuideri quam esse philosophimaluerunt, praeiudicium ueritati aut bienniotransfusuros breuiusquam triennio soresque artiumse totamphilosophiam imperitaeuicti cesserunt."Cf. Ward, auditoribuspollicebantur,impetu multitudinis 235. of Chartres," "Thierry

16

Joan Cadden itwas ofPythagorean teaching bywhich theform Havingabandoned and listened and believedforsevenyears, thata student established not untilthe eighthasked questions... [now] theyask questions, neglihavingstudied whatis worse,theymakejudgements, rather, forthespace of one year.57 gently

playing on a conventional is inpart William ofvenality, As for thecharge of Ecclesiastesabout the vanityof the world,the the admonition theme, hand On theother oftheclergy.58 members aboutcorrupt complaint medieval is that thistropeto a new subject.His specificgrievance he is applying own endsand that appoint schoolsfortheir they bishopsare usingcathedral the with uselessglosses,leaving foolish menwho fillup endlessparchments in forpositions The competition without positions.59 wise and noblemasters thata new groupof ecclesiasticaland secularcourtsand the perception beforthemwas one pointof intersection men was competing ambitious economicand political and the shifting tween the world of scholarship under way is William'sview scene.60 Even morecloselytiedto thechanges ofthenewbreedof students: ofthecareers return to their witha wise purseand a foolish mind, they Andthus, 0 what 0 usurer be wise. can is wisdom! Any relatives. how easy can steal,a mousecan gnaw,a kindof wisdomis it whicha thief can consume?6' raincan washaway,fire moth can destroy, but thatthese men are destinedfor the lucrative Is William suggesting and thelike? of thetown-finance, commerce, occupations disreputable is more specificabout them:some become monks Johnof Salisbury suchas usury professions, mostnot);others engageinprofane (somesincere, own favor); to roundoffin their numerical learning (heretheyapplytheir bothJohn in secularor ecclesiastical courts (as, in fact, others takepositions himselfand William did); and othersgo into medicine.In additionto the greed of these last, Johncomplainsabout theirsuperficial attacking in philosophy, have goneforth their failure "Others, contemplating learning:
57 Dragmaticon, doctrinae Prologue,2: "... relictaPythagoricae forma, qua constioctauo demumanno interrogare ... tutum eratdiscipulum septemannis audireet credere, stuinterrogant, imo quod deteriusest iudicant,unius uero anni spacio negligenter VI, Didascalicon,bk. II, ch. iii, 53; also Dragmaticon, dentes...." Cf. Hughof SaintVictor, 210-11. 58 Likewise,Dragmaticon, Prologue,3. 59Dragmaticon, Prologue,3; and III, 63. 60 See Murray, Reason and Society,81-109. 61 Dragmaticon, III, 63-64: "Sicque cum sapiente sacculo et insipienteanimo ad sic potestesse 0 quam facilisest sapientia, quislibetfoenerator parentessuos recurrunt. mus rodere,tinea demoliri, pluuia sapiens! 0 qualis est sapientiaquam fur subripere, abluere,ignis consumere potest?"

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to Salernoor Montpellier, becomephysicians' followers, and suddenly burst forth in no timeat all as the same kindof doctors as theyhad been philoThe curricular conservatism of the critics of change like Johnof Salisbury andWilliam ofConchesis thus tiedto a social conservatism which draws upon the disdain of an aristocratic culturefor the activitiesand identities associatedwithemergent urbanelites.63 Theiruse of the word garcionesto designate the students theyfelthad no properplace in the itconnotations with schoolscarried notonlyofyouth and lackofseriousness butalso of service to or employment hasteand their by others-hencetheir in practicalutility.64 it is likelythata majority interest Although of the in growing ranks of students thelesseraristocracy,65 their came from careers the professions and in the new typesof civil and ecclesiasticalservices neither to theideal of disinterested devotion to learning within a conformed religious context norto theidealofchivalric service within a courtly context. The bases of thisattitude and of the polemicaltonesin whichit was are complicated butnotcontradicted that thesechamexpressed by evidence valueswereto someextent drawn intothenew pionsoftheoldereducational practices themselves.11 of Chartres, who complained Thierry aboutthenew forresisting was nevertheless theauthor of a waysand was celebrated them, workwhichconstituted a short courseon the liberalarts.67 John of Salisin ecclesiastical career bury'ssuccessful politicsand administration puthim inregular with from contact whowouldhaveprofited briefer andmore many it is difficult that he wouldnothave practical schooling-indeed, to imagine and supervised some of the brightest and mostambitious recruited among in turn thatThierry, and others were theseupstarts.68 John reports William, towards theeducation of"bakers"- that notuncontaminated bythetrend is, skill." an easy and lucrative trade"forthosewho are after breadrather than Thus (accordingto John),William and Thierry "became foolishwhile
62 Metalogicon, I, iv, 21-24, 18: "Alii autemsuumin philosophia intuentes defectum, Salernum uel ad MontemPessulanum profecti, factisuntclientuli medicorum, et repente tales in momento medicieruperunt." See also I, iv, 25-28, 18. quales fuerant philosophi, 63 Cf. Hugh of SaintVictor, Didascalicon, Preface,1. 64 J. F. Niermeyer, Mediae Latinitatits Lexicon Minus (Leiden, 1976), s.v. garcio; Edouard Jeauneau, "Deux redactions des gloses de Guillaumede Conches sur Pricien," Recherchesde TheologieAncienneet Medievale, 27 (1960), 212-47 on 219-22; Ward, "Thierry of Chartres," 229,-n. 23. 65 For evidencefrom slightly later, see John W. Baldwin,"Mastersat Parisfrom1179 in RobertL. Benson and Giles ConstablewithCarol D. to 1215: A Social Perspective" Lanham(eds.), Renaissanceand Renewalin theTwelfth Century (Cambridge, 1982), 13872. 66 Ward, "Thierry of Chartres." 67 See Edouard Jeauneau, de Chartres," "Le Prologus in Eptateuchonde Thierry Mediaeval Studies,16 (1954), 171-75. 68 Baldwin,"Mastersat Paris," 154-55.

sophers."62

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of theintellectual At theveryleasttheseluminaries resisting foolishness."69 in the formation of the new typeof "cleric"-not scene wereparticipants butrather thoseassocilifeas "clergy" thoseassociatedwiththereligious of literacy as "clerks."70 William'searlyskeptiated withthe exploitation in theurban schools cismabouttheverbalartsandhis decadesof experience to recognize and evenappreciate theevolution he puthimin a goodposition of advancededuin theinstitutions, and constituencies witnessed curricula, traditional scholarship, and butgivenhisage,hislongsuccessat more cation; in theearly toneofthedebate, he was-not inclined thesocial and ideological 1140sto becomean advocateof thechanges. in thecourt of one of themostpowerful himself Thuswhenhe installed in Northern Williamtookpainsto present thecase feudaldynasties Europe, schoolsas the household couldreplacethecompromised that thearistocratic The author natural philosophy. havenfordisinterested learning, particularly himself thusto theDuke ofNormandy, addressed taking oftheDragmaticon one stepfurther: Philosophy theimageof a disheveled weremanyprofessors [even]in a timein whichthere If,therefore, there wererashattempts to tearaway of philosophy, and defenders ofthebooty, so to heroff screaming-asa share herclothes andcarry in whicha philosois done in ourtimes, speak-what do you think anda helper be found?... ButifI shallhavea patron pher can scarcely her I shallrescueherfrom menandmend thehandsofviolent [here],
garments.7'

thecase he eloquencein thePhilosophia, Like thecase he had madeagainst in the was both a serious Dragmaticon for new sanctuary made philosophy's program-inthisinstance andat thesametimea vehicleforanother position he had left themasters and students behind. Once a continuing dialoguewith a doubleagenda:on theone handthewayin againWilliamwas undertaking his earlier workreflects his desireto explore a new which Williamreshaped inthecourts ofnatural ofthearistocracy; on nichefor thepractice philosophy notbackward andfateoftheDragmaticon to theother handthecontent point ofthePhilosophia conditions had thepurpose andaudience (forthoseearlier
69 John of Salisbury, Metalogicon,bk. I, ch. 5, 20: "... apud eos qui panem potius quam artificium quaerunt.... resistebant...." Insipientes itaque factisuntdum insipientiae 70 Murray, Reason and Society, 263-65. 71 Dragmaticon,VI, 212: "Si igiturin tempore,quo multi erant professoreset defensores philosophiae,temerarii ausi sunt illius vestes abscindere,eandemque quasi reclamantem quamuis uelut in partempraedae detrahere, quid in nostrisputas fieri temporibus,in quibus uix inuenientur philosophus? ... At si fautoremhaberem et a manibusuiolentorum illam eriperem, I have adiutorem, illiusque vestemresarcirem." emendedthe edition's labeling of the Philosopher'sand Duke's partshere: see Andre Wilmart,Analecta Reginensia: Extraits des manuscritslatins de la reine Christine au Vatican(VaticanCity,1933), 10, Reg. Lat. 72 (fol. 127-39),265. conserves

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all butceased to exist)butonward to theinterests and practices of thefastschools. changing thatWilliamwas, at least on one level,seriousabouta Whatsuggests newsitefor thestudy ofnature rather than that he was simply engaging inpro formaappealstohispatron? Perhaps thebestevidence is theclass framework within whichhe and others viewedthe declineof the schools.In addition, boththeparticular he served andtherhetorical structure of patron and fabric theworkhe produced strengthen thecase that Williamwas interested in the thegreat possibilities of his new setting, hall of thetraditional elite. warrior Geoffrey Plantagenet was in many respects a modeloftheambitious and lord.At fifteen he married of successful twelfth-century Matilda,daughter I of England;at sixteen, he becameCountof Anjou,whenhis King Henry father stateof Jerusalem. While wentoffto become King of the crusader in England and politicalcampaigns to enforce her Matildapursued military herfather's didhispart claimto thethrone after death, Geoffrey byconquerto theEnglish crown-and making ingNormandy-which belonged himself Duke. Threeyearsafter Geoffrey diedat theage ofthirty-eight, theseefforts thecrownas Henry oldestson received II. Pro-Angevin paid offwhentheir of the periodattribute to Geoffrey all the conventional historians knightly he was valiant, and lordly virtues: But at a timewhen just, and charitable. muchof thearistocracy was illiterate and there was no habitof connecting withsecular virtue learning or effective leadership, Geoffrey was also called A description of his first "highly educated"(optimelitteratus).72 meeting withhis future his wordswith father-in-law, Henry I, has him"ornamenting in extravagant rhetorical colors";73 andone chronicle describes terms how,in his youth, he loved reading and memorized passages from bothsacredand seculartexts.74 Written by authors friendly to Geoffrey's dynasty, thesedescriptions are werea new and notyet hyperbole and flattery; but intellectual attainments common way to flatter secularprinces, suggesting thatGeoffrey was-or at theveryleastwishedto be known as-a personwithsome education. After
72 Chronicade gestis consulum in Chroniques andegavorum, des comtesd'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise,ed. Louis Halphenand Rene Poupardin (Paris, 1913), 71: "Fuit Gosfridus probitate admirabilis, justitieinsignis, militieactibusdeditus, optimelitteratus, interclericos et laicos facundissimus, fereomnibusbonis moribusrepletus...."See also HistoriaGaufredi ducis normanorum et comitis andegavorum, in Halphenand Poupardin, Chronica,176-77;Williamof Malmesbury, Historiaenovellae,I, ?452 in De gestisregum anglorum libriquinque; Historiaenovellae libri tres,ed. William Stubbs(London, 1887, 1889), I, 531; and Georges Duby, "The Cultureof the Knightly Class: Audience and Patronage"in Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham (eds.), Renaissanceand Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1982), 248-62 on 254. 73 Historia Gaufredi, in Halphenand Poupardin(eds.), Chronica,178: "Adolescens vero,ut sapientium morisest,verborum compendiostudens, eadem etiamverbarhetoricis exornanscoloribus,paucis innotescere satagebat." in Halphenand Poupardin 74Historia Gaufredi, (eds.), Chronica, 212-13; see also 218.

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all, he did engage Williamof Conches,one of the most highlyreputed ofhisyoung sons.He mayevenhavehad a masters oftheage,to be thetutor interest in science, forofthemanysubjects on which Williamhad particular was theone aboutwhichhe chose to dedicate a natural written, philosophy whenyoungHenry was workto Geoffrey; and at just aboutthesame time, between sevenand elevenyearsold, Adelardof Bathdedicated a little tract to theboy.75 on theastrolabe in revistransfornation Williameffected The mostsignificant rhetorical of a was thethorough rewriting oftheworkin theform ingthePhilosophia theDuke of Normandy and an unnamed He Philosopher. dialoguebetween in which, thefree-standing treatise dividedintochapters thusdeparted from was becoming a morecommon vehicle to his own earlier work, partthanks The dialoguewas by no meansa new form, norwas fornatural philosophy. authorto tryit out on a philosophical Williamthe only twelfth-century of epic and mythic forms as a Silvester's adaptation subject.Like Bernard withdialogueis one maniWilliam'sexperiment vehicleforhis cosmology, festation amongmanyof the search (oftenamong classical models) for to therapidly and differentiatvehiclesof expression developing appropriate withSeneca's Quaestiones Williamwas certainly familiar ing disciplines.76 whose subjectwas related to his own,although its form did not naturales, thedevelopment of an interlocutor's Workslike Boethius's persona. permit and Martianus Consolatio Philologiaeet Capella's De nuptiis philosophiae Mercuriicontained but dialogic exchangesamong full blown characters, were structured as and the characters were alledialogues thoseworks not whichservedto inculformat gorical.The catechistic question-and-answer intomedicalnovicesmay have procate basic principles and information formaster-student butnotforthe videdWilliamwitha precedent exchange to whichhis workwas devoted.77 typeof broadexploration werefamiliar to twelfthvariations on thedialogueform Thus,although thehybrid form whichWilliamdevisedwas notused for century audiences, it was thusone way in whichWilliam in the schools.Employing teaching his workon natural from the standard of detached production philosophy it to a secularsetting. Williammakesmuchof and attached scholarly texts, thedialogueform. The work'stitle, from theword"drama," is probably his;
75 Franz Bliemetzrieder, Adelhardvon Bath: Blatteraus demLeben eines englischen Naturphilosophen des 12. Jahrhunderts und Bahnbrechers einer Wiedererweckung der griechischen Antike: eine Kulturgeschichtliche Studie(Munich,1935), 133-41and 340-50; Studiesin theHistory CharlesHomerHaskins, ofMedievalScience (Cambridge, 1927),2829; and Gregory, AnimaMundi,7-8, n. 4. 76 See Stock,Myth and Science,7-8. 77 PeterI. von Moos, "Le Dialogue latinau moyenage: l'exampled'Evrardd'Ypres," 44 (1989), 993-1028. See also "Patterns Annales: Economies,Societe, Civilisation, in Middle EnglishDialogues" in Edward Donald Kennedy,Ronald Waldronand JosephS. Wittig(eds.), Medieval English Studies Presentedto George Kane (Wolfeboro,N.H., 1988), 127-45.

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at one point,for a number of timesto the format, and he calls attention of speechis "Since similarity the dialogueby saying, explaining example, (dragwe shall set offour speech dramatically" of boredom, the mother fairly carried through of thebook is The conversational character matice).78 it at many points.79 and Williamemphasizes consistently, forWilliamto effect was not necessary this new structure Although it neverthepoints, of certain scientific treatment changesin his substantive such of subjects, himwitha convenient vehicle.On a number less provided in theDragmaticon is William'sdiscussion of the elements, as the theory thanin the and indeedinconclusive morecomplex, nuanced, considerably and posing The voice of theDuke askingforexplanations version.80 earlier exploration. to thisbroader givessome structure problems the positionand role of the Duke, thus The dialoguealso emphasizes WhenthePhilosopher dissetting. the secularand aristocratic highlighting for agrees withthe VenerableBede on the watersabove the firmament, with he had hissuperior, that whena mandisagrees theDuke insists example, thatit is better presentgood reasons.81The Duke tells the Philosopher the his armies thebattle against for to mobilize to cryandpromises unmanly he can to makethecharacter Williamdoes everything enemies ofWisdom.82 himfrom and thesuperficial of thetask-to distinguish of theDuke worthy The of the is smart, Duke dialogue men who Philosophy. venal prostitute and unlikethe tradesmen well versed,and well spoken.More important, he has theright attitude towards Wisdom: opportunists, set Wisdom Although public businessworriesme, I nevertheless who says,"[Wisdom]is withSolomon, all business, before agreeing whichare in gold and silver,and all things better thantrafficking to of beingcompared it."83 desired are notworthy "You hischildren: thewayhe is raising theDuke for praises The Philosopher butwith with theplayofgamesofchance, them likeothers, not, haveimbued
orationismaterest satietatis, Dragmaticon,Prologue,7-8: "Sed quia similitudo See also William's Glosae dragmatice distinguemus." nostram orationem satietasfastidii, MS Marcianolat. 1870, f. Animamundi, 7, n. 4, citing superPlatonemquotedin Gregory, "Prologus in Eptateu(Jeauneau, in Jeauneaued.); Thierry of Chartres gr (not recorded libriXX, ed. W. M. sive originum chon," 175); and Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum Lindsay(Oxford,1911), VIII, vii, ? 11. 79E.g., Dragmaticon, Prologue,1 and theopeningof each book. 80 See Elford, on the watersabove the firmament, "William of Conches"; similarly, III, 64-69. Dragmaticon, 81 III, 65. Dragmaticon, 82 II, 35-36. Dragmaticon, 83 Dragmaticon,II, 36: "Quamuis publica negotia me sollicitent,cunctis tamen qui ait, 'Melior est acquisitioeius praepono,Salomoni consentiens, negotiissapientiam et omnia quae desiderantur, ei non ualentcomparari.'" Cf. auri et argenti negotionibus Proverbs16:16.
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a tender ofwhich willretain thestudy of letters from age, thefragrance they He expresses the expectation thatthe Duke's example, fora long time."84 will win widerapprovalforsuch an educational withhis status, combined an ordinary amount of flattery, butonce program. The wholeset-up conveys again the unusualmediumchosen forthe flattery allows it to serve the an alliancebetween of promoting the truephilosopher additional function and thetrue aristocrat. Withtheartful of thedialogueand theskillful of the shaping portrayal In doing Duke,William has madethebestcase possibleforthisrealignment. to theassociation a counter of thenewrationalism so, he represents example to make") and a social outlook witha sector of society ("thosewithcareers a rising tothesocialandideological dominance which alternative represented In part ofan aristocratic andasceticsensibility.85 becauseofthevery changes in which he participated andtowhich he contributed, Williamsought through a secure theDragmaticon to find position for himself andnatural philosophy of the of the old elite. Having steppedout of the shelter on the hearth thekindofinstitutional alternative which theunivermonasteries andlacking inthefollowing thesystematic ofnature sitieswouldprovide centuries, study no obvioushome.The existing had, in themid-twelfth century, centers of evenobvious, secularpowerthusseemeda reasonable, perhaps recourse. favorsuch a move. The secularcourts Conditions did not,however, of thetwelfth century wereindeeddeveloping patterns of patronage, notonly but also for Latin letters-notably forvernacular literature forhistorical in providing was byno meansaloneamong thearistocracy writing. Geoffrey in theworkof a scholar, Latineducation forhis children, supporting or even in representing an audiencefora learned But neither in work.86 philosophy in particular had yet founda niche in the generalnor natural philosophy of theFrench culture and Englisharistocracies. thesoluevolving Although in another tionsto theproblems Williamperceived direction-in lay mainly withhis unusual the institutions of the university-Geoffrey Plantagenet, and interest, was a harbinger of a patronage which background relationship in thefollowing was to becomeincreasingly centuries and must significant in William.But Williamwas notso radicalas someoptimism have inspired theinstitutions oftheschools, to abandon abruptly corrupt though they might think the men nor was he so naive as to that and of a be; boys military family an adequate audienceforhis most advancedworkin natural constituted was he so lackingin rhetorical philosophy; nor, finally, virtuosity as to a text construct to do onlyonejob.
84 Dragmaticon, 3-4: "... quos non ut alii ludo alearumsed studiolitterarum Prologue, tenera aetate imbuisti,cuius odorem diu seruabunt."Cf. Horace, Epistles in Satires, Epistles,Arspoetica, ed. and tr.H. Rushton Fairclough(Cambridge,1966), I, ii, 67-70, of Adelard'sworkon theastrolabe 266, whichis also alludedto in thepreface to dedicated son Henry.Haskins,Studies,28-29. Geoffrey's 85 Murray, Reason and Society, 401. 86 See Class." Duby, "The Cultureof the Knightly

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was aimed learning toward praiseof theDuke's attitude If thepersistent and about today's masters complaints the persistent himself, at Geoffrey whichhad arisenin the of a conversation were the continuation students hismoveto Geoffrey's before hadparticipated William where urban schools, If Geoffrey read or, scholars. among and whichwas continuing household, oftheDragmaticon, parts readand explainto him, had William morelikely, its could fullyappreciate of learnedcommunities still none but members contents. but the the fray,87 reentered We do not knowif Williamever directly found thatit quickly itself suggests of theDragmaticon history subsequent France.Careful its main audiencein the townsof Englandand Northern researchwill be necessaryto map withprecisionthe Dragmanuscript the arepossible.First, observations buttwopreliminary influence, maticon's ofthe to that to havebeen similar oftheDragmaticon appears dissemination dozensofcopiesofeach havecomedown in thesenseboththat Philosophia, orthe to dateaboutthecopies-theirappearance noted nothing to us andthat to a courtly belonged they withwhichtheyare bound-suggests texts other pieces of theDragmaticon Second,by theend of thecentury environment.88 texts aboutmedicine European to Northern and attached had beenborrowed little out as a separate In particular, one sectionwas lifted and physiology. intoa highly of thatsame sectionwere integrated and portions treatise,89 often material of medicaland scientific of compilations developedcluster because theywere largelyderived Questions," to as "Salernitan referred of the new and otherelements the African from the workof Constantine whichare associated These compilations, of Salerno.90 medicalknowledge may in some ways of theurbanschoolsof England, withtheenvironment what so dismayedWilliam about moderneducation.From the represent practical into specificand sometimes of natural philosophy fragmentation of the about comments sexuality to some scurrilous bits of information to the ascenthe "Salernitan Questions"seem to attest individual masters, dancyof thegarcioneson theacademicscene.91

AnimaMundi,4. Chronicacitedin Gregory See Albericdes Tres Fontaines, Lynn Thomdike,Historyof Magic, II, 64-65, and "More Manuscriptsof the 20 (1945), 252-59; and and Philosophiaof Williamof Conches,"Speculum, Dragmaticon Vemet, "Une remaniement." Car. C. Zurich,Zentralbibliothek, 0.2.5, fols. 75r-85vb; 89 MSS Cambridge, Trinity 12V and n. a. 693, fols. Nationalelat. 14809,fols.298v-3 Paris,Bibliotheque 172,fols.3v-6v; 99, fols. 134-3 5, which I have not seen: 183r-86r.Probablyalso Oxford,Christchurch Thorndike"More Manuscriptsof the Dragmaticon and Philosophia," 84. See also Forschungen. Handschriftliche Grabmann, 90 Brian Lawn (ed.), The Prose SalernitanQuestions Editedfroma Bodleian Manualla storia script (Auct.F.3.10) (London, 1979) and I Quesiti Salernitani:Introduzione tr. nel Medio Aevo e nel Rinascimento, medicae scientifica problematica della letteratura AlessandroSpagnuolo([Salerno], 1969), add. note G. 91 Duby, "The Culture Class," 255-56. of the Knightly
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of his textby excerpters and sense the appropriation Yet in another agenda forat leastpartof William'soriginal a triumph represents compilers thework In thisabbreviated form, rhetorical strategy. andpartof his revised riches to takeadvantage ofthescientific thefirst whowas among ofWilliam, Italy,now rejoinedthat containedin the medical learningof Southern become widely whichhad, in partthanksto Williamhimself, tradition, in general and the philosophy in Northern Europe.Bothnatural appreciated by Constantine represented works philosophical and of medical new canon bytheendofWilliam's place in theworldofLatinlearning helda prominent fit with the nicely oftheDragmaticon thedialogueform career. Furthermore, the which format had evolvedalongwith question-and-answer compilation's whichthe"Salernitan The sections Questions" Salernitan medicalmaterial. material of that enhanced thedevelopment from theDragmaticon borrowed transfer of dialogic exchange-not merelythe catechistic by introducing subjects. a meansto explorescientific butrather information of natural and diversity in the twelfth Given the fluidity philosophy the changes we cannotclaim thatthe way William negotiated century, ofrelations a modelforourunderstanding which he livedconstitutes through Butfor at William, andnatural philosophy. audience, rhetoric, author, among to philosophy, choices were one way to positionnatural least, rhetorical itscontent, of learning, to explore to other branches itsrelationship articulate audiences.It was notthe only and even multiple and to addressparticular William employed, norwas ittheonlymethod theseends, wayto accomplish self-consciousness and skill-and boththe butitwas one he used withgreat worldhe of the intellectual and the skillwereproducts self-consciousness the shiftsin his rhetoricalchoices fromthe inhabited.Furthermore, to changesin the clearresponses represent Philosophia to theDragmaticon for theeducational andtheconstituencies milieu, ofknowledge, constellation Latinlearning. natural are to shaping and positioning William'sapproaches philosophy as becausehe notso muchbecausehe occupieda middleground ambiguous A pioneerin the creation of Western on shifting ground. foundhimself and to a Neoplatonic he was deeplycommitted and naturalism, rationalism in the forthe constitutive powerof words;a participant respect exegetical the old scholarly eliteof themonasteries, he from dissociation of learning of theold thesupport of thatshift and sought manyimplications mistrusted to and exploratory of William'sapproach spirit secularelite.The flexibility illustrate thekinds theinterests ofnatural andadvancing philosophy defining whicheventually philosophy placednatural of socialandrhetorical strategies notonlyoflater scholars in a position andcommitment to claimtheattention withthepowerto secureits and institutions butalso of thosesocial groups future. KenyonCollege.

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