By mutual agreement, the International Social Science Journal publishes the official proceedings and other communications from

the following international organizations: International Association of Legal Science International Committee for Social Sciences Documentation International Economic Association International Political Science Association International Sociological Association International Social Science Council World Association for Public Opinion Research ( W A P O R )

Recent issues: Vol. X V I I , N o . 2 Population studies Vol. X V I I , N o . 3 Peace research Vol. X V I I , N o . 4 History and social science Forthcoming topics: M o d e r n methods in criminology Science, technology and economic development Social aspects of town and country planning

Selected articles from this Journal are also appearing in Spanish in Amrica Latina, the quarterly review of the Latin American Centre for Research in the Social Sciences (Rio de Janeiro)

Editor: Peter Lengyel. Opinions expressed in signed articles are those of the authors and d o not necessarily reflect the views of Unesco. Permission for the free reproduction of articles appearing in this n u m b e r can be obtained from the Editor. Correspondence arising from this Journal should be addressed to: T h e Editor, International Social Science Journal, Unesco, place de Fontenoy, Paris-7e.

Unesco 1966

SS.65/I.71/A

Printed in France by Imp. Crete, Paris

international social science Journal

Volume XVIII 1966

unesco

international social science journal

Published quarterly by Unesco

Vol. X V I I I , N o . i, 1966

' H u m a nrightsin perspective Introduction by Marion Glean Ideologies and traditions Maria Hirszowicz D . D . Raphael - Romila Thapar T h e Marxist approach T h e liberal Western tradition of h u m a n rights T h e H i n d u and Buddhist traditions The socio-economic framework William J. Goode ' Pierre Juvigny George Thambyahpillai Family patterns and h u m a n rights The legal protection of h u m a n rights at the international level The right to private property and problems of land reform Select bibliography The world of the social sciences Research and training centres and professional bodies International Federal Republic of G e r m a n y Greece Hungary Mali N e w institutions and changes of address International Sociological Association Committee for International Co-operation in Rural Sociology Deutsche Gesellschaft fr auswrtige Politik 91 92 95 96 41 55 69
11 22

31

Athens Centre of Ekistics and Graduate School 98 of Ekistics Institute of Economics, Hungarian A c a d e m y of ' Sciences ioi Malian Institute of H u m a n Sciences 104

Meetings Inaugural Conference of the International Peace Research Association (Groningen, July 1965), b y Elise Boulding 107 T h e role of science and technology in economic development ( R o m e Meeting, 27-28 August 1965), by Lisbeth Schaudinn 113 Swiss-Italian Colloquium o n Rural Exodus a n d Depopulation of Mountainous Regions ( R o m e and Geneva, 1965) 117 Announcement Documents and publications of the United Nations 118 and Specialized Agencies 119 Books received 128

ERRATUM la the report on the N e w York colloquium on the unification of law for international trade, by John Honnold [International Social Science Journal, Vol. X V I I , N o . 2), the sentence beginning at the end of p. 362 and running o n to p. 363 should read: ' A year prior to the colloquium a plan of study was developed b y the Director of Research of I A L S (Professor Tune, 0 / Paris) and the General Rapporteur of the colloquium (Professor Honnold).' T h e words in italics were unfortunately omitted in the text as it appeared originally.

Human rights in perspective

Introduction
Marion Glean

In its forthcoming programme Unesco will attach great importance to sponsoring scientific research into the causes of conflict as these are reflected in ethnic group relations, but it will also broaden the scope of this prog r a m m e to include situations related to h u m a n rights apart from 'race relations', where social science research m a y be of value. A Round-Table Meeting on H u m a n Rights held at Oxford, United K i n g d o m , from n to 19 November 1965 was intended to provide some assessment of the issues involved in seeking to implement the articles of the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rightsdrawn u p in 1948in the world of 1965. In particular, the meeting was seen as a discussion between experts deliberately chosen from a wide variety of disciplines and diffrent geographical areas about the lines along which Unesco's action in the field of h u m a n rights should be planned as from 1967-68. T h e programme for the Oxford meeting was divided into two parts: (a) philosophical traditions, and (b) socio-economic conditions affecting their implementation. In Part I papers were presented o n the main philosophical traditions: h u m a n rights in the Judaic-Christian tradition; h u m a n rights in the H i n d u and Buddhist traditions; h u m a n rights in other Asian traditions; h u m a n rights in the Islamic tradition; h u m a n rights in the traditional thought of Black Africa; the liberal Western tradition of h u m a n rights; the Marxist approach to h u m a n rights; and h u m a n rights and ngritude. In a Secretariat paper, Looking at the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in /505, the belief was expressed that '. . . the implementation of the U n i versal Declaration of H u m a n Rights would be m a d e easier if w e could discover what value systems arose as a response to particular needs and h o w these value systems affect the action of individuals and States in particular present-day situations'. During the discussion of papers submitted under Part I of the roundtable meeting, some important issues bearing on the evolution of h u m a n rights were discussed. Perhaps the most importantcertainly the most

Int. Soc. Sei. ]., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

M a n o n Glean

controversial and the only one which will be reported herewas whether or not the concept o f ' h u m a n rights' was peculiar to and inherent in Western philosophical traditions. It was argued by some participants that the concept of h u m a n rights originated from the concern with the individual and as a result of the democratic traditions which were fundamental to Graeco-Christian thought, becoming politically vocal in eighteenthcentury liberal philosophy and producing at last the politico-socio-economic ideas which were to become, with the addition of nineteenth- and twentiethcentury Marxist thought, the basis of present-day universal concern for h u m a n rights. For this group of participants, acceptance of the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights by nations outside Europe is a victory for Western thought and the implementation of h u m a n rights becomes to some extent a matter of certain forms of legal procedure and social arrangements already perfected in Europe and in the Western hemisphere. There is here an unspoken philosophical belief that social and economic action is dependent on philosophical theory. T h e historical case most often quoted was slavery, the freeing of the slaves in the early nineteenth century being taken as an example of philanthropic action following religious belief or liberal European thinking of the eighteenth century. This point of view presented a dilemma to two schools of thought. First of all the Marxists. If philosophy (or, some would say, theology) is the determining factor in socio-political action, then the primacy of the economic infrastructure is denied, and with it the supposition of the Marxist sociological models. Secondly, scholars from the 'Third World'. O n e m a y accept the principle of the priority of philosophical and theological thinking without necessarily accepting that the present trend towards a world morality c a m e about as a result of Western thinking: it could just as easily have c o m e about as a result of thefirstindication of a disintegration of Western thought and, with it, of effective Western political action. In this case justice, peace and equality can be found only by a return to the noncompetitive 'traditional' values of Africa and of Asia. O n the other hand one m a y deny the primacy of philosophical and theological influence on political and social action whether from the West or from the 'Third World'. T h e abolition of slavery in the West Indies in the early nineteenth century would stem, then, mainly from economic motives and not from the liberal ideas inherent in the French Revolution, while both colonialism and the surges for independence in the twentieth century can be seen in terms of economic and political desires and conflicts rather than as a failure or the spread of European liberal ideas. It would follow, thus, that the older texts of Africa and of Asiasome would add of Islam and Christianitycan be relevant only within a particular socio-economic situation, while the d e m a n d for h u m a n rights as articulated today is a n e w concept forced on the West in the eighteenth century by industrialization, revision of agricultural policies and the population drift to the towns. These processes are taking place today at different rates in all countries and are producing the vocal claims for rights occa-

Introduction

sioned by the conditions brought about by the n e w social and economic relationships of modern urban existence. T h e three papers chosen from Part I of the programme and reproduced here illustrate the argument: 'The concept of the rights of rr.an atfirstappeared under the n a m e of natural rights. A s such, it depended upon the doctrine of natural law, which itself represented a confluence of stoicism, of R o m a n law and of the Judaic-Christian tradition' ( D . D . Raphael). 'It follows that the Marxist approach consisted in referring general universal principles to group situations and group interests. Political and social doctrines expressing one or another attitude of h u m a n rights could be thus regarded as attached to certain historical stages of development, to definite situations and group interests . . .' (Maria Hirszowicz). 'It is premature to look for well-articulated legal codes in the cultures of two thousand years ago which might reflect h u m a n rights as w e k n o w them and desire them today. . . . T h e implementation of h u m a n rights demands a certain socio-economic ethos which is becoming increasingly feasible in most parts of the world' (Romila Thapar). T h e subjects discussed in the second half of the programme were chosen with the present state of social science research in mind, and also in connexion with the priorities of the current Unesco programme: socio-economic factors affecting the rights of w o m e n ; h u m a n rights, family structure and socio-economic conditions (two papers); h u m a n rights to individual property and problems of land reform; h u m a n rights and the mobilization of capital in the public interest; h u m a n rights and scientific development in evolving societies (two papers); the h u m a n right to education, educational choices and vocational choicesresources, targets and aspirations; h u m a n rights and the responsibilities of mass media in the modern world; the legal protection of h u m a n rights at the national level; and the legal protection of h u m a n rights at the international level. It was not by chance, to take one example, that mass media constituted one of the subjects for discussionthe extension of techniques of mass communication, the decreasing costs of certain methods and the comparative expense of others, the discussion as to their feasibility for mass literacy campaigns, planned adult education and its use within the context of leisure m a d e mass media a most challenging subject. There is the question of induced social change: can certain values, considered by a section of a society as desirable to social and economic progress be 'sold' to the rest of the community via mass media? C a n attitudes to saving and investment, traditional agricultural methods and traditional food habits be changed by the use of carefully selected radio and television programmes? O r are such changes dependent on a modification of the socio-economic structure itself and so only marginally affected by television or by radio? C a n one hope to devise some programme or research whereby one can isolate or measure change in a society resulting from information given by mass media as distinct from other factors involved in the process of change? H o w far

10

Marion Glean

does television influence today's political decisions? Political dialogues can n o w take place within view of the populations of even the largest countries. W h a t does this m e a n in terms of increased public awareness of the issues involved in political discussions, and popular involvement in the policymaking decisions of governments? Will the transmitter, relatively cheap and easily transported, modify the political relationship between the rural population and the urban seat of government? If mass media can radically affect accepted relationships, what should be the criteria for their prog r a m m e s , and it follows, for their ownership? William J. Goode's paper on 'Family patterns and h u m a n rights' and George Thambyahpillai's paper on 'The right to private property and problems of land reform' which illustrate the discussions on the socio-economic conditions necessary for the implementation of h u m a n rights are reproduced here. There is abo, last but not least, the question of the legal implementation of h u m a n rights. It is sometimes argued that the Universal Declaration has had little impact because there is no effective method of implementing its clauses. There have in fact been certain important steps towards a legally guaranteed declaration. A certain n u m b e r of rights proclaimed by the Universal Declaration have been dealt with not only at the national but also both at international and regional levels. A t present there is no over-all and really efficient means of permanent and effective protection of these rights, but there are some procedures of a juridical or quasi-juridical character which have been internationally established. In Peru die Universal Declaration has the force of municipal law and is seen as the binding n o r m in internal as well as external law. In Scandinavia, there exists the office of the O m b u d s m a n charged with the investigation of all reported cases of a miscarriage of justice, while the Supreme Court in the United States and the Conseil d'tat in France have played important roles in defining and preserving h u m a n rights. These national methods of guarantee were discussed with the participation of a Peruvian jurist, an American jurist, the Swedish O m b u d s m a n , 1 and two French jurists, keeping in mind the words of the Secretary-General of the United Nations in his Fourth Annual Report to the General Assembly of 1949: 'It is true that this Declaration is not a law, but neither have been m a n y of the most influential documents of history. T h e United States' Declaration of Independence and France's Declaration of the Rights of M a n were not laws w h e n they were proclaimed.' Pierre Juvigny's paper deals with the legal implementation of rights at an international level and is also reproduced here. 1. A n article describing this office and its functions, which could not be included in the present issue for technical reasons, will appear in the next number.

Marion Glean, a graduate of London University, is at present programme specialist in the Department of Social Sciences of Unesco, in charge of projects on human rights and on race. She is a Trinidadian.

Ideologies a n d traditions

The Marxist approach

Maria Hirszowicz

The Marxist conception of man, rooted in the anthropocentrism of the enlightenment, has three basic elements: recognition of the right to individual development, a joint social responsibility for the satisfaction of individual wants, and the rationalization of social relationships. After summarizing portions of Marxist sociology, the author goes on to discuss the emerging principle of unity of theory and practice, and the continued relevance of Marxist analytical approaches in dealing with problems of modern industrial society. H u m a n rights m a y be viewed from three correlated angles: (a) philosophically or from the viewpoint of Weltanschauung whereby w e adopt a certain system of values and consequently a set of principles for the understanding of h u m a n rights; (b) sociologically or by using cognitive models and forming through them our outlook on social reality to determine whether h u m a n rights are enforced or not; (c) morally and politically, i.e., from the viewpoint of practical choices and decisions determining the extent of our commitment to action which is aimed at the enforcement of h u m a n rights. T o each of these areas Marxism has brought its o w n solutions and seen them m o r e or less accepted in the world of today. If it is difficult to examine and present in a general w a y the Marxist approach to these problems, Ulis is because by Marxism w e m e a n , on the one hand, the views of M a r x himself, treated as a coherent system, and, on the other hand, opinions held by all those whowhile adopting the doctrines of Marxhave interpreted them in their o w n w a y and adapted them to practical conditions of action. In this article w e shall adhere to thefirstand narrower interpretation of Marxism.

Anthropocentrism. The concept of total m a n

Marx's conception of m a n was born of the West European tradition. T h e historical consciousness of the rights of m a n worked out in West European thought w a s the product of a long evolution, with intermediate stages where each time the limits of social solidarity were circumscribed by the

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

ia

Maria Hirszowicz

then existing social conditions. Yet the all-embracing idea of universal m a n was a child of the Enlightenment placing m a n as a point in infinite space, from which one could draw endless lines and thus connect all other points.1 T h e anthropocentrism of the Enlightenment was a product of antimetaphysical natural science, the modern epistemology, of the school of natural law and the political teachings of liberalism. Yet it lacked deeper insight and broader reflexion upon society and its laws of development. Hence the abstract conception of m a n attaining his natural rights in conformity with the precepts of reason. N o t before the nineteenth century did social thought bring forth the dynamic idea that h u m a n rights were only gradually achieved.2 Its starting point was the notion of historic m a n fulfilling the idea of liberty (Hegel) through the constant struggle of opposites and the transformation of social relations. According to Hegel humanity must transcend existing conditions. Equilibrium m a y last only a m o m e n t . In this w a y social institutions which yesterday were still consonant with 'the awareness of h u m a n liberty' have become alienated today, have become the object of social action, transformation, 'denial'. Feuerbach's formula ' T o m a n the only G o d is m a n himself',* corresponding to the spirit of the Age of Reason and linked with the dynamic idea of freedom as conceived by Hegel, was the point of departure for the anthropocentrism of M a r x w h o subordinated his theoretical and practical work to the concerns of m a n and to m a n ' s place in society. Marx's criticism of the existing social order sprang from his moral refusal to accept a society so organized that it was bound to imprison the personality of m a n and check its o w n capacity for growth.* This attitude was adopted by M a r x both in his critical analysis of the social consequences of the division of labour and in his appraisal of social systems degrading m a n and oppressing the producers. Division of labour meant, according to M a r x , separation of manual work from mental work, of the power of governing and decision-making from the duty of obeying, or blind execution of orders. This separation was a result of the division of m e n into those whose main instrument of labour was their hands, and those w h o worked with their brains, a division into those w h o governed and those w h o were governed.8 This view was born of opposition, of protest against the 'intrumentalization' of the individual. At the same time it meant an affirmation of the principle that m a n ' s personality should be fully free to expand. It followed from the concept of total m a n , growing and giving expression to his creative potential. T h u s there arose, as against the tradition of the Enlightenment, a n e w idea of social solidarity. T h e belief that the freedom of the few must not
i. D . Diderot, Textes choisis. Vol. II, p. 137, Paris, 1953. 2. B . Baczko, Czlowiek i swUUopoglady [Man and world outlooks], passim, Warsaw, 1965. 3. L . Feuerbach, Das Wesen des Christentums, p. 369-70, Leipzig, 1841; L . Feuerbach, Dos Wesen der Religion, p. 170, 30 Vorlesungen, Leipzig, 1908. 4. A . Schaff, Marksizm a jednostha ludzka [Marxism and the human individual], esp. p. 71, Warsaw, 1965. 5. K . Marx, Das Kapital, chaps. XII-XIII, Berlin, 1947.

The Marxist approach

'3

be purchased by subordination and degradation of the m a n y became the chief point of criticism directed at the system which tolerated and consolidated that evil. Finally, the third element of Marx's philosophy of m a n was the view that he would be free only w h e n and in so far as he controlled the conditions of his o w n existence, a recognition of the aim, c o m m o n to the whole of nineteenth-century socialist thought, of achieving a social order where economic anarchy and lack of social control over production and distribution would be overcome, where purposefulness and planning would be instituted in society. These three elements, thenthe recognition of the right of the individual to the development of his personality, the principle that society was jointly responsible for the satisfaction of individual wants, and the desire to rationalize social relationsconstituted a n e w type of philosophy of h u m a n rights, shifting the focus of interest from the relation between the individual and the State to the relation between the individual and society, and reflecting the new dilemmas of the industrial age. 1 Marxist sociology and the problem of h u m a n rights Conclusions permitting ideals to be brought nearer to facts were sought by M a r x , through scientific endeavours and findings with the purpose of supplying a relatively adequate definition of the social situation and finding ways and means leading to changes in conformity with the historically determined needs of m a n . There was a growing conviction diat m a n w a s not an abstract or isolated individual but a social being whose situation was conditioned by the whole of social relations. That conviction, in turn, gave birth to the well-known nineteenth-century belief that the problems of m a n might be solved only through a positive knowledge of society. This idea was the essence of the great sociological systems of the past century, combining endeavours to reform with attempts at a scientific examination of social structures and the historical process in its various ramifications (Comte, Spencer, M a r x ) . T h u s the era of doctrines and utopias gave w a y to the era of concrete knowledge. It is hardly possible to present a detailed account of the sociological theories of Karl M a r x in this short article. It will be limited, therefore, to a very brief outline of those elements and features which explain the specific character of Marxist sociology in its approach to h u m a n rights. i. M a r x treated the h u m a n person historically and positively, seeing m a n involved in existing over-all systems within which he belonged to groups, classes, strata, nationalities, local and religious communities, to organizations set in some fashion in the entire framework of social relations and subjected to definite laws. T h u s whereas the e n d o w m e n t of h u m a n
i. M . Hirszowicz, 'Niektre zagadnienia socjologicznej koncepcji panstwa' [Some problems of the sociological conception of the State], Studia socjologicsno-polityane. N o . 7, i960.

M a a Hirszowicz

rights with moral and philosophical substance might result from the concept of total m a n , the actual application of those rights was always to be considered in its historical implication, as derived from a definite social order. This view of the condition of m a n a n d its objective determinants, therefore, stemmed from a conceptualization of great and complex social structures, a n d historical development. 2. Constraints suffered by m e n were considered by M a r x from a double viewpoint: (a) as natural limitations, by which he meant limits imposed by nature and by the productive forces at any given attained level, or, speaking m o r e generally, by the material culture attained at a certain stage of development (for this reason the primitive community was n o Garden of Eden for M a r x ) ; (b) as social constraints resulting from the different positions occupied by people in that system, from differences in the access of particular categories of persons to worldly goods. 3. T h e appearance of social differences w a s ascribed b y M a r x to the rise of private property and the State;1 thefirstled to economic inequality, the second to political constraints. Each economic and social system was characterized b y its o w n type of internal structural differences and constraints, running (a) along the lines of class divisions, and (b) along divisions within the separate classes. T h e distinguishing characteristic of precapitalist systems, as described by M a r x , was the connexion between economic dependence a n d extra-economic forms of coercion, the status of slave or peasant-serf. Capitalism, o n the other hand, brought to the fore purely economic factors, and these, once formal legal restrictions were abolished, determined the social condition of individuals belonging to the various classes and groups. 4. According to M a r x these social limitations were the source of claims advanced in the n a m e of particular classes and groups subjected to specific constraints. T h e rights vindicated could be different in content and extent and assume different forms. It was due to the victory of die m o d e r n conception of the rights of m a n that these claims were formulated in the most general phrase: 'everybody has a right to . . .'. This universal form was adopted, for instance, for the claims set forth in the n a m e of the tiers tat against feudal abridgments of rights, w h e n the middle classes were coming to the fore as the spokesmen of the broadest masses and their interests. But, from the same standpoint, M a r x criticized the bourgeois idea of h u m a n rights which accepted the 'natural order', that is to say a free enterprise order extending freedom both to the powerful and the weak. Such freedom really amounted to inequality, was actually a denial of freedom for all,: was liberty for the few.2 5. It follows that the Marxist approach consisted in referring general, universal principles to group situations and group interests. Political and
1. Fr. Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State,firstG e r m a n edition, Zurich, 1884. 2. K . Marx, Die heilige Familie, p. 46-53, Berlin, 1953. See also C . L . Becker, 'Dilemma of Liberals in Our Time', in: Detachment and the Writing of History, N e w York, 1958.

The Marxist approach

social doctrines expressing one or another attitude to h u m a n rights could thus be regarded as attached to certain historical stages of development, to definite situations and group interests. Knowledge of the structure of a given society m a d e it possible to foresee: (a) to what extent claims would be accepted; (b) to what extent they would be met with indifference or neutrality; (c) at what point and b y which group opposition would be started, as a result of a reasonable assessment that the rights claimed might impair the interests of the resisting group. 6. Group situations and group interests reacting to certain claims and aspirations were considered by M a r x not in moral terms but as a consequence of social systems imposing upon particular groups the logic of their behaviour. A n analysis of the over-all system m a d e it possible to determine in each case: (a) what claims might be admitted and actually met in response to the inherent functional requirements of the existing system (for instance, the claims of workers to elementary education were not only consonant with capitalism but became an absolute necessity at one stage of development of highly industrialized society); (b) what claims would be the object of bargaining a n d compromise permitting of solutions by w a y of mutual concessions which were dictated by the existing balance of forces (such, for example, according to M a r x , were the claims of workers to m i n i m u m wages); (c)finally,what claims would transcend the limits of the existing system and posit the abolition of the existing social order. 7. Marx's analysis of industrial society through which he discovered certain regularities in the system of free enterprise convinced h i m diat, within the limits of this society, it was impossibleeven in the long runto satisfy the essential social and economic needs and aspirations of the masses. These included the right to work (the Marxist theory of economic cycles), the right to the full remuneration of expended labour (the assumption that competition inevitably led to the pursuit of accumulation, inter alia, through savings on workers' paydie 'iron law of wages'). M a r x insisted that these demands could be met only through specific changes which would break into the area of private property, introduce regulation and control of economic developments, abolishing the machinery of free competition and the capitalist market. T h u s M a r x m a d e the attainment of h u m a n rights to social and economic security closely dependent upon his prog r a m m e of socialist transformation. 8. Social changes, however, as M a r x envisaged them, did not c o m e about automatically. T h e abolition of restrictions o n h u m a n rights was treated as a complicated historical process, full of contradictions and conflicts, political struggles and not infrequently of revolutionary upheavals. Advocated principles, even those which were universally acceptable if expressed in general terms, became bones of contention between different groups w h e n their interests clashed. 9. Marx's theory of historical materialism and his vision of socialism were merely a methodological outline for the interpretation of the historically mutable structures of society. His sociology was a n open system.

i6

Maria Hirszowicz

M a r x underscored repeatedly that it should be treated as an approach to history, as a m e t h o d of studying social developments, as a method which let us admitmight also, mutatis mutandis, be applied to the examination of numerous problems arising in socialist society. A s m a y be gathered from this exceedingly brief review, Marx's conception of sociology is closely connected with his sociological approach to h u m a n rights.1 This sociological attitude entails not only an empirical establishment of facts bearing o n the application of certain rights and an explanation of the general bases of their existence, but also a n effort to interpret the changing criteria of our appraisals and expectations. M a r x repeatedly pointed out that n o era attempted to set itself tasks which it could not solve. Viewed from this angle it is n o accident that he regarded the great ideas of the American and French revolutions of the eighteenth century as historic events of thefirstmagnitude. This attitude, contrary to what is usually maintained, is not that of relativism, forthough defining the needs and aims of m a n as historically conditionedit nevertheless adopts those general standards of morality which m a k e the h u m a n person its starting point and solid frame of reference ( Anthropocentrism) . a Even if the claims of m e n are not matched by their practice, the very enunciation and inclusion of these claims in m o d e r n ideologies are a turningpoint in the history of our civilization. However, as rightly remarked by Harold Laski, the divergence of principle from practice must not be too wide lest it breed discouragement a n d provoke cynicism, introducing further laxity into a n already disorganized society. Consequently, w e should n o w examine Marxism in action, by proceeding to a consideration of the third of the areas indicated at the outset of our examination of Karl Marx's attitude to h u m a n rights. T h e principle of unity of theory and practice8 Marx's view that social changes did not occur without conflict but m e t resistance meant that practical action was elevated to a higher level of importance, that it w a s recognized as the indispensable supplement to moral attitudes a n d theoretical thought.4 B y adopting the principle of materialism, asserting that opinions and conviction were reflexions of social situations, M a r x rejected the illusions of Utopian socialists w h o believed i t possible to bring about and ensure acceptance for social changes of a

i. A . Schaff, op. cit., p. 45. 2. E . Fromm, Beyond the Chains of Illusion. My Encounter with Freud and Marx, p. 31, N e w York, 1962. 3. K . Marx, The Communist Manifesto (English centenary edition), London, 1948; A . G . Mayer Marxismthe Unity of Theory and Practice, chap. 4, Cambridge, Mass., 1954. 4. 'Communism . . . is the origin of humanism in practice'Karl Marx-Friedrich Engels Werke, 1 Abt, B d 3, p. 166, Institut fr Marximus-Leninismus beim Z K der S E D , East Berlin, Detz Verlag, 1961-66.

The

Marxist approach

'7

progressive character b y the simple device of enlightened interventions from above, by the rulers. M a r x thought the reverse was true. T h e practical spokesmen of h u m a n rights were mainly those classes and groups whose particular rights were abridged, and whose practical interest lay in the advent of a social order which would once and for all abolish these particular constraints. Regarded from this point of view, Marx's idea of the role of the proletariat was not so m u c h messianicthough that is often maintainedas realistic, in that it took into account the real interests of the proletariat, interests which m a d e that class receptive to specific programmes of social change. It was also a conception which took into account the value of the strategic support of other social classes a n d groups which m a d e it possible to anticipate inevitable vicissitudes, retreats a n d hesitations, and which was such as to stimulate the sober assessment of social forces in given historical conditions. Political and social attitudes and beliefs were considered by M a r x from two viewpoints. In terms of mass behaviour they were treated as derivatives of certain situations and ensuing interests.1 In terms of individual behaviour and decisions they were a matter of autonomous choice connected with this or that system of recognized principles and values. M a r x himself, as well as his closest collaborator and friend, Engels, were m e n w h o , regardless of their origin and social position, joined the socialist m o v e m e n t because of its universally h u m a n significance. M a r x thought of the proletariat as the force capable of making the vision of a world where justice would rule c o m e true, and he considered scientific theory to be the instrument capable of giving content and shape to the legitimate cause of the proletariat. Here was the personality patternalien to the academic notions current at the timeof the learned m a n and leader, embodying the unity of scientific reflexion and practical participation in the conflicts of his era. M a r x describes communists as m e n w h o d o not address 'enlightened public opinion' over the heads of rulers, nor do they address an anonymous, amorphous crowd, but rather turn to that part of society which is able to see its future and its opportunity of working for social change a n d progress.2 M a r x and Engels did not view C o m m u n i s m in institutional terms but chiefly in intellectual and moral ones. T h e y believed C o m m u n i s m in action was peculiar only in so far as it tended to discern m o r e clearly the law of social life, andas far as possibleclose the gap between facts and ideals. Let us n o w reflect to what extent M a r x i s m as described above is relevant to the debate on h u m a n rights at the present stage. W e might begin by pointing out that certain aspects of the Marxist approach to the rights of m a n have b e c o m e an integral part of die climate
i. 'History is nothing but the doings of man in the pursuit of his ends'Karl Marx-Friedrich Engels Werke, op. cit., p. 265. 2. The Communist Manifesto, op. cit., p. 13.

i8

M a a Hirszowicz

of opinion n o w prevailing. This is evidenced not only by the fairly general acceptance of h u m a n rights in the economic and social sphere but also by the belief that in order to satisfy these needs it is necessary to take consciously planned action in terms of government policies. W e have seen this principle embodied in the revolutions of Eastern Europe and Asia and in the spectacular social and economic progress of the socialist countries; w e have seen it making headway in the highly developed countries of the West where, since the'thirties, elements of planning have been steadily adopted as have measures to prevent u n e m ployment, and to expand education as widely as possible. A n d today w e are witnessing novel attempts to control the process of social growth in m a n y developing countries which are embarking u p o n the road to industrialization governed b y the idea of State socialism and a controlled economy. In all these areas of social life where the needs of m a n a n d his rights are controversial and where it is difficult to reach general agreement the Marxist view is still the c o m m o n denominator of die communist and socialist Left (even if it is not always expressly recognized as their ideology by the socialists). Philosophically this is manifested by the adoption of values and standards admitting the just aspirations of all those whose rights to life, personal dignity, economic security a n d civil liberties are infringed to accommodate the narrow interests of big business power lites, imperialist or chauvinist objectives and national prejudices. Sociologically it is expressed by the consideration of h u m a n needs and by the thought devoted in terms of historical materialismto existing obstructions to the right of fulfilment of h u m a n needs. Politically it is evidenced by the present awareness of the wants and desires of the masses a n d the endeavour to translate these wants into progressive policy goals. These attitudes of the Left have been moulded in response to the contradictions inherent in capitalism and the resulting abridgments of h u m a n rights. Checks u p o n modern m a n m a y be seen in different perspectives and be related to different social systems. In view of the unequal development of our civilization those rights which are c o m m o n l y accepted in one society are contested and opposed in another; institutions operating as safeguards to h u m a n rights in one set of conditions are completely inadequate in other environments. T h e question of w o m e n ' s equality, for instance, assumes one character in poorly industrialized countries where the most important thing is to release w o m e n from the vicious circle of household chores and die dictates of custom, and is quite different in industrial societies where it is essential to obtain equality of pay, social security a n d political rights for both sexes. Social security takes one form in countries where the backbone of society is the family and a local community providing individual support and a sense of belonging, and another in those countries where, under die impact of industrialization a n d urbanization, traditional social bonds have been broken. T h e principle of free association works differently in conditions of strong social tensions and conflicts than it does in societies

The Marxist approach

J9

displaying a high degree of internal stability. Dissimilarities between social structure, economic rights and political systems determine the sequence of those social needs which are of primary importance at any given m o m e n t , and the real functions of culture patterns and social institutions governing h u m a n relations determine the successive stages in the fulfilment of these needs. This poses the question of enforcing h u m a n rights in a broader perspective. It includes various social and economic systems, various cultures. W e m a y foresee, before long, a need for critical revision, and fresh examination of m a n y notions and ideas seen to be conceived too narrowly w h e n confronted with the manifold wants and pursuits of m a n , or, on the contrary, too generally in the face of circumstances calling for unequivocal principles and goals. As far as industrialized countries are concerned it m a y be shown that, parallel with or even quite apart from the constraints arising out of private property and the machinery of the capitalist economy, m a n is confronted with n e w dangers and threats eluding, as it were, the simple definition and exposition which can be found in the traditional catalogue of h u m a n rights. In what follows, w e shall try to take u p some of the problems usually described as the dilemmas of the age of collectivism and discussed by modern social scientists. If w e wish to sustain the principle of personality growth, w e are i m m e diately faced with the imperious question of h o w far this processsometimes labelled the 'instrumentalization' of the individualwhich is the direct outcome of the division of labour and of measures to rationalize social relations, m a y in fact go. T h e world w e live in is becoming, as is well k n o w n , a world of large organizations which impose disciplines and constraints upon the individual constricting the h u m a n personality and setting limits to individual expansion. T h e nearer w e draw to the point where our fundamental social and economic wants are secured, the more acutely d o w e feel those constraints. T h e adaptation of m a n to a n organization is achieved, as is well k n o w n , at the cost of shrinking individual initiative, a peculiar reduction of the worker to a tiny cog in the mighty gears of the industrial machine, of inhibiting individual mobility through the growth of specialization, of crippling the h u m a n soul by everyday routine and the monotony of operations programmed in advance and strictly controlled. Having been for long an inseparable feature of industrial production this has n o w entered the sphere of mental work. Thus, w e are approaching today a point at which educators, psychologists, and psychiatrists propose to abandon a scheme whereby m a n , in contradiction with his very humanity, is forced into a kind ofrigidframe.1 This is by no means a problem of the distant future. It has m a d e its appeari. J. Hochfeld, Studia o marksistowskiej teorii spoleczcnstwa [Studies in the Marxist theory of society], chapter entitled ' D w a modele huraanizacji prasy' [Two models of humanization of work], p. 13 ff., Warsaw, 1963.

20

Maria Hirszowicz

anee also in socialist countries where rapid industrialization calls for clear and definite decisions as to the shape of the society which w e desire to build; it has present bearing o n practical moves and organizational measures. W h a t kind of industrial relations do w e wish to attain? H o w can w e avoid the mechanical adaptation of m a n to organization in favour of accommodating organization to m a n ? H o w can w e effectively counteract the instrumentalization of the individual? All these are questions m o r e a n d m o r e widely discussed in the industrial sociology of socialist countries.1 Another particularly important question of our times is the problem of safeguarding the elementary rights of the h u m a n person as an individual, a problem which must be faced within the n e w complexities of organization and the social system and, therefore, calls for n e w solutions. T o illustrate this point let us take the recurring references in the newspapers of socialist countries to various impersonal regulations and administrative decisions based on the law of large numbers and treating individuals as statistical items. F r o m the viewpoint of collective needs the h u m a n person m a y be inconsequential, since what counts are masses and quantities: thousands and millions of people are at stake. But the availability of positive safeguards to protect individual rights through c o m m o n l y recognized institutions enabling the citizen to claim his due is no trifling matter from the point of view of ethics, which places the highest value o n m a n . It would be impossible to enter here into all the details of practical difficulties emerging in this connexion. T h e crux of the matter is that the other 'party' concerned in such conflicts is not m e n but systems and organizations; against them traditional means of defending individual rights fail, individual sanctions or the ascription of material responsibility for any w r o n g done prove ineffective. There is another area in which such n e w types of contradictions and constraints appear: in the behaviour of large organizations, whose scope and power erect specific barriers to social participation and control.2 Such organizations (even in a planned economy and under centralized authority) frequently evade the influence of society, though they impress u p o n it their o w n aims and standards a n d set u p particular types of defence machinery against programmes of rational social change. T h e rights of people to participate in taking decisions which concern them and to control the course of events is subjected to various limitations in this area. Traditional forms of political control (such as representation, parliament, freedom of speech a n d association), worked out in the doctrines of the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, appear to fail here. Also, expectations that public control could be firmly entrenched in the structure of decentralized territorial self-government or self-governing bodies of producers could not be fully m e t in practice. T h e progressive
i. See the report submitted to the Third Congress of the Polish Sociological Society, b y K . D o k tor, M . Hirszowicz, J. (Kulpinska, and A . Matejko entitled 'Emerging Socialist Pattern of Industrial Relations', Polish Sociological Bulletin, N o . i / n , 1965. 2. M . Crozier, Le phnomne bureaucratique, Paris, 1963.

T h e Marxist approach

21

merging of the various spheres of social life into o n e integrated w h o l e b e c o m e s a n irreversible fact. W e m a y find this d i l e m m a reflected in the contrasting picture, almost classic b y n o w , of a c o m m u n i t y o f publics set against a society of the masses, 1 the first being a type of d e m o c r a c y without participation of the masses, and the second, participation of the masses with restricted d e m o cracy. A society of the masses is a m a n a g e d , a m o r p h o u s society, a n object and not a subject of political decisions. This is certainly not the form of society accepted b y socialist ideology, although w e c o m e to b e persuaded little b y little that it is not easy to w o r k out a n e w political m o d e l with active participation of the masses. In the light of w h a t has been said, the catalogue of political rights d r a w n u p in the nineteenth century appears inadequate, not because w e call into doubt its underlying values but because political freedoms as clothed in their nineteenth-century wording d o not secure these values. W e c a n see here once m o r e the question of individual safeguards w h i c h , in its time, w a s the principal subject of interest to doctrines of liberalism. T h e political doctrine of collectivism proves insufficient since it is too general, a n d contains m a n y alternatives w h i c h , from the viewpoint of h u m a n rights, m a y b e evaluated in different w a y s . This review of n e w problems arising from enforcement of h u m a n rights in a world of large organizations, while far from exhaustive, suffices nevertheless to justify the statement that every stage of social development brings its o w n dilemmas calling for solution. In this connexion the following should be underlined: first, the significance of all-embracing h u m a n standards a n d values w h i c h might supply a criterion for the evaluation of particular principleswatchwords, p r o g r a m m e s a n d proposed settlements, values w h o s e application m a y b e recognized as the m o r a l measure of social progress; second, the necessity of undertaking m o r e penetrating research into h u m a n needs a n d m a k i n g closer examination of the abridgements of h u m a n rights at each level in the hierarchy of our civilization, as manifested in different social structures and political orders; third, the role of social action to settle not only matters of present urgency but also to try to establish favourable conditions for the realization of all-embracing h u m a n values. T h e s e principles, as already underlined, have remained to the present day a n inspiration to all those w h o take a genuine interest in the enforcem e n t of h u m a n rights. i. C. W . Mills, The Power Elite, chap. XIII, 'The Mass Society', New York, 1956.

Dr. Maria Hirszowicz is head of the sectionforthe sociology of organization at the University of Warsaw, and secretary of the section on work and organization of the International Sociological Association. Her published works include Problems of the British State (960) and Sociological Confrontations: Marxism and Contemporary Sociology (1964). She is the editor of M a n in Industrial Organization (1965) and co-author {with M . Morawski) of Social Participation in Industrial Enterprises (forthcoming).

T h e liberal Western tradition of h u m a n rights

D . D . Raphael

The liberal Western tradition of human rights is discussed mainly in relation to the difference between economic and social rights on the one hand, and civil and political rights on the other. It is argued that social and economic rights were not unknown to European philosophical thought of the eighteenth century, but that in fact the concern for civil and political rights in Western liberalism quickly broadened to include a realization of the importance to the individual of certain social and economic guarantees. T h e most striking difference between the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights a n d the best k n o w n of the eighteenth century documents on the rights of m a n is that the former adds economic and socialrightsto the older conception of civil and political rights. I propose to discuss the liberal Western tradition of h u m a n rights chiefly in relation to the distinction between these two categories. W e all k n o w that it is m o r e difficult to draw up an agreed convention, and to specify methods of legal enforcement, for economic and social rights than for civil and political rights. Consequently some people think that it would have been wiser to confine the Universal Declaration to civil and political rights. For the purposes of m y discussion, I shall take as an example of this view a little book by M r . Maurice Cranston, Human Rights Today.1 I shall not b e concerned with the practical question of legal enforcement, on which I a m not competent to speak, except to suggest that the difficulty is exaggerated unnecessarily if w e suppose that the legal processes for securing h u m a n rights must always be of the same kind. M y discussion will be concentrated on a theoretical aspect of the problem. It is said (by M r . Cranston for instance, but his view would be shared by some other historians of political theory) that the liberal Western tradition of h u m a n rights is limited to civil and political rights, and that this limitation is theoretically, as well as practically, a sound one. T h e concept of the rights of m a n at first appeared under the n a m e of natural rights. A s such, it depended upon the doctrine of natural law,

i. London, Ampersand Books, 1962.

Int. Sac. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No. 1, 1966

The liberal Western tradition of human rights

23

which itself represented a confluence of stoicism, of R o m a n law, and of the Judaic-Christian tradition. T h e idea of natural law, as of any law, involves both duties and rights, but the traditional theorists of natural law gave m o r e emphasis to the duties, and there is m u c h to be said for this form of presentation. A m i d present-day discussion of h u m a n rights, one sometimes hears the complaint that there is too m u c h talk of rights and not enough of duties. T h e complaint rests on a misunderstanding. W h e n people like ourselves speak nowadays of the importance of securing h u m a n rights, w e are not thinking so m u c h of our rights against others, but of the rights of the underprivileged; and since a m a n ' s rights normally correspond to the duties of others towards him, our talk of h u m a n rights could as well be represented by talk of the duties of the m o r e fortunate, including ourselves, to improve the conditions of the underprivileged. H o w e v e r that m a y be, the concept of natural rights, as distinguished from natural law with its greater emphasis on duties, takes the centre of the stage for thefirsttime in certain theorists of the seventeenth century, notably Hobbes and Locke. T h e position of Pufendorf is also of interest in this connexion. Pufendorf, w h o comes between Hobbes and Locke in point of time, sees m o r e clearly than either of them the complexities of the notion of a right, but he conforms to the older practice of giving greater attention to the concept of duty. This is true of his masterpiece, De Jure Naturae et Gentium, and is crystallized in the tide of his subsequent abridgement of it, De Officio Hominis et Civis. T h e latter work was translated into French by Barbeyrac as Les Devoirs de l'Homme et du Citoyen, thus giving rise to the famous phrase of the Declaration of 1789, les droits de l'homme et du citoyen, with the significant change of 'rights' for 'duty'. T h e shift of emphasis from natural law to natural rights in Locke is a s y m p t o m of the growing individualism of the seventeenth century. That individualism can be seen in the epistemology of Descartes, making the cogito, the thought of the individual thinker, take the place of authority as the foundation of all knowledge; it can be seen again in die importance attributed, in the thought of the Reformation, to the conscience of die individual in matters of morality; and it can be seen also, in political theory, in the concentration u p o n die rights of die individual against the State. Locke's doctrine of natural rights, which are essentially rights to liberty, m a y therefore be regarded as thefirstfirmstatement of die ideas of Western liberalism. Locke hastireemain natural rights, rights to life, liberty, and property (or estate). T h e third of these is difficult to justify as a natural right, and Locke's elaborate argument for it is clearly fallacious. It is well k n o w n that the American Declaration of Independence, in place of Locke's three m a i n rights of life, liberty, and estate, substitutes life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Locke himself attached great importance to property, and s u m m e d u p his three natural rights as the right to property, using the word 'property' in a wide sense to include life and liberty as well as estate. But I think die essence of his iought is better expressed by s u m m i n g u p all

24

D . D . Raphael

three of his natural rights as the right to liberty. W h e r e Locke uses 'property' in both a broader and a narrower sense, w e m a y instead interpret 'liberty' for him in both a broader and a narrower sense. A s he uses the term, the right to liberty is a right to be left free to d o as one pleases. M o r e broadly, however, liberty for Locke is simply freedom from interference of any kind. T h u s the right to life is a right against others that they should leave one free to live out one's life. T h e right to property is a right against others that they should keep their hands off that with which a m a n has 'mixed his labour', and should leave him free to be the sole user of it. This concept of liberty has been called a 'negative' concept, the absence of interference. T h e right to liberty in this sense corresponds to a negative obligation of others to leave a m a n alone to d o the best (or the worst) that he can for himself. It does not imply any positive obligation o n the part of other people to assist the individual, e.g., by granting him opportunities, or m o r e direct benefits, that he could not obtain by his o w n efforts. Locke's liberalism is therefore a strongly individualist doctrine. It is a departure, or at least an abstraction, from the earlier conception of natural law doctrine (retained in Pufendorf's socialites) that m e n have positive duties to help each other and not merely negative duties to refrain from hindrance. In conformity with his negative concept of liberty, Locke assigns a purely negative function to the State. T h e task of the State is to prevent m e n from encroaching o n each other's freedom. According to this view, the State is not expected to take positive action to improve the lot of individuals. That is to be left to their o w n efforts. Nineteenth-century liberalism continued this tradition, so far as economic action is concerned, with its doctrine of laisser-faire. Liberalism, so understood, emphasizes the rights of individuals to freedom from interference by the State, except in so far as the State acts in order to preserve the liberties of all. These rights have been called civil rights, but the phrase is misleading, since the rights in question are not confined to the citizens of a State. A foreigner is as m u c h entitled as a citizen to legal protection against being harmed, obstructed, robbed, or cheated; and he correspondingly has as m u c h obligation as a citizen to refrain from such actions himself. It is m o r e appropriate therefore to speak simply of 'rights of liberty'. Locke, like his predecessors, spoke of the natural equality, as well as the natural liberty, of m e n , meaning by this that all had an equal right to liberty and that noone had a natural right to dominion over others. It was therefore an obvious corollary of the doctrine of natural rights that government ought to be democratic, every m e m b e r of a State taking part in the institution of a government. This political right of participation in government, unlike the so-called 'civil rights', is of course confined to the citizens of a State. Here then w e have the rights of m a n as understood by classical liberalism, arid the view which I wish to discuss is that these rights alone constitute h u m a n rights in the Western liberal tradition. M r . Cranston says:1 'Ecoi. Human Rights Today, p. 38.

The liberal Western tradition of human rights

25

nomic and social rights were u n k n o w n to Locke and the natural rights theorists of the eighteenth century.' H e regards the idea of economic and social rights as alien to the liberal tradition. H e agrees, of course, as w e all do, that social security, universal education, free health services, and full employment are desirable social objectives, and he adds that modern C o m m u n i s m , which gives these aims priority over the traditional liberal aim of freedom, has applied the word 'rights' to them, although the language of rights w a s not used in original Marxist theory. S o far as the liberal Western tradition is concerned, the contention is, broadly speaking, that this tradition confines itself to the rights of liberty. If the literal meaning of the word 'liberal' is pressed, the contention is obviously true by definition. A liberal is one w h o believes in liberty, understood as freedom from interference. Classical liberalism furthermore is a highly individualistic doctrine, as w e have seen in Locke. It is exemplified also in Rousseau's Discourse on Inequality, that brilliant little essay which had so m u c h influence on the ideas of the French Revolution. It is exemplified again in Kant's statement of the rights of m a n in his essay on The Relation of Theory to Practice in Politics, a work that is equally inspired by Rousseau, and that speaks of the three great principles of the liberty, equality, and self-dependency (or self-sufficiency) of every m e m b e r of society. K a n t firmly denies that a government should be founded on the principle of benevolence towards the people; they should be left free to seek their o w n happiness. Nevertheless, I think that this is only part of the story. Western liberalism, in most of its advocates, has also contained strong elements of radicalism. By that I m e a n that it has tended towards the ethical (though not the economic) conceptions of Socialism. Liberty is joined with equality in all the Western liberal doctrines of h u m a n rights, and although Locke understands this simply as an equal right to freedom from interference, it soon turns into a claim for equality of opportunity, as in K a n t , for example. T o liberty and equality the French revolutionaries added fraternity, which is simply a resuscitation of the concept of socialitas, with its duties to give positive help to one's fellow-men, that figured in the traditional theory of natural law. S o far as Rousseau is concerned, the individualistic doctrine of the Discourse on Inequality was followed by the m o r e collectivist view of The Social Contract, including that fateful reinterpretation of liberty which linked it with the general will. I think that the so-called 'positive' concept of liberty, which w e find in Rousseau's Social Contract and in Hegel, has been responsible for m u c h confused thinking and some harmful political philosophy. In any event I should not regard it as the doctrine of liberalism, even though T . H . Green tried to amalgamate the two. W e should remember, all the same, that thefineststatement of liberal individualism, John Stuart Mill's essay On Liberty, takes its stand, not on freedom itself, but on selfdevelopment as the justifying basis of freedom; and the development of the individual, as Mill recognized, often requires that others, sometimes through the State, should provide positive opportunities for development, and not

26

D . D . Raphael

merely that they should refrain from obstructing it. I mention Mill, though he professes not to believe in natural rights, because he, if any one, can be said to epitomize the Western liberal tradition. A s is well k n o w n , Mill had considerable sympathy with the ideas of the French socialists of his time, even though he always remained an advocate of laisser-faire for economic activity. N o doubt it will be agreed, despite what M r . Cranston says of Marxism and C o m m u n i s m , that the ideas of economic and social rights o w e most to French socialist thinkers of the nineteenth century, especially Louis Blanc and Proudhon. It would not be proper to call these m e n liberals, but m y suggestion is that their views represent a natural development of the radical strain of the Western liberal tradition. Let m e illustrate this by going back to the eighteenth century. M r . Cranston is mistaken in saying that economic and social rights were u n k n o w n to the natural rights theorists of the eighteenth century. Louis Blanc's idea of a right to work is anticipated b y Turgot in 1776 and by Robespierre in 1793, and the French Declaration of 1793 speaks of a right to education.1 These ideas, which must be assigned to the liberal tradition, are then repeated a few years later in the socialist Manifesto of Equals of the Babeuf Conspiracy of 1796, which speaks of a universal right to education and a universal obligation to work. A n even clearer, because more extensive, example is to be found in The Rights of Man by T h o m a s Paine, w h o must certainly be called a liberal. In Part I of his book, published in 1791, Paine discusses the principles of the French revolutionaries, in reply to the attack of Burke. But in Part II, published in 1792, which is less well k n o w n , Paine goes farther. H e applies the principles of the declaration of 1789 in a carefully thought-out plan of what w e should n o w call social security. It included, for all w h o needed them, a State system of education, children's allowances, old age pensions, maternity, marriage, and funeral allowances, and a scheme of publicly endowed employment for die poor of London. In Agrarian Justice ( 1797), he sets out a revised plan, w i m a different method of financing a simpler system of benefits, available this time to all, whether rich or poor. H e says emphatically, in both works, that he is speaking of a right and not of charity. So m u c h for the eighteenth century. Reference to T o m Paine's plan as one of 'social security' calls to m i n d die work of a m o r e recent British liberal, Lord Beveridge, whose conception of what is n o w called the ' W e l fare State' sets out in concrete detail the principles and application of those economic and social rights which figure in the second half of the Universal Declaration. That Beveridge was a liberal, not a socialist, is perfecdy clear, for he emphasizes the principle of responsibility for self equally widi the principle of responsibility for others. A n extraordinarily similar statement of principles, in connexion with the Poor L a w , is to be found in the last chapter of J. S. Mill's Principles of Political Economy. Botfi these thinkers illustrate plainly the thesis that liberalism, no less than socialism, regards
1. Cf. C . J. Friedrich, American Political Science Review, December 1963.

The liberal Western tradition of h u m a n rights

27

the principle of fraternity as constituting rights for the underprivileged, while yet holding fast to die old liberal ideas of liberty a n d individual responsibility. S o far I have challenged M r . Cranston's interpretation of the liberal tradition. I n o w wish to consider in a m o r e analytical w a y the theoretical argument which h e gives for excluding economic a n d social rights from h u m a n rights. M r . Cranston argues1 that it is a mistake to class economic and social rights with the older 'natural' rights of liberty. H u m a n or natural rights, h e says, are universal moral rights, a n d before anything can be a universal moral right it m u s t satisfy two conditions, of practicability and of paramount importance. I agree with M r . Cranston that these are appropriate conditions, but they d o not in fact d r a w a clear line between the earlier and the later concepts of h u m a n rights. T o m Paine evidently understood die natural right to life as implying not only laws against homicide but also laws to provide a bare subsistence. Will anyone say that he w a s w r o n g in terms of paramount importance? N o b o d y would accept Clough's satirical couplet: ' T h o u shalt not kill; but need'st not strive officiously to keep alive.' Importance, like practicability, is, of course, a matter of degree, a n d n o doubt the prevention of murder is of m o r e paramount importance than the prevention of starvation. Yet the degrees of paramountcy d o not place all the rights of liberty before all the economic a n d social rights. If a m a n is subject to chronic unemployment in a depressed area, he will not thank you for the information that he has the basic rights of liberty. Locke's right of freedom to amass property is of little interest to such a m a n w h e n it goes along with 'freedom to starve'. J. S . Mill's plea for absolute freedom of expression cuts little ice with labourers w h o d o not k n o w whether they will have a job next m o n t h . I have not forgotten practicability. T o m Paine's plan for social security was eminently practicable for the England of his day, as he took care to show, but even his modest scheme w o u l d not b e feasible universally. Yet this is not to say diat poorer nations are unable to organize any aid at all for the needy; a sort of system of social security is to be found in the O l d Testament laws about leaving harvest gleanings for the poor, the periodic cancellation of debts, and so forth. Again, while u n e m p l o y m e n t is a m o n g the greatest of evils for those w h o are subject to it, n o a m o u n t of reading Lord Keynes will produce a golden key for full employment everywhere. Yet there is s o m e possibility nowadays of s o m e control of u n e m p l o y m e n t by governments, as there was not in former times, and therefore it is justifiable to speak of a duty of governments to d o w h a t they can. After all, no a m o u n t of criminal legislation or of police forces will be able to prevent all homicides; but that is n o reason for saying that the right to life must be struck out of our list of h u m a n rights as not being universally practicable. N o b o d y suggests that the right to w o r k or die right to social security i. Human Rights Today, p. 39-42.

28

D . D . Raphael

can be implemented to the same degree everywhere. Article 22 of the Universal Declaration, in introducing economic and social rights, recognizes that the entitlement has to be 'in accordance with the organization and resources of each State'. M r . Cranston justifiably derides the extravagance of Article 24 in calling holidays with pay a universal right. But w e could also deride the extravagance of Article 19 in speaking, without any reservations, of a universal right to seek, receive, and impart information through any media and regardless of frontiers. O n the face of it, this article would justify the transmission to a foreign power of secret military information, the tapping of telephone conversations, the opening of private correspondence, or the prying by any newspaper reporter into the private lives of individuals. O f course the article does not in fact intend these consequences. It needs to be read in conjunction with Article 12, which forbids arbitrary intrusion upon privacy, and with Article 30, which limits the exercise of any right so as not to aim at the destruction of other rights. Likewise Article 24, with its provision for holidays with pay, needs to be read in the light of Article 22, which sets a general limit on economic and social rights so as to accord with the resources of each State. I should agree, nevertheless, that the inclusion of holidays with pay is an absurd extravagance. It is so, however, not because the alleged universal right to holidays with pay is an economic or social right, but because holidays with pay are a luxury. T h e general principle of Article 24, the right to rest and leisure, is a perfecdy proper element in a list of basic rights and duties. If I m a y refer to the Old Testament again, the Mosaic Decalogue included a day of rest along with the prohibition of elementary crimes like murder and theft. T o the manual worker (and that means to two-thirds of the working population even in advanced societies), some security of employment and a reasonable limitation of working hours m e a n more than certain (I do not say all) parts of the classical rights of liberty. I have argued that M r . Cranston's two conditions of practicability and paramount importance do not afford a criterion for distinguishing the rights of liberty from economic and social rights. There is a sense, however, in which it is correct to say that the rights of liberty are universal moral rights while political, economic, and social rights are not. T h e expression 'a universal moral right' m a y be used in a stronger sense or in a weaker sense. In the stronger sense it means a right of all m e n against all m e n ; in the weaker sense it means simply a right of all m e n but not necessarily against all m e n . In the weaker sense, all m e n m a y have a right which is, for each of them, a right against some m e n only. A n example or two will m a k e this clear. Every m a n has a moral right against every m a n not to be killed; i.e., every m a n has a duty to every m a n not to kill him. This is a universal right in the stronger sense. By contrast, every m a n has a right, w h e n a child, to parental care, but this is not a right against every m a n ; i.e., it is not the duty of every m a n to give to every child the care of a parent. N o w the economic and social rights, and likewise the political right of

The liberal Western tradition of human rights

29

participation in government, are universal rights in the weaker sense. W h e n the Universal Declaration says that every m a n has the right to work, or the right to subsistence, it does not imply that the corresponding responsibility to provide any particular m a n with work or subsistence rests on every other m a n or every group of m e n ; it implies that this responsibility rests on the members of his o w n State, and that the government of that State has a duty to carry out the responsibility on behalf of all its members. W e do of course speak of a responsibility to help people w h o are in need in other parts of the world, but such help is an act of benevolence or charity, and not a matter of implementing a right. Similarly, the political right of participation in government applies only within one's o w n State. A n Englishman has the right to participate in the government of the United K i n g d o m but not to participate in the government of France; and since there is n o world State, it makes no sense at present to speak of a right to participate in the government of mankind as a whole. There is therefore a genuine difference between the rights of liberty on the one hand and political, economic and social rights on the other. It is well expressed by the French distinction between 'the rights of m a n ' and 'the rights of the citizen'. O n e has the rights of liberty simply as a m e m b e r of the h u m a n race, and they are rights which link every m a n with every other m a n . O n e has political, economic and social rights as a m e m b e r of a particular civil society, and these rights link each m a n with all the other members of his society. While this distinction limits 'the rights of m a n ' to the rights of liberty, it does not justify any suggestion that the rights of the citizen, i.e., the political, economic and social rights, should not be included in an international declaration. Although the Universal Declaration has led to the establishment of a regional international court, the European Court of H u m a n Rights, and m a y well lead to further international institutions, nevertheless the main purpose of the declaration is to encourage national governments to promote legislation and administrative measures for securing the rights of individuals within their o w n States. Legislation by governments of course encompasses the rights of m e n as citizens and not merely the rights which they have as h u m a n beings. S o m e people m a y say that the Universal Declaration taken by itself, without international machinery for implementation, can have n o effect on the actions of national governments. I myself do not share this view. Despite the lack of realism in some of the annual reports m a d e by governments, I think that the influence of the declaration and of the reports, by the force of examples, is not negligible. However, this is a practical question, on which the philosopher had best hold his tongue. W h a t I have tried to do in this discussion of political theory is to show that there is a sense in which the rights of liberty are fundamental, but also that the Western liberal tradition displays a natural and quite consistent development from these to political rights and then to economic and social rights.

30

D . D . Raphael

Note. T h e final pages of this paper, and a little of the earlier material, have previously been published as part of an article on ' H u m a n Rights' in Supplementary Volume X X X I X (1965) of the Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, London, and were used again for the Oxford meeting by permission of the Aristotelian Society. T h e earlier article is to be included in a book of essays on Political Theory and the Rights of Man to be published by Macmillan & C o . , London. T h e author asks us to say that the present paper was put together ad hoc in the short time available for the Oxford Round-Table Meeting and was not intended for publication. It is published here at the wish of Unesco alone.

David D . Raphael has been Edward Coir Professor of Political and Social Theory at the University of Glasgow since i960. He was professor of philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, from 1946 to 1948. Professor Raphael is the author of The Moral Sense (1947), Review of Morals (1948), Moral Judgement (1955) and T h e Paradox of Tragedy (i960).

The Hindu and Buddhist traditions

Romila Thapar

Hindu and Buddhist traditions arose from different socio-economic backgrounds: the former from a monarchical tribal society, the latter from republican and commercial groups. The different conceptions are reflected in varying attitudes towards caste. The Hindu laws of social order f d h a r m a j emphasize separateness and purity of caste, while Buddhism supported the supremacy of moral law and protested against caste. The brahmans elaborated d h a r m a for their own benefit but a degree of social harmony was maintained by balancing authoritarianism with local autonomy through the creation of sub-castes and the high value placed on tolerance.

T h e relationship between law and society involves both the actual and the ideal. T o the extent that particular laws are related to a particular society they can be regarded as a reflection of its value system. But law (both customary and codified) is also seen as a means of controlling societal function and, as such, an attempt is m a d e to perfect the legal framework, which then becomes a reflection of the aspirations of that society. T h e Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights reflects the values of m o d e r n m a n but the implementation of these rights in full demands a society which has yet to emerge. Article i states: 'All h u m a n beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.' This in itself indicates the large degree of idealism manifested in such documents. Despite the fact that the declaration is acceptable to a large n u m b e r of nations it would be difficult to find amongst them a single nation where this article is adhered to, implicitly and in practice, outside the strictly legal context. T h e problem of sifting ideals from actuality becomes increasingly difficult w h e n the period under study is considerably removed from the present. Both time and environment lead to changes in the concept of law. E v e n within a single tradition there can be apparently divergent and contradictory attitudes at various levels for which there is little or n o precise explanation; in such cases one has to search for detailed, accurate information in order to understand the contradictions. Such information is difficult to establish if the society is one which existed two thousand years ago. Keeping these problems in m i n d w e can at best concern ourselves with the broad

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

32

Romila Thapar

framework in which these laws were evolved. In the H i n d u and Buddhist tradition this framework can be deduced from a number of texts and documents, most of which were composed in the period between 400 B . C . and A . D . 400. M u c h of the later literature is in the nature of commentaries on the earlier works, which reflect relevant changes in both society and its laws.1 There are two approaches to an attempt at understanding the rights of the h u m a n being in the H i n d u and Buddhist tradition. First of all, the metaphysical aspect provides a framework of a rather generalized kind emanating from a small group of thinkers. Metaphysical thought certainly contributes to the ethos of a society, but this contribution becomes fairly diluted by the time it reaches the concrete reality of a legal code. T h e second and more significant aspect of the study is provided by the L a w Books themselves which draw a more distinct picture of the legal framework. However, reliance even on such definite sources is not without its dangers. T h e L a w Books are both a reflection of early Indian society as well as attempts at working out what was believed to be a perfect social system. Therefore the aspirations of the law-makers are also to be considered. Nevertheless, the danger can be mitigated somewhat by testing from historical sources the actual validity of the legal systems codified by the lawgivers. At the metaphysical level both Hindu and Buddhist thought are concerned primarily with the ultimate destiny of m a n a transcendent, spiritual state where the soulfindssalvation or the individual consciousness attains extinction. At this level of thinking the necessities and requirements of social life have at most a transitory value. Considerable emphasis is placed on the universal quality of all h u m a n beings, on the values of tolerance and compassion, and on the need for harmony between m a n and nature through recognition of the rights of eachall of which would lead to spiritual peace. There has been no dearth of modern philosophers w h o maintain that the Indian moral consciousness has been concerned almost solely with a quest for spiritual peace. Perhaps it was this concern with the ultimate quest for peace which led to a dichotomy between metaphysical thinking which encouraged a withdrawal from life, and the actual social institutions which were almost obsessed with the idea of a purposeful ordering of life. A perusal of the social and legal literature suggests that the metaphysical attitude w a s an ideal to which m a n y m a y have aspired but which few achieved. N o r w a s this ideal allowed to interfere too frequently in the organization of society. Metaphysical values apart, it must be remembered that the Hindu and Buddhist traditions arose out of two disparate socio-economic backgrounds: a fact which is reflected in their differing attitudes to h u m a n rights. Hindu
1. Hindu law has been codified in the Dharma-shastra literature, frequently referred to as the L a w Books. Of these the most significant for our purposes are the Dharma-shastras of M a n u , Yajnavalkya and Narada. Buddhist concepts on law were never codified in any single source. Legal ideas are, however, found in the Buddhist Canon, particularly in the Vinaya-pitaka.

The Hindu and Buddhist traditions

33

law wasfirstformulated in a tribal society and it was based largely on customary practices and relationships. A s is frequent in kin-societies, social controls had the force of laws. T h e central problem at this stage w a s to maintain peace between the tribes rather than to protect the rights of the individual. T h e acceptance of a monarchical system by these tribes introduced two n e w features. T h e political structure required by kingship encouraged an element of authoritarianism amongst the law-makers. T h e close association of kingship with divinity was projected into the realm of laws and provided a supernatural sanction for the laws whenever necessary. T h e status of the individual in society c a m e to be conditioned by these n e w factors. T h e Buddhist tradition originated at a time w h e n tribal loyalty was changing into territorial loyalty and there was a sharper awareness of political organization. Buddhism began as one of a n u m b e r of heterodox sects whose c o m m o n feature w a s their breaking away from brahmanical orthodoxy. T h e Buddhists and the Jainas h a d their origin in, and found their earliest supporters amongst, the republican tribes of northern India, and the republican tradition found its echo in the teachings of both Mahavira and the B u d d h a . Absence of monarchical authoritarianism and close association with the idea of divinity in the political sphere both led to a stress on the rights of the individual in society. This was further emphasized w h e n in the early stages Buddhism became popular amongst the emergent commercial classes w h o , in a period of expanding trade, gave it more than lip-service. In this milieu, not only was the individual increasingly regarded as the social unit, but even in institutional matters emphasis was laid o n contractual arrangements, free from the interference of divine agencies. T h e differences in the two traditions are significantly demonstrated in the respective theories o n the origin of government. According to the H i n d u tradition, m e n , in a state of defencelessness and social disorder, appealed to the gods and the latter appointed a king in their o w n image, w h o would protect the people and maintain law and order and in return take a share of one-sixth of the produce. 1 T h e social order of castes also emerged from a divine source.2 T h e Buddhist theory relates a different sequence of events. It postulates a golden age which gradually decayed through the institution of private property and other social evils. Finally the people gathered together and elected one from amongst themselves to rule over them and maintain an orderly society. H e was given a sixth of the produce as wages. 3 In the Buddhist theory the emphasis is on the quasi-contractual nature of the beginnings of government and o n the sovereignty of the people. T h e latter idea remained central to Buddhist political thinking but it was never taken a step further and developed into a theory of the rights of the people. There was no attempt to provide a divine origin for the evolution of the social structure in Buddhist thought. W e are told that people tended to
i. Rig-Veda, VIII, 35; Taittireya Brahamana, I, 5, 9. 2. Rig-Veda, X , 90; Taittireya Samhita, VII, 1, 1, 4-6. 3. Digha Nihaya, III, 61-77; Aryadeva, Chatushataka, IV, 76.

34

Romila Thapar

keep together in groups based on their occupations and these occupational groups gradually crystallized into castes.1 At the root of the social and legal thinking of both traditions was the belief that government is an unfortunate necessity in an age of decay. Such a belief implied that society existed prior to any governmental organization and, furthermore, that in effect society is more important than any form of government. T h e Indian mind therefore concerned itself with the quest for a perfect social system. In the H i n d u tradition individual salvation (mokska) lies in co-ordinating in a balanced manner the three pursuits of h u m a n existence, which are ahorma (the laws of the social order), artha (prosperity) and kama (pleasure). Dharma is the most important of these.2 Briefly, dhartna refers to the norm of conduct and of duties incumbent on each m a n in accordance with his caste. It derives from both the legal treatises of the past (often regarded as sacred texts) and from approved custom, particularly that which is not opposed to the sacred texts. T h e idea of dharma is fully articulated in the theory of vama-ashrama-dharma,3 where the definition of one's duty has reference not only to one's caste, but also to the particular stage in one's life, i.e., student, householder, ascetic, etc. Gradually dharma became the most significant concept in the Hindu tradition and the very basis of the status of the individual in H i n d u society. T h e proper working of dharma was dependent on the fact that every individual must recognize the duties he was expected to perform and act accordingly.4 T h e message of the Bhagvad-Gita was precisely this: one must act according to the rules of one's dharmaone's o w n duty even if poorly done is better than doing another's duty no matter h o w perfectly.8 T o act according to the rules of his dharma meant that a m a n must accept his position and role in society on the basis of the caste into which he was born and the norms which had been enunciated for that caste by the authors of the L a w Books. Duties implied obligations and the stress was far more on obligations than o n rights. This tendency was further emphasized by the strongly patriarchal character of the family unit. Dharma was essential because it promoted individual security and happiness as well as the stability of the social order. Each man's dharma had its
i. Vasubandhu, Abhidharmakosha, III, 98. v2. Manu, VII, 151-2; Vasishtha, I, 4-5; Gautama, X I , 19. 3. Varna, the literal meaning of which is colour, refers to caste, of which there were four major ones, i.e., brahman (priest), kshatriya (warrior), vaishya (trader) and shudra (the agriculturalist or any low profession). T o these four were later added the untouchable, w h o was in fact outside the caste framework. The literal meaning of ashrama is refuge. In this context the reference is to the four stages into which a man's life was divided, i.e., student, householder, retirement from professional and domestic duties, andfinally,ascetic. 4. The king's duty was to protect his people and if a king failed to do so, then the people were justified in deserting him [Mahabharata, XII, 57). However, the right to revolt in the Hindu tradition was whittled down to a moral right with the merest of legal sanction, probably arising out of a fear of anarchy. The brahmans were permitted to express their disapproval of an oppressive ruler, and on occasion this expression could be extended to the populace. The justification for such action did not emerge from an anxiety to protect civil rights, but rather to oppose the abuse of power on the part of the ruler (Bhagavata Purana, IV, r4). 5. Bhagavad-gita, XVIII, 40-48; Manu, X , 96-7; Gautama, VII, 1, 1-3; X I , 32-3.

T h e H i n d u a n d Buddhist traditions

35

o w n role in the larger and more complex network of the social structure. Therefore by observing the rule of his o w n dharma a m a n was showing an awareness of others in society as well. If individual members of society tried to formulate their o w n rules of dharma the result would be a chaotic society. Dharma was the foundation of individual and collective security since a state of nature without law was equivalent to anarchy.1 T h e fear of anarchy led to the elevation of dharma to divine status and this in turn gave it even higher status than the king and the government. 2 T o further safeguard the position of dharma another concept was introduced, that dharma is protected by danda (literally a rod or staff, signifying punishment). 3 T h e rules o dharma were formulated by the law-makers w h o were by and large members of the brahman caste and w h o naturally tried to maintain the superiority of their caste. Inevitably, since they were the ones w h o gave definition to dharma, the innate superiority of the brahman was expounded. As a complement to this it was necessary to formulate a system of social hierarchies. Social (and often economic) and legal privileges decreased with each descending step in the social hierarchy.4 Certain categories of brahmans were i m m u n e from the more exacting labours of routine living such as paying taxes, and could on occasion be regarded as above the law. T h e concept of dharma rooted in caste w a s extended to every aspect of h u m a n activity. It was logical therefore that the equality of all before the law was not recognized. According to the L a w Books, judicial punishments were required to take into consideration the caste of the offender.6 Rights were extended primarily to the privileged upper castes. T h e lower orders had only obligations. T h e burden of society fell most heavily on the shoulders of the shudras and the untouchables w h o could claim hardly any privileges or rights. A n important characteristic of caste is that an individual is born into a particular caste and cannot acquire the status of any other caste. This resulted in a check on individual social mobility. It also c a m e to be associated with a basic religio-philosophical concept of Hinduism, that of karma, which maintains that one's deeds and activities in one's present incarnation determine one's status and happiness in the life to follow. Thus a man's caste status was entirely of his o w n making and he was in a position to improve it by conforming to dharma and being reborn at a higher status in his next incarnation.8 This was an excellent answer to those w h o queried the justice of the caste system. It also acted as a powerful check on nonconformity through the fear of worsening one's condition in future incarnations. A m o n g the various means of maintaining the purity of the caste two are
i. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Shatapatha Brahamana, XI, i, 6, 24. ' One of the functions of the State was to uphold dharma (Arthashastra, III, 1, 150). Mahabharata, Shanti Parvan, 59. Manu, IX, 313-22; Gautama, VIII, 13; Mahabharata, XII, 56. Manu, VII, 337-8; Arthashastra, IV, 10. Shukra, I, 37-47.

36

Romila Thapar

specially stressed: the b a n on commensality a m o n g members of various castes and the strict observance of rules of endogamy and exogamy as applied with reference to caste. T h e rules of marriage were rigidly enforced and marriage was primarily a social institution.1 T h e lower the status of w o m e n the stronger was the legal tie of marriage. T h e patriarchal system tended to keep the status of w o m e n at a low level, and the emergence of the joint family with special property rights for the male members reinforced male dominance. 2 T h e family was recognized as a basic unit of society and enjoyed the right to protection by society and the State. This was accentuated in the case of families w h o o w n e d land and w h o worked on the land. T h e concept of property in the H i n d u tradition was usually associated with the ownership of land. T h e right to o w n property was granted to those w h o could afford it. T h e L a w Books maintain that property is founded o n virtue and that the king has a right to confiscate the property of the wicked, 3 of which, however, there is no record in historical sources. Yet another aspect of community living where caste discrimination applied was in education. T h e L a w Books are very clear on the point that only the three upper castes are entitled to education.4 Frequently it was only the brahmans and the aristocracy w h o received formal education. Caste discrimination kept the shudras away and the nature and content of the formal training kept the other non-brahmans away. Here the B u d dhist tradition was in striking contrast. Not only were Buddhist monasteries open to persons of any caste, but even the syllabuses had a wider range and included disciplines of more practical interest. T h e Buddhist tradition protested against the institution of caste. It recognized that in the routine working of society there were bound to be social distinctions, but maintained that these should not be exploited to the point of rejecting the concept that all h u m a n beings are equal. T h e B u d d h a was frequently asked about the relative purity of the four castes and invariably replied that all castes were equally pure. Buddhism was in favour of the equality of all before the law. A n offender brought before justice must be judged and punished according to his offence and without any concession to immunities or privileges relating to his caste.8 Arising out of its stern and unwavering ethical code, the Buddhist tradition supported the unqualified supremacy of moral law over politics. L a w is for the welfare of all mankind. It saw in brahmanical law the conditioning of society according to the requirements of a powerful lite. T h e
1. In the earlier period eight types of marriages were recognized, ranging from arranged marriage to abduction. Later only legal marriage was recognized. Personal choice in marriage was of limited occurrence and largely only among members of the aristocracy, though romantic love and elopement were by no means unknown judging from legends, stories and drama. 2. Obligations which the sons owed to their fathers in the patriarchal system were further underlined in the two inheritance systems current in the mediaeval period, the Dayabhaga and the Mitakshara, relating to the property of the joint family. 3. Mahabharata, XII, 57.21. 4. R . K . Mookerjee, Education in Ancient India. 5. Majjhima Nikaya, II, 128-30; II, 148-54; II, 88.

The

H i n d u and Buddhist traditions

37

same idea of the application of a moral law and the equality of h u m a n beings was extended to all created beings, and this was to result in the concept of ahimsa (non-violence). Everything that has life has a right to live; and to destroy life, n o matter what its form, is a crime. It m a y be argued that the Buddhists (and more than the Buddhists, the Jainas) m a d e a fetish of non-violence, yet the intellectual and moral assumptions of the concept arose from a healthy tradition. Whereas Buddhism preached non-attachment to worldly possessions, and property as w e have seen was regarded as an evil (precipitating the decay of the world in the days of its pristine purity), in actual practice the acquisition of property was regarded as a normal activity. Entrepreneurial activities in particular were encouraged and were open to anyone with sufficient foresight and resourcefulness.1 In its attitude to w o m e n , the B u d dhist tradition showed greater liberality than the H i n d u tradition, as for instance in permitting w o m e n to become nuns. Historical evidence sheds interesting light on the literary tradition. A m o n g the more meaningful historical documents are the edicts of the Emperor Asoka (third century B . C . ) which reflect a familiarity with both the H i n d u and the Buddhist traditions.2 T h e edicts are meaningful in the present context since they are the attempts of a ruler at solving the problem of the h u m a n being in a complex society. T h e n o r m of conduct suggested by the emperor carries a deep conviction of faith in humanity. Within the existing framework of social and economic relations, Asoka makes a powerful plea for social responsibility, for dignity and justice in the behaviour of one m a n towards another, for tolerance and kindness in h u m a n relationships and for non-violence. That the imposition of the brahmanical pattern in its totality was rarely a historical reality can be deduced from the fact that the heterodox tradition throughout the centuries was opposed to it in greater or lesser degree.3 T h e heterodox sects drew their following from the lower castes w h o were numerically larger than the upper castes. T h e heterodox tradition emphasized the equality of h u m a n beings, the equality of all before the law, disapproved of slavery, encouraged the acceptance of a higher status for w o m e n and placed greater value on empirical thinking and education than on the formalism of the brahmanical system. That the heterodox tradition failed to overthrow the brahmanical tradition was due partly to historical reasons4 and partly to the very nature of caste society. T h e origin and development of caste was not controlled by the brahmans.
i. Digha Nihaya, III, p. 188. 2. R . Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, p. 251-66. 3. Heterodox opinions were held in the early period by sects such as the Buddhists, Jainas, Ajivikas, Charvakas, etc. Later sects included the Tamil devotional cult, the various facets of the Bhakti movement, and the more esoteric sects such as the Tantrics. 4. The collapse of the republics in the early centuries A . D . and the gradual decline of the mercantile community towards the end of thefirstmillennium A . D . strengthened the forces of orthodoxy and authoritarianism, particularly in the feudal monarchies which emerged during this time.

38

Romila Thapar

T h e latter were merely shrewd enough to realize that they could use the existing system to their o w n benefit. In accordance with their o w n vision of society they enunciated laws on caste. These laws were by and large observed by the upper castes and were familiar in areas where orthodoxy played an authoritarian role. Elsewhere and amongst the lower castes, custom and usage m a d e a substantial contribution to the formulation of laws. T h e fact that caste w a s never confronted with the shadow of its decline can be traced to the structure of the institution itself. Each caste or sub-caste formed its o w n independent social unit, with its o w n laws of survival based on the economic possibilities to which it could aspire. A s long as the brahmans could maintain their position as the pre-eminent unitwhich they did by appropriating the administrative, educational and religious functionstheir ascendancy was assured. T o perpetuate their ascendancy they worked out the complicated and, what seemed to them, almost foolproof concept of ahorma. But the actual working of society was not strictly in accordance with this plan. Castes and sub-castes as social units did have some mobility and frequently sought to better their status, even if such improvement was denied to the individual m e m b e r . Economic necessities for instance could lead to a change in the status of a particular caste.1 Invading foreigners had also to be accommodated and their caste status defined. T h e objection of the heterodox groups was thus not to the system itself (which was a workable, socio-economic system) but to the brahmanical interpretation of it. It is against this background that w e must view the development of the H i n d u and Buddhist traditions. T h e framework within which the Buddhist tradition functioned is not available in a single code of laws. M u c h of it consisted of regulations which grew out of custom and usage and which were conditioned by the professions of those w h o supported Buddhism. T h e republican background nurtured an individualistic tradition in B u d dhism with a strong support for the kind of social and moral attitudes implicit in h u m a n rights. Despite the tradition having to contend with a caste society, the rights of the individual are given due stress. T h e Hindu tradition is in comparison far m o r e complicated. This is due in part to the fact that it has to be analysed from two perspectives. There is firstly the over-all framework of Hindu society where the emphasis is on duties and, judging by the L a w Books, access to rights is limited to the privileged classes. T h e second perspective is that of the localized group or caste where the concept of rights did exist although to a limited extent. T h e functioning of each small unit was controlled by its o w n mechanism and within this unit the individual m e m b e r could claim rights of equality and self-expression.2 T h e balance of rights and duties was fairly equal.
i. T h e history of a silk-weavers guild of the Gupta period, as described in the Mandasor Inscription, is an excellent example of this. 2. This is conceded b y the later L a w Books and b y historical evidence such as inscriptions relating to the functioning of guilds, village councils, caste councils, etc. (Gautama, II, 2, 19-21; Vasishtha, I). T h e Uttaramerur inscription gives a detail account of the functioning of a village council in south India.

The Hindu and Buddhist traditions

39

Rights within such a group were not thought of in any total or irrevocable sense. T h e m e m b e r of a sub-caste for instance could claim economic and social security from his sub-caste and the right to equality and to protection from violence, provided he observed the rules of that particular group. This is in a sense the key to the functioning of the Hindu tradition. Freedom lies in belonging to a group because the group can claim rights, as for example the rights of the caste, the rights of the family, the rights of the guild, etc.; the individual as an individual has no identity in a societal sense. T h e H i n d u pattern did not see m a n and society as antagonistic to each other. T h e two entities had mutual obligations and a commitment to these obligations would ensure the welfare of all. T h e H i n d u vision was that of an orderly society with each m a n attending to his appointed task, which would infuse a people with a sense of community, and which with its intense loyalty to the social group, i.e., caste, would provide both economic and psychological security. T h e careful classifying of all degrees of social relationships into a well-ordered system w a s partly to meet the requirements of this vision, and partly due to the normal tendency of Hindu theorists to classify everything d o w n to the minutest detail (this was applied to matters as diverse as tax collection on the one hand and the art of love on the other). This carefully worked out socio-legal framework reflected the brahmanical vision of the perfect society. Those w h o were opposed to such a vision could take a nonconformist stand by opting out of society, perhaps by becoming ascetics or mendicants, or by joining a dissident group. T h e H i n d u tradition m a n a g e d to maintain a considerable degree of social harmony by a careful balancing of over-all authoritarianism with local autonomy. N e w ethnic groups or occupational groups tended to become subcastes and maintained their o w n system of rights and duties. Dissident groups which began with the support of a cross-section of society ended u p by being identified as a separate sub-caste. T h u s , where the dissident element could not be absorbed in the existing structure, a compromise w a s worked out and it was allowed a separate identity. This was both independent within its o w n terms and yet a part of society. Sometimes the brahmanical tradition would even appropriate some of the rituals and customs of such a group in order to avoid open conflict. Social tensions arose at the birth of a dissident group, but they rarely took an acutely antagonistic form. T h e marginal relationships of the various sub-castes kept them from face-toface confrontations. In fact the system was conducive to the co-existence of various groups. T h e high value placed on tolerance in Indian thought was not just a pious wish, since, given this social structure, a little bit of tolerance could go a long w a y in preserving social harmony; more so perhaps than in other societies. In allowing these concessions in the working of society, the legal and social iniquities of the caste structure and the implications of the Hindu code were somewhat modified. This would also largely explain the striking absence of fanaticism in the H i n d u tradition. T h e guardians of law are, in the nature of things, persons belonging to

40

Romila Thapar

lite groups. Consequently legal codes conform to their world view. It is premature to look for well-articulated legal codes in the cultures of t w o thousand years ago w h i c h might reflect h u m a n rights as w e k n o w t h e m a n d desire t h e m today. In the ancient past there were m o m e n t s w h e n societies incorporated the metaphysical ideals of h u m a n rights into their legal a n d social functioning. E v e n in such m o m e n t s the rights w e r e extended only to lite groups: the slaves, the shudras, the serfs were all b e y o n d the pale. T h e concept of h u m a n rights is essentially a m o d e r n p h e n o m e n o n . For the first time in the history of m a n y cultures it has ceased to b e a metaphysical concept. T h e implementation of h u m a n rights d e m a n d s a certain socioeconomic ethos w h i c h is b e c o m i n g increasingly feasible in most parts of the world. For various reasons, a society is n o longer regarded as a n aggregate of families or groups as in the past, but as a n aggregate of individuals. W i t h a shift in emphasis from the welfare of the group to the welfare of the individual, the rights of the individual h a v e been conceded. W h a t this implies, both for the individual a n d for the future of society, raises another set of metaphysical questions.

Romila Thapar is Reader in Ancient Indian History at Delhi University. Her book, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, appeared in ig6i, and thefirstvolume of her History of India covering the period 1000 B . C . to A . D . 1526 is to appear in the Pelican History Series, in spring 1966.

The

socio-economic framework

Family patterns and human rights1

William J. G o o d e

The central sociological problem is to ascertain what social patterns will maximize the protection of human rights. These rights are here conceived as a specific part of the social structure and examined, at the family level, as a set of role obligations. Areas in which human rights within the family have been recently extended are summarized. Family ideology, especially its authoritarian component, is correlated to the macrostructure of society and political control through its impact on individual psychology, notably the ability to tolerate opposition based on personal security developed by participation in family decisions.

T h e fight for h u m a n rights is fraught with perils, not the least of which is that those to w h o m w e wish to grant these freedoms m a y reject the gift, since they enjoy their chains. T h e central psychological problem in extending h u m a n rights to disadvantaged groups is that what is one m a n ' s right must be another m a n ' s obligation. If I a m an authoritarian father, m y wife and children gain s o m e freedom only if I give u p what I n o w consider m y rights. T o urge others to grant freedom to their slaves, to share the right of decision with their subordinates, is of course easy if w e ourselves are not scheduled to give up any of our o w n privileges, but our ethical position becomes thereby somewhat dubious. T h e central sociological problem is to ascertain empirically just what are the social systems or social patterns which will maximize the protection of h u m a n rights. This is an almost completely neglected area of research, so that the question cannot really be answered from the data n o w available. W h e n w e d o have the answer, w e must be prepared to face the harsh possibility, so often the result of precise scientific inquiry, that w e shall then consider the costs of achieving or maintaining such a system to be excessive. Meanwhile, however, it costs little to explore the problem, to clarify it by descriptive and analytic steps. Perhaps thereby w e can ascertain at least the dimensions of the task. M y ultimate set of questions, which guide this
i. In writing this paper, I have had the benefit of talks with Orville G . Drim, Paul F . Lazarsfeld, Herbert H y m a n , Ronald Lippitt, Margaret McClure, Matthew B . Miles, Stanley Schachter and Stanton Wheeler, and wish to thank them for their help.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No. i, 1966

42

William J. Goode

exploration but which must remain unanswered until w e have m o r e adequate data, are these: i. W h a t kinds of family patterns are most likely to support a full implementation of h u m a n rights? 2. W h a t kinds of family patterns would the full implementation of a h u m a n rights p r o g r a m m e create? M o r e technically formulated, w e are asking whether the family patterns of a society, and the extent to which it protects h u m a n rights, vary at random with reference to one another; or whether they correlate in any w a y . I should like to ignore the thorny task of defining h u m a n rights here, to prevent the tedious detours and fruidess debates about social philosophy that will very likely ensue, but m y central empirical problem is partially defined by m y conception of h u m a n rights as a specific part of the social structure, as indeed a social sub-system itself. Therefore, I shall briefly address the problem. I hope, however, that the reader will not stop long to argue with m e about what are the basic h u m a n rightsand of course on this matter the basic charter of H u m a n Rights offers an excellent guidebut will instead focus on the social structural patterns that support those rights. T h e cultural heritage of every civilization contains such kernels of moral wisdom, such all-encompassing definitions of h u m a n rights, usually phrased as a moral injunction. O n e of these, which has its counterpart in perhaps all major civilizationsand, I hasten to remind you, actually applied in none will serve m y analytic purposes here as the core meaning of civic rights. (It has obvious limitations as a definition of family rights.) This injunction tells us to treat the stranger as our brother. Such exhortations are necessarily cryptic. T h e prophet does not m e a n , of course, that w e should treat the stranger as w e in fact treat our brodier, but rather as w e ought to treat our brother. Presumably, in the realm of civic rights this would m e a n that w e ought to protect and even cherish those (the strangers) whose opinions are different from our o w n , w h o might be in our economic power or under our political rule. Economic exploitation, arbitrary political condemnation or conquest, repression of artistic, political, or religious expression, prohibitions against geographical or social mobility all these would appear to be forbidden by such an injunction. I a m here less concerned with whether such a moral preachment contains an adequate p r o g r a m m e of h u m a n rights, than with (a) the clear fact that some central planks in any defensible h u m a n rights p r o g r a m m e art to be found in such a capsule statement; and (b) any such p r o g r a m m e requires a vast expenditure of h u m a n energy to implement it. A t the microstructural level of the family, for example, the inculcation of such moral sentiments as a set of role obligations, and not simply a set of empty sentiments to be mouthed on appropriate ritual occasions, requires a special kind of child rearing. It is so difficult that even in countries where diese rights are relatively well established, such as the United States of America, (a) only a modest majority or a large minority willj uphold jthem, and (b) violations of these rights occur every day.

Family patterns a n d h u m a n rights

43

T h e difficulty of transforming such 'rights on paper' into role obligations which parents successfully persuade the child to accept m a y be seen dramatically in the contrast between national constitutions and the respect for h u m a n rights in most countries. T h e egalitarian social philosophies that were expressed by the American and French Revolutions h a d such an impact on the Western nations that almost all the hundreds of constitutions and civil codes promulgated since the beginning of the nineteenth century have contained guarantees of free elections, free speech, freedom of religious practice, and freedom from arbitrary arrest or seizure of property, but in only a few countries have these rights been generally secure, and in none have they been absolutely secure. This difficulty m a y be sensed, if not clearly understood, by commenting that most of the freedoms that are called ' h u m a n rights' in fact violate the c o m m o n sense of the average person in most countries. It seems as irrational to the m a n in the street as it does to the despot to permit a group to publish wrong-headed opinions, to organize political opposition to the party in power, or to utter blasphemies. Doubtless, most employers throughout history have felt that their employees 'ought' to support them politically. Justice has meant even-handed impartiality in the legal ideals of all nations, but c o m m o n sense has always urged that only a cold or foolish m a n would betray his friends or family by judging against their cause. It seems to run counter to c o m m o n sense for a m a n in power to step d o w n merely because he has lost an election. T h e right of base-born m e n to rise to high position through merit is an ideal proclaimed in m a n y societies and epochs, but upper-class families have felt it was simple c o m m o n sense to protect the ineptitude of their o w n m e m b e r s against such rivals. Yet it is a tragic irony that c o m m o n sense is wrong. T h e force that is used to uphold it is misplaced and, especially in the m o d e r n era, futile. Slavery and colonialism have corrupted both the exploiter and the exploited, and the removal of these evils has profited both. Secure freedom of speech and religion, far from creating turmoil and instability, develops an adaptable, resilient social structure, which survives long after the highly controlled totalitarian or despotic rgimes have crashed. W h e n the lite families protect their inept sons b y denying entrance to the able from other social strata they guarantee their o w n downfall, often by revolution. In a most fundamental sense, the idealism of h u m a n rights is practical, and the c o m m o n sense of repression and exploitation is unwise, but the family experiences in most societies do not persuade children that this is true. I should like to add, parenthetically, that neither political science nor sociology has as yet been able to state h o w a nation can transform its old authoritarian rgime into one of liberty.1 There m a y well be particular social structural requirements, especially in the short run, before such freed o m s can be guaranteed. O n e might argue, for example, that complete
i. In this connexion, see the illuminating essay by S. M . Lipset, 'Establishing National Authority', in his The First New Nation (New York, Basic Books, 1963, p. 15-60).

44

William J. Goode

freedom of speech in G h a n a might at this time create political chaos, or that England can afford this freedom while Indonesia cannot. Just what those social-structural conditions are, however, is a separate problem which w e cannot investigate here. I noted earlier the kernel of the psychological problem of extending h u m a n rights to a given group, i.e., that each right is someone else's obligation, that to grant a right requires that someone loses what he had formerly considered his right. This problem has a n obvious political form as well, that those w h o are to yield or grant a right are n o w in possession of that privilege precisely because of their political power, and thus can and usually do resist. Classical China, for example, gave to the eldest male the legal prerogative of making most decisions regarding any m e m b e r of his family, from mate choice to divorce. T h e exploitation of any group is never based solely o n custom or habit, but is always backed by force, defined as legitimate by the ruling group. Indeed, it is precisely this resistance that so frequently makes a revolution necessary. Those w h o rule will not yield, and they have not sufficient wisdom to see that superior force will be arrayed against them. Traditional wisdom is a poor guide in a time of revolution. A n d this is an era of revolution, unprecedented in world history. Its aims, and the great social forces that have swept over government throughout the world, have largely centred on h u m a n rights. Whether they will turn out to be genuine revolutions, or only transfers of power from one group to another, cannot be k n o w n at present, but I predict that the rest of the century will witness the consolidation and establishment of h u m a n rights at a rate that no other historical epoch has ever experienced. In country after country the old stratification system is being rejected. M e n d e m a n d , as never before, the right to a voice in their governments, the right to have their children educated, the right to be heard. T h e y will not accept a slave or colonial status. T h e y have raised their aspirations beyond any standard in the past, except that of a few industrialized countries and the lite of classical Western republics, such as Athens, R o m e , or Florence. It cannot be a surprise to the sociological theorist, then, that so m u c h of this revolutionary wave has attempted to change family patterns. F r o m at least the time of Plato two and a half millenniums ago, wise m e n have suggested that if h u m a n rights are to be guaranteed, if each h u m a n being is to be granted an adequate opportunity for the full development of his talents, the family system must be altered. Every rigid stratification system, erecting barriers against the able poor, has relied on a highly controlled family system as its base, whether w e look in the past at T o k u g a w a Japan, or in the present at India. T h e family system is the keystone of every stratification system. Very likely, every utopia conceived b y m a n has in imagination changed the existing family system. Every wise m a n has also said that to transform a society it is necessary to rear the children differently, to socialize them for a n e w set of role obligations.

Family patterns and human rights

45

Since those w h o are concerned with h u m a n rights are not likely to be in positions of power, and therefore are more likely to view with alarm than to point with pride to accomplishments, it is perhaps useful to assert that at least in this one crucial area of h u m a n rights a considerable revolution is taking place. T h o u g h the facts noted here are well k n o w n to students of social change, and have been documented in great detail elsewhere, it is worth while to summarize some of the areas in which h u m a n rights relative to family patterns have been extended over the past half century.1 Let m e simply list the main points of change here. Mate choice. Prior to the Chinese Revolution of 1911, it is safe to say, most marriages in the world were arranged by the parents of the couple. A high but unknown proportion of the girls w h o married were given little or no choice because they were married in their early 'teens. Since that time, and at an increasing tempo since the Second World W a r , young people in every major area of the world have gradually c o m e to have a voice in this important decision. Bride price or dowry. Linked with parental arrangement of marriages in most societies was some type of dowry or bride price. These were not typically purchases, of course, but merely reflected the economic stake of the elders in the alliance between families. A s young people have c o m e to m a k e their o w n choices, they have also begun to reject such exchanges, thereby achieving a greater freedom of choice in their o w n lives. Inter-caste and inter-class marriage. Barriers to inter-caste and inter-class marriages have been rooted in custom as well as law. In almost all parts of the world the legal barriers have been eliminated, and custom has been eroded, too, under the impact of the freedom of choice given to young people. That most marriages will continue to be intra-caste and intra-class goes without saying, but the individual has a wider range of alternatives open than a half century ago. Control by elders and other kin. M o s t social systems, including those of great nations such as China, India, Japan and die A r a b countries, permitted by law and custom a rather wide control by elders over the young. These areas included geographical mobility, occupational choice, the level of education to be achieved, the allocation of income, and the participation in religious rituals, not to mention more trivial matters. O f course, even in the most industrialized of nations the network of kin plays an important role in the lives of married couples, but in most countries the adult n o w has a greater freedom in choosing which relatives he will support or listen to. In these respects, India remains perhaps most laggard a m o n g the great nations. In perhaps no country can young adults ignore their elders without personal cost, but in most they can obtain jobs without the blessing of their elders, and need not remain in tutelage until their elders die. Inheritance. Although it m a y be asserted that any inheritance system which permits m u c h property to pass from one generation to the next within the
1. William J. Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns (New York, Free Press, 1964).

46

William J. Goode

same family gives an advantage to one set of people and thereby restricts the freedom of another set, some steps toward freedom in this area m a y be noted. In traditional societies, there is little testamentary freedom, since the direction of inheritance is clear and fixed: e.g., equal inheritance a m o n g sons in China, primogeniture a m o n g samurai in T o k u g a w a Japan, inheritance by brothers from the brothers of the previous generation in India, and so on. However, the modern civil codes have increasingly granted testamentary freedom. In addition, most of these great societies omitted the female almost altogether. Islam did not, of course, but die girl received a halfshare. T h e newer civil codes have m o v e d steadily toward granting equal inheritance to all children, and widows have c o m e to be recognized even in societies that were once only patrilineal. Contraception. T h e right to choose whether one will bear children, or h o w m a n y , has until recently been granted to only a minority of the world's population. That some will wish to bear m a n y children in order to obey a religious injunction need not be questioned, but equally no advocate of h u m a n rights would wish to condemn a couple to having more children than they wish. T h e threat of over-population has stimulated m a n y campaigns which are gradually opening this area of choice to die peoples of die world. It is also worth mentioning here that this is especially an area in which w o m e n have not been permitted any choice, although the burden of children was theirs. Numerous studies have shown that even in areas of high birth rates most w o m e n are generally willing, and more dian m e n are, to limit their families. Abortion. Most countries continue to deny the right of the w o m a n , in the event of an unwanted pregnancy, to end it. This freedom has been most widely granted in the Communist countries and in Japan, widi somewhat less tolerance in the Scandinavian nations. Various arguments are currendy used to support die prohibition against free choice in this area, although without question open debate about die issue is m u c h m o r e acceptable than a generation ago. Divorce. It is surely a denial of choice if individuals are forced to remain in a marriage m e y dislike, and at the present time almost all of die world's population is permitted by law to divorce. In India, brahmins were not permitted to divorce, tiough some divorce did occur, and lower castes did have that permission. O f course, in India as in other nations permitting no divorce die husband typically had or has odier alternatives open to him, such as concubines, second wives, and so on. T h e Westerner should keep in mind, however, that some nations and cultures did permit divorce before the modern era. Islam traditionally gave the husband great freedom to divorce, and divorce rates were very high a m o n g the farmers in T o k u g a w a and Meiji Japan. Both of these were patrilineal societies. Matrilineal societies have ordinarily been relatively permissive regarding divorce. Egalitarianism within the family. Although there is little quantitative evidence on this point, almost all observers seem to agree that in almost all nations die w o m a n has been given greater authority, respect and freedom

Family patterns and human rights

47

within the family, and this relaxing of a patriarchal tradition has also improved the position of children. A s will be noted later, the ideology of familial egalitarianism has its source in a broader stream of radical thought, and its impact can be observed in most countries. O n e of the most striking consequences of this change has been that w o m e n have come to be permitted to occupy responsible positions outside the family. Again it is difficult to quantify such matters, but it seems likely that egalitarianism in the occupational sphere has spread most rapidly in the Socialist countries. It must be emphasized that I a m not referring to ' w o m e n in the labour force'. After all, w o m e n have borne heavy burdens in all epochs and countries. Rather, I a m pointing to a radically different phenomenon, the right of a w o m a n to obtain a job (and the training necessary for it) and to be promoted within it, on the basis of her o w n merits without the permission of her husband or father. Needless to say, this factor supports egalitarianism within the family, since it reduces the dependence of w o m e n o n the males, but it also creates a n e w respect for the w o m a n as an individual. O f course, with reference to all of these, the n e w civil codes are more advanced than the actual behaviour and attitudes of the populations concerned. T h e codes and n e w administrative rules are written by a new lite, w h o intend to lead these populations toward n e w types of family relations, but the process is relatively slow. Moreover, it is not clear just h o w far such changes can go, whatever the ideological campaigns or the economic pressures. All such moves are purchased at some costs, and these m a y rise too high to be tolerated. It seems unlikely, for example, that any society can completely eliminate the parentchild bond as a w a y of creating the new civic m a n without particularistic ties to hamper the political programme. I doubt, too, that any society will in our lifetime be able to create genuine egalitarian relations between m e n and w o m e n . In addition, w e must keep in m i n d that each of these freedoms is a loss to someone, and most of them reduce the individual's emotional and even financial security. For the former, there m a y be no structural substitute. For the latter, various types of social welfare and pension programmes m a y suffice. Even after taking note of these qualifications, w e must concede, nevertheless, that the trends noted are steps toward the securing of h u m a n rights. Granted, they d o not atfirstglance seem to be so dramatic or spectacular as the freeing of slaves or the abolition of a feudal system. O n the other hand, those liberations m a y in fact have consequences similar to those of such grander political acts. If one could construct a numerical index, I would predict that the extensions of h u m a n rights to w o m e n and children in their domestic and occupational roles would loom as large as any other single step in die contemporaryfightfor h u m a n rightscertainly, far more real progress than has occurred in the areas of freedom of speech, religion, and publication, or the right of free elections or assembly. That step added as m u c h or m o r e to the economic production of the nations in which it has

48

William J. Goode

taken place and, very likely, at levels which w e cannot easily explore here, helped to lay a firmer foundation for h u m a n rights in still other areas. O n e of these levels does deserve brief attention here, which is that most of these extensions of h u m a n rights in the family area have not occurred only passively, but have been impelled by a positive and radical ideology of the family, which grows from but feeds back into a radical ideology of h u m a n relations in society. T h e ideology of the conjugal family, as it is expressed in debates about family trends over m u c h of the world, asserts the worth of the individual against the claims of caste, clan, or social stratum. It proclaims egalitarianism and the right to take part in important decisions. It urges n e w rights for w o m e n and children, and for adult males against the traditional claims of their elder kin. It demands the right to change exploitative relations a m o n g people. In the West, its roots lie in the philosophic tradition that accompanied and interpreted the ascetic segment of theJProtestant Revolution, and that runs counter to central philosophic elements of the Lutheran sects. Its fundamental h u m a n roots are still more universal, in that it radically asserts the rights of all to enjoy h u m a n freedom, i.e., choices a m o n g real alternatives. That n o society and n o family system wholly lives u p to these principles goes without saying, but the contemporary pressures toward those goals are hardly to be denied. However, w e cannot evade the more problematic questions which I raised at the beginning of this paper. Even if most family systems of the world are moving toward granting more h u m a n rights to their m e m b e r s , can w e assert that any particular kinds of family patterns or relations will produce a higher percentage of adults w h o will support the claims of their fellow citizens to the full enjoyment of h u m a n rights in the broader civic realm? O r , in a less cautious formulation, is it likely that the early experiences of the child in the family have no relationship with the willingness of the later adult to grant tolerance, freedom, and protection to others? O r , in a more Utopian query, what type of family pattern would be most likely to produce adults w h o could live u p to the really difficult role obligations that are demanded by the full extension of h u m a n rights to all? T h e difficult task of socialization is not the inculcation of a love for one's personal freedom, which m a y be an easy goal: after all, any animal prefers at the outset to be free. But training children to support others' freedom and rights requires a m o r e complex psychological and social pattern. Does any type of family pattern do that? Perhaps w e might begin by taking note of a speculation often m a d e by social philosophers and sociologists, essentially that extreme familism denies h u m a n rights to others. That is, w h e n individuals are reared largely within the family and derive almost all of their satisfactions there, they are likely to over-value the ingroupthe ethnic group, the tribe, the region. Consequently, they feel free to treat outsiders as of little value, not deserving of any protection. A n extreme form of this unwillingness to grant h u m a n rights to others m a y

Family patterns and human rights

49

be found in m a n y peasant regions. A well-analysed example is to be found in E d w a r d C . Banfield's perceptive analysis of a southern Italian village.1 This suggestion, which w e m a y explore at a later point, that immersion in the family unit fosters intense ethnocentric attitudes that run counter to the role obligations of h u m a n rights, also receives some slight support from the finding that children are m o r e likely to be democratic in their social behaviour if they spend m o r e of their time with peers (who have roughly equal power) than with parents, w h o have superior power (we shall, however, consider this point). This general hypothesis seems to be roughly correct, if not precisely stated, and of course m a n y essays in the Western world have called o n this and prior generations to abjure their loyalties to family and clan, in order to embrace a loyalty to all humanity. However, the renunciation of extreme familism is hardly sufficient as a directive for rearing children w h o will support h u m a n rights. Speculatively, one would suppose that a high degree of permissiveness and egalitarianism within the family would be m o r e likely to produce individuals w h o could not adjust easily to a repressive political system, or w h o would not create such a system. M u c h evidence o n this point has accumulated since the publication of Horkheimer's collection of investigations entitled Studien ber Autoritt und Familie in 1936. a Without attempting to summarize a considerable mass of data and critiques,3 well k n o w n to the student of h u m a n rights, let m e simply remind you of the central suggestions in those studies. B y and large, they have asked the question, what kinds of socialization experiences create the type of personality that is most prone to deny h u m a n rights to Jews, Negroes and other ethnic groups? H o w e v e r , the answers suggest parallel hypotheses about the denial of h u m a n rights generally. Authoritarian control of the family by the father is correlated with such traits as these: deification of the parent, high evaluation of the father role, the child's passive adjustment to the present situation, the suppression of the child's aggression, suppression of sexual impulses in the child, and the fostering of dependency in the child. 'Democratic' attitudes of fathers correlate with egalitarian treatment of children, encouragement of their independence, and affection as a means of control.4 Adults w h o exhibit intolerance of others' rights are m o r e likely than other adults to have grown u p under authoritarian parental control and, of course, to continue that tradition with their o w n children. T h e stereotyping
1. Edward C . Banfield, The Moral Basis of a Backward Society (New York, Free Press, 1958), especially Chapters 5 and 6. 2. Forschungsberichte aus dem Institute fr Sozialforschung, Paris, Flix Alean, 1936. 3. The best-known study in English is T . W . Adorno, E . Frenkel-Brunswik, D . J. Levinson and R . N . Sanford, The Authoritarian Personality (New York, Harper, 1950). See the critiques in Richard Christie and Marie Jahoda (eds.), Studies in the Scope and Method of the Authoritarian Personality (Glencoe, 111., Free Press, 1953). 4. R . Nichols, ' A Factor Analysis of Parental Attitudes of Fathers', Child Development, 33, 1962, p . 797-8.

50

William J. Goode

that is so characteristic of those w h o consider people w h o diner from themselves as having few redeeming traits is emphasized by parental efforts to ascribe fixed, clearly distinct, traits to the two sexes; indeed, the more authoritarian the mother's attitudes, the greater the children's imitation of the like-sex parent.1 Additional suggestions as to the kinds of family relations that might maximize the support of h u m a n rights can be derived from Allport's description of the 'tolerant' personality,2 which summarizes thefindingsof m a n y studies. Perhaps central is the necessity of family interaction based on security and love, rather than threat, and that concedes the right of individuals to have pleasure without guilt. U n d e r a rgime of threat, the childand later, the adultfeels the need to have precise instructions, for fear of making errors and being punished for it. There is, then, an intolerance of ambiguity, whereas in a society that guarantees h u m a n rights the individual must be able to interact with others without at all knowing exactly what they will d o in turn; more important and m o r e specific, the individual does not have to interact with them as m e m b e r s of neat categories, such as 'Communist', 'deviationist', 'bourgeois formalist', 'decadent imperialist', 'Jew', 'Moslem', and so on. Similarly, in such families, individuals are conceded to have their o w n unique traits, and not to be forced rigidly into the categories of 'male' and 'female'for example, chores might be shared o n the basis of need and capacity, rather than sex. Given greater security in affection, and the right to have pleasure without guilt, the individual's tolerance of frustration is greater, and his need to attack others w h e n things go wrong will be less. Thus, he is less likely to approve any denial of h u m a n rights to those w h o differ in political or other beliefs. In m o r e technical terms he will have less repressed aggression, and less need to displace it against people w h o have not directly harmed him. Certain family experiences do seem to correlate with some of the attitudes necessary for democratic participation in civic life.3 Generally, a higher percentage of the people in countries granting more secure h u m a n rights feel that they were free as children to participate in family decisions. This finding parallels Allport's suggestion that in the family which fosters tolerance in a child the junior members are permitted to be critical. T h e y need not dread the superior power of the parent.4 In addition, A l m o n d and Verba report that a higher percentage also felt that they actually had some influence on these decisions, and were free
i. W . Hartup, 'Some Correlates of Parental Imitation in Young Children', Child Development, 33, 1962, p. 94. 2. Needless to say, Allport himself objects to the pale qualities of the term 'tolerant' but no good English word exists which conveys the meaning of 'supporting human rights'. Perhaps there is no such word in other Western languages, either. See Gordon W . Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (New York, Doubleday, 1958), especially Chapter 27. See also Chapters 10 and 25. 3. Gabriel A . Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston, Little, Brown, and Co., 1965), p. 274-6, 284, 286-7. 4. Allport, op. cit., p. 399-400.

Family patterns a n d h u m a n rights.

51

to complain about matters if they did not like them. Correspondingly, a higher percentage actually did complain. These findings also parallel the findings of several studies in the United States of America, showing that there is a higher tolerance of deviance and a greater willingness to give civic rights to people with radical opinions, toward the upper social strata, whether this is defined b y education or b y holding positions of leadership. For it is also in such strata that the ideology and practice of sharing family decisions is more widely found. 1 T o w a r d the upper strata, a higher percentage of adults felt that as children they were able to complain, and did so. Those w h o participated in family decisions also feel more competent as adults to influence their o w n governments. 2 It is worth noting that this correlation is weaker within the higher educational levels, where other types of experiences m a y supplement any lack of participation within the family itself. Bearing in m i n d that w e are not searching for the most effective ways of developing the superego in the child, but a particular superego content, let us further suggest (on the basis of research outside the family, but supported by investigations carried out by Kurt Lewin, Ronald Lippitt and m a n y others over the past ten years in a wide range of organizational settings) that a collaborative style of rearing is m o r e likely to create adults w h o respect the wishes and contributions of others. B y contrast, the autocracy that a Luther rejects in his father and his Church simply re-emerges in his o w n pattern of repression as well as in his notion offixedstatuses and duties imposed by fiat. O n e of the likely consequences of the collaborative style, in which parents and children co-operate to solve problems, is the development of faith or trust in other people. This, in turn, as most readers k n o w , is negatively correlated with authoritarianism. Faith in people, it is interesting to note here, appears to be highest in countries in which h u m a n rights are m o r e secure.3 A complex relationship exists between these factors and love. T h e m a n i pulation of love is one of the most effective techniques for developing a strong superego, but there is some evidence that the threat of love withdrawal creates m a n y psychological problems. A m o n g these is a distrust of others. If love is dependent, for example, on performance, performance m a y be high but regression is also a possible outcome. It seems likely that the security of parental love must be great enough to permit the child to face aggression b y parent or outsider without great anxiety. T h e ability to face hostility without any inner compulsion to aggress against those w h o oppose;

1. O n the class differences in the support of civil liberties, see Samuel A . Stouffer, Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties (Gloucester, Mass., Peter Smith, 1963), especially Chapter 2 and Appendix E . 2. Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 284. 3. Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 212-4.

53

William J. Goode

or without any inner compulsion to b o w to that opposition w h e n it is powerful (seeking love b y compliance) can be most effectively based on security in parental love. This security would appear to be based, in turn, on conveying to the child that he is loved as a unique person, not because of his status as elder or younger, male or female. T h e recognition that each m e m b e r of the family is unique, with his or her o w n needs and demands, rather than merely a set of ascribed statuses, should contribute to the generalized feeling that other individuals are also unique: they need not be manipulated to serve one's o w n needs, or rejected as outcasts. Such a security has an added by-product of some consequence in the broader area of h u m a n rights. W h e n adults or children fail to live u p to the norms they themselves claim to accept, it is unlikely that they can face diat fact, or improve their behaviour, if they can develop some kind of legitimation or rationalization for the discrepancy. A s has been widely demonstrated, those w h o discriminate against others often assert non-discriminatory norms, and avoid confronting the divergence between their behaviour and their norms. Thus they protect themselves against the strain of actually living up to those standards in the civic realm. It is unlikely that m a n y individuals can achieve such a confrontation unless they have been given a considerable internal security, specifically a feeling that they are loved in spite of moral lapses. This last point is linked, in turn, with a widely held psychodynamic notion, that self-acceptance is the strongest foundation for the acceptance of others. T h e child whose parents h a m m e r into h i m a sense of his pervasive and continual moral failure is m u c h less likely to accept himself as well as others. Reciprocally, those w h o as adults are authoritarian are m o r e likely than others to express low evaluations of their o w n parents.1 With reference to a n hypothesis stated earlier, that intense familism is likely to be associated with an unwillingness to grant h u m a n rights to strangers, it should be noted that the personal autonomy arising from security permits the individual to be able to leave the family, to feel secure outside it, to trust even the stranger. Finally, a collaborative style of family relations requires that youngsters take into account the needs and feelings of others. T h e y become, therefore, m o r e skilled at empathy. T h e authoritarian is less able to intuit correctly the attitudes and emotions of others. Correspondingly, it is not surprising that children from m o r e democratic homes tend to be m o r e popular a m o n g their peers than are children from authoritarian homes. 2 But though such suggestions m a y be correct, and certainly deserve to be tested and m a d e more precise by cross-cultural research, to persuade parents in m a n y countries to change their ways is a difficult task. It is easier

i. J. Cooper and J. Lewis, 'Parent Evaluation as Related to Social Ideology and Academic Achievement', Journal of Genetic Psychology, 101, 1962, p. 135. 2. J. Howard Kauffman, 'Interpersonal Relations in the Traditional and Emergent Families Among Midwest Mennonites', Marriage and Family Living, 23, August 1961, p. 251.

Family patterns and human rights

53

to push a highway through a jungle, or to purify a water supply, than to alter the details of family relations, as w e k n o w already from the repeated failures of birth control campaigns. Traditional parents are not more willing to share their authority with their children than are husbands to yield control over their wives. It is likely that the contemporary transformations in the political, economic, and social macrostructures of most nations will ultimately have m o r e impact on the microstructure of the family than will any particular p r o g r a m m e aimed at changing those internal relations of the family. Equally ambiguous are the relations between personality variables and those of the larger social structure. N o one has as yet succeeded in showing that personalities of particular types will create particular kinds of societies. Although adults w h o were reared under the ideal conditions sketched above would probably be m o r e inclined to support h u m a n rights, it is not clear that traditional patriarchal, even authoritarian, family relations necessarily create authoritarian political and social structures. Perhaps the G e r m a n family system contributed, as so m a n y analysts claimed, to Nazism, but the Swiss, Dutch, French, Swedish and Belgian families were hardly less patriarchal or authoritarian.1 N o r can w e cite as evidence the efforts of totalitarian rgimes to control their family systems in order to gain support for their political system. Specifically, systems of high political control often do try to subordinate the individual directly to the State, by-passing the family where possible; and they also try to enlist the family m e m b e r s in campaigns to bring the apathetic or dissident m e m b e r s in line. Such events prove, however, no m o r e than that revolutionary leaders will use whatever instrumentalities they can c o m m a n d . Whether their hypotheses were correct is a separate matter for study. At present w e d o not k n o w that these particular family experiences helped to produce adults w h o would wish to impose a repressive political control over others. I think that these qualifications and doubts need not arouse pessimism as to the future of h u m a n rights in the world. For though the revolutions in m a n y countries have merely substituted a tight political control in place of the old-fashioned, looser despotism, almost all of these n e w programmes have promised freedom, and derive m u c h of their support from an ideology of h u m a n rights. Ultimately, they will have to fulfil the terms ofthat implicit contract. Perhaps, at a still more fundamental level, the family patterns that are being preached in these countries and the trends that are n o w visible are precisely those most likely to produce a next generation which would rebel still m o r e strongly against political repression, and would support m o r e firmly a programme of h u m a n rights. Thus, the revolutionary ideologies of
I. In this connexion, see the complexities suggested b y comparisons a m o n g British, G e r m a n and American child-rearing patterns, in Lipset, o p . cit., p . 277-81, especially his suggestion that perhaps a different type of personality is needed for stable democracy in different kinds of societies.

54

William J. G o o d e

egalitarianism do more than accentuate those trends toward h u m a n rights in the limited area of family relations, but reciprocally, the n e w patterns of family relations will also produce individuals w h o are more likely to put into effect and uphold a broad programme of h u m a n rights. It is possible, then, that the changes in family patterns over the past half century are not only important in themselves; they m a y also act as a catalyst that will eventually transform the massive flux of modern revolution into a clear movement toward greater h u m a n freedom.

William J. Goode is a professor in the Department of Sociology, Columbia University, New York. He has been assistant professor of sociology in Wayne University, from ig6 to 1950, research associate in Columbia University from igso till J052, and visiting professor at the Free University of Berlin in 1954. He is specialized in studies of family and family structure. His published works include Religion A m o n g the Primitives, M e t h o d s in Social Research, and After Divorce. He is also the assistant editor of Marriage a n d Family Living.

T h e legal protection of h u m a n rights at the international level

Pierre Juvigny

The article surveys international action for human rights prior to the League of Nations, especially for the protection of minorities, the bases established by the League of Nations and the International Labour Organisation and the role of the United Nations in the internationalization of human rights. The legal definition and safeguard of human rights is discussed, particularly the proposed right of petition and appointment of a High Commissioner for Human Rights, as set out in the draft covenants drawn up by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights during the lastfifteenyears. T h e prodigious scientific and technological development of the present-day world, the increase in the n u m b e r and rapidity of the means of c o m m u n i cation and information, the growing interdependence of economies and the universal desire everywhere for economic and social progress are all factors that suggest the institution of a public, universally competent authority. T h e risk of self-destruction which, for several years past, has threatened mankind would itself suffice to justify the establishment of an international society that could legislate, organize, judge and, if necessary, compel. For those w h o hope to see a world order established, the powers of international society would have a double aspect and this to a large extent would constitute their originality: the competence of its organs would not be limited only to States; nor would it be limited only to problems of international policy, security and peace but would also be concerned withensuring the protection of h u m a n rights and enabling the individual, n o w specifically become the subject of law, to d e m a n d and obtain the effective safeguard of his rights. Peace depends in part on respecting and promoting the rights of m e n and groups, and the full development of the individual is the ultimate purpose of politico-social organization, national or international. These ideas, which derive both from humanistic world-thinking and hopes, and from such realistic factors as the instinct of self-preservation and the desire to improve the h u m a n condition materially and morally, cannot be regarded as Utopian since the international society which has c o m e into existence and developed during the last few decades is partly, if timidly, already translating them into practice.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

56

Pierre Juvigny

International action for h u m a n rights prior to the League of Nations T o realize h o w far the reality is from the ideas sketched out above, and to understand the nature and importance of the obstacles that will have to be overcome, certain historical, political and legal facts must be recalled. T h e concept of State sovereignty has always been firmly established in political thinking, but the State has never been able permanently to m a k e good its claim to absolute autonomy. N o State has ever been able to remain completely shut off inside its walls without contact with the outside ('Every sovereign State . . . although complete in itself and firmly established, is nevertheless to some extent part of this universe in as m u c h as the h u m a n race is involved. N o State can ever be self-sufficient. . . . States therefore need a law to direct and govern them in this kind of (universal) community and society.').1 T h e instruments and customs which govern certain aspects of these necessary relations between States have often, either in their content or through their effects, recognized certain rights to individuals or to groups and sometimes even laid d o w n procedures to guarantee such rights. Diplomatic protection, private international law, settlement agreements, trade agreements, customary law relating to the high seas, and so on, have all had the effect of de jure or de facto recognizing certain rights or prerogatives to individuals. T h e protection of the individual was not, however, the direct object of these customs or instruments, their purpose being to establish norms to govern the relations between States; the navigators, sailors, traders, litigants and other classes of persons affected were simply subjects covered by international law, and the protection they enjoyed was mediate only, not direct. However, political relations and legal interpretations ensured that these rules did not ignore the individual; the French term droit des gens was on this count revealing. Other phenomena in the history of international relations primarily involve relations between States but still express a more direct concern for the protection, if not of h u m a n rights in general, at least of certain rights for certain groups. Humanitarian interventions have often occurred spontaneously or been imposed by emotions translated into vigorous terms b y the more active sectors of the public (religious or philosophic groups, citizens' associations, and so on). Petitions, press campaigns and co-ordinated negotiations with a ministry to induce a State to take action vis--vis another State are modern forms of such interventions whose usual purpose is to obtain a pardon or the commutation of a sentence. In such cases, no opinion is usually expressed o n the matter of principle but, implicitly, the legality of the procedure or even the justice of the sentence is called in question.

i. Francisco Suarez, De legibus.

The legal protection of human rights at the international level

57

T h e humanitarian considerations underlying such actions occasioned others on behalf of h u m a n rights before there were any permanent international institutions, and w h e n international relations were a matter to be regulated exclusively by States. These actions were mainly at two different levels. S o m e attempted to prohibit practices which by their nature, extent or repercussions, constituted particularly grave violations of the ethics of part of the civilized world, or at least of public opinion in States which considered themselves as belonging to the civilized world. Thus, international action to abolish the slave trade,firsttaken under the Treaty of Vienna (1815), was dealt with again on several occasions during the nineteenth century while, in 1890, the abolition of slavery became the subject of a convention. Reference can, at the same time, be m a d e to the remarkable example of a private organization, the International Committee of the R e d Cross, and its continuous effort in favour of the adoption of laws to govern warfare; the successful culmination c a m e w h e n the H a g u e Conventions were adopted at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. These conventions reflect the spirit which, ten centuries earlier, had brought about the Peace of G o d and the Truce of G o d . T h e protection of minorities Perhaps the most precise instruments were those elaborated with a view to protecting minorities. Throughout history, such protection has been assured either by conventional diplomatic methods, or else imposed by force or by the threat of armed intervention. A t an early date, however, attempts were m a d e to substitute law for force. 'Historically, the origin of the system can be traced back rather far: to interventions by certain governments. . . during the wars of religion, to secure freedom of conscience for co-religionists; the maintenance of their nationality ensured to Poles at the Congress in Vienna; interventions by Western powers during the time of the Turkish Empire to protect Christians against massacre and secure them religious and sometimes even political freedom; the toleration and respect for the civil and civic rights of minorities imposed on the n e w Balkan States by the Treaty of Berlin in 1878.' 1 It was following geographical and political changes introduced in the treaties concluded after the First World W a r 2 that the protection of the rights of minorities received legal definition and, in certain cases, m e m b e r s of minorities became directly entitled to obtain such protection. Four vital features should be noted. 1. While the rights set out in the treaties derived mainly from what might be
1. Georges Scelle, Cours de Droit International Public (Paris, 1948). 2. A list of these treaties and their dates can be found in the League of Nations manual published in Geneva in 1939.

58

Pierre Juvigny

called the classical freedoms (life, personal freedom, religious freedom, access to public office), some of the rights protected were economic, social and cultural: freedom to choose a profession, freedom to use one's language, freedom of education, and so on. 2. States were obliged by clauses in these treaties for minorities to recognize, inside their o w n systems, certain constitutional rules, so that international law necessarily took precedence over the national laws. 3. International protection was established: the League of Nations would supervise the application of the treaties. 4. Although supervision was to be exercised by bodies of a political nature, including the Council of the League, an individual or group belonging to a minority could address a petition to the League, a n d this could culminate later in legal decisions, either in the form of advisory opinions or of judgements of the International Court of Justice (in certain cases also, e.g., U p p e r Silesia, special courts were m a d e competent to hear such appeals). At the same time, the system of League mandates providedtimidly it must be admittedif not the right to petition, at least the possibility of submitting individual petitions to the League. Deriving from deep-seated historical currents or die constructive determination of certain m e n w h o were ahead oftiieirtime, the translation into legal terms of religious, humanitarian or theoretical concepts or, m o r e modestly, pragmatic attempts to solve definite, limited political problemsthese forms of international interventions were not the outcome of any systematic and comprehensive concept of the protection of h u m a n rights. T h e y were fragmentary and limited in scope but nevertheless constituted experiments, highly significant stages in progress, even if the letter of the texts was not always respected, if their spirit was often misunderstood, and even if certain procedures for the protection of h u m a n rights disappeared with the collapse of the institutions of m u c h wider terms of reference with which they were associated.

League of Nations and International Labour Organisation

Those w h o established the League of Nations after the First World W a r really established a League of States. In aim, nature and constitution, the League was essentially political ('the acceptation of obligations not to resort to w a r . . . the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations. . . the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct a m o n g Governments . . . ' ) . Minorities and mandates apart, the Covenant of the League dealt only secondarily with h u m a n rights. T h e League's social, humanitarian, health, and cultural activities were by no means negligible, but the gradual establishment of international structures and methods of study and co-operation was of more importance than the practical effects.

The legal protection of human rights at the international level

59

Nevertheless, on labour questions, the international instruments drawn up in 1919 established an institution and procedures which, for m o r e reasons than one, have been called revolutionary. Almostfiftyyears after the establishment of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) it can be stated that what was then accepted in the I L O still, even n o w , encounters objections in the other international organizations that stem from a n over-conservative approach to international law. T h e I L O is revolutionary in a n u m b e r of ways which affect the international protection of h u m a n rights or certain of them. First, the structure of the I L O entitles representatives of employers and labour to participate on an equal basis with governmental representatives in drawing u p legislation (in the International Labour Conference) a n d in making rules and regulations (die Governing Body and subsidiary organs). This tripartite structure was not adopted in other Specialized Agencies there, only the representatives of States deliberate and decide. Secondly, the I L O Constitution establishes international supervision of the application by States of the international conventions (at present there are over a hundred of diem) which they have ratified. Legal and technical supervision is exercised primarily b y an independent committee of experts and then by the General Conference itself, i.e., not only by the representatives of States but also by the representatives of the employers' and workers' organizations. Moreover, legal control can also be exercised over the behaviour of States. Express provision is m a d e to allow thefilingof complaints in the event of a violation of a convention; if the dispute is not settled by the Governing Body, the Commission of Inquiry, or the Conference, die complaint m a y be submitted in the last resort to the International Court of Justice. Finally, special procedures have been established (but only since 1950) in respect of trade union rights; the union organizations can d e m a n d an international investigation of violations of any of the various aspects of these rights.

T h e United Nations and the internationalization of h u m a n rights It was only at the end of the Second World W a r that the general competence of an international organization in regard to h u m a n rights was recognized and that 'respect for h u m a n rights and for fundamental freedoms for all' was recognized, in exactly the same w a y as the maintenance of peace and security, as one of the purposes of international action. T h e Charter of the United Nations recognizes h u m a n rights as a c o m prehensive concept, not limited to the traditional freedoms proclaimed in national declarations of h u m a n rights at the end of the eighteenth and during the nineteenth century but also covering economic, social and cultural rights. By obliging States to co-operate in the solution of'international

6o

Pierre Juvigny

problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character', and by setting u p the Economic and Social Council to deal with such matters, the Charter created the necessary conditions for taking economic, social and technical action, factors of progress without which m a n y h u m a n rights would have been rights only in n a m e . In structure and function, the international agencies set up after the war also marked a decisive step forward. Each Specialized Agency is m a d e responsible by its terms of reference for a given category of h u m a n rights, and their combined responsibilities cover practically all the rights which, in 1948, were proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights. It can easily be seen from an analysis of the work of the United Nations and the Specialized Agencies that their technical activities and operational programmes (including technical assistance) have in effect, if not primarily in purpose, done m u c h to translate h u m a n rights into practice, especially in regard to education, health and work. T h e y have operated to prevent or construct, mainly at the technical level. It is less easy to see what exactly has been achieved towards elaborating an international code of h u m a n rights, a system of reports and supervision to control the effective application of these rights, or of international legal arrangements for settling conflicts in which h u m a n rights are involved and putting an end to violations. It would be somewhat artificial to presentfirstan analysis of what has been achieved internationally in regard to h u m a n rights since the Charter c a m e into force, and then to attempt to explain w h y what has been done is inadequate; s o m e of these international achievements, and the form they have taken, cannot be properly understood unless account is taken of the underlying desire not to c o m e into head-on collision with the obstacles of all kinds which still hinder the active, immediate and direct application of the ideals proclaimed in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights. In m a n y cases, accordingly, the operation of the various aspects of the protection of h u m a n rights in practice and in international law must necessarily be seen in close relation to the limitations on them and the reasons for these limitations. 1. T h e Charter of the United Nations immediately and directly establishes the protection of h u m a n rights, but the application of this direct protection is geographically limited to the trust territories. T h e Charter expressly accords the United Nations a series of means of control and intervention in these territories: reports by the States which administer them, visiting missions, the examining of petitions, and so on. M o r e or less taking over from the system of League mandates, this amounts to international protection of h u m a n rights, exercised in consultation or agreement with the administering State; but legal enforcement does not enter into this protection since the Trusteeship Council is composed of the representatives of States and not of independent persons, and it does not pass judgement in individual cases.

The legal protection of human rights at the international level

61

2. T h e decisive obstacle to any direct United Nations supervision of State legislation a n d practice in regard to h u m a n rights is provided by Article 2.7 of the Charter which enunciates two rules: (a) the United Nations m a y not intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State, and (b) n o M e m b e r State shall be required to 'submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter'. S o m e experts have argued that certain provisions of the Charter, particularly those dealing with international co-operation in regard to h u m a n rights, prevail over the non-interference or domestic jurisdiction clause just referred to. In United Nations practice, however, Article 2.7 has always provided a decisive argument for that concept of State sovereignty which, by and large, has been traditionally accepted in international law. 3. This does not m e a n that, in the United Nations, any attempt to discuss the exact position in regard to h u m a n rights has invariably been ruled out. S o m e mainly political questionswhich are accordingly primarily within the competence of the Security Councilmay have aspects which affect h u m a n rights, and these aspects cannot be artificially separated from the main question in dispute. It frequently happens, accordingly, that the Security Council, deciding upon some question which involves 'the maintenance of international peace and security', m a y also touch upon h u m a n rights in its recommendations and decisions. Again, various United Nations bodies, including the General Assembly, occasionally institute special procedures or committees to consider specific questions which involved, and sometimes unfortunately still involve, basic questions of h u m a n rights: the special committee on forced labour (set u p s o m e fifteen years ago), the special committee o n the racial situation in South Africa, and so on. This to some extent results from the emotional reaction in major nongovernmental organizations a n d certain States w h e n systematic violations of what are considered as fundamental h u m a n rights occur on such a scale that silence is no longer possibleif the United Nations cannot intervene, it has been said, they can at least voice their disgust. However, the conclusions adopted in such cases, even if they constitute precedents, even if, to some extent, they help to attenuate or even end reprehensible practices, cannot be regarded as permanent institutional procedures for the international protection of h u m a n rights since they are limited in aim, duration, and scope; in no case can they be legally enforced; no implementing machinery is provided by m e a n s of which the offending State can be legally compelled to abrogate its laws and end the violations in question. 4. T h e legal protection of rights implies that these rights and their limits be defined, i.e., that texts be drawn u p to which the authorities responsible for keeping a watch on the legislation and behaviour of States or for settling disputes that involve h u m a n rights can refer in carrying out their duties.

6z

Pierre Juvigny

Legal definition and safeguard of h u m a n rights

T h e Universal Declaration constitutes afirststage towards defining h u m a n rights. Despite its scope and universality, despite the influence it has exercised since 1948 on the work of the United Nations and the Specialized A g e n cies and on the constitutions, laws and practices of m a n y States, it is still only a declaration and not immediately binding on States as part of their domestic law. Furthermore, before the rights proclaimed in general terms in the Declaration can become social and political realities which will be respected by the politician, the administrator, the judge and the citizen, it is technically necessary that the various aspects of these rights, their content and limits, should be defined precisely and in detail. T h e appropriate bodies of the United Nations and some Specialized Agencies have been working on this task of definition for almost twenty years. T h e instruments already elaborated take their places at various levels in the hierarchy of international norms; most have been produced by the C o m mission on H u m a n Rights, the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, and the Commission on the Status of W o m e n , all set u p in the United Nations under the Economic and Social Council and the General Assembly. F r o m the work of the same United Nations bodies, m a n y texts prepared by die Specialized Agenciesespecially those concerning discriminationderive. Separate declarations regarding a given right or group of rights, or fundamental principles which must be respected in translating any of the h u m a n rights into practice, have been or are being adoptedas, for example, in the case of children's rights, and the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination and of all forms of religious intolerance. These declarations d o not differ in legal enforceability from the Universal Declaration; they d o differ technically, constituting a veritable code so precise diat most of the formulae can subsequently be incorporated without any major change in conventions on the same subject. It is these conventions, once ratified, which are legally binding o n States and they represent an important achievement; they deal with w o m e n ' s political rights and nationality, free consent to marriage, equal pay for equal work, non-discrimination with regard to employment and careers, prevention of discrimination in education, trade union rights, forced labour, and so on. T o d a y , accordingly, m a n y articles in the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights are the subject of individual legal instruments which bind m a n y States and whose effective application is safeguarded by the rules of international law (including, in certain cases, recourse to the International Court of Justice) and often by special procedures to permit international supervision, e.g., reports furnished by States to the international body and examined by it, international conciliation procedures

The legal protection of human rights at the international level

63

for settling disputes between States regarding the application of the convention, and so on. However, in certain special circumstances, and for various reasons which cannot be gone into here in detail, conventions do not ensure the effective protection of certain rights: cases in point are the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, and the 1956 Slavery Convention. This painstaking work of elaborating conventions is not complete. But, even if these conventions increase in n u m b e r in coming years, it will not be possible to regard them as constituting a really universal code; nor does the implementing and supervisory machinery of the convention constitute a general and universal system of protection of h u m a n rights even if, within their limited scope of application, they produce good results. This wider aim is the ultimate object of the draft international covenants on h u m a n rights that have been drawn up during the last fifteen years b y the Commission on H u m a n Rights and discussed in the General Assembly's Third Committee. T h e work of defining the rights referred to in the draft covenantsone bearing on civil and political rights, the other on economic, social and cultural rightsis 'now almost complete. However, some rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration have no precise definition in the draft covenants because n o definition has been found to reconcile fundamentally opposed views (on die right of ownership, for example); again, a decision has still to be taken on a major factor and possibly decisive obstacle: the international implementing machinery. For the translation into practice of economic, social and cultural rights, the Commission on H u m a n Rights recommended to the General Assembly the traditional system of reports, already referred to above, on the basis of which recommendations could be worked out. Jurisdictional or quasi-jurisdictional supervision is not involved. T h e m a i n argument put forward in favour of reports derives from the very nature of economic, social and cultural rights. Not all such rights can as yet be legally enforced and, in m a n y developing countries, it will be a long time before diey can be guaranteed in all respects to all, because of the very considerable resources that their universal application would require. For example, in m a n y countries it will be twenty years before planning will succeed in enabling all children to receive schooling. N o matter h o w determined the government and h o w large the international aid provided, such countries cannot at once guarantee access to education to all children. During the transition period, therefore, legal supervision to prevent negations of the right to education would be premature and a self-deception, since die alleged negation could not conceivably be remedied by court sentence. O n the otier hand, the examination by agencies of the international community of the reports furnished by States should m a k e it possible to ascertain trends, to measure die vigour and scope of the efforts of States and the nature of the obstacles encountered in the planning and application of their economic and social policies, and even

64

Pierre Juvigny

to recommend general measures, national and international, including technical assistance, to help States to translate the rights in question progressively into practice. O n the other hand, in the view of most m e m b e r s of the Commission on H u m a n Rights, economic and social underdevelopment should not preclud die establishment of international machinery to safeguard and supervise the application of civil and political rights: after all, it does not cost all that m u c h to ensure individual safety, to prohibit torture and inhuman treatment, to respect the rights of the defence in trials, to afford the protection of the law, to forbid arbitrary arrests and to allow freedom of opinion. T h e fact that the economic and cultural infrastructure m a y influence the growth of civil and political liberties does not m e a n that industrialization and a relatively high income per head of population will necessarily produce political conditions in which the traditional liberties are recognized, safeguarded and respected (the organizing ability and technical resources of Nazi G e r m a n y , which was no economically and technically underdeveloped country, produced forced labour, o n a vast scale, and genocide). Accordingly, civil and political rights seem to constitute the natural sector in which to introduce international legal protection; and hence the inclusion in the draft covenants of a supervisory body, the H u m a n Rights Committee. T h e International Court of Justice is to take part in the nomination of the independent and highly expert m e m b e r s of this committee which would operate as an impartial body of inquiry and conciliation in cases of alleged violation of one or m o r e h u m a n rights. T h e committee could not, strictly speaking, c o n d e m n a State. It would, however, establish the facts. As a last resort, the dispute could be referred to the International Court of Justice if not settled through the good offices of the committee. As in the I L O procedure, and that provided for in the Protocol to the Convention against Discrimination in Education, the supervision here is quasi-jurisdictional because of the independence of the persons exercising it, the procedure followed, and the possibility of final appeal to the International Court of Justice.

T h e right of petition
However, in the draft prepared by] the Commission o n H u m a n Rights, the international machinery is brought into operation solely on the basis of a complaint which can be submitted only by a State: for the m o m e n t , individuals or groups are not accorded the right of petition. In the present state of international law and in view of the attitude of most governments, there seems little chance of any general and universal admission of this right of petition which, directly or indirectly, would recognize the individual as such in international life, recognize his status in international law, and entitle him to have the behaviour of States tried in an international or supranational court. Hence, say the pessimists, m a n y

The legal protection of h u m a n rights at the international level

65

States, fully aware that violations are being committed in a given country or countries, will, for political reasons, be reluctant to complain; and if they d o complain, it will only be because this complaint m a y to some extent serve their political intentions in regard to a given State or bloc. B e that as it m a y , the introduction of protective measures on the lines proposed in the draft covenant on civil and political rights would, in view of the terms of reference of the H u m a n Rights Committee and the supervisory techniques themselves, constitute a safeguard in the sense understood in national legal systems founded on principles of political philosophy and public law upon the basis of which democratic societies have developed. However, the desire for a more direct and effective protection of h u m a n rights has here and there led to proposals that were intended to overcome the fundamental objection of certain States to allowing the individual the right to petition. This trend has received strong backing in recent years from what has been done in Europe. T h e Protocol to the European Convention for the Protection of H u m a n Rights and Fundamental Freedoms does not directly recognize the right of petition; in principle, private individuals cannot directly appeal to the supreme court, the European Court of H u m a n Rights, which has independent jurisdiction, its sentence is final, and it has even the power to award damages; 1 only States and the European C o m m i s sion of H u m a n Rights (which makes thefirstinvestigation of complaints lodged by States) m a y bring a case before the Court. But Article 25 of the convention provides that, by an express declaration, the High Contracting Parties m a y recognize the competence of the commission to receive petitions from any person, non-governmental organization or group of persons claiming to be the victim of a violation, by one of the High Contracting Parties, of the rights set forth in the Convention.2 T h e possibility is not one that exists on paper only. M o r e than six States have m a d e the necessary declaration and accordingly brought the relevant provisions of the convention into force. T h e commission has in fact received several thousand petitions from private persons and a few only from States. T h e convention of course embodies procedures tofilterpetitions and stem the flow of requests that m a y be freak, anonymous, mischievous, unwarranted, or premature in the sense of being submitted before available domestic remedies have been exhausted. Most requests have in fact been declared ill-grounded by the commission. Nevertheless, two cases at least referred to the court by the commission started as petitions.
1. Article 50 of the convention reads: 'If the Court finds that a decision or measure taken by a legal authority or any other authority of a High Contracting Party is completely or partially in conflict with the obligations arising from the present Convention, and if the internal law of the said Party allows only a partial reparation to be m a d e for the consequences of this decision or measure, the decision of the Court shall, if necessary, afford just satisfaction to the injured party.' 2. T h e Draft Pan-American Convention on H u m a n Rights also provides for an optional right of petition (Article 49, variants A and B ) . T h e Draft Central American Convention recognizes the right of petition (Article 29).

66

Pierre Juvigny

It is natural that these arrangements, at present the most advanced in the world for the protection of h u m a n rights, should serve as an argument to those w h o favour the general and universal recognition of the right of petition. But what hasoften so painstakinglybeen obtained on a regional basis a m o n g States, which, despite centuries of conflict, n o w find that their similarities in level of development, outlook, m o d e of life and legal institutions are m o r e important than differences or divergences, would with difficulty obtain immediate recognition in this form on a universal basis. Hence, m a n y writers opt for intermediate solutions. T h e present position could be s u m m e d up as follows, i. T h e United Nations Commission on H u m a n Rights is not competent to examine petitions; it simply takes note of them at a closed meeting. N o majority of M e m b e r States recommends a change. 2. O n e possibility would be to have an optional protocol to the future covenant on civil and political rights, creating the post of United Nations Attorney-General or establishing a kind of international court which could act on its o w n initiative, would have no obligation to take action on petitions from individuals or from non-governmental organizations but, deeming it necessary and advisable to do so, could consider certain of them and proceed to examine specific situations which seemed incompatible with the terms of the covenant, or refer the alleged violations to the Commission on H u m a n Rights. States which believed they could take this step, which evidently involves relinquishing their internal sovereignty to some extent and attenuating the rule of non-interference in their internal affairs, would lead the w a y ; others would follow. Gradually, having demonstrated their independence, sense [of responsibility and objectivity, the authority of the Attorney-General or court and that of the Commission on H u m a n Rights would be reinforced, and the effective international protection of h u m a n rights would consolidate and extend. This implies that the independence of the International Court would be fully guaranteed by its statutes and that its rules of procedure would ensure that petitions were selected on the basis of objective criteria, uninfluenced by political passions which abruptly spotlight certain violations of h u m a n rights in a given part of the world and then, without rhyme or reason, as abruptly forget them. 3. T h e nomination of a High Commissioner for H u m a n Rights was another possibility which was recently considered and was examined during the 1965 General Assembly.

The High Commissioner for H u m a n Rights

In view of the time it takes the General Assembly to consider draft covenants and the problem of their international implementation, and of the fact that it cannot reasonably be expected that these covenants will be ratified by States and so enter into force for five or ten years, there m a y be a temptation to try to do something rapidly, in the United Nations, about h u m a n rights.

The

legal protection of h u m a n rights at the international level

67

There is something to be said for frankly recognizing that there are grounds for disappointment and then taking positive and spectacular measures to get rid of them. Until the status, powers and terms of reference of the High Commissioner are stated in detail, it is difficult to m a k e an accurate estimate of the possible advantages and drawbacks. However, should the office be in fact created in the near future, the High C o m m i s sioner will be unable to issue court orders based on clauses of a convention which are legally binding on States for the very good reason that the covenants will not yet be in force. T h e High Commissioner, at the disposal of the General Assembly, subsidiary United Nations bodies dealing with h u m a n rights, the Security Council or the Secretary-General, could probably play a certain role in obtaining data in cases of large-scale violation of h u m a n rights that have grave political implications at a given m o m e n t in international life. But however useful this might be and however able and worthy the High Commissioner himself, it would not provide the firm and lasting basis that any institution, national or international, obtains from a precise definition of its rights and of the procedures by which it ensures they will be respected, a definition that must be embodied in legal texts adopted by authorities w h o have the constitutional and legal power to impose regulations internally on all and, internationally, to contract legal obligations.

Conclusions
There is a large gap between what has been achieved during the last twenty years and the aims set out in the Charter of the United Nations and the constitutions of the Specialized Agencies. There has been considerable progress, however, and certain innovations have been introduced into the concepts of international law and the terms of reference of international institutions. T h e State's monopoly is challenged and its sovereignty in regard to h u m a n rights, yesterday absolute, is being toned d o w n in various ways which some States are themselves progressively accepting either spontaneously or else under the effect of indirect pressure from national or international opinion, changes in ideas, the pervasive influence of large nongovernmental organizations, or parliamentary decisions. W h a t has been achieved and is referred to above helps to create a certain climate, habits that should facilitate greater progress in the future, regional and on a world scale. Other continents, and particularly Latin America, have been led by the example of the European Convention to m a k e comparative studies of procedure and institutions.1 Institutions for the safeguard of h u m a n rights are less difficult to establish in a geopolitical region than on a world basis, but do not obviate the need for m o r e comprehensive protection within a universal framework. N o
1. See above and also Revue de la Commission Internationale des Juristes, Vol. VI, No. 1, summer 1965.

68

Pierre Juvigny

region or country can live in complete isolation, and, for practical as m u c h as ethical reasons, the protection of h u m a n rights is something that interests the whole international community.} Moreover, if the safeguard and the enjoyment of h u m a n rights, irrespective of their nature and object, must have a c o m m o n basis and c o m m o n features, it m a y take o n specific aspects in the case of any particular group of rights. Accordingly, a n d especially in the case of cultural and social rights, each Specialized Agency belonging to the United Nations family, at least during the initial stages and in its o w n proper sector, will naturally and technically be competent in the world context. A n y decisive extension of international competence with regard to h u m a n rights, and any progress towards recognition of the right of petition demands, in any case, that certain previous fundamental conditions b e secured.1 O n e such condition involves the guarantees which States and individuals are legitimately entitled to d e m a n d : objectivity, independence and equanimity on the part of the international authorities m a d e responsible for supervising national legislation a n d practice, and hence, a situation in which judicial or quasi-judicial foimulae and structures will take precedence over bodies that are political in nature or under the influence of a given State or bloc. T h e other condition involves the attitude of individuals and of national and international public opinion to h u m a n rights. It is tempting to admit as a working hypothesis that individuals and groups m o r e or less vaguely desire to see an authority established superior to that which, in every State, legislates, rules and renders justicea superior authority which would provide the supreme international recourse to which, as a last resource, an appeal could be m a d e . It cannot be denied, however, that m a n y societies were born and bred in conflict, often violent conflict, with the outside world. T h e temptation for a society to cut itself off cannot be ignored. There is definitely a tendency at present to internationalize problems, activities and institutions but, simultaneously, nationalist tendencies are also being vigorously a n d even violently expressed, a n d not only by newly independent States.

i. At its last session de General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination which recognizes the right of petition in an 'optional' form.

Pierre Juvigny has been a member of the French Conseil d'tat since 1946, and technical adviser to several ministries. Since 1957, he has been Secretary-General of the Training Centre for International Technical Co-operation Experts of the Fondation Nationale de Science ' Politique (Paris). He is a member of the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, and professor of social legislation and social sciences at the Institutes of Political Studies of Paris and of Grenoble.

T h e right to private property and problems of land reform

George Thambyahpillai

The existence of a landless peasantry is a characteristic feature of many Asian countries, brought about by the alienation of peasant holdings for plantations, the breakdown of traditional agricultural systems, the emergence of a dual economy, and the fragmentation of the remaining peasant holdings into uneconomic units. The process is illustrated in some detail with reference to Ceylon. Efforts to solve the problem by land redistribution, creditfacilities, and colonization schemes are described. It is concluded that, in present circumstances, State-aided settlement will continue to be the typical pattern for some time.

T h e main object of this article will be to provide the evidence available from the Asian setting, for the process of establishing the h u m a n right to private property in the context of land reforms. Briefly stated, the issue in Asia is concerned basically with the process of settling the landless peasantry upon the land, with the right to o w n farm land. T h e landless Asian peasantry has' been a product of historical circumstance, in the context of traditional customs or due to the imposition of a foreign-based export plantation economy. T h e article will treat the situation in Ceylon in detail and other Asian countries (for which data was available) from the general standpoint. T h e issue will be viewed from the standpoint of the article on the ' h u m a n right to o w n property' embodied in the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights, will avoid legal issues and will concern only the 'processes attempted'.

T h e Asian situation
T h e Asian zone presents a picture of an overwhelmingly agrarian economy on which is dependent a very heavy population. T h e data in Table i show the populations of the countries of South and South-East Asia supported by an insufficient acreage of arable land. T h e pressure of population in this region has been a phenomenon particularly since the nineteenth century, w h e n n e w and foreign-based

Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

70

George T h a m b y a h p U l a i

T A B L E I. Population and arable land in Asia (1960) Country South Asia India Pakistan Nepal Ceylon 410 87 g 10 400 62.5 10 3.8 Population1 Arable land Country South-East Asia Burma Thailand North Viet-Nam South Viet-Nam Philippines Indonesia Malaysia
31 21

Populationl Arable land*

25-5 14-5 J 2.5 27-5 92.6 8.5

25 3-3 7-5 18.3 44 5-5

1. In millions of inhabitants. 2. In millions of acres. Adapted from: UN Demographic Yearbook, IQ6O; and FAO Production Yearbook, i960.

economies were superimposed upon what had hitherto been basically rice-growing, agrarian-based economies. These traditional economies were based on both private and c o m m u n a l ownership of agricultural land. O n this agrarian structure was superimposed a feudalistic form of rule which demanded certain 'rights' of service (e.g., rajakariya in Ceylon) and feudal dues. T h e agrarian communities were generally not m u c h interfered with except for the obligatory dues. This self-contained and in a sense self-contented agrarian structure was at once disturbed by the imposition of a competitive exchange economy integrated to world trade. T h e Industrial Revolution had begun to m a k e its impact upon the European economies. Soon the European nations with footholds in Asia sought to convert these Asian economies to serve as r a w material production areas and also as markets for the finished products. T h e opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 furthered this link-up between the European and Asian economies. For a while these Asian countries enjoyed the benefits of increasing revenue and the associated socio-economic amenities. But the depression of the 1930's, while hitting the European industrial economies, had even more disastrous effects upon the agrarian Asian economies. T h e n came the Second World W a r which brought to nought any attempts to deal with the post-depression effects. T h e post-war period was marked by the resurgence of nationalism and gradually these Asian countries achieved independence. T h e Asian economies were thus dualistic in structure, the Western capitalistic economy (export economy) existing side by side with the indigenous and subservient subsistence economies. These changes had disastrous effects upon the 'occupancy rights' of the peasantry. O w i n g partly to alienation of former agricultural land for the n e w and profitable plantation crops and partly to the emergence of a rentier class which absorbed the peasant lands through ownership transfer, the peasant eventually found himself 'landless'. H e was at best a tenant farmer eking out a meagre existence, very m u c h indebted and povertystricken. T h e social amenities, added to the lowering of mortality rates,

Property and problems of land reform

71

resulted in a phenomenal increase |in population. This meant further pressure on agricultural land and eventually the necessity of fragmentation into uneconomic holdings. T h e prime task of the newly independent nations was to seek measures, both legislative and other, to rehabilitate the peasantry u p o n its rightful land. A series of land reforms w a s initiated, (a) to relieve the peasantry of its indebtedness; (b) to regularize tenancy conditions, a n d (c) to settle the peasantry by moving them to special rehabilitation areas. It will be pertinent here to consider briefly some of the significant efforts at land reform to establish the principle of 'right to private property' in the Asian countries. Burma. In B u r m a , one of the countries most affected, especially by war, the L a n d Nationalization Act of 1953 authorizes the President to repossess all land except such as m a y qualify for exemption. According to this land transfer p r o g r a m m e , land o w n e d by agricultural families to the extent of 50 acres of paddy land per family and an additional 12% acres for every m e m b e r over a total of four adults w a s exempted. Lands o w n e d by nonagricultural families to the extent of 20 acres of paddy land per family were also exempted, provided the cultivator agreed to live permanently on the land and to work it himself. This act envisioned a n e w order for the peasants, so that the process of redistribution would result in each family receiving at least 10 acres of land. It w a s expected that a million peasant families would be settled on 10 million acres by 1955. During the five years u p to 1958, only 3.4 million acres were repossessed. O f this acreage only about 1.5 million acres were actually distributed a m o n g 190,000 cultivators. North Viet-Nam. After m u c h spade work in remedying the old agrarian abuses, a p r o g r a m m e of land reform was initiated in 1953. A s in B u r m a , the main theme here w a s the redistribution of land, though it eventually acquired a political character. N o t only were the large estates broken u p for redistribution, but at the same time the liquidation of the landlord and feudal class w a s attempted. T h e p r o g r a m m e w a s disturbed by 'political activities' so that it w a s not until 1959 that the primary objective of providing land for the peasant w a s realized. T h e land reform p r o g r a m m e brought about a distribution of 700,000 hectares1 a m o n g 1.6 million peasant households. Since the final land-holding of the peasant family was even smaller than that of its Burmese counterpart, there began a campaign for 'collectivization' of these uneconomic holdings. Co-operatives of two types were introduced to begin with. T h e simplest, in i960, concerned 7.3 per cent of the peasantry, incorporating nearly 6,800 co-operatives. Here individual ownership of land and animals was recognized. In the advanced type (numbering only 65) everything w a s pooled in the co-operative. 1. 1 hectare = 2% acres.

72

George Thambyahpillai

South Viet-Nam. In consultation with American advisers, the South VietN a m Government promulgated an ordinance in 1956 authorizing compulsory transfer of land. N o person was entitled to hold m o r e than 100 hectares of rice land. T h e excess was to be purchased by the Government for resale to the tenant peasantry. B y i960, nearly 56,000 hectares were actually transferred to 28,500 owners. Philippines. In the Philippines, a L a n d Tenure Administration was established by the L a n d Reform Act of 1955, with authority to acquire land by purchase (at market value) for resale to occupants. Very little progress was m a d e in this context in view of the exceedingly high land values. According to the i960 report, an average of 50 per cent of all farms are tenant-operated, though in some areas the proportion is as high as 88 per cent. India. T h e problem in India is one of mediocrily endowed land resources with a heavy pressure of population. Economically the Indian peasant is perhaps the poorest in Asia. Often the prevalent agrarian structures were responsible for the abject poverty of the peasantry. T h e two basic forms of property rights in land m a y be described as follows: Ryotwari system. U n d e r this system, the right of ownership belongs in the main to the cultivator. There has been a growing tendency towards the concentration of ryotwari land into large estates and eventually the leasing out of small portions to tenant farmers. Zamindari system. U n d e r this system, landownersthe zamindarswho were originally tax collectors, acquired the rights to ownership of land at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century. This zamindari land was concentrated in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, A s a m , parts of Madras, Uttar Pradesh and M a d h y a Pradesh. L a n d reforms in India have mainly been concentrated upon these zamindari lands. Since 1937 w h e n the provincial governments took office, succeeding years have seen the enactment of legislative measures to reorganize land-holdings. Thus, in 1947 the Agrarian Reforms Committee recomm e n d e d the expropriation of the zamindari lands and their transference to the peasant occupier. M a x i m u m and m i n i m u m land-holding sizes were fixed. It is expected that these reforms will ultimately m e a n that some 170 million acres (half the cultivated area of India) will become peasantowned. Japan. T h e period prior to 1946 was one where, in Japan, tenancy and peasantry conditions resembled the Asian pattern. T h e pressure of population upon agricultural land has been satisfactorily solved by the absorption of m u c h surplus m a n p o w e r by the tremendous industrial growth. However, this still left the problem of tenancy dues often amounting to as m u c h as 60 per cent of the gross product of the farmer. Nearly 70 per cent of all Japanese cultivators were full tenants or part tenants. B y the land reform directive issued by the Supreme Allied C o m m a n d e r in

Property and problems of land reform

73

1945 measures were taken, (a) to transfer land ownership from landlords to tenants and (b) to protect the n e w owners from reversion to tenancy. B y 1950 the process of transfer was completed and some 4.5 million acres (onethird of the cultivated acreage) were transferred to owner-farmers and 3 million cultivators had purchased land. A mere 6 per cent actually remained 'landless', with 70 per cent becoming full owners and 24 per cent owning some at least of the cultivated land. According to the most recent report (1965), recent land reform measures have simply aimed at increasing the productivity of the cultivated land. T h e right to private property in Ceylon In Ceylon the significance of the right to private property becomes of vital import in the context of die m a n y legislative measures introduced from time to time, first by die British Government and then by every succeeding government of die country, to settle the landless peasant in his o w n right to farm the land. T h e spectacle of a peasant dispossessed of his farm land is a product of historical circumstance, the introduction of the plantation econ o m y to the island. This took place during the period of British occupation since the beginning of the nineteenth century. T h o u g h the Portuguese and the Dutch had occupied the island since the sixteenth century, no such drastic dispossession of the land of the peasant was effected until the introduction of the plantation crops in the K a n d y Regionthe Highland |Zone of Ceylon. T e a and rubber followed coffee in quick succession and the peasants' land c a m e to be alienated from its traditional pattern of indigenous use. Land tenure in ancient Ceylon Matters pertaining to ownership of land in ancient times in Ceylon are specifically set out in a few literary works. T h e idea of property is set out in the C o d e of M a n u . T h e right of the cultivator to his land is assumed in laws regarding the responsibility of owners to 'build hedges to prevent catde grazing', and regarding die settlement of boundary disputes. T h e Arthasastra is even m o r e explicit concerning landed property, which is defined to include 'fields, houses, gardens, buildings of any kind, lakes and tanks'. L a w s regarding disputes over inheritance of property are also set out. There are also laws regulating the cultivation offieldsbelonging to others. T h e right of private individuals to possess property in land is implied in passages in the ancient Pali canons as well. In the Milindapanna it is recorded, 'It is as w h e n a m a n clears a w a y die jungle and sets free a piece of land and the people say, "That is his land", not that the land is m a d e by him. It is because he has brought the land into use that he is called the owner of the land.' It is also clear diat ownership was not dependent on the king. L a n d could be o w n e d and occupied by the people. Ownership of these lands passed, on

74

George Thambyahpillai

death, to their children by inheritance. T h e idea of crown land was also implicit because there were injunctions that 'ownerless land belonged to the king'. Lands also could be confiscated by the king, if they were not cultivated. Subsequently, land ownership accrued to the people under a n u m b e r of conditions, such as 'gifted by the king for services rendered', 'land granted for offices held (nindagam)', 'lands gifted to the Buddhist temple' (temple lands of today), etc. With the inauguration of the plantation system and the enactment of n e w legislative measures, privately owned land passed on to the crown or to landed proprietors, or to foreign-owned and foreign-managed companies. Herein lies die beginning of the 'landless peasant'.

T h e landless peasant : the product of the plantation economy

T h e British occupied Trincomalee in 1795 and by 1815 had gained possession of the entire island. T h e strategic reasons for the annexation of Ceylon were soon overshadowed by economic motives, with the opening of the first coffee plantation at K a n d y in 1825. A n extensive, valuable but narrowly based system of plantation agriculture, particularly in the Highland Zone, developed atfirstslowly, but soon gathered tremendous m o m e n t u m . T h e agricultural policy of the Government was geared towards emphasis on the expansion of this plantation economy. This foreign-based, foreignmanaged and mainly British financed plantation economy produced c o m modities for export. With the increase in foreign trade and the integration of the island in a world market economy, revenue began to accrue to the Government. It must be conceded that this increased revenue was certainly responsible for the opening u p of hitherto inaccessible areas by a network of roads, the inauguration of an educational system and the provision of m u c h needed social amenities such as hospitals, etc. This benefit accrued specifically to the populace of the areas where the plantations were located, whereas the greater part of the islandthe D r y Zoneremained virtually untouched by the effects of the n e w wealth. T h e repercussions of this rapidly growing prosperity associated with the plantation economy did not have notably favourable effects upon the nonexport peasant sector. Within the Highland Zone, where the plantations were located, there was already in existence a settled agrarian system, based on the cultivation of paddy in the valleys and that of shifting cultivation (chena) and grazing of the upland pasture. While the latter were held as c o m m u n a l property, the paddy holdings were owned by private individuals. This traditional land tenure was disturbed by the n e w legislative measure the G r o w n Lands Encroachments Ordinance N o . 12 of 1840which established, inter alia, that 'all forest, 'waste, unoccupied or uncultivated lands shall be presumed to be the property of the crown until the contrary . . . be proved'. This led to bitter resentment, for it was held that even according to the ancient 'right of the kings to the land' such imposition did not prevail. Associated with this resentment was also the fact that land presumed to be

Property and problems of land reform

75

crown property was being alienated to the British planting community. In the early stages land was m a d e available free but soon a nominal charge of 5 shillings was m a d e . B y this law, even in the D r y Zone, the traditional chenas of the peasantry were being declared 'waste' unless proved to be titled. Even where the ordinance established the prescriptive right of die subject to the land which he had held for thirty years, the onus of proof still lay on him. Often the difficulty of proving such title to land led to the accrual of m u c h private property to the crown. T h e villages inevitably became h e m m e d - i n by the encroaching plantations and soon lost their right to their grazing lands and chenas. T h e dispossessed peasant could not even find employment in the plantations, in view of his 'irregularity of attendance', such absenteeism being unavoidable in the context of his social obligations. T h e peasant, as an integral unit of the socioeconomic set-up, had to help out his fellow-villagers during times of c o m m u nal activity such as sowing, harvesting, threshing and the like. T h e plantations solved this problem by the importation of cheap labour from India. T h e plantations thus, in effect, absorbed the land but not the labour. A s in the Highland Zone, so in the lowland W e t Zone, land suitable for paddy cultivation was soon alienated profitably for the cultivation of first the rubber crop and subsequently the coconut crop. T h e indigenous capitalist group also n o w entered the plantationfieldand not only invested in this sector but were able to buy u p the paddy lands of the indebted peasantry. Those new-rich landed proprietors, having bought up the paddy lands, either converted them to absorb rubber or coconut or gave back the land to the peasantry on a share-crop or annual rent basis. These two factorsloss of land and the n e w tenure systemnaturally produced the landless peasantry. A further hardship was caused where the peasant had often to abandon his paddyfieldfor lack of irrigation water. T h e opening-up of plantations in catchment areas meant that soil erosion set in and, witii the silting up of the canals and tanks, the vital source of water during the dry season was cut off. With increasing social amenities, especially sanitation and medical facilities, the death rate began to decline and the natural increase of population resulted in further pressure on the land. Table 2 shows that with increasing population there was no appreciable increase in the acreage under rice cultivation, which varied within the 600,000-acre range. This increase in population and the rising numbers of the peasantry dispossessed of land, led to inevitable fragmentation of the cultivable holdings. T h e inheritance laws aided the fragmentation process, for primogeniture is not the prevailing practice. T h e land has to be divided a m o n g all the heirs. Holdings were thus split into absurdly uneconomic units. T h e 1946 census revealed that the 899,970 acres under paddy were distributed a m o n g 779,908 holdings. T h e median size of the holding was no larger than 0.78 acre. In areas of high population density this fragmentation assumed disastrous proportions. W h e n plots reached their limits of fragmentation, the peasants devised n e w systems of land tenure. Thus, under the Tattumaru system land was rotated as a whole, while under the Kattamaru system land

76

George Thambyahpillai

T A B L E 2. Population and arable land: Ceylon

Year Population (persons) Arable land under paddy (acres)

1865 1875 1885 1895

1901 ign 1921

(1857): (1871): (1881): (1891):

1946
Adapted from Demography of Ceylon, 1957.

2 2 3 3 4 4 5 7

385 000 82O 000 044 000 330000 031 000 702 000 304 000 122 000

600 564 604 650 670 678 798 621

OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO

w a s divided into as m a n y shares as there were shareholders a n d the shares w e r e rotated annually. A s the plots b e c a m e smaller, the plough (primitive as it was) h a d to b e replaced b y a still m o r e primitive implementthe hoe. Production b e c a m e less efficient. N o aid w a s provided to the peasant in the form of credit facilities a n d the like. T h e peasant sector w a s c o n d e m n e d to complete neglect for over a h u n d r e d a n d twenty-five years ! F o o d c a m e to b e imported, especially from B u r m a . T h e peasant at best m a n a g e d to produce for his o w n subsistence, with n o surplus for sale. I n this plight, the peasant h a d to face yet another problemthe shopkeeper (trader) a n d the mudalali (merchant) w h o c o m b i n e d the triple functions of banker, buyer a n d seller. B u y i n g cheap, selling dear a n d lending at high rates of interest, the mudalali thrived o n the already impoverished peasant. This situation of a rapidly growing population, the transference of land from the peasant sector to the plantation sector, the middle-class ownership of peasant lands, fragmentation a n d n e w tenancy systems, the intrusion of the money-lender a n d the trader, created a n d aggravated the problems of the landless peasant. T w o surveys (in 1937 a n d 1950) give evidence of the pathetic state of the landless peasant (see Table 3 ) . T A B L E 3. Land ownership and landlessness: Ceylon (based on percentage ownership by families)
Extent of land ' Category III A (1937 survey) Category III B (1950 survey)

%
N o land 1 acre and less 1-5 acres 5 acres and over 45.09 20.99 25.45 8.47

%
37.7 32.9 22-9 6.5

1. No. of families surveyed: 5,450 in 1937; 22,082 in 1950. Adapted from Dos Gupta's Rural Surveys, 1937 (Sessional Paper XIII, 1952). T h u s , roughly 3 8 to 4 5 per cent of the peasantry w e r e classed as 'without land', while a further 21 to 33 per cent seemingly enjoyed ownership of 1 acre

Property and problems of land reform

77

per family. In reality, however, the i acre family would find it possible to use this acreage only for residential purposes (including the growing of garden crops). In effect, therefore, the landless peasantry m a y be considered to constitute as m u c h as 65 to 70 per cent. T h e significance of this pressure on land is brought h o m e with greater clarity w h e n the paddy holdings are considered by size, as shown in Table 4. T A B L E 4. Paddy land holdings by size: Ceylon, 195a
Class N o . of holdings

Less than % acre y2 acre and less than 1 acre 1 acre and less than 2 acres 2 acres and less than 5 acres 5 acres and less than 10 acres 10 acres and over Median 0.78 acres; average 1.17 acres. Adapted from Sessional Paper XIII, 1952.

242 690 253 823 162 120 85 310 19 705 8 260 771 908

It is noteworthy that as m u c h as 496,513 out of a total of 771,908 holdings or 64 per cent were under 1 acre. T h e Department of Agriculture claimed that between 5 to 8 acres of land is required for a family of four or five persons to produce an income to assure it of a standard of living to which its m e m b e r s are accustomed. T h e plight of those villagers w h o were fortunate enough to be located near plantations w a s somewhat alleviated owing to tieir being able to obtain employment during the off-season. During b o o m years such income m o r e than offset the fall in income in the peasant sector. During depression years, however, the suffering of the peasantry was unrelieved. While this was the case with respect to the W e t Z o n e villagers, their D r y Zone counterparts continued to find conditions deteriorating. In this deplorable situation, the D o n o u g h m o r e Constitution (1931) ceded universal franchise a n d internal self-government to the indigenous p o p u lation. T h e hitherto politically inarticulate peasantry n o w found the opportunity to voice their grievances and to m a k e k n o w n their needs. It soon became imperative to switch agricultural policy from emphasis on plantation agriculture to emphasis on food-crop production. T h e increasing population also meant that a larger proportion of the country's food supply had to be produced in the country. Associated with this w a s the urgency of rehabilitating the dispossessed and impoverished peasantry. T h e ' h u m a n right' of the peasant to farm his o w n land w a s recognized and the Government n o w sought to introduce legislative measures to ensure a better deal for the peasants. T h e p r o g r a m m e envisaged by the Government w a s , (a) increasing the production of food crops on existing acreages by m o r e efficient methods of cultivation, by providing aids to the peasant, etc., and

78

George Thambyahpillai

(b) resettling the dispossessed peasant under State-aided schemes in n e w areas. Dry Zone colonization1 T h e Government was faced with the unenviable task of moving a landless peasantry to n e w areas, since in the W e t Zone no expansion of paddy lands w a s possible. It was indeed paradoxical that in the area k n o w n as the D r y Zone, constituting almost 70 per cent of the total land area of Ceylon, the population was sparse and highly localized. This dry zone was once a region offlourishingpopulation centres where the ancient kingdoms were based. However, although it receives a m e a n annual rainfall of not less than 35 inches, it suffers from a long season of drought. It was therefore the highly intricate and elaborate irrigation network of reservoirs (wewas and kulams) and distributory channels (elas) that m a d e possible the establishment of the ancient kingdoms whose economy was rice-based. As a result of invasions from south India and internal conflicts in the island, this irrigation system fell into decay and the land reverted to jungle. It is this area that the Government was n o w forced to render habitable, for the settling of the landless peasantry from the W e t Zone. Obviously then, any attempts at resettling the D r y Zone involved a dual programmethe restoration of the ancient irrigation works and the clearing of the jungle. Colonization schemes In India, an attempt was m a d e to settle the peasantry in a 'colony' in die Punjab in 1886. T h e Government of Ceylon, following this example, attempted a 'colony' in 1887 based on the restoration of the Kala W e w a . D u e to the slow rate of voluntary colonization, a scheme of aided settlement was inaugurated. However, during the period 1887 to 1931 most of the attemptsby Government, private companies or individual organizations proved to be failures due to malaria, lack of communications, problems of land tenure, etc. This period was, however, not fruitless and there soon evolved a policy of settling the peasant on his o w n land. T h efirstlegislative measure was enacted in 1931 and a land policy was embodied in the Land Development Ordinance of 1935 (amended in 1953) which forms the basis of present-day colonization. This policy discouraged the unhealthy practice of fragmentation of farmholdings, since the peasant was bound by contract to 'put to good use the land, not mortgage it, not to sell it under any decree of court', and, 'on the peasant's death, the land was to pass on to his nominated successor or heir'. Thus, it was hoped to provide for an 'independent, individualist, peasant proprietor, owning a block of compact land'. Often these legisla1. T h e term 'colonization' here specifically refers to the establishment of agriculturally based schemes for settling the peasantry in colonies.

Property and problems of land reform

79

tive measures c a m e into conflict,' with traditional customs and m a d e the management of these colonies difficult. During the post-1931 period, the earlier phase, 1931-39, was one of slow progress, only four colonies being established. After the outbreak of the Second World W a r , owing to the need to produce subsistence food crops, efforts were doubled. After the war, by 1955, twenty-seven m o r e colonies had been established. T h e provision not only of land but even of a dwelling place, cultivation implements, draught animals and seed, paddy, etc., were further aids to peasant self-sufficiency. T h e earlier allotment of 8 acres was found to be unmanageable by the peasant and since 1955 the allotment comprises 5 acres (3 acres of paddy and 2 acres of highland cultivation). Four additional measures were taken to settle the peasantry on the land: 1. Allocation to the peasant of small plots of crown land, averaging under 2 acres, either high land or paddy land. 2. Allocation to peasants of allotments m a d e available by Government acquisition of private land, such as small plantations (Village Expansion Programme). 3. Allocation of land to middle-class Ceylonese engaged in cultivation either in colonies or outside. These large allotments provided employment to peasants during their off-season. 4. Acquisition outside the Land Development Ordinance by outright sale or lease. Nearly 500,000 acres had been allocated under the L a n d Development Ordinance by 1955; the acreages under the three systems are shown in

Table 5.
T A B L E 5. Land Allocation (1955)
Acreage (approx.) Per cent of total land allocated

Village expansion Peasant colonization Middle-class Ceylonese

310 000 120 OOO 70 OOO 500 000

62 24 H
IOO

River basin development

O f m o r e recent attempts by the Government, settling the peasants in schemes based on river basin development are being encouraged and have proved to be promising. T h e most noteworthy of these has been the Gal O y a Colony (first established in 1951) which by the 1960's comprised nearly 30,000 acres with about 5,500 allottees. T h e total acreage of all the colonies amounts to nearly 200,000 with only 38,000 allottees after nearly thirty years of development. In 1965 the Government enacted further measures and inaugurated schemes to settle particularly the unemployed

8o

George Thambyahpillai

educated youth of the country on the land. These schemes have been small, yet noteworthy for the issue involvedthat of encouraging a class of educated farmers. General conclusion Attempts have been m a d e by Asian countries to ensure the right of the peasant to o w n his farm land. T h e problems have been m a n y , including conflict with traditional laws and customs, the tremendous cost involved, the provision not only of land but of other social amenities, the maintenance of an equilibrium between dual economies, particularly the peasant economy and the export exchange economy. T h e peasant in Asia is still too poor and hence State-aided settlement seems to be the pattern that m a y be expected for some time to come. T h e rapidly growing population continues to exert even more pressure upon arable land, industrialization is slow and cannot absorb the unemployed educated youth; increased efficiency of farm management and higher yields m a y only partly solve the problem. Despite the slow progress, the efforts are proving worth while and their continuation will help to alleviate problems.

Dr. G. G. R . Thambyahpillai graduated from the Universities of California and Cambridge. He is a lecturer in geography at the University of Ceylon, Peradenyia.

Select bibliography

I. G E N E R A L A N D THEORETICAL

STUDIES

A R I K , K . F . Insan haklarinin milletlerarasi korunmasi [International protection of h u m a n rights]. Ankara Universitesi siyasal Bilgiler Fakltesi Dergisi 15(4) D e c . 60 : 113-50; 16(4) D e c . 61 : 43-92. B E N T W I C H , N . H u m a n rights and the reduction of statelessness. Contemporary Review 20(1153) F e D - 6 2 : 57-60. C A L O G E R O , G . Les droits d e l ' h o m m e et la nature d e la politique. Cahiers Vilfredo Prelo 4 , 1964 : 21-49. C H A T U R V E D I , D . C . Concepts of rights in the liberal tradition. Indian Journal of Social Research 2(2) July 61 : 11-21. C R A N S T O N , M . Human rights to-day. L o n d o n , Ampersand Books, 1962, 126 p . . Human rights. Contribution to the Sixth World Congress, Geneva, 21-25 September, 1964. Paris, International Political Science Association, 1964, 18 p . Mimeo. DoMiNEDo, F . M . L a tutela della persona umana sul piano internazionale. Stato sociale 4(6) June 60 : 521-5. D O U G L A S , W . O . The anatomy of liberty; therightsof man without force. N e w York, Trident Press, 1963, x x v + 194 p . Droits (Les) de l ' h o m m e . Politique 5(17) J a n . - M a r . 62 : 3-90. D U P U Y , J. R . L a lacit dans les dclarations internationales des droits de l ' h o m m e . In: La Lacit, p . 145-78. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, i960. F E N N E S S Y , R . R . Burke, Paine and the rights of man. A difference of political opinion. T h e H a g u e , M . NijhofT, 1963, xiv + 274 p . F R I E D R I C H , C . J. Rights, liberties, freedoms: a reappraisal. American Political Science Review 57(4) D e c . 63 : 841-54. F R I E S E N H A H N , E . Der internationale Schutz der Menschenrechte. Hannover, Niederschsische Landeszentrale fr politische Bildung, i960, 68 p . G A N S H O F V A N D E R M E E R S C H , W . J. Scurit de l'tat et libert individuelle en droit compar. In: Rapports gnraux au Ve Congrs international de droit compar, p . 585-742. Edited by Jean Limpens. Brussels, mile Bruylant, i960. G A R C A B A U E R , C . LOS derechos humanos, preocupacin universal. Guatemala, Editorial Universitaria, i960, 532 p . G I N S B E R G , M . On justice in society. L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n , 1965, 248 p . G L A S E R , S . Quelques remarques sur la protection des droits d e l ' h o m m e . Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques 37(1) J a n . - M a r . 59 : 25-36. H O O K , S . Political power and personal freedom: critical studies in democracy, communism and civil rights. N e w York, Criterion Books, 1959, 462 p .

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

82

Select bibliography

H U A N G - T H I O , S . M . Equal protection and rational classification. Public Law (London) Wint. 63 : 412-40. J E N K S , C . W . Human rights and international labour standards. Published under the auspices of the L o n d o n Institute of World Affairs. L o n d o n , Stevens; N e w York, F. A . Praeger, i960, 159 p . K A S T A R I , P . Kansalaisvapauksien perustuslainsuoja ja valtiosntjen hierarkkisen ylemmnasteisuuden muodostuminen [Constitutional protection of civil rights and the formation of a hierarchical gradation of constitutions]. In: K . Kaira, U . J. Castren, Juhlajulkaisu, p. 123-44. Helsinki (Suomalaisen lakimiesyhdistyksen julkaisuja C : 6), 1961. L A C H A N C E , L . Le droit et les droits de l'homme. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1959 238 p . L A N A R E S , P . La libert religieuse dans les conventions internationales et dans le droit pub gnral. Introduction by M a r c Boegner. Paris, Editions Horvath, 1964, 285 p. M 0 0 N E Y , C . C . Civil rights and liberties. N e w York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964, 79 p. M O V C A N , A . P . Mezdunarodnaja zascita prou celoveka [International protection of h u m a n rights]. M o s c o w , Gosjurizdat, 1958, 166 p . O P S A H L , T . Folkerett og internasjonal politikk [ H u m a n rights and international policy]. Internasjonal Politikk (Bergen) (2) 62 : 192-219. P E C C O R I N I L E T O N A , F . Los fundamentos ltimos de los derechos del hombre: justicia, moral y obligacin, una introduccin a lafilosofadel derecho. San Salvador, El Salvador, Ministerio del Educacin, Direccin General de Publicaciones, 1964, 399 p. P E T T O V I C H , P . L'encyclique Pacem in terris et les droits de l ' h o m m e . Justice dans le Monde 5(4) June 64 : 457-73. P U G L E S I , A . Le droit international et les droits de la personne humaine. Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques 42(3) July-Sept. 64 : 324-34 R A B B A T H , E . L a thorie des droits de l ' h o m m e dans le droit musulman. Revue internationale de droit compar 11 (4) Oct.-Dec. 59 : 672-93. R A N K I N , R . S. The impact of civil rights upon twentieth-century federalism. U r b a n a , University of Illinois, Department of Political Science, 1963, 23 p . R A P H A E L , D . D . Le concept des droits de l'homme en thorie politique. Contribution to the Sixth World Congress, Geneva, 21-25 September 1964. Paris, International Political Science Association, 1964, 17 p. M i m e o . R i E N O W , R . The citizen and his government: right and responsibilities. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1963, 346 + 34 p. R O M M E N , H . Vers l'internationalisation des droits de l ' h o m m e . Justice dans le Monde 1(2) Dec. 59 : 147-77R O S H W A L D , M . T h e concept of h u m a n rights. Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 19(3) M a r . 59 : 354-79. S A H N A Z A R O V , G . Kommunizm i svoboda licnosti [ C o m m u n i s m and individual freedom]. M o s c o w , Molodaja Gvardija, i960, 102 p . S A V C I , B . Le problme de la libert du point de vue de sa relation avec le pouvoir. Contribution to the Sixth World Congress, Geneva, 21-25 September 1964. Paris, International Political Science Association, 1964, 16 p. M i m e o . S C H N E I D E R , P . Droits sociaux et doctrine de droits de l'homme. Contribution to the Sixth World Congress, Geneva, 21-25 September 1964. Paris, International Political Science Association, 1964, 9 p. M i m e o . S E L V I N , H . C ; H A G S T R O M , W . O . Determinants of support for civil liberties. British Journal of Sociology 11(1) M a r . 60 : 51-73. S T E F A N O V I C , J. Problematika ustavnog garantiranja prava gradana [Problems of the constitutional guarantee of h u m a n rights], bornik pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu 11(1) 1961 : 5-31. S T R E E T , H . Freedom, the individual and the law. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1963, 316 p.

Select bibliography

83

Studi (Gli) politici e sociali in Italia. I diritti dell' uomo nella teora e nella prassi poltica. Atti del terzo congresso nazionale di scienze politiche e sociali. Roma, 13-14 marzo 1964. Milan, Societ Editrice Vita e Pensiero, 1965, 211 p . (Publicazioni dell'Associazione italiana di scienze politiche e sociali.) T A B B A H , B . D e l'abus a u dpassement des liberts. Revue des travaux de l'Acadmie des sciences morales et politiques 115, a e s e m . 62 : 14-27. T A F U R G O N Z A L E Z , L . C . De los derechos humanos en la ciencia poltica. Bogot, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, i960, 223 p . U K A I , N . Kihon-teki Jinken to K k y n o Fukushi [Fundamental h u m a n rights a n d public welfare]. Shakai Kagaku Kenky 11(3) J a n . 60 : 1-22. ViLLEFOSSE, L . de. Gographie de la libert. Les droits de l'homme dans le monde, 1953-1964. Paris, R . Laffont, 1965, 405 p. W A T A N U K I , Y . Kihon-teki Jenken to Kky no Fukushi [Fundamental human rights and public welfare]. Jichi Kenky 34(6) June 58 : 26-48; 34(7) July 58 : 63-80; 34(8) Aug. 58 : 71-86; 34(10) Oct. 58 : 51-68; 34(11) Nov. 58 : 61-68; 34(12) Dec. 58 : 79-92; 35(1) Jan. 59 : 87-104; 35(4) Apr. 59 : 55-68. W R I G H T , 0_. Toward a universal law for mankind. Columbia Law Review 63(3) M a r . 63 : 435-59Y O U N G , W . M . Jr. To be equal. N e w York, McGraw-Hill, 1964, 254 p.

II. HISTORICAL STUDIES A N T O I N E , P . Les droits d e l ' h o m m e , ont-ils chang de sens ? Revue de l'Action populaire 174, janv. 64 : 3-18. D A R M O R , J . A travers les grandes dclarations. Revue de VAction populaire 174, janv. 64 : 19-28. KoNvrrz, M . R . A century of civil rights. With a study of State law against discrimination, by Theodore Leskes. N e w York, Columbia University Press, 1961, v i i i

+ 293 PO S T R E I C H , G . Die Idee der Menschenrechte in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung. Berlin, O . H . Hess, 1962, 47 p. O S T R A N D E R , G . M . The rights of man in America, 1608-1861. C o l u m b i a , University of Missouri Press, i960, 356 p . P E R R Y , R . L . (ed.). Sources of our liberties; documentary origins of individual liberties in the United States Constitution and Bill of Rights. Chicago, American Bar Foundation, 1959, xxii + 456 p . R U T L A N D , R . A . The birth of the Bill of Rights, 1776-1791. N e w Y o r k , Collier Books 1962, 252 p . W A L K E R , R . S . The constitutional and legal development of habeas corpus as the writ of liberty. Stillwater, O k l a h o m a State University, i960, 87 p . W E I N B E R G E R , A . D . Freedom and protection: the Bill of Rights. S a n Francisco, T h e Chandler Publishing C o . , 1961, xix + 180 p . Z A V A L A , S . La dfense des droits de l'homme en Amrique latine (XVIe-XVIIIe sicles). Paris, Unesco, 1964, 65 p .

III.

H U M A N RIGHTS IN T H E UNITED NATIONS

A L A N E N , A . Ihmisoikeuksien julistus je luontaisoikeudelliset periatteet [The Declaration of H u m a n Rights a n d principles of natural law]. Lakimies 60, 1962 : 235-4' A N T O N O P O U L O S , N . L'influence de la Dclaration universelle des droits de l ' h o m m e sur les constitutions contemporaines. Politique 13, J a n . - M a r . 61 : 1-33. A R A N G I O - R U I Z , V . L a Dichiarazione universale dei diritti dell'uomo. Comunit internazionale 20(1) J a n . 6 5 : 3-17.

84

Select bibliography

B A R C L A Y , B . P . L a Dclaration universelle des droits de l ' h o m m e , la Charte des Nations unies et la religion. Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques 42(1) J a n . - M a r . 64 : 23-30. C H O P R A , S. Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights. A study. Indian Journal of Political Science 20(4) Oct.-Dec. 59 : 371-8. GiACHETTi, C . L a Dichiarazione universale dei diritti d e U ' u o m o . Aggiornamenti sociali 10(5) M a y 59 : 289-904. G U Y O M A R , G . Nations Unies et organisations rgionales dans la protection des droits de l ' h o m m e . Revue gnrale de droit international public 68(3) July-Sept. 64 : 687-707. H E N K I N , L . T h e United Nations and h u m a n rights. International Organization 19(3) S u m . 65 : 504-17. H U M P H R E Y , J. T . P . The United Nations and human rights. Toronto, published for the Canadian Institute of International Affairs b y Baxter P u b . C o . , 1963, 26 p. I M A I , T . Kokuren Kensh ni okeru Jinken H o s h [Protection of h u m a n rights by the Charter of the United Nations]. Handai Hgaku 39, July 61 : 25-49. K O C O T , K . Powszechna Deklaracja Praw Czlowieka (w dziesiata rocznice rezolucji Zgromadzenia Ogolnego O N Z ) [The Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights on the tenth anniversary of the resolution of the United Nations General Assembly]. Sprawy Miedzynarodowe 12(2) Feb. 59 : 57-70. L E L O U P , P . L ' O N U au service des droits de l ' h o m m e . Revue de l'Action populaire 174, Jan. 64 : 118-22. M A T T E I , R . de. La Dclaration universelle des droits de l'homme et la tradition europenne de la pense politique. Contribution to the Sixth W o r l d Congress, Geneva, 21-25 September 1964. Paris, International Political Science Association, 17 p. m i m e o . . L a dichiarazione universale dei diritti d e U ' u o m o e la tradizione europea di pensiero politico. Rivista di studi politici intemazionali 31(1) J a n . - M a r . 64 : 30-41. M C D O U G A L , M . S.; B E B R , G . H u m a n rights in the United Nations. American Journal of International Law 58(3) July 64 : 603-41. M E Y E R - L I N D E N B E R G , H . Die B e m h u n g e n der Vereinten Nationen u m eine K o d i fikation der Menschenrechte. Jahrbuch fr internationales Recht (11) 1962 : 303-12. O L D E N H A G E , G . Mglichkeiten u n d Grenzen Internationaler Organisationen fr eine Durchsetzung des Vlkerrechts. Archiv, des Vlkerrechts 12(3) June 65 : 249-63. S A N D M E I E R , R . Rund um die universale Erklrung der Menschenrechte der Vereinten Nationen. Zu einem Gesprch zwischen West und Ost. Bern, M n c h e n , A . Francke, 1963, 1 5 1 p . S A N T A C R U Z , H . Study of discrimination in the matter of political rights; report. N e w York, United Nations, 1961, 131 + 3 p. S C H W E L B , E . International conventions on h u m a n rights. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 9(4) Oct. 60 : 654-75. . Human rights and the international community; the roots and growth of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, g48-ig63. Chicago, Quadrangle Books, 1964, 96 p. S E R D N , H . Var mnskliga rtt; kommentar till Frenta nationemas allmnna frklaring om de mnskliga rttighetema [ O n h u m a n rights; commentary on the United Nations Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights]. Stockholm, Natur och Kultur, 1960,98 p. U N I T E D N A T I O N S . ig6i seminar on the protection of human rights in the administration of criminal justice. Wellington, New ^ea/anrf, 16-20 February 1961. Organized by the United Nations in co-operation with the Government of N e w Zealand. N e w York, United Nations, 1962, viii + 158 p. ( S T / T A O / H R / 1 0 . ) . zg6s seminar on judicial and other remedies against the abuse of administrative authority, with special emphasis on the role of parliamentary institutions. Stockholm, 12-25 Jun ig6s. Organized by the United Nations in co-operation with the Swedish] Government. N e w York, United Nations, 1963, iv + 34 p. ( S T / T A O / H R / 1 5 . ) . Study on the right of everyone to be free from arbitrary arrest, detention, and exile. N e w York, United Nations, 1964, xii -f 219 p. (E/CN.4/826/rev. 1.) (1965. XIV. 2.)

Select bibliography

85

U N I T E D N A T I O N S . Remedies against the abuse of administrative authority. Selected studies. N e w York, United Nations, 1964, iv + 167 p . ( S T / T A O / H R / 1 9 . )

H U M A N RIGHTS A N D E U R O P E A N ORGANIZATIONS EISSEN, M . A . L a Cour europenne des droits de l ' h o m m e . Annuaire franais de droit international 5, 1959 : 618-57. . L e nouveau rglement intrieur d e la Commission europenne des droits de l ' h o m m e . Annuaire franais de droit international 6, i960 : 774-90. E U R O P E A N C O M M I S S I O N O F H U M A N R I G H T S . Documents and/et decisions 1955-1956-1957. T h e H a g u e , M . Nijhoff, 1959, xiv + 276 p . G O L S O N G , H . Das Rechtsschutzsystem der Europischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Karlsruhe, C . F . Mller, 1958, 115 p. . Protection internationale des droits d e l ' h o m m e en Europe. Revue de l'Action populaire 176, M a r . 64 : 302-10. G R E E N B E R G , J.; S H A L I T , A . N e w Horizons for h u m a n rights: the European convention, Court and Commission of H u m a n Rights. Columbia Law Review 63(8) Dec. 63 : 1384-412. H E R Z O G , R . D a s Grundrecht auf Freiheit in der Europischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Archiv des ffentlichen Rechts 86(2-3) Sept. 61 : 194-244. L E I T E R , M . H u m a n rights in the European C o m m u n i t y . Australian Outlook 15(2) A u g . 61 : 169-87. M A R S C H , N . S. Civil liberties in Europe. Law Quarterly Review 75, Oct. 59 : 530-52. M E T T H I E S , H . D a s erste Urteil des Europischen Gerichtshof fr Menschenrechte. Zeitschrift fr auslndisches ffentliches Recht und Vlkerrecht 21(2) A p r . 61 : 249-58. M o D i N o s , P . Effects and repercussions of the European Convention on H u m a n Rights. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 11(4) Oct. 62 : 1097-108. M o N C O N D U r r , F . La Commission europenne des droits de l'homme. Preface by P . H . Teitgen. Leyde, A . W . Sythoff, 1965, 559 p . M O S L E R , H . Organisation u n d Verfahren des Europischen Gerichtshofs fr M e n s chenrechte. Zeitschrift fr auslndisches ffentliches Recht und Vlkerrecht 20(3-4) A u g . 60 : 415-49. NiLSSON, N . D . Europaradets konvention o m de mnskliga rttigheterna [The H u m a n Rights Convention of the Council of Europe]. Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift 64(2-3) 61 : 152-60. P A L L I E R I , G . B . II regolamento della Corte dei Diritti dell'Uomo. Diritto internazionale 14(2) A p r . 60 : 126-32. P E L L O U X , R . (ed.). Essais sur les droits de l'homme en Europe. Ie srie. Institut Universitaire d'tudes Europennes de Turin. Turin, G . Giappichelli; Paris, Librairie Gnrale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1959, viii + 183 p . R O B E R T S O N , A . H . T h e European Court of H u m a n Rights. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 8(2) A p r . 59 : 396-403. . T h efirstcase before the European Court of H u m a n Rights: Lawless v. the Government of Ireland. British Yearbook of International Law 36, i960 : 343-53. . Human rights in Europe. Being an account of the European Conventionfor the protection of human rights and fundamentalfreedoms signed in Rome on 4 November 1950. Manchester, Manchester University Press; N e w York, Oceana Publications, 1963, x -f- 280 p . S C H W E L B , E . O n the operation of the European Convention o n H u m a n Rights. International Organization 18(3) S u m . 64 : 558-85. S S T E R H E N N , A . Der Supranationale Schutz der Menschenrechte in Europa. Frankfurt a . M . , Bonn, A t h e n u m Verlag, 1962, 40 p . V A S A K , K . D e la convention europenne la convention africaine des droits de l ' h o m m e . Revue juridique et politique d'Outre-Mer 16(1) J a n . - M a r . 62 : 56-76. . La Convention europenne des droits de l'homme. Preface by R e n Cassin. Paris, Librairie Gnrale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1964, x + 328 p.

86

Select bibliography

V E R D R O S S , A . Der europische Schutz der Menschenrechte, sterreichische Zeitschrift fr Ausscnpolitik 1(2) Dec. 60 : 91-103. W E I L , G . L . The European Convention on Human Rights: background, development and prospects. Leyden, A . W . Sythoff, 1963, 260 p. WiEBRiNGHAMS, H . Extension de la Convention europenne des droits de l ' h o m m e . Rivista di diritto europeo 1(2) Apr.-June 61 : 145-52.

NATIONAL A N D REGIONAL STUDIES B A N E R J E E , D . N . Our fundamental rights, their nature and extent (as judicially determined). Calcutta, World Press, i960, xii + 483 p. B A Y L E Y , D . H . Public liberties in the new States. Chicago, R a n d McNally, 1964, 152 p. B E R M A N , D . M . A bill becomes a law: the Civil Rights Act of ig6o. N e w York, M a c millan, 1962, xiii + 143 p. B E R T O L A , A . Confessionismo religioso e diritti u m a n i nella Costituzione somala. Comunita internazionale 16(3) July 61 : 527-40. B U R D E A U , G . Les liberts publiques, 2nd ed. Paris, Librairie Gnrale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1961, 388 p . C A D O U X , C . L a constitution indienne et les droits de l ' h o m m e . Politique 18, Apr.June 62 : 118-38. C A M A R G O , P. P . La proteccin jurdica de los derechos humanos y de la democracia en Amirica; los derechos humanos y el derecho internacional. Mxico, Editorial Excelsior, i960, 481 p. D E S M I T H , S. A . Fundamental rights in the n e w C o m m o n w e a l t h . International and Comparative Law Quarterly 10(1) Jan. 61 : 83-102; 10(2) A p r . 61 : 215-37. . Fundamental rights in C o m m o n w e a l t h constitutions. Journal of the Parliaments of the Commonwealth 43(1) Jan. 62 : 10-19. DoBASHi, T . NUwn hikaku taishS seka kakkoku no jinken sengen [A study of the Declaration of H u m a n Rights on an international comparative basis with particular reference to Japan]. Tokyo, Seibund Shoten, 1959, 294 p. E L I A S , T . O . L a nouvelle constitution d u Nigeria et la protection des Droits de l ' h o m m e et des liberts fondamentales. Revue de la Commission internationale des juristes 2(1-2) winter 59-spring-sum. 60 : 30-47. E M E R S O N , T . I.; H A B E R , H . Political and civilrightsin the United States; a collection of legal and related materials, 2nd ed. Buffalo, Dennis, 1958, 2 vol. E R M A C O R A , F . Handbuch der Grundfreiheiten und der Menschenrechte; ein Kommentar zu den sterreichischen Grundrechtsbestimmungen. Vienna, M a n z , 1963, xx +- 655 p. G E L L H O R N , W . American rights; the Constitution in action. N e w York, Macmillan, i960, 232 p . K A S T A R I , P . D e medborgeliga fri- och rttigheternas grundlagsskydd i Finland [The constitutional protection of civil liberties and fundamental rights in Finland]. Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift 62(4) 59 : 285-301. Also published in English: Tulane Law Review 24, 59-60 : 695-710. K A U P E R , P. G . Civil liberties and the Constitution. A n n Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1962, 237 p. K E L L Y , J. M . Fundamentalrightsin the Irish law and Constitution. Dublin, A . Figgis, 1961, 274 p. KoBAYASHi, N . Nihon-Shakai to Jinken [Japanese society and h u m a n rights]. Jurisuto 254, July 62 : 10-17. L A V R O F F , D . G . Les liberts publiques en Union sovitique, 2nd ed., revised and enlarged. Paris, A . Pdone, 1963, 265 p. L O C K H A R T W . B . ; K A M I S A R , Y . ; C H O P E R , J. H . Cases and materials on constitutional rights and liberties. St Paul, West Publishing C o . , 1964, xlvi + 864 p. M A B I L E A U , A . Les liberts anglaises. Revue juridique et conomique du Sud-Ouest. Srie juridique 9(3-4) 58 : 99-112.

Select bibliography

M A T S U O , K . T h e development of the idea of social fundamental rights in Japan. Kobe University Law Review 1, 1961 : 1-22. M E Y E R - L I N D E N B E R G , H . Der internationale Schutz der Menschenrechte in A m e rika. Europa-Archiv 15 (7-8), 5-20 A p r . 60 : 253-66. M I C K E V I C , A . V . O garantijah prav i svobod sovetskih grazdan v obscenarodnom socialisticeskom gosudarstve [ O n guarantees of the rights and liberties of Soviet citizens in the public socialist State]. Sovetskoe Gosudartsvo i Pravo 33(8) A u g . 63 : 24-33. M O U R A L , J. Les droits et les devoirs des citoyens dans la nouvelle Constitution de la Rpublique socialiste tchcoslovaque. Revue de Droit tchcoslovaque 17(1-2) Sept. 60 : 55-68. N E W M A N , E . S. (ed.). The freedom reader; a collection of materials on civil rights and civil liberties in America, including excerpts from Supreme Court decisions and commentary of eminent lawyers, Government officials, political scientists and opinion moulders, 2nd ed., rev. Dobbs, Ferry, N . Y . , O c e a n a Publications, 1963, 222 p . P A N A M E R I C A N U N I O N . Protection of humanrights.Washington, D . C . , 1959, 42 p. P A T J U L I N , V . A . ; S E M E N O V , P . G . Svoboda linosti v S S S R i ee garantii [Individual freedom in the U . S . S . R . and its guarantee]. Sovetskoe Gosudarstvo i Pravo (8) A u g . 61 : 17-27. P O P P E , E . ; S C H S S E L E R , R . Sozialistische Grundrechte und Grundpflichten der Brger. Staat und Recht 12(2) Feb. 63 : 209-28. R A V A N F A R H A D I , A . G . La promotion des droits de l'homme dans les pays en voie de dveloppement. Document de base (Cycle d'tudes sur les droits de l'homme dans les pays en voie de dveloppement, Kaboul, 12-25 mai 1964). Organized by the United Nations in cooperation with the Government of Afghanistan. S.I., United Nations, 1964, iv + 8 4 p . , multigr. R O C H E , J. P . The quest for the dream; the development of civil rights and human relations in modem America. N e w York, Macmillan, 1963, xii -f 308 p . R U D I N S K I J , F . M . Svoboda sovesti v SSSR [Freedom of conscience in the U . S . S . R . ] . M o s c o w , Gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo juridiieskoj literatury, 1961, 85 p . R Y A N , S . Charting our libertiesthe proposed Canadian Bill of Rights. Queens Quarterly 46(3) aut. 59 : 389-404. R Y C K B O S T , J. L e rgime des liberts publiques en droit congolais. tudes congolaises (4) 62 : 1-22. S A V C I , B . Tiirkiye de A m m e Hiirriyetinin Miitalasina Bir Bakis [A brief study on the specific interpretation of civil liberties in Turkey]. Ankara Universitesi Siyasal BilgiUr Fakltesi Dergisi 14(2-3) July 5g : 167-81. . Turk devletinde, tarih akisi iinde insan haklari [ H u m a n rights in Turkey, an historical perspective]. Ankara Universitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakltesi Dergisi 18(2) June 63 : 83-99. S C H M E I S E R , D . A . Civil liberties in Canada. L o n d o n , Oxford University Press, 1964, xviii + 302 p . S C O T T , F. R . The Canadian Constitution and human rights. Toronto, Canadian Broadcasting Corp., 1959, 52 + 1 p . . Civil liberties and Canadian federalism. Toronto, published in co-operation with Carleton University of Toronto Press, 1959, 58 p . S L U Z E W S K I , J. Protection des droits de l'individu dans la nouvelle procdure a d m i . nistrative polonaise. Revue du droit contemporain 8(1), June 61 : 114-21.
UNITED KINGDOM. C E N T R A L OFFICE O F INFORMATION. Human rights in the United

Kingdom. L o n d o n , 1963, 32 p . VoEVODiN, L . D . Razvitie svobody linosti i osnovnyh prav sovetskihgrazdan v period razvernutogo stroitePstva k o m m u n i z m a [Development of personal liberty and the fundamental rights of Soviet citizens in the period of developing construction of c o m m u n i s m ] . Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta, Serija Pravo 17(1), J a n . - M a r . 62 : 36-46. W I L S O N , H . H . Civil liberties in the United States today. Political Quarterly 30(2) 1959 : 171-84.

The world of the social sciences

Research and training centres and professional bodies1

Contributions to this section are invited. Statements not exceeding 1,500 words should be submitted in two double-spaced typewritten copies, in English, French, Spanish, Russian, German or Italian. Particular emphasis on current or planned research activities is desirable.

N e w institutions a n d changes of address

N e w institutions
International Instituto para la Integracin de Amrica Latina ( I N T A L ) [del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo], Cerrito 264, Casilla 181, Sucursal 1, Buenos Aires (Argentina) . International Centre for Inter-Group Relations, 4 , rue de Chevreuse, Paris-6e (France). World Society of Ekistics, c/o Athens Technological Institute, 24 Strat. Syndesm o u , Athens 136 (Greece). Brazil Instituto d e Pesquisas e Estudos Econmicos ( I P E E ) , Faculdade d e Ciencias Econmicas d a Universidade d e Santa Catarina, rua Almirante Alvim, 19, Florianpolis, Santa Catarina. Chile Centro d e Investigaciones Criminolgicos, Escuela de Derecho, Universidad d e Chile, Casilla 3743, Valparaso France M A R C O M E R (tudes d'opinion et d e march en Afrique). Provisional address: 44, rue de la Botie, Paris-8e. [This centre is analogous to one established several years ago for English-speaking Africa: M a r c o Surveys Limited, K e n w o o d H o u s e , Hardinge Street, P O Box 5837, Nairobi (Kenya).] 1. For cumulative index to this section, see Vol. X V I (1964), N o . 1, p. 117.

In!. Sac. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

92

T h e world of the social sciences

United States of America National Council o n Social Science Data Archives ( N C S S D A ) , c/o Bureau of A p plied Social Research, Columbia University, 605 West 115th Street, N e w York, N . Y . 10025.

Changes of address
International International Federation for European L a w ( F I D E ) , Palais de Justice, Bruxelles 1 (Belgium). Formerly: 34, avenue des Phalnes, Bruxelles 5 (Belgium). World Association for Public Opinion Research, c/o M r . R . Maisel, SecretaryTreasurer, General Electric C o m p a n y , 570 Lexington Avenue, N e w York (United States of America). Formerly: 20, rue d'Aumale, Paris-ge (France). Sweden Sociologiska Institutionen, Uppsala Universiteit, Drottninggatan 1, Uppsala. Formerly: Villavgen 1, Uppsala.

International
International Sociological Association
Case Postale 141, G e n e v a 2 4

President: R e n Knig, University of Cologne. Vice-Presidents: Herbert Blumer (University of California); Gino Germani (University of Buenos Aires); Renato Treves (University of Milan). Members of the Executive Committee: R a y m o n d Aron (Sorbonne); Henning Friis, Institute of Social Research, Copenhagen; P . V . Konstantinov, U . S . S . R . A c a d e m y of Sciences; Charles M a d g e , University of Birmingham; Kunio O d a k a , University of Tokyo; Stein Rokkan, T h e Michelsen Institute, Bergen; Jean Szczepanski, University of W a r s a w . Secretary-General: Roger Girod (University of Geneva). T h e purposes of the International Sociological Association (ISA), which was founded in 1949 under Unesco's auspices,1 are to promote the advancement of sociological knowledge throughout the world. Its set task, to that end, is to take all measures designed to develop contacts between sociologists in all parts of the world, to promote the propagation of ideas, to facilitate and encourage sociological research of international interest.
I. (Founder Members): G . Davy (Sorbonne), A . N . J , den Hollander (University of Amsterdam), G . Gurvitch (Sorbonne), R . Knig (University of Zurich), P . Lazarsfeld (Columbia University), G . L . Bras (Sorbonne), E . Rinde (Institute of Social Research, Oslo), L . Wirth (University of Chicago), A . Brodersen (Unesco), O . Klineberg (Unesco), T . H . Marshall (London School of Economics).

Research and training centres and professional bodies

93

ISA's m e m b e r s comprise corporate bodies specializing in individual branches of sociology (national, regional and international sociological associations, institutes, research centres, sociological departments of universities, etc.). Individual m e m b e r s are accepted, in specific instances. T h e ISA organs are as follows. T h e Council, which is the sovereign body, is composed of representatives of sociologists of the various countries (in general, one delegate and one deputy per country). U n d e r its statutes, the council meets every four years. It appoints the association's president and the m e m b e r s of the executive committee. T h e Executive Committee consists of not m o r e than eleven m e m b e r s , including the president and vice-presidents of the association. It meets whenever the association's work so requires. T h e Secretary-General is responsible for the implementation of the association's programme. At present, the three main activities conducted by ISA are as follows: (a) organization of a World Congress of Sociology every three years; (b) organization or sponsorship of meetings of the research committees; (c) publication of the review Current Sociology. W O R L D CONGRESSES OF SOCIOLOGY T h e I S A has organized five congresses since its foundation: First World Congress of Sociology, Zrich 1950 (120 participants from 30 countries). In collaboration with the International Political Science Association. Second World Congress of Sociology. Lige, 1953 (281 participants from 33 countries). General topics of discussion: Social stratification a n d social mobility; Inter-group conflicts and their settlements; Recent developments in sociological research. T h e training, professional activities, and responsibilities of sociologists. Third World Congress of Sociology, A m s t e r d a m , 1956 (520 participants from 55 countries). General topic of discussion: Problems of social change in the twentieth century. Fourth World Congress of Sociology, Milan/Stresa, 1959 (1,000 participants from 53 countries). General topic of discussion: Society and sociological knowledge. Fifth World Congress of j Sociology, Washington D . C . , 1962 (1,200 participants from 58 countries). General topics of discussion: Sociologists, policy makers and the public; T h e nature and problems of sociological theory. T h e proceedings of these five congresses have been published in the collection Transactions of the World Congresses of Sociology (18 volumes). T h e Sixth World Congress of Sociology will be held at vian (France) in September 1966. T h e two main topics of discussion will be: 'Unity and diversity in sociology' and 'Sociology of international relations'. In addition, various round-table conferences and meetings of the research committees will be held. THE RESEARCH COMMITTEES There are at present thirteen of these committees, each of which is under the direction of an eminent specialist (see list below). In principle, these committees hold one meeting in the interval between congresses. Each committee is composed of not more than eighteen specialists, appointed according to the research w o r k conducted by them within the committee's field of activity. T h e activities of these committees give rise to publications in various forms (special issues of reviews, in particular). Research committees. D . Glass: Social Stratification and Social Mobility; W . H . Scott: Sociology of W o r k (in process of organization); R . Glass: U r b a n Sociology (in process of organization); R . Hill: Family Research; G . Friedmann: Mass C o m m u nication; S. M . Lipset: Political Sociology; A . Rose: Psychiatric Sociology; G . L e

94

T h e world of the social sciences

Bras: Sociology of Religion; J. Dumazedier: Leisure and Mass Culture; R . Treves: Sociology of L a w ; K . Wolf: Sociology of Knowledge (in process of organization); G . Reader: Sociology of Medicine; A . H . Halsey: Sociology of Education (in process of organization). ' C U R R E N T SOCIOLOGY' Current Sociology is a review each issue of which contains reports on recent research carried out in a particularfield,together with a bibliography. T h e following issues have so far appeared: Vol. I (1952-53): Social implications of technical advance (S. C . Gilfillan). Vol. II (1953-54): N o . 1, Social stratification (D. G . M a c R a e ) ; N o . 2, Social stratification and social mobility, United States of America, Sweden, Japan

(L. Wirth).
Vol. Ill (1954-55): N o . 1, Social implications of technical advance in underdeveloped countries (G. Balandier); N o . 2, Electoral behaviour (J. Dupeux). Vol. I V (1955): N o . 1, U r b a n sociology (research in France) (P. Chombart de L a u w e and L . Couvreur); N o . 2, Urban sociology (research in Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries) (R. Glass). Vol. V (1956): N o . i, Sociology of religions (C. L e Bras); N o . 2, Sociology of science (B. Barber). Vol. V I (1957): N o . 1, Rural sociology (T. L y n n Smith);No. 2, Political sociology (R. Bendix and S. M . Lipset); N o . 3, Social factors in economic growth (L. W . Shannon). Vol. V I I (1958): N o . 1, Sociology of marriage and family behaviour, 1945-56 (R. Hill); N o . 2, Bureaucracy and bureaucratization (S. N . Eisenstadt); N o . 3, T h e sociology of education (J. Floud, A . H . Halsey). Vol. VIII (1959): N o . 1, Rural sociology in South-East Asia ( M . Freedman, M . C . Swift, P . Pal, M . A . Jaspan); N o . 2, T h e sociology of ageing (D. Cain Jr.); N o . 3, Caste ( M . N . Srinivas, S. Shahani, A . Beteille, Y . B. Damle). Vol. I X (i960): N o . 1, Comparative social mobility (S. M . Miller); N o . 2, T h e sociological study of ideology (1940-60), (N. Birnbaum); N o . 3, Small group research (E. F . Borgatta). Vol. X / X I (1961-62): N o . 1, Sociology of law ( W . G . Friedmann); N o . 2, T h e sociology of h u m a n fertility (R. Freedman), N o . 3, The sociology of medicine (E. Freidson). Vol. X I I (1963-64): N o . 1, Committee on Family Research, Opatija Seminar; N o . 2, Industrial sociology, 1951-62 (J. Tranton, J . - D . Reynaud); N o . 3, Profession in the class system of present-day societies (J. Ben-David). Vol. XIII: Military sociology (K. Lang). Current Sociology is published by ISA in collaboration with the International C o m mittee for Social Sciences Documentation and with Unesco's financial assistance. Forthcoming issues will deal with the sociology of organizations, the political sociology of Eastern European countries, comparative sociology, sociology of mass communication, sociology of leisure, sociology of international relations, etc. RELATIONS W I T H INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS T h e International Sociological Association maintains very systematic working relations with Unesco, which grants it an annual subvention. It also maintains relations with the United Nations in the form of exchanges of information and mutual consultations. In addition to the annual subvention mentioned above, Unesco contributesfinanciallyto the publication of Current Sociology, to the organization of the congresses and various international meetings, and to the implementation of research programmes.

Research and training centres and professional bodies

95

Committee for International Co-operation in Rural Sociology

c/o Landbouvhogeschool, Herenstraat 25, Wageningen, Netherlands

In 1962 a Committee for International Co-operation in Rural Sociology was established jointly by the American Rural Sociological Society and the European Society for Rural Sociology. T h e founders of this rather informal organization were aware from the start that the committee should be broadened to a world-wide basis as soon as possible. A m o n g thefirstactivities of the committee was the preparation of the First World Congress for Rural Sociology which was held in August 1964 in Dijon, France. T h e active participation of numerous scientists and practitioners from all parts of the world encouraged the initiators to set up a committee with representatives from North and Latin America, Asia, Africa and Europe. T h e committee's main task will be the stimulation of teaching or research in rural sociology in the different regions of the world. During the First World Congress it was rather clearly demonstrated that, even in a steadily industrializing society, the rural sociologist has an important role to play. Rural sociology must be seen as afieldin which specific emphasis is placed on problems for the rural population arising out of rapid urbanization and the problems being faced by the developing countries. In fulfilling this task the building of national, regional and world-wide professional organizations can be of great help. T h e necessity of systematic communication is so obvious that it needs no extended explanation. In this connexion the c o m mittee will try to stimulate the exchange of ideas by organizing world-wide and regional congresses and the distribution of research reports. It will also consider other matters such as an international bibliography of rural sociology, the exchange of scholars and students and, last but not least, the strengthening of professional practice and organization. It will try to fulfil its tasks with a m i n i m u m of formal organization. However, a certain structural framework seems to be unavoidable. T h e work of the committee can be efficient only through the co-operation of its members and the response they can obtain in their respective regions. Encouraged by the result of the First World Congress it has been decided to hold a Second World Congress of Rural Sociology in 1968, at Wageningen, Netherlands. W e would greatly appreciate it if all those interested in our field would support the committee m e m b e r s in the difficult preparation of another world congress. Members and officers Europe. E . W . Hofstee, Department of Rural Sociology, Agricultural University, Herenstraat 25, Wageningen, Netherlands (chairman); H . Ktter, Institut fr Agrarsoziologie, Giessen, Federal Republic of G e r m a n y (secretary); H . E . Bracey Department of Economics, University of Bristol, 40, Berkeley Square, Bristol 8, United K i n g d o m . United States of America. A . L . Bertrand, Department of Sociology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana (vice-chairman); P . J. Jehlik, Cooperative State Research Service, U . S . Department of Agriculture, Washington 25, D . C . ; H . K . Schwarzweller, Department of Sociology, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky.

96

T h e world of the social sciences

Latin America. Alejandro Marroquin, Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad El Salvador, San Salvador, El Salvador; Rodolfo Stavenhagen, H a m b u r g o 63, apart, postal 20719, Mexico 6, D . F . , Mexico (vice-chairman); J. A . Silva-Michelena, Center for Studies on Development, apartado 6622, Caracas, Venezuela. Africa. E . B . E . N d e m , Department of Sociology, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria (associate secretary); A . Zghal, Centre d'tudes et de Recherches Economiques et Sociales, 23, rue d'Espagne, Tunis; L . BifTot, O R S T O M , Psycho-sociologie, B P 31-40, Libreville, G a b o n . Asia. A . P . Barnabas, Indian Institute of Public Administration, Indraprastha Estate Ring R o a d , New-Delhi, India (associate secretary); Gelia T . Castillo, College of Agriculture-University of the Philippines, College Laguna, Philippines; T . Fukutake, University of Tokyo, Faculty of Letters, Tokyo, Japan.

Federal Republic of Germany

Deutsche Gesellschaft fr auswrtige Politik
6 Schaumburg-Lippe-Strasse, Bonn
T h e Deutsche Gesellschaft fr auswrtige Politik (German Society for Foreign Affairs) was founded in M a r c h 1955 as an unofficial body to encourage and promote the scientific study of questions of international politics and foreign policy. T h e aims and purposes of the society, as defined by its statutes, are: to encourage discussion of the problems of international politics and economics, with special emphasis on the European aspects; to promote research on such problems; to stimulate, b y means of lectures, conferences, study groups and publications, a wider understanding of international situations and problems. In this w a y is is hoped to contribute towards closer co-operation a m o n g scholars and facilitate international understanding. T h e society is an independent non-partisan organization; it does not advance opinions of its o w n on political questions. By virtue of its aims and the nature of its activities, the society maintains close and friendly relations with similar institutions abroad, in particular with the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in London, the Centre d'Etudes de Politique Etrangre in Paris, and the Council on Foreign Relations in N e w York. Membership in the society is open to those with special personal or professional interests in foreign policy and international affairs, such as m e m b e r s of all parties represented in the Bundestag, leading representatives of business and industry, the trade unions, the civil service, the universities, the press, and the armed forces. F r o m 105 at the time of the society's foundation, the membership figure has n o w grown to over 1,000. T h e president of the society is D r . Dr.h.c. Gnter Henle, a leading industrialist and former career diplomat, w h o has held this office since the society's foundation. Vice-presidents are: Fritz Erler, vice-chairman of the Social Democratic Party and its floor leader in the Bundestag, and Fritz Berg, president of the Federation of G e r m a n Industries (Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie); the executive vice-

Research and training centres and professional bodies

97

president is D r . Walther Becker, former ambassador of the Federal Republic to Cairo. ' T h e office of treasurer is held by D r . Gotthard Freiherr von Falkenhausen, president of the G e r m a n Bankers' Association, of the Essen C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e , and of the German-French C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e . Professor Ulrich Scheuner, Bonn, is chairman of the Research Committee, and Wilhelm Cornides, editor of the bi-monthly journal for international politics Europa-Archiv, is director of the Research Institute of the society. T h e society's activities are concentrated in three mainfields:(a) the organization of lectures on foreign policy questions and meetings with leading foreign politicians; (b) the operation of the Research Institute to facilitate research studies and the collection and evaluation of documents; (c) the publication of Europa-Archiv, which was founded in 1945.
THE RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF T H E SOCIETY

T h e main function of the Research Institute is to undertake and promote research on international politics. Its work is carried on in four departments: International Politics, Yearbooks of International Politics, A r m s Limitation and International Security, and Documentation Centre (library and archives). A t present, the D o c u mentation Centre comprises some 17,000 volumes and 1,350,000 press clippings. T h e research studies of the institute cover long-term as well as current questions of international politics. Problems of G e r m a n foreign policy and European security naturally have priority. In a yearbook series under the title 'Die Internationale Politik' developments in world politics are recorded and analysed with the aim of giving the reader background for his o w n evaluation of current trends in international affairs. T h efirstthree volumes of this series were compiled as background surveys to provide the essential basis for the later volumes. T h efirstvolume, Die Internationale Politik 1955, which appeared in 1958, offers an introduction to world political developments since the end of the Second World W a r . T h e second volume, Die Internationale Politik 1956-57, is concerned with the impact of the nuclear age on international politics in terms of the events of 1956 and 1957. This volume appeared in 1961. T h e m a i n themes of the third volume in this series, which is to cover the years 1958-60, will be the interactions between world politics and world trade, the structural problems of the developing countries, and problems of arms control and security. It is scheduled [for publication in 1966. T h e volumes to follow are planned on a more restricted scale and will appear on an annual basis. T h e first volume in this category, Die Internationale Politik 1961, covering world political developments in 1961, was published in April 1965. T h e yearbook series is edited by Wilhelm Cornides and Dietrich M e n d e . Separate studies on major problems of foreign policy and international relations carried out under the sponsorship of the Research Institute were published in the series 'Dokumente und Berichte' (Documents and Reports). This series, which so far comprises 22 volumes, is n o w continued under a n e w title: 'Schriften des Forschungsinstituts der Deutschen Gesellschaft fr Auswrtige Politik'. A m o n g the books published in this series during the past few years are documentary works on such subjects as European integration, the Berlin question 1944-62 (also published in English, French and Spanish editions), the legal status of G e r m a n y 1945-63, and foreign aid as an instrument of foreign economic policy and foreign policy. T h e m e s of studies n o w under preparation are: G e r m a n y and the United Nations (to be published simultaneously in an American edition under the auspices of the Carnegie E n d o w m e n t for International Peace), disarmament and military control in G e r m a n y 1919-27, attempts towards G e r m a n reunification 1945-65, the initial phases of the European unity m o v e m e n t in G e r m a n y 1940-50, demilitarization and rearmament in G e r m a n y 1945-55, ar >d the changes in the Franco-German relationship since the S c h u m a n Plan.

98

T h e world of the social sciences

In mid-1964 a separate series was started for the documentary volumes published by the Research Institute. T o date three volumes of documents have appeared in this series : European Integration ig6i-ig6, The Reunification and Security of Germany, and Disarmament in Outer Space. W o r k is in progress on further volumes. STUDY GROUPS OF T H E SOCIETY A N D T H E RESEARCH INSTITUTE In 1961 the society set u p a Study Group on A r m s Control, A r m s Limitation and International Securitya reflection of the growing importance attached to the problems of international security, deterrence, and defence as well as arms control, disarmament and dtente. T h e group works under the chairmanship of Fritz Erler, vice-president of the society. A m o n g its thirty-odd members are experts from the three parties in the Bundestag, scientists from the disciplines of nuclear physics, international law, and political science, Foreign Office and Defence Ministry officials (in their private capacities), journalists, and experts from the society's o w n ranks. T h e m e m b e r s of the study group hold regular work sessions. In close collaboration with similar organizations in other countries, especially in the United States of America, the group investigates the interrelations between the G e r m a n question and security policy, the political a n d military problems of the Western Alliance, and the relaxation of East-West tensions. M e m b e r s of the study group take part in the work of the European Study Commission, a joint venture set u p in 1961 by the Institute for Strategic Studies in London, the Centre d'Etudes de Politique trangre in Paris, and the Deutsche Gesellschaft fr auswrtige Politik. In close cooperation with the Research Institute, the study group has launched an extensive p r o g r a m m e of studies. A series of studies on questions of arms limitation and security is in the press. Previous volumes in this series are: collected and annotated documents and studies o n the Geneva Conference of Experts on the Prevention of Surprise Attacks in 1958; the Geneva Disarmament Conference of i960; the State of European Security, the report of a joint British-French-German investigation into disarmament policy and stability in Europe; a study of the efforts towards international disarmament undertaken by the United Nations in the years 1945-63; a volume of contributions on the strategy and arms policy of the Soviet Union, and a volume on the nuclear test cessation negotiations. A second study group is at present being set u p b y the society. Its task will be to study relations of the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y with the countries of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.

Greece
Athens Centre of Ekistics and Graduate School of Ekistics
24 Strat. Syndesmou St., Athens 136
EKISTICS AS A DISCIPLINE

Ekistics, the science of h u m a n settlements, is a n e w discipline which seeks to combine effectively the partial solutions to the problems of h u m a n settlements which have been offered by the individual technical and socio-economic sciences. It transcends the recent intra-disciplinary approach to such problem solving because it focuses its

Research and training centres and professional bodies

99

attention o n the settlement itself and draws its professional and scientific orientation from the phenomena and problems of the settlement. Thus ekistics can utilize most efficiently the contributions of traditional disciplines w h e n they are applicable to a given situation. Because of the basic spatial dimensions of settlements, ekistics recognizes the existence of a hierarchy of units distributed in a continuum from the micro to the macro level. It covers the range from the smallest neighbourhood or community to the most complex regional pattern. Ekistics is oriented to the ultimate goal of providing for the future development of h u m a n settlements, which m e a n s that its students must c o m e to a n understanding of the full complement of h u m a n needs as well as the needs of the environment itself. T h e creation of the most satisfactory environment for h u m a n activities and the selection of the most efficient means of creating this environment in a given local, regional, national or international setting are the principal concerns of the discipline. In an era w h e n development is the primary aspiration of the greater part of the world's population, ekisticsfillsa need because it directs its scientific aims toward an understanding of the dynamic situation. At the professional level, ekistics is inter-disciplinary in orientation, including m a n yfields.T h e individual is trained as a generalist, a policy-maker w h o is conversant with all the various technical and professional skills needed to deal effectively with complex development situations. T h u s ekisticians are recruited from graduates with specialized training in a d m i nistration, architecture, engineering, economics, social and political sciences and city planning. By incorporating these specialities into a special team approach a n d a unified outlook, ekistics capitalizes o n acquired skills while working for a fruitful integration of ideas. T h e ekistician is able to m a k e an informed choice between alternative courses of action on any scale, from neighbourhood redevelopment to the creation of an entire n e w urban area. Integration of skills rather than narrow specialization ensures balance of judgement. Ekistics extends its professional interest over the entire process of planning a n d programming. Special emphasis is placed on the programming and the implementation stages, the critical points at which planning often disintegrates in uncoordinated efforts. Becauses ekistics attaches great importance to implementation, it adds a n indispensable dimension to policy, p r o g r a m m e and plan, thus setting the stage for properly developed settlements and regions. S T R U C T U R E OF T H E C E N T R E Because of the growing interest in ekistics, the Athens Technological Institute has established the Athens Centre of Ekistics to serve as the principal instrument for research, graduate-level education, international programmes a n d a documentation centre. It hopes thereby to stimulate the application of scientific principles to a comprehensive development of h u m a n settlements. T h e policy of the centre is determined by a Board of Directors consisting of: Constantinos Doxiadis, former Deputy Minister of Reconstruction and Co-ordination; President, Doxiadis Associates (President); Demetrius Latridis, Director, Graduate School of Ekistics; Vice-President, Doxiadis Associates (Vice-President); J o h n Papaioannou, Architect, Planner, Ekistician (Vice-President); Charles Arliotis, Governor, National Real Estate Bank; Mavrikios Brikas, Professor of Mathematics, University of Athens; Angelos Kalogeras, Professor of Industrial Building Construction, Athens, Technical University; Director-General, Greek Productivity Centre; Evangelos Papanoutsos, Secretary-General, Ministry of Education. T h e Athens Centre of Ekistics consists of five divisions: i. T h e Research Division, for major research projects (The City of the Future, T h e H u m a n C o m m u n i t y , T h e Capital of Greece).

100

T h e world of the social sciences

2. T h e Graduate School of Ekistics, for training and education. 3. T h e International Programmes Division, for exchange of ideas, information, and interaction by providing a forum for experts and organizations interested in the problems of h u m a n settlements. T h e annual Delos Symposium is organized for this purpose; likewise it provides the professional leadership for the establishment of the World Association for Ekistics. 4. A Documentation Centre, for the collect ion, classification and distribution of data related to ekistics. 5. Administration. Research Graduate School students m a y participate as part of their applied training in the centre's research projects. The City of the Future Financed by the Ford Foundation and Doxiadis Associates a n d directored by John Papaioannou, M . S . , the City of the Future project started as an effort to generalize the n e w planning techniques used in the case of Islamabad (the n e w capital of Pakistan n o w under construction). It quickly evolved into a far m o r e comprehensive effort towards an understanding of the broader issues of development in relation to a future long-range urbanization pattern, so as to shape present urban planning techniques accordingly. For this purpose, it has studied cities of the present (over one hundred surveyed for Ulis project) and past, from a variety of cultural and economic settings, in an effort to compare their merits, structure, problems, prevailing trends, and the ideals they incorporate. Extrapolation of current trends in a whole range of ekistic variables, as well as the use of a variety of analysis, postulation, synthesis and forecasting techniques, have given rise to the theory for ' E c u m e n o p o h Y , that is, the more or less static plateau of h u m a n environment, which is expected to cover the entire habitable portion of the earth's surface by the latter part of the next century. The Human Community Using the rapidly expanding city of Athens as a 'laboratory' a team of specialists from m a n y disciplines analyses communities found within the urban framework. T h e project (Project Director, Demetrius Iatridis, P h . D . ) hopes to establish the 'modulus' of a living citythat is, the o p t i m u m repeatable unit which ensures the maintenance of the ' h u m a n scale' in the face of massive urbanization. T h e project, initiated in 1961, financed by the Rockefeller Foundation and Doxiadis Associates, is a long-range project of basic research. The Capital of Greece A n interdisciplinary study of the Metropolitan Area of Athens and its immediate environs (Project Director, Panayotis Psomopoulos, M . S . ) ; it aims to develop a model of urban growth and change based on the evolution and development of Athens. T h e research work of the centre and other matters of interest in connexion with the science of h u m a n settlements are reviewed in the monthly Ekistics, a magazine put out by the centre in English and edited by Jacqueline Tyrwhitt. (Annual subscription $6; 2 3s. (stg.); 29.50 French francs.)

Research and training centres and professional bodies

IOI

The Graduate School of Ekistics In 1958, the Graduate School of Ekistics was established to provide professional graduate training in thefieldof ekistics. Its curriculum is designed to investigate the dynamic environment in which all peoples exist. Its student body is international. A bachelor's degree in a discipline related to Ekistics, such as architecture, a d m i nistration, civil engineering, economics, geography, social sciences, etc., from a n educational institution approved by the Athens Technological Institute, is required for admission. Experience in planning either as an undergraduate or as a planner is preferred. All courses are given in English. PROGRAMMES T h e educational and training programmes in ekistics are as follows: (a) the regular, graduate-level two year programme, leading to a Master of Science degree in ekistics; (b) a n advanced programme of studies in ekistics designed to promote professional leadership in thisfield.This programme has a decided research e m p h a sis; (c) a concentrated training p r o g r a m m e for practitioners designed to provide a general orientation in ekistics; (d) an International Seminar of Ekistics is organized annually, in order to provide for systematic exchange of ideas and experience relevant to ekistics. T h e director of the school is D r . Demetrius Iatridis.

Hungary
Institute of Economics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
N d o r utca 7 , Budapest V

T h e institute was founded at the end of 1954 with the object of investigating scientific problems arising in the course of building socialism, the principal interrelationships of the national economy, the fundamental methodological problems of planning and n e w p h e n o m e n a in capitalist economies. It also surveys and evaluates recent economic thought and theories. T h e work of the institute is closely linked with practice and, as a result, in the past ten years it has been able to assist the economic leadership of the country in several important questions. Economic research is also conducted in Hungary by such bodies as the Karl M a r x University of Economics, the National Planning Office, the Central Statistical Office, and various industrial research institutes of economic ministries. In recent years several n e w institutes for economic research have been established also. T h e Institute of Economics strives to play the role of a theoretical centre in what is n o w a wide network of research institutes, to contribute through its activities to the formation of economic thought and to the development of public opinion regarding economic questions. T h e director of the institute since its foundation has been Istvn Friss, M e m b e r of the A c a d e m y . His deputy is Gyrgy Cukor. A t the beginning research was conducted within the framework of the following five sections: General Economics, a n d the Industrial, Agricultural, International and Financial Sections. In 1963 a reorganization was carried out and the sections were replaced by research groups, each working in a specificfieldand headed by a

102

T h e world of the social sciences

group-leader. This was necessary because the organizational framework, which had been adequate at the beginning, began to limit the further development and widening of research. Only with difficulty could the heads of sections undertake either to increase the n u m b e r of research workers or to widen the scope of their research. A s their tasks grew and their n u m b e r increased, the staff of the institute became unduly burdened by heavy commitments and, owing to the ramification of the themes, it became more and m o r e difficult to give professional guidance to the research staff. Moreover, research activity was carried on mainly individually; this hindered co-operation during research and mutual assistance on the one hand, while, on the other, it failed to promote m o r e comprehensive research into given themes. T h e research groups recently established have definite tasks: after having concluded a theme of research they m a y continue to exist for joint work on other subjects, or they m a y dissolve or change their composition w h e n other objectives are set. T h e institute has at present eleven research groups, as follows: Economic models (leader: Andrs Brdy); Economic efficiency computations (leader: Gyrgy Cukor); Factors affecting the rate of development of agriculture (leader: Bla Gsendes); Labour economics in agriculture (leader: Lajos Horvth); Problems connected with state direction and influencing of agricultural co-operatives (leader: Jnos Lszl); Development of the standard of living (leader: Robert H o c h ) ; T h e socialist price system (leader: T a m a s N a g y ) ; Factors affecting the economic division of labour a m o n g the countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (leader: Gyula Kovsznai); T h e principles of an independent price system in the socialist world market (leader: Bla Csiks N a g y ) ; T h e economic mechanism of socialist countries (leader: Sndor Ausch); Problems of production under capitalism (leader: Pter Erds). At the end of 1964 the institute had fifty-two research workers, of w h o m twentysix were candidates in economic sciences. During the ten years of its existence, the institute has conducted research in approximately eighty themes. Its publications include twenty-three books, articles in professional periodicals amounting to 3,323 pages, and other publications, mostly the institute's o w n , comprising 262 standard sheets. In addition to these publications, the yearbook of the institutepublished every two or three yearsdescribes the major results of its research and other activities. T h e following themes of research have been fully or partly completed during the period 1962-64. T h e research investigating the major sectors and interrelations of the national economy and the laws governing the process of production is intended to establish a better quantitative basis for decisions. In this work increasing emphasis is placed on the application of mathematical methods, afieldin which the research staff of the institute were a m o n g thefirstto take any initiative. They examined methods suitable for measuring the capital intensity of production, methodological problems of the balance of energy in the national economy and methods of long-term planning. Research is n o w proceeding aimed at the application and improvement of programming methods in the framework of long-term dynamic models of investment policy, embracing the problems connected with optimization models of the national economy as a whole. T h e theoretical and practical problems of economic efficiency computations are receiving strong emphasis. T h e efficiency of investments in the coal, oil, natural gas, and electric energy sectors, and efficiency computations connected with research, development and introduction of n e w products are investigated as also is educational planning of qualified m a n p o w e r from the standpoint of economic efficiency. Relatively strong emphasis is being laid on research connected with the economic problems of agricultural development. A m o n g the investigations in thisfieldm a y be mentioned the research concerned with the application of chemical aids to agricultural production, with the economic efficiency of industrially produced fodder, the analysis of the effect of profitability on the structure of agricultural production, and

Research and training centres and professional bodies

103

research on long-term planning of professional m a n p o w e r d e m a n d in agriculture. Research is under w a y on the factors affecting the rate of growth of agriculture, and efforts are being m a d e to deal with the problems of m a n p o w e r economy in agriculture, the system of state control of agricultural co-operatives, and the measures used for such control. In the sphere of problems connected with the long- and short-term changes of the standard of living and of the pattern and forms of consumption, the institute's research workers are examining the changes in the patterns of consumption related to the development of the economy, as well as the effects of changes in consumer prices on d e m a n d . This theme also covers research activities connected with the service sector and the problems of the distribution of income to individuals. Research has been going o n for several years o n the theoretical problems of the Socialist system of prices with the aim of helping to establish a system of prices and price-relationships which would provide a m o r e correct orientation both in enterprises and at the national level, i.e., prices which would provide material incentives in the proper direction. Within the scope of this theme the economic basis and the conditions for the introduction of the so-called 'multi-channel producer price type' have been elaborated. Analyses are conducted of shadow prices, with the aid of mathematical methods, o n the basis of ex-post programming. Other investigations deal with integer programming and non-linear programming, their utilization in planning and price formation, and with the problems of changing industrial producer prices over shorter periods. A n important place is taken by research activities aimed at exploring problems connected with the m a n a g e m e n t , incentives and operation of industrial enterprises. T h e research workers of the institute have studied the system of instructions and incentives affecting technical development, and the forms and methods of material incentives affecting the collectivity of workers in industrial enterprises. Research concerning economic co-operation of Socialist countries has developed in the institute only in recent years. For the time being it is being carried on in two widerfieldsas part of the research conducted on an international level, within the framework of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, for the analysis of problems of international economic co-operation. O n e of these is the investigation of the causes of the relative lag of raw material production in comparison to the output of the manufacturing industries. T h e other area concerns problems of establishing a price basis within the Socialist world market. Within the scope of research dealing with the political economy of capitalism and the characteristics of the capitalist world economy, studies are m a d e of the fundamental theoretical problems of m o n e y in modern capitalism, the mechanism of business cycles after the Second World W a r in the United States, the economic problems of Latin America, and industrialization and the concentration of agriculture in the capitalist economies. In addition to books and monographs, the results of this research are published in the institute's periodical Kozgazdasgi Szemle (Economic Review); several articles have also appeared in other Hungarian and foreign periodicals or newspapers. T h e research is aided b y the Library and Documentation Services of the institute. T h e former had about 27,400 units at the end of 1964, and the latter disposed at that date of about 1,160,000 bibliographical data (articles from periodicals, newspaper cuttings, etc.).

104

The

world of the social sciences

Mali
Malian Institute of H u m a n Sciences
Koulouba

ORIGINS A N D STATUS T h e Malian Institute of H u m a n Sciences ( M I H S ) is a public service, c o m i n g under the Ministry of Education, a n d replacing the S u d a n I F A N Centre (Institut Franais d'Afrique Noire). Its purpose is to develop the h u m a n sciences as regards research, the training of scientific workers a n d the application of these sciences to the various fields of national activity. Its services are available to ministries, district authorities, public a n d private bodies a n d individuals for all scientific w o r k , missions, surveys or studies within its competence. T h e director of the institute is appointed b y Cabinet decree a n d is a n ex officio m e m b e r of the Higher Council for Scientific Research, for which b o d y h e provides the secretariat, a n d also for the Commission for Historical M o n u m e n t s a n d Natural Sites, a n d scientific, historical a n d ethnographic material, of which h e is secretary and archivist. STRUCTURE T h e M I H S is divided into sections representing the following scientific disciplines: h u m a n geography; sociology; linguistics; pre-history, archaeology, history; arts a n d music; m u s e u m , anthropology a n d h u m a n biology; library, national archives. N e w sections m a y be set u p if needed b y Cabinet decree. T h e National M u s e u m , the library a n d the National Archives of Mali at present have the status of M I H S sections. Social science sections: present situation and future possibilities Human geography. This section w a s set u p in 1964 with the appointment of M r . G . Traor to the institute. A t the request of the Ministry of Planning a n d with funds a n d equipment provided b y that Ministry, M r . Traor w a s sent to the Fifth Region to write a m o n o g r a p h o n a village near Niafunk. In 1966, students at present completing their studies in France will b e able to join the team of geographical research workers. Linguistics. This section w a s set u p in 1962 a n d is represented by M r . O . Ciss, the director of the M I H S , w h o initiated fundamental research o n the principal languages of Mali a n d w h o , from 6 D e c e m b e r 1963 to M a r c h 1964, co-operated in the w o r k of the Soviet-Malian linguistic mission in establishing the alphabets a n d spelling systems requested b y the Literacy Section of the Ministry of Education. M r . Ciss plans to produce a linguistic atlas of M a l i a n d to carry out toponymie research in connexion with the creation of a National T o p o n y m i e C o m m i t t e e . Other Soviet missions are planned for the c o m i n g years. M o r e immediately, M r . Ciss will put to use the material collected during the survey of oral traditions a m o n g the M a l i a n people w h i c h w a s carried out b y the History of Sociology Sections.

Research and training centres and professional bodies

105

Studies of Malian languages are of interest to other African countries and are related to their work, since certain ethnic groups (the Senoufo, Malink, Songhai, Moors, Peulh, etc.) are spread throughout the territories of several African States. O n a longer-term basis, linguistic research will help to solve the difficult problem of the origin of ethnic groups (for instance that of the Dogon) through comparison of the structure of the language spoken by the population concerned with that of the language of another population from which, in the remote past, the former originally stemmed, as indicated by oral traditions. Prehistory; archaeology; history. T h e staff of this section includes M r . O m u s s a O m a r Sy, director of the National M u s e u m , and a specialist in ethnology, and M r . Lamine Ciss, technical adviser to the Ministry of Education. In addition, a C N R S archaeologist, M r . Gallis, spends the period September to February in Mali each year conducting the following programmes: (a) Classification of the archaeological collections in the B a m a k o M u s e u m ; (b) Establishment of an atlas of the Republic's rock paintings; (c) Neolithic research in Mali. Further, as a feature of thefirstNetherlands-Mali Scientific Co-operation Year, it has been decided to carry out an initial series of excavations and surveys of the ancient civilization of the Tellern. Mali is one of the main centres of traditional West African culture. A s a centre from which languages and ways of l i f e spread throughout the Savanna and the Sahel, it comprises seventeen social groups with social and religious traditions that still survive. O f these seventeen groups, threethe D o g o n , the Bambara and the Songhaihave already been partly studied, but other cultures equally richthose of the Senoufo, the Sarakol, the Bozo, the Minyanka and the Boboare little known. Unfortunately, day by day, the old people w h o are the custodians of tradition are dying without having always been able to pass o n their knowledge to the younger generation. Moreover, the inevitable changes in Mali's economy and society resulting from independence m e a n that the old ways of l i f e are d o o m e d to disappear sooner or later. Recognizing the urgency and importance of preserving knowledge of these traditions, if its national culture is to develop and a scientific explanation of its o w n history is to be established, Mali has decided to launch a national campaign for the assembly of these traditions. S o far, however, the M I H S cannot meet the demands of such a campaign in the w a y of staff, equipment and funds. Thanks to Unesco's assistance, M r . H a m p t B a was able to gather important information concerning the history of the Peulh, part of which was embodied in L'Empire Peuhl du Macina, V o l u m e 1, by H a m p t B a and J. Daget, published by M o u t o n in 1962. Sociology. This section was established in M a y 1964 with the assistance of a Unesco expert, M r . Godelier. It was in line with the Government's resolve to link theoretical research to national social and economic planning and to use the methods of economic sociology in order to study the social realities directly or indirectly connected with the country's economic development. This section is to work at the request of ministries and, more especially, the Ministries of Planning and Development, and is to co-operate with the various branches of the Statistical Department. Limited or more extensive surveys are to be conducted by Malian specialists on their return from France, such surveys to cover, for example, the social organization of the B a m a k o market-gardeners or the social problems of groundnut production in the Kita region. These studies, modelled on the remarkable socio-economic surveys carried out in the Ivory Coast on the Baoul economy, should provide invaluable information on the social reasons for the backwardness or progress of certain regions in economic development. It is hoped that this information will m a k e it possible to adjust

io6

The

world of the social sciences

economic policy more adequately to the specific conditions of a given population or problem and to facilitate extension of local successes. Psychology. A psychological study department operates within the Ministry of Education with its o w n budget and a highly qualified staff. This department is responsible for school guidance and various problems connected with education and m a y become the psychological section of the M I H S . Itsfieldof research would then be expanded through its collaboration with the sociology section. It is planned eventually to establish also a section for philosophy and political science and the M I H S hopes to produce a publication entitled Maliern Studies. A five-year development plan for the M I H S has been prepared by the Unesco expert, M r . Godelier, providing for extensive assistance from bilateral and multilateral sources.

Meetings

Inaugural conference of the International Peace Research Association

G r o n i n g e n , July 1965 by Elise Boulding

T h e inaugural conference of the International Peace Research Association was held from 2 to 5 July at the University of Groningen, the Netherlands. There were 73 participants from 23 countries (Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Czechoslovakia, D e n m a r k , Finland, France, Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , India, Israel, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Nigeria, N o r w a y , Pakistan, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, United K i n g d o m , U . S . A . and Yugoslavia) representing 19 disciplines. Nineteen papers were read. T h e Polemological Institute of the University of Groningen was host to the C o n ference. In addition to the sessions for presentation of papers, two business meetings were held. T h efirstwas the opening session of the conference, at which Secretary-General B . V . A . Rling presided over the election of a conference committee and reviewed the history of I P R A , going back to the meeting in 1963 at Clarens, Switzerland, of scholars of the East and the West concerned with peace research which gave rise to the committee k n o w n as C O R O I P A S ^Conferences on Research on International Peace and Security). T h e work of this committee, under the guidance of its first Secretary-General, John Burton (Faculty of L a w s , University of London), culminated in the decision taken at an executive committee meeting of C O R O I P A S held in December 1964 at the Ciba Foundation in London to found the International Peace Research Association. In the discussion, questions were raised concerning I P R A ' s relationship with Pugwash, with the series of conferences organized by Walter Isard under the title of Peace Research Society (International), and with the several journals devoted to peace research. In each case it w a s m a d e clear that I P R A desired the closest possible relations with all organizations, activities and conferences related to peace research. It is intended to be a representative body, facilitating and co-ordinating communications between scholars engaged in peace research, and will give every support to more specialized activities. D r . Rling stated that the secretariat will work toward the following: (a) making journals devoted to problems of international peace published in both East and West k n o w n to scholars of the whole international community, and making subscriptions to these journals available at reduced prices where possible; (b) continued publication of the International Peace Research Newsletter; (c) serving as a communications link between peace researchers; (d) promotion of the interchange of research associates between research institutes; (e) organizing conferences; (f) publishing proceedings of conferences. At the second business session, the Executive Committee presented draft statutes and by-laws for the association's approval; these were adopted.

int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No. i,

1966

io8

T h e world of the social sciences

SUMMARIES OF PAPERS PRESENTED i. M a r i R u g e , Oslo Peace Research Institute: ' T h e Sociology of Peace Research'. This paper is based o n the survey of centres specializing in research on peace and disarmament undertaken by the Oslo Peace Research Institute for Unesco in 1964. Questionnaires were returned by seventy institutions around the world. Using age and geographical location as the two m a i n variables in the analysis of data, it was found that peace research is primarily a post-Second World W a r p h e n o m e n o n , the greatest number of institutes having been organized in the past six years. Also, peace research is developing relatively faster in Europe and other parts of the world than in the United States if the founding of n e w institutions is taken as a criterion. T h e 'old' European institutions and the n e w North American institutions seem to be most dependent on government financing. T h e n e w institutions use m o r e parttime, less full-time staff, and are m o r e interdisciplinary than older institutions. Disciplines with the largest representation on research staffs are, in order of frequency: international relations, political science, sociology, social psychology, history, international law, economics, psychology, with other disciplines trailing. Economics and anthropology were most frequently mentioned as needed but not represented. Areas of current or intended research most frequently reported are as follows: general conflict theory (67 per cent), arms control (61 per cent), the decision-making process in foreign relations (63 per cent), public opinion on foreign affairs (60 per cent), balance of power (57 per cent), economic consequences of disarmament (57 per cent), diplomacy (54 per cent), the role of elites in foreign policy decisions (53 per cent), the role of mass media in relation to biases affecting international relations, and sources and components of nationalism (both 52 per cent), United Nations security forces (51 per cent) and social consequences of disarmament (50 per cent). 2. Johan Galtung, Oslo Peace Research Institute: 'Attitudes on Different Forms of Disarmament'. A report of an empirical investigation to ascertain the relation between public opinion and foreign policy decision-making, and public opinion and the political structure of society. This Unesco study, to be published by the European Institute for the Co-ordination of Research a n d Documentation in the Social Sciences, is based on data from questionnaires given to populations of 1,212 in France, 1,000 in N o r w a y and 2,500 in Poland. T h e questions covered views on military expenditures, technical assistance, views on the future, imagery concerning a disarmed world, and level of background knowledge of world affairs. T h e theoretical model of patterns of influence in society used in the study is one involving the concept of society as a series of concentric circles with the decision-makers at the core, and successive circles of lessening influence, knowledge-level and socio-economic status. T h e 'centre' is used to describe knowledgeable high-status people; the 'periphery', the poorly informed, lower-status population. T h e centre-periphery dichotomy generates some interesting findings and predictions relating toflexibility,level of trust and optimism of the two groups in relation to international affairs. 3. Iwao Munakata, Department of Sociology, Sophia University, T o k y o : 'Socialization Towards Humanity'. Deals with the problem of n e w objective definitions of the social and political situation for each nation, and the development of a universal morality, with reference to the problems Japan has had in redefining its situation since the war. T h e establishm e n t of an international centre is proposed to undertake research on the problems of redefinition of national societies, a n d to work with universities in every country to develop seminars and encourage the writing of n e w textbooks, as a contribution to the socialization of mankind.

Meetings

109

4 . Mihailo Adamovic, Institute of International Politics and E c o n o m y , Belgrade: 'Economic Aspects of Disarmament'. T h e general recognition of the dangerous instabilities in the international system introduced b y the arms race, plus increasing awareness of economic dislocations related to the world arms industry, has m a d e the idea of disarmament a realistic, rather than a Utopian idea. Not only does the arms expenditure equal the entire national income of underdeveloped countries and take away from aid needed by them but it creates difficulties in the balance of payments, inflationary trends, etc. For the socialist countries, military expenditures divert funds from needed welfare investments, and developed Western countries have c o m e to rely on military expenditures to keep employment high w h e n , in fact, a n adequate combination of measures offiscalpolicy and public expenditures policy would d o as well. Diverting major research resources into military research has distorted the growth of knowledge and the m o v e m e n t of technology. Both recent research and post-Second World W a r experience m a k e it clear that disarmament could be carried out with no serious economic dislocations if properly planned. 5. Tadashi K a w a t a , Department of Economics, University of Tokyo: 'Disarmament and the E c o n o m y ' . A review of recent developments in the defence industry of Japan and the relationship between military expenditures and the economy as a whole. 6. Gideon Rosenbluth, Department of Economics, University of British Columbia: 'Economic Consequences of Disarmament'. Report of a pilot study undertaken for the Canadian Peace Research Institute on the consequences of disarmament for Canada. A m o n g the costs of armaments to a nation, the lack of spill-over from military to civilian use of the research investments m a d e by the military is emphasized. 7. Kenneth Boulding, Co-Director, Center for Research on Conflict Resolution, University of Michigan: 'Integrative Aspects of the International System'. T h e international system, like all social systems, is organized by three major types of relationships between interacting units, the threat relation (armaments), the exchange relation (bargains a n d treaties) and the integrative relation (traditional friendships, recognition of status, aid). T h e international system has two phases, one of which represents stable peace, in which any dynamic m o v e m e n t towards war produces a counter-effect which reverses the movement, and the other which represents unstable peace, or recurrent war. As integration increases, the system moves from the recurrent war phase to the stable peace phase; as threat increases, the opposite occurs. It is proposed to measure the extent of the integrative system in terms of the existence of a grants economy at the international level, as well as in terms of the incidence and violence of international disputes (i.e., Richardson's Statistics of Deadly Quarrels). T h e subcultures of religion and science and political ideology contribute relatively little to the world integrative system, but the development of deliberate policies on the part of Nation States which foster international integration to some degree holds out hope that further study of the little-understood dynamics of integration can assist the integrative process. This will involve research on social learning, and h o w legitimacy is established for certain kinds of behaviour. K e y problem for the peace research m o v e m e n t : h o w to give mankind a c o m m o n experience which will establish the legitimacy of the world community adequately to enable mankind to realize its c o m m o n interest? 8. Marion Mushkat, Department of Political Science and International Relations University of Tel Aviv: 'Observations on Certain M o d e r n Approaches to the Study of International Relations'. T h e simple model of a Great Power struggle is no longer adequate to describe the

I 10

T h e world of the social sciences

international scene, since smaller powers and the developing countries have in fact begun to influence world events, partly due to economic and technological developments, partly due to the changing social outlook of the twentieth century. Nevertheless tuat power struggle is still predominant, and emerging ideas of world community, while not merely Utopian any longer, are nevertheless premature. Existing designs for world community m a y , however, m a k e some contribution in the long run, and even the ambitions and schemes of the Great Powers m a y in their way contribute to the creation of integrative institutions at the world level. T h e two main approaches to world organization are the R o m a n Empire model of imposed universalism and the H e b r e w prophetic model of unification resulting from changes within existing States. In fact, the international process is a continuous interaction between the exercise of brute force and the limiting factors of existing co-operative relationships. Peace research programmes should include investigation of the following: needs of developing countries, ways of achieving equal status for all nations as a precondition of world community, ways to increase effectiveness of international organizations, h o w antagonistic military alliances can be dissolved, peaceful settlement of territorial disputes, possibilities of strategic science for maintaining collective security, and improvement of the educational process to promote c o m m o n understandings. 9. Paul Smoker, Peace Research Center, Lancaster: ' A Preliminary Empirical Study of an International Integrative Subsystem'. T h e system under study is the world-wide network of international non-governmental organizations, which are used as a n index of the international cultural subsystem. Since 1870 there has been a steady upward trend in the rate of formation of I N G O ' s , with slumps associated with the two world wars. Trans-cold war I N G O ' s have increased substantially since the Second World W a r , but in the lastfiveyears at a decreasing rate. Galtung's hypothesis concerning the predominance of top-level linking between systems, a n d less lower-level linking, is confirmed by an analysis of linkages between top nations and small nations between East and West, with the least interaction between small Eastern and small Western countries. T h e extent to which nations have high or low scores o n I N G O - b o n d i n g within and between blocs is a measure of their participation in the international community. Nations with low I N G O - b o n d i n g will be particularly vulnerable to foreign conflict. T h e nations most integrated into world community in terms of I N G O - b o n d i n g are not the most physically powerfulPoland and France. 10. Simon Schwartzman, Oslo Peace Research Institute: 'International C o operation and International Feudalism: the Latin American Case'. Interaction between nations m a y give rise to co-operation or conflict, depending on the nature of the interaction. In Latin America, which is dependent on international co-operation in order to achieve economic development, technical assistance strengthens the feudal structure of society and increases the local effects of the bipolar strains of the international community. Western-oriented governments c o m mitted to the status quo find themselves in conflict with opposition forces in their o w n country which feel compelled to seek support outside the country in the Communist power bloc. T h e tendency for the developing nations to interact only with the Great Powers and not with each other leads to an internal absolutism that is more violently pro-West or pro-East than sentiments in the major powers of East and West. 11. Anatol Rapoport, professor of mathematical biology, Mental Health Research Institute, University of Michigan: 'Models of Conflict: Cataclysmic and Strategic'. A n analysis of the development of the cataclysmic view of war in the tradition ot Tolstoy and Lewis Richardson, and the strategic view in the tradition of Clausewitz

Meetings

i il

and H e r m a n K a h n . This view takes a long historical perspective and sees war itself as a threat to humanity, but does not point the w a y to preventive action. T h e strategic view emphasizing the role of rational appraisal planning is nevertheless selfdefeating because the existence of a ruthless opponent w h o can be kept in check only by coercive means (which ensure his remaining an enemy) is always assumed. A third view is proposed, which recognizes the existence of conflicting interests and commitments in h u m a n groups on the analysis of these conflicts. 12. Lieutenant-Colonel F . C . Spits, historian, lecturer at the High W a r College, T h e H a g u e : ' W a r and Revolution'. Four decisive phases in European history are reviewed in an analysis of the relationship between war and revolution. In the eighteenth century war was often the 'sport of kings', not involving the masses, and a major war-limiting factor was fear of involving the masses and unleashing a revolution. In the Napoleonic era the revolution m a d e use of wars to spread its gospel. At the time of the First World W a r inciting revolutions becomes a m e a n s of waging war. In our time in which war is restricted (by the prohibition of the use of force and the system of collective security, but above all by the existence of the modern weapons) internal war and revolution c o m e again to the fore. A major limiting factor in extending revolutions is the fear of (nuclear) war. 13. Jerzy Sawicki, Polish Institute of International Affairs, W a r s a w : ' T h e United Nations Charter and the T y p e of Military Forces of the United Nations Organization'. Peace-keeping operations of the United Nations are a problem because of differences of opinion as to their legal and organizational status. W h e r e the League of Nations did not establish any clear-cut organizational form of 'co-operation in armed forces', the United Nations Charter provides for a collection of military units forming part of the armed forces of particular M e m b e r States placed at the disposal of the United Nations for carrying out a defined action. This is a force ad casum, and not a permanent force. T h e Security Council is die United Nations organ which decides on action to be taken and what M e m b e r States are to take part in carrying out this action. M e m b e r States have a n obligation to put part of their armed forces at the disposal of the Security Council at its request. T h e M e m b e r States are the co-operating units, though mention is m a d e of regional arrangements or agencies for carrying out enforcement actions. These are not further specified in the charter. T h e Military Staff is a n auxiliary organ of the Security Council which shares with the council the responsibility for directing the use of the armed forces. T h e charter does not contain technical or organizational solutions of the problem of c o m m a n d but confirms the right of the Security Council to solve these problems. Participation in planning with regard to military forces for non-members of the Security Council is provided for by the institution of regional subcommittees, working under the Military Staff Committee. 14. Malvern L u m s d e n , Department of Psychology, University of Edinburgh: "Field Research on Conflict: First Results from an Empirical Study'. This study of Cyprus is part of a n on-going p r o g r a m m e of research into international peace-keeping forces maintained by the Oslo Peace Research Institute. T h e focus is o n the dynamics of peace-keeping, particularly the interaction effects of the United Nations force and the local population. T h e purpose was to gather hypotheses for experiments based on a g a m e theoretical model of a twoparty conflict, with third-party intervention (the United Nations Forces). Samples of Greek and Turkish Cypriot senior secondary school pupils were used to test measures of the perceptions of the other and of the utilities of various possible outcomes, and the effect of freedom of communication between the parties.

1 12

T h e world of the social sciences

15. T . K . N . Unnithan, Department of Sociology, University of Rajas than: 'Towards a Sociology of Non-Violence'. This theoretical discussion of non-violence is based o n the studies, 'Tradition of Non-Violence in East and West' and 'Elites and Traditions of Non-Violence' undertaken by Doctors Unnithan and Singh for the Unesco East-West major project. Gandhi's contribution to non-violence was to integrate the two distinct categories of avoidance of violence and practice of positive social actions. Values regarding non-violence and peace constitute a significant subsystem of each culture, relevant to the stability of a society and its m o d e of treating social change, as well as to national approaches to the international system. 16. Ingrid Eide Galtung, Peace Research Institute, Oslo: ' T h e International Civil Servant'. Reports on experts in their forties andfiftiesworking in Latin America. T h e following is reported: internationalization of the expert (no national identity in receiving countries), denationalization (feels cut off from local context, h o m e context), deprofessionalization (busy with applied work, unable to keep abreast of recent professional developments), and a redefinition of professional role with greater emphasis on h u m a n relations. Lack of meaningful tie with United Nations is resented, feeling they are 'supranational technicians only', yet the longer a n expert works with the United Nations, the m o r e he wishes to stay with the United Nations. 17. Jaap Nobel, Polemological Institute, Groningen: 'Competition and Co-operation in International Politics as a Bargaining Problem'. Illustrates the significance of bargaining theory for international relations and examines the mechanisms which determine the outcome by elaborating upon a theory introduced b y F . Zeuthen in 1931. 18. B . Landheer, Library of the Peace Research Palace, T h e H a g u e : 'Peace as an Engineering Problem: Implications of the Threat Society'. Puts forward the proposition that the threat system is likely to remain for the foreseeable future, preliminary to further evolution of social control systems at the international level; thus the problem becomes one of reducing it to acceptable proportions. Since historically the loss of 5-10 per cent of a population has generally been sufficient for a country to accept defeat, threat of total destruction is afunctional. Possibilities of limitation of the threat system to acceptable political proportions has been neglected in polemological studies. 19. John Raser explained the Inter-Nation-Simulation techniques which are being developed at the Western Behavioral Sciences Institute, California, in his paper ' A Simulation Study of Deterrence Theories'. Jerome Laulicht, Canadian Peace Research Institute, presented a research plan on ' T h e Effects of Different Approaches to Foreign Aid' for discussion.

Meetings

i'3

The role of science and technology in economic development

R o m e M e e t i n g , 27-28 A u g u s t 1965 by Lisbeth S c h a u d i n n

A n informal meeting on the role of science and technology in economic development was organized in R o m e by the International Economic Association in collaboration with the Economic Analysis Office of Unesco's Department of Social Sciences. Five papers were submitted, two of them background documents by m e m b e r s of Unesco's Economic Analysis Office, and three country studies relating respectively to the United K i n g d o m , France and Mexico (in outline). After a brief account of the activities of international institutions and organizations in the field of science and technology in economic development, the discussion centred mainly around the following points: (a) terminology and fundamental concepts; (b) cost-benefit analysis; (c) the use of indices and norms; (d) planning of research and development. Terminology and fundamental concepts. T h e necessity w a s stressed of determining the exact significance of a certain n u m b e r of concepts, and of working out a terminology that would be generally acceptable. Concepts mentioned included: 1. Research-development. If research is relatively easy to define, the definition of development seems more difficult, since it varies from country to country, between industries, and from firm to firm. It was suggested, for example, that the adaptation in the developing countries of techniques elaborated in the industrialized countries should be considered as part of the development process. It was also suggested that a definition of development by progressive stages be adopted. [In the U . S . S . R . , for example, development takes place at several levels: (a) the construction of a prototype; (b) testing of the prototype; (c) experimental production in a pilot plant before (d) proceeding to general production in industry.] 2. T h e definitions of technical progress and its connexion with the aims of development was also discussed, as w a s the necessity of analysing the role of technical progress and technology at different levels, including intermediate technology. This analysis should be pursued in terms of a typology of developing countries. Cost-benefit analysis. Attention was drawn to work already done on this subject, particularly in France (Professor Perroux) and in the United K i n g d o m (recent articles by Prest and Kirby in the Economic Journal, and work on motorways, etc.) and to Italian studies (electronics and plastics). Criticism was voiced of certain oversimplified methods sometimes used by international agencies. Great interest was expressed in spreading knowledge of sound existing methods of cost-benefit analysis, and in extending them to areas of research and development where they have as yet been little applied. But it w a s generally agreed that the sound application of cost-benefit analysis methods to research and development will require m u c h more serious study. T w o positionswhich, if not contradictory, were divergentemerged clearly from the discussion. According to thefirst,existing techniques are fundamentally sufficient and present problems can be solved by further refining existing tools and methods. These methods are based on the neo-classical cost-benefit analysis by which the costs of research and development and the results obtained are expressed in monetary terms by the use of the appropriate coefficients, and aggregated at the different levels of analysis (firm, industry, nation) to yield precise criteria of choice.

11 4

T h e world of the social sciences

S o m e of the difficulties raised could, according to those defending this position, be solved by m e a n s and methods already k n o w n : Distortions in the real remuneration of scientific personnel could be eliminated by the use of shadow prices; Uncertainties, particularly as far as exchange rates, export and import levels, a n d flow of capital in developing countries were concerned, could be dealt with by the use of sensitivity analysis on the basis of various assumptions; T h e desire in the developing countries to achieve a high level of scientific activity, even without any direct reference to its economic effects, could be taken into account by introducing this level either as a constraint on the cost-benefit analysis, or as a weighted benefit in the objective function; T h e interdependence of the different variables could be taken into account by constructing a pyramid of cost-benefit analysis, using successively higher levels of interdependence; T h e m o r e serious difficulty of evaluating the time-stream of the effects of research a n d development could possibly be solved b y constructing a two-stage benefit cost calculation process, thefirststage maximizing a fixed time-stream benefitcost ratio a n d the second maximization allowing the time-stream to vary. According to die second position, the usual methods of analysis of the effects of research and development, although useful and open to the improvements suggested, are also open to serious criticism, and conceptually and operationally unsatisfactory. T h e criticisms fall into two categories:1 i. Difficulties in the calculation of basic data in part related to the uncertainties affecting basic concepts, particularly because of (a) the very limited n u m b e r of countries for which long and detailed statistical series are available; (b) difficulties arising from the numerous definitions of 'development' a n d from the insufficiency of reliable figures in this field; (c) difficulties related to the definition, a n d thus to the calculation, of productivity a n d of the product; (d) difficulties of calculation related to entirely n e w products a n d to changes in quality; (e) difficulties of calculation due to transfer of costs between industries (in numerous industries, research a n d development is undertaken for firms belonging to quite different industries) a n d between countries (particularly because of the importance of the big international firms in the transmission of n e w techniques). 2. Fundamental criticism, particularly concerning the following points: T h e whole set of the processes studied imply changes in the industrial a n d institutional structures; in consequence, any m e t h o d requiring the use of fixed coefficients a n d aggregated indices carries serious risks. Cost-benefit analysis at the level of the individual firm reflects only part of the process, as progress takes place in groups of firms or industries; matrix-techniques applied to an industry a n d to a nation are based on over-all relations which need careful analysis. Acquired knowledge and theoretical works concerning the relations between research a n d development a n d economic growth have not yet m a n a g e d to show clearly the reciprocal interrelations between research a n d development growth. T h e conventional pattern, according to which a given increase in expenditure o n research and development results in a correlative increase in the product is n o m o r e than a convenient over-simplification of reality. These criticisms lead to certain suggestions, of which the most important are: i. T h e analysis of the effects of research and development should be centred on structural changes since science a n d technology exert an influence o n growth i. Some of these critiques were mentioned in relation to thefirstposition (remuneration of personnel, uncertainties, interdependencies, etc.) and are not repeated. It was also pointed out that the instruments of calculation, for example shadow prices and discount rates, had also been the object of considerable criticism.

Meetings

115

and development, not o n a n over-all, uniform scale, but from a certain n u m b e r of 'progress foci' or foyers de progrs (e.g., industrial and urban complexes, large firms, etc.) usually related to n e w , m o d e r n industries (e.g., electronics). 2. Special importance should be given to the calculation of m a n p o w e r utilized in research and development rather than to calculation in monetary values. M a n power analysis should yield better results than the analysis of monetary expenditures and receipts in any cost-benefit analysis; however, two major difficulties are the imputation of m a n p o w e r costs in relation to the length of employment and to the costs of training. Indices and norms. T h e discussion on this point was shorter a n d to a certain extent directly related to the problems of application in the developing countries. T h e danger of the use of over-all and very aggregated figures w a s again pointed out, because they d o not adequately represent the development process (i.e., the changes of structure); in particular, the application in an identical w a y of general (worldwide) indices and norms to countries with different structures m a y produce misleading results. Practical experiences were quoted at length to underline this point. It w a s recommended that indices of scientific m a n p o w e r be used rather than indices of expenditure (in spite of certain difficulties in their establishment). It w a s estimated that indices will have to take into account the objectives to be attained in the different countries: for example, attainment of a certain level of scientific development generally, taking into account other than purely economic motivations, notably the desire for scientific independence which is strongly felt in the developing countries. However, it w a s recommended that norms and ratios suitably differentiated according to the stages of development, particularly for the long-term training of scientific personnel, be established. These are useful for broad guidance at the national level, in dealing with the problem of the developing areas. Such norms d r a w attention to certain basic disparities and imbalances which must be taken into account before more subtle planning methods can be implemented. Planning research and development in the developing countries. A n u m b e r of important points were raised in this connexion, though the subject could not be dealt with adequately: 1. T h e results of science have their impact on the economy through: discoveries and n e w concepts; spread of existing knowledge; patents; innovations (changes in the production function). It is useful to set u p certain typologies of the operation of these factors, e.g., for semi-industrial countries which have absorbed one w a v e of industrialization and are awaiting another, and to study the actual process of propagation by which the n e w wave can be mounted, e.g., through heavy industry to light and vice versa. This involves study of the propulsive sectors and their bottlenecks whether due to problems of scale or low productivity. 2. T h e integration of the research and development plan with the general development plan was considered fundamental. It takes place at several levels: choice of priorities in national development; development projects (specific investment projects) and international firms active in the developing countries. It also takes place within different periods (short or long) which imply different aims, data, and methodsbut always attention must be paid to the absolutely necessary link between short- and long-term planning. 3. Integration or co-ordination of research and development with a development plan also poses the problem of the choice of techniques. T h e relevance of intermediate technology w a s discussed at length. It w a s also suggested that joint research should be undertaken by economists and engineers into the problems of evolving low-capital-intensive equipment, capable of being produced in the developing countries themselves. T o the concepts of 'capital-intensivity' a n d 'labour-intensivity' it was necessary to add those of 'skill-intensivity', 'training-

II6

The

world of the social sciences

4.

5.

6.

7.

cost-intensivity', a n d 'management-intensivity'. Labour-intensive technologies are usually also management-intensive. These aspects should b e analysed a n d evaluated in the choice of technologies. Planning efforts should concentrate o n a small n u m b e r of progress foci (national or regional research institutions, large firms, m o d e r n industries), o n the m e a n s b y which the impulses from those 'foci' are transmitted (in particular, the flow of information), a n d the adaptation of the units w h i c h receive these impulses. Costing a n d financial studies are important. It is necessary to k n o w h o w the industries under study actually treat development cost since practice varies. T h e r e is also the problem of the sharing of development costs between beneficiary industries, the State and the consumer. Particular attention should b e given to the role of scientific personnel in the developing countries: a u t o n o m o u s research, adaptation of technology transmitted from the industrialized countries, training, scientific information. Multidisciplinary co-operation w a s considered essential. T h e necessity for a close correlation between the activities a n d the level of scientific personnel and the level of qualification in industry a n d agriculture w a s pointed out. T h e importance of scientists engaged o n absorbing research results w a s stressed, as well as of those actually engaged o n research. T h e problem of a n international division of research a n d development efforts w a s also mentioned. It w a s r e c o m m e n d e d that account should b e taken at the s a m e time of the desire of the developing countries to achieve independence in the scientific field, i.e., to aim at a m i n i m u m scientific level, a n d of the necessity to achieve higher efficiency in these efforts b y co-ordination in specific fields between countries in one region. E a c h country should m a k e a careful study of its 'technological balance of payments'.

T h e conclusions as to the indices a n d methods of study which might b e pursued, with further research o n each aspect, might b e s u m m a r i z e d in the s c h e m e which follows: International level (world or regional) Inter-country comparison b y n o r m s a n d ratios. International aid a n d technical assistance. Spread of knowledge a n d technological balance of p a y m e n t s . T Study of propulsive sectors a n d industries a n d their linkages, and of process of propagation statistics, m o n o g r a p h s , application of models, cost studies. Studies of over-all choices of techniques.

National planning level

Study of effect of m a n power allocations to: (a) teaching; (b) research; (c) development; and (d) production, o n over-all plan. (Finance usually not the over-all bottleneck so m u c h as m a n power.)

Project level

Cost-benefit analysis. Project studies of: (a) capital-intensive; (b) labour-intensive; (c) skill-intensive; (d) m a n a g e m e n t intensive technologies; (e) m a n p o w e r and training costs; (f) size of project, markets, technical feasibility a n d viability in local conditions.

Meetings

117

Participants. Professor G . U . Papi (Chairman), President of the International Economic Association, Rector, University of R o m e ; M r . J. Dessau, Institut de Science Economique Applique, Paris; Professor L . Fauvel, Universit de Paris; M r . R . G . Hollister, Stanford University, economist on the staff of O E C D ; Professor F . Perroux, professeur au Collge de France, Directeur, Institut de Science Economique Applique, Paris; Professor E . A . G . Robinson, Royal Economic Society, University of Cambridge; Professor V . Urquidi, Colegio de Mexico; H . E . Sir Ronald Walker, Australian Ambassador to France, M e m b e r of the United Nations Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology to Development; Professor B . Williams, University of Manchester; M r . H . M . Phillips, Director, Economic Analysis Office, Unesco; M r . R . Avakov, Unesco; Miss L . Schaudinn (secretary), Unesco.

Swiss-Italian Colloquium on Rural Exodus and Depopulation of Mountainous Regions

R o m e and Geneva, 1965

A joint Swiss-Italian colloquium was held in R o m e from 24 to 26 M a y 1965 on 'Rural Exodus and Depopulation of the Mountainous Regions', a subject which has for several years been incorporated in the Research Programme of the Social Science Committee of the Italian National Commission f o r Unesco. During 1959, at Cagliari, the cultural aspects of economic development were discussed and, some years later, the social aspects of the problem were examined, thus inaugurating an important phase of international collaboration at a colloquium arranged in agreement with the Yugoslav National Commission for Unesco and held in two sessions, at Naples and at Ochrida. T h e second part of the colloquium was held during the s u m m e r of 1965 in Geneva, at which almost all the Swiss universities were represented: Berne, Geneva, Fribourg, Lausanne, St Gallen. A n equal number of Italian participants came from the universities of R o m e , Naples, Milan, Venice, Trieste, Genoa, Turin, Urbino, etc. T h e Italian participants had prepared ten reports dealing with die quantitative aspects of the problem of rural exodus and depopulation of the mountains, the psycho-sociological reasons which lead to it, the economic consequences, the d e m o graphic and social effects on the regions depopulated, immigration problems, and administrative problems arising in connexion with the provision of assistance to the regions of emigration. These reports were discussed by the Swiss social scientists. T h e colloquium was inaugurated by the president of the Italian National C o m m i s sion, Ambassador Taliani, and was addressed by Professor Francesco Vito, president of the Social Science Commission; Professor Girod, University of Geneva, president of the Swiss Group; M r s . Tandon, representative of Unesco; and M r s . Paronetto, secretary-general of the Italian National Commission. T h e speakers stressed the point that the main objective of the colloquium was to provide an experience in comparative research. T h e results thus obtained would assist reciprocal understanding of the problems faced by two peoples having a c o m m o n origin of Latin civilization.

Announcement

Publication of 'Manpower Journal'

A n e w quarterly journal is being published by the Institute of Applied M a n p o w e r Research, Indraprastha Estate, Ring Road, N e w Delhi i, India, under the title of Manpower Journal. It is to serve as a forum of research and a clearing house of information on problems of manpower, especially full-employment organization, education-employment co-ordination, population growth control, and m a n p o w e r information supply. T h e first number of the journal appeared in April 1965. Annual subscription 12 rupees; price per copy 3 rupees. T h e editor is Hartirath Singh.

Jnt. Soc. Set. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i,

1966

Documents and publications of the United Mations and Specialized Agencies1

Documents of general interest. Population, health, food, housing

POPULATION Population Commission: Programme of regional conferences and technical meetings; Report on the years 1963-1964 and plans for the years 1965-1967. February 1965. 8 p . ( U N / E / C N . 9/'9-) List of conferences a n d meetings grouped according to region. General principles for national programmes of population projections as aids to development planning. 1965. 60 p . $75. (uN/sT/soA/sER.A/38.) [Bl.] Population projections are one of the m a i n elements in planning. Their nature and function, a n d the various types of projection. M e t h o d of establishing them. CENSUSES Principles and recommendations for a population census: draft recommendations for the 1970 censuses. M a r c h 1965. 136 p . (uN/E/cN.3/330.) U n d e r the auspices of the United Nations, the various countries are preparing for the censuses which they are to take around the year 1970, a n d which will be closely linked with development planning. T h e significance a n d essential aspects of p o p u lation censuses. Universally accepted principles for carrying t h e m out. Role of sampling in the various phases of population censuses. Unit a n d place at which enumeration should take place. Detailed recommendations. Principles and recommendations for a housing census: draft recommendations for the 1970 censuses. M a r c h 1965. 8 9 p . (uN/E/cN.3/332.) D o c u m e n t similar to the above. Nature a n d role of housing censuses. Organization. 1. As a general rule no mention is made of publications and documents which are issued more or less automaticallyregular administrative reports, minutes of meetings, etc. Free translations have been given of the titles of some publications and documents which we were unable to obtain in time in English. The following conventional abbreviations have been used: Bl. = Contains a particularly interesting bibliography. St. = Specia ly important or rare statistics.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . I, ir>6

I20

The

world of the social sciences

Use of sampling methods. Units of enumeration. Classification and definition of housing units. R e c o m m e n d e d tabulations. Progress report on the 1970 World Population and Housing Census Programmes. M a r c h 1965. 21 p . (uN/E/cN.3/337.) Principles and recommendations regarding these censuses. Promotion of improved census methods. Dissemination of results. Status of United Nations activities in this field. HEALTH

World health statistics annual (1962). Vol. I: Vital statistics and causes of death. 1965. 559 p. $16. ( W H O . ) [St. Bl.] Contains seven tables. Tables 1 a n d 2 give information about the area, population and general vital statistics of the various countries and territories. Table 3 deals with deaths (causes, distribution according to sex and age-group). Tables 4 and 5 give the mortality rate by sex and age-group according to cause of death. Table 6 analyses in greater detail the incidence of certain causes of death which are of special importance in the appraisal of public health activities. Table 7 deals with infant mortality. A second volume will deal with infectious diseases (cases, deaths and inoculation) and a third with health workers and hospitals. Epidemiological and vital statistics report. 1965. ( W H O . ) Vol. 18, no. 5. 41 p . $1.25. Vol. 18, no. 6. 27 p . $1. Vol. 18, no. 7. 41 p . $1.25. [St.] Parts of a running digest of statistics on population m o v e m e n t and the incidence of various diseases and causes of death. Items to be noted are: in N o . 5, a study of the evolution of the incidence of vascular lesions of the central nervous system (1950-62), a n d , in Nos. 5, 6 and 7, similar studies of certain malignant tumours. The nurse in mental health practice. 1965. 212 p . $2.25. ( W H O , Public health papers, no. 22.) Report of a technical conference held at Copenhagen from 15 to 24 N o v e m b e r 1961. Socio-cultural attitudes affecting the role of the mental nurse. M o d e r n psychiatric practice a n d the role of the nurse. Implications for the training of nurses. T h e psychiatric nurse in Europe today, her role and training. Domestic accidents, by E . Maurice Backett. 1965. 137 p. $2. ( W H O , Public health papers, no. 26.) [St.] Domestic accidents vary according to differences in ways of life and conditions; they are increasing in n u m b e r . Present position. Prevention. Trends in the study of morbidity and mortality. N o . 27. 1965. 196 p . $2.75. ( W H O , Public health papers.) Social necessity of statistics on the evolution of diseases a n d health standards. Registration of contagious diseases in various countries. Information for doctors about diseases. Public health and the medical use of ionizing radiation. 41 p. $1. ( W H O , Technical reports series, no. 306.) Recent technical improvements. Medical evaluation of the sources of irradiation. M e a n s of reducing risks. Health problems of adolescents. 28 p. $0.60. ( W H O , Technical series reports, no. 308.) Ailments which chiefly affect adolescents, and their relation to the environment.

Documents and publications

121

Agricultural and public health aspects of radioactive contamination in normal and emergency situations. 1964. 421 p . $7. ( F A O . ) [St.] Proceedings of a symposium jointly organized by F A O and W H O at Scheveningen (11-15 D e c e m b e r 1961). Sources and nature of the radioactive contamination of the environment. Programmes of general and local supervision. Social aspects. FOOD AID A N D INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION The demand for food, and conditions governing food aid during development. 1965. 69 p .

$1. (FAO).
F A O has undertaken the publication of a series of booklets o n food aid. T h e present publication forms part of this collection. It deals with the present and future food deficit in the developing countries, thefinancialaspects of the problem, the possibilities opened by the World Food P r o g r a m m e , and the practical implementation of the latter. The linking of food aid with other aid. 1965. 39 p . $1. ( F A O . ) Forms part of the same collection. Co-ordination between food aid and development and relief measures generally. The role of multilateral food aid programmes. 1965. 38 p . $1. ( F A O . ) Forms part of the same collection. A i m s of the multilateral food aid programmes. Criteria applicable to their implementation. Relationship with bilateral programmes. Food aid: a selective annotated bibliography. 1965. 203 p . $2.50. ( F A O . ) Forms part of the same collection. Covers the last ten years. Particulars concerning 404 publications issued in English, Dutch a n d the Scandinavian languages (books, periodical booklets, reports). This bibliography is primarily designed to m a k e k n o w n the basic texts. U R B A N SOCIOLOGY Handbook for social research in urban areas, edited by Philip M . Huser. 1965. 214 p . $3. (Unesco.) T h e contributors to this work are Messrs. Gino Germani, P . H . Chombart de L a u w e , Judah Matras, Giuseppe Parenti and Z . Pioro. It is designed to serve as a guidebook for public and private bodies having occasion to study problems relating to urban development, particularly in the developing countries. Subjects discussed: nature of the problem; areal units for urban analysis; essential basic statistics; study of social relations; demographic population problems; analysis of migratory m o v e ments; cultural integration; urban pathology; practical development of urban space.

Economic and social problems

INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES IN T H E FIELD OF STATISTICS Review of international statistics, ig62-ig64. M a r c h 1965. 96 p . (uN/E/cN.3/311.) Statistical activities of all the United Nations bodies a n d of other international institutions. Results of efforts towards closer co-ordination. Plan for the foundation of a central clearing house. Progress report on statistics for social progress, ig6s-ig64. M a r c h 1965. 22 p . ( U N / E / C N . 3/335-)

ias

T h e world of the social sciences

Report of activities undertaken to date by the United Nations and Specialized Agencies to promote the collection of statistics of use for studying the evolution of social structures and living conditions. Five-year programme of international statistics. April 1965. 5a p . (uN/E/cN.3/336.) Long-term statistics programmes drawn up by the United Nations, the Regional Economic Commissions, the Specialized Agencies and the Inter-American Statistical Institute. In most cases, the work programmes described relate to the period 1965-69; in some cases, however, it has also been possible to give pointers for the period 1970-74. Statistical development in Africa. April 1965. 143 p . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / C A S . 4 / D E V / I . ) T h e purpose of this document is to show h o w statistics can be improved in the countries of Africa, having due regard to local conditions and die inadequacy of m a n y categories of data. General considerations. Objectives. Organization of statistics. W o r k programmes in the various branchesdemographic, financial, social, and economic statistics. Report of the Conference of Asian Statisticians (6th session) to the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (21st session). February 1965. 85 p. ( U N / E / C N . 11/686.) Activities. Programmes for the development of statistics in the countries of the Ecafe region during the Development Decade. Present position in certain domains statistics of active population, employment and unemployment (including sample surveys, housing statistics, population censuses). W o r k accomplished as regards the training of statisticians. S u m m a r y accounts of study cycles. P r o g r a m m e for the forthcoming period. TRAINING OF AFRICAN STATISTICIANS T h e directors of the African centres training qualified staff for statistical services met in Addis A b a b a from 16 to 20 April 1965. Reports on past and future activities were submitted by a n u m b e r of centres, including the International Statistical Training Centre, Yaounde ( U N / E / C N . 14/CAS.4/DTC/2. 14 p . M a r c h 1965) and the Achimota Statistical Training Centre, Accra ( U N / E / C N . 14/CAS.4/DTC/3. 20 p . M a r c h 1965)PLANNING Planning for economic development. Vol. II: Studies of national planning experience. 1965. T w o parts, 237 and 266 p . $3 and $3.50. (uN/A/5533/Rev.i/Add.i ; UN/A/5333/ Rev.i/Add.2.) [Bl.] V o l u m e I containing a general survey of the experience gained and methods used in economic development planning appeared in 1964. V o l u m e II is in two parts. Part 1 (A/5533/Rev.i/Add.i) consists of monographs on the practice of planning (or forms of economic and social policy approximating thereto) in a series of countries with a free or mixed economy (Brazil, Colombia, France, India, Japan, Netherlands, Pakistan, United Arab Republic and United States of America). Part 2 (A/5533/Rev. i/Add.2) contains a set of monographs of a similar nature but relating to Czechoslovakia, Hungary, the U . S . S . R . and Yugoslavia. Community development and national development. 1963. 78 p . $1. ( U N / E / C N . 5 / 3 7 9 / R C V . I . ) Report by a group of experts. Relations to be established between community and national development programmes. Contribution by the public authorities. Variability of the conditions under which the relating of community development and national planning is effected. M e a n s of augmenting the economic and social effects of community development.

Documents and publications

i S3

Methods of determining social allocations. M a r c h 1 9 6 5 . 2 4 p . ( U N / E / C N . 5 / 3 8 7 . ) Criteria for d e t e r m i n a t i o n . R e p e r c u s s i o n s of the latter. Basic p r o b l e m s o f organizing social p l a n n i n g . Administrative aspects of social planning. April 1 9 6 5 . 4 5 p . ( u N / E / c N . 5 / 3 9 3 . ) Administrative structures of social planning. Preparation of plans (evaluation of needs, definition of basic options). Execution of social programmes. Verification of results. Adjustments. Statistical development and planning. M a r c h 1965. 38 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/GAS.4/SRC/3.) This note by the Economic Commission for Africa gives an account of the proceedings of the meetings of heads of North and East African statistical offices (Addis A b a b a , 8-14 April 1965). Account of the meeting, progress achieved, problems remaining to be solved. SOCIOLOGY OF D E V E L O P M E N T United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. M a r c h 1965. 10 p . ( U N / E / C N . 5/389.) The institute w a s founded for the purpose of making basic studies of the social factors in development (favourable cultural factors, obstacles). Initial progress report for period 1 July 1964 to 1 February 1965, by M r . J. Tinbergen. T h e institute; its administrative organs; its programme. SOCIAL EFFECTS OF TECHNOLOGICAL PROGRESS Easing the impact of technological change on employees: a conspectus of United States experience, by R . B . Helfgott. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 91, no. 6, June 1965. 18 p . (ILO.) The author reviews the principles and procedures generally following in the United States for informing employees of forthcoming changes, reducing dismissals to a m i n i m u m and helping redundant staff to find n e w jobs. SOCIAL SERVICE Training for social work. 1965. 120 p . $1.50. (uN/sT/sOA/57.) Fourth international survey of this subject. M a i n economic and social changes which have occurred in each part of the world over recent years. Repercussions of these developments on the d e m a n d for qualified social workers. Information about the evolution of training for social work (objectives and methods). WOMEN'S WORK Some refections on the different attitudes of men and women, b y M a g d a l e n a S o k o l o w s k a . Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 92, no. 1, July 1965. 15 p . (ILO.) S u m m a r y of the work of a team of research workers constituted in Poland for the study of the various aspects of the problem of w o m e n ' s attitude to work. WAGES Economic expansion and wage structure in a socialist country: a study of Polish experience, by Z o n a Morecka. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 91, no. 6, June 1965. 27 p . (ILO.) [St.] Scale of wages in Poland (by branches of economy and categories of workers). Characteristics of the periods corresponding to the plans executed previously. Phases of intense investment and increased consumption.

124

T h e world of the social sciences

RELATIONS B E T W E E N AGRICULTURAL COMMODITY T R A D E A N D DEVELOPMENT Agricultural commodity trade and development: prospects, problems and policies. 1965. 117 p . S1.50. (FAO.) [St.] Agricultural commodity trade. Its importance for economic development. International problems. Diversification and promotion of exports. Replacement of imports. Problem of sea transport. Regional economic groups. Investments designed to permit an expansion of international commodity trade. Intergovernmental machinery for consultation and action. Recommendations of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development are annexed. CO-OPERATION A N D D E V E L O P M E N T

The role of co-operatives in the economic and social development of developing countries. 1966 40 p . $0.50. (ILO.) T h e conclusions proposed b y a commission, with a view to the adoption by the International Labour Conference (fiftieth session, 1966) of a recommendation concerning the role of co-operatives in the economic and social development of the developing countries. Proposed text (based on the conclusions adopted by the conference at its forty-ninth session). AGRARIAN REFORM A N D AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATION Land reform, land settlement and co-operatives, n o . 2, July 1964. 83 p . ( F A O . ) Comprises five articles: Agricultural co-operatives and State support in developing countries; utilization of rural m a n p o w e r in India; prospects for agricultural developm e n t in southern Italy; legislation to improve agrarian structures; financing of agricultural development through co-operatives. T h e book concludes with miscellaneous data. Co-operation and agrarian reform, by M . Bandini. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 9 2 , n o . 2 , August 1965. 14 p . (ILO.) Part played b y co-operatives in agrarian reform in Italy. Results achieved. Lessons from Italian experience. RADIO A N D THE PROMOTION OF PROGRESS IN THE COUNTRYSIDE Radio broadcasting serves rural development. 1965. 51 p . $0.75. (Unesco, Reports and papers on mass communication, n o . 48.) [Bl.] T h e radio is a specially suitable m e d i u m for work a m o n g the rural masses in countries where illiteracy is still very widespread. U n d e r Unesco's auspices, experiments were m a d e in India comprising broadcasts o n practical questions of modernization and organized discussions followed b y practical trials b y farmers. T h e earliest of these experiments have already been reported o n in previous publications. T h e present booklet concerns the methodical study of the transition from these experiments to large-scale action (characteristics and effects of the programmes broadcast in over 10,000 villages in the B o m b a y area). Part II of the booklet describes similar experiments carried out in Africa (Uganda and Mali). Detailed descriptions are given of the organization of the broadcasting campaigns and their evaluation. E U R O P E A N AGRICULTURE Review of the agricultural situation in Europe at the end of 1964. 1964. T w o volumes, 114 p . and 313 p . Set of two volumes: $2.50. ( U N / S T / E C E / A G R I / 1 5 . )

Documents and publications

125

[St.] V o l u m e I gives the general picture of the state of agriculture in the Eastern and Western European countries at the end of 1964 (agriculture and its problems, country by country; special analysis of the questions arising in respect of certain products throughout the region as a whole). V o l u m e II deals with animal husbandry and the meat trade. Prices of agricultural products and fertilizers in Europe, 1963-1964.
( U N / S T / E C E / A G R I / I 6.)

1965. 124 p . $1.

[St.] This publication covers the whole of Europe (Eastern and Western) : evolution of prices from year to year; available data on causes of certain price movements; special study of the relationship between the prices of wheat and those of barley and milk; prices of fertilizers; the wages question. FARMING INVESTIGATIONS Methods of farm management investigations. 1965. 258 p . $3.50. ( F A O . ) [St.] Investigations designed with a view to increasing returns from agriculture. Study of the farm unit. Accounts andfinancialmanagement. Economic analysis of the farm. Marginal analysis of the input-output ratio. Agricultural planning. L a n d reforms. BASIC COMMODITIES FAO commodity review (1965). 1965. 175 p . $2. ( F A O . ) [St.] Evolution of international markets in 1964 and the first months of 1965. Systems of regional economic integration. International consultations and agreements. T h e volume also contains a series of chapters discussing the present situation and prospects as regards the main agricultural products, including timber. World cocoa survey. 1964. 242 p . $4. ( F A O . ) [St. Bl.] Present trend of cocoa production throughout the world by regionsSouth America, Central and North America, Asia, Oceania. Bibliography appended. C O A L , GAS Concentration indices in the European coal industry, vol. 2. 1964. 17 p . $0.35. (UN/65.11.E/ Mim.7.) [St.] Definitions and explanatory notes concerning these indices. H o w they are calculated. Table of concentration indices at pithead and table of concentration indices at the coalface. Report on the Seminar on the Development and the Utilization of Natural Gas Resources. January 1965. 56 p . ( U N / E / C N . I 1/1 & NR/55.) [Bl.] Seminar held in Teheran from 1 to 12 December 1964. Present production and utilization of natural gas in Asia and the Far East. Problems in connexion with the development and exploitation of natural gas deposits. Legal and administrative aspects of the industry. Financial aspects of its introduction. M A N P O W E R POLICY Manpower shortages and active manpower policies in Europe in 964. Offprint from the International Labour Review, V o l . 9 2 , n o . 1, July 1965. 21 p . (ILO.) M a i n aspects of the labour market in Europe in 1964 (shortage of workers, international migrations, increase in labour productivity). Outline of some of the more important measures taken in various countries to facilitate the adjustments m a d e necessary by the economic situation and by changes in structure.

126

T h e world of the social sciences

INDUSTRIALIZATION Report on the implementation of the Commission's resolutions on regional co-operation in the field of industry and natural resources development. M a r c h 1965. 36 p. ( U N / E / C N . I I/L. 136.) Progress m a d e between i960 and 1965. Industrialization in the Ecafe region. January 1965. 144 p. ( U N / E / C N . I I / I & NR/L.50.) Over-all description of present developments. Rate of long-term industrial growdi. Relative importance of this region in world industry. Trends and problems in four major sectors of industrychemicals, base metals, mechanical engineering, textiles and paper. INTERNATIONAL T R A D E Yearbook of international trade statistics (ig6s). 1965. 775 p . $11.50. ( U N / S T / S T A T / S E R . G / '4-) [St.] T h e yearbook covers 139 countries or territories. Part I contains general tables on world trades b y regions (source a n d destination, volume, price). Part II consists of similar tables for the individual countries. Report of the Third Regional Seminar-cum- Training Centre for Trade Promotion (Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East). December 1964. 117 p. ( U N / E C N . I I / T R A D E / L.79.) T h e seminar was held from 20 September to 30 October in Manila. Digest of the papers of general interest: status of international co-operation, role of shipping in international trade, trade development policies and techniques in the countries of the region and certain other countries (France, Netherlands, U . S . S . R . , United K i n g d o m , United States). Review of developments in trade and trade policy (Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East). January 1965. 53 p . ( U N / E / C N . 11/TRADE/L.83.) [St.] M a i n events in the sphere of trade and trade policy in the countries of Asia and the Far East during 1963 and part of 1964. General situation. Exports. Imports. Prices. Balance of Trade. Gold and foreign currency holdings. Direction of exchanges. Trade co-operation b y the countries of Asia a n d the Far East between themselves and with other countries.

Science and
FUNCTIONS OF UNIVERSITIES

education

Higher education and development in South-East Asia. 1965. 83 p . $1.75. (Unesco). This booklet was prepared jointly by the International Association of Universities and Unesco, with the support of the Ford Foundation. It gives a preliminary outline of the results of a series of inquiries into the actual and potential contribution of universities in South-East Asia. T h e results will provide material for several volumes. T h e inquiries took place in B u r m a , C a m b o d i a , Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand and V i e t - N a m . T h e booklet deals with the needs of these and other countries of die region; their individual systems of education; their plans for economic and social development and the reforms envisaged in the field of education (particularly at the higher level); the problem of teaching and research; the status of students; and regional co-operation. T h e booklet includes a n u m b e r of practical suggestions.

Documents a n d publications

127

Legal and political questions, h u m a n rights

POLITICAL ASPECTS OF R U R A L L A N D CONSOLIDATION Principles of land consolidation legislation. 1962. 144 p . $1.50. ( F A O . ) This comparative law study covers s o m e thirty countries. Definitions a n dfieldof application; normal procedure, special methods in land and agrarian development; social problems connected with land consolidation. INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY CODE Revision of Conventions Nos. 35, 36, 3 7 , 38, 3g and 4.0 concerning old age, invalidity and survivors' pensions. 107 p . 81.25. ( I L O . ) Analysis of the international standards as regards pensions for old-age, invalidity and loss of breadwinner. Evolution of legislation and practice in the various countries in these fields. Possibility of improving international standards. T h e report reproduces a questionnaire to governments designed to enable them to define their attitudes. LABOUR L A W Examination of grievances and communications within the undertaking. 1965. 123 p . $1.25. (ILO.) This report w a s prepared for thefiftiethsession of the International Labour Conference (1965). T h e following questions are discussed: the concept of grievance; genesis and nature of the procedure for transmitting and examining grievances; problem of communications between m a n a g e m e n t a n d workers; role of workers' representatives; improvements possible on the legal plane. Contains the text of questionnaires sent to the governments on the international measures they would consider recommending.

Books received

General or methodological works

ABS (The) guide to recent publications in the social and behavioral sciences. N e w York, American Behavioral Scientist, 1965. 2 4 c m . , xxii + 781 p . Bibliogr. Index. 7.7.0. (American Behavioral Scientist.) B o u D O N , R a y m o n d ; L A Z A R S F E L D , Paul. Le vocabulaire des sciences sociales. Concepts et indices. Paris, L a H a y e , M o u t o n , 1965. 24 c m . , 310 p . , fig., tabl. Index. (Maison des sciences de l ' h o m m e . Mthodes de la sociologie. 1.) D A V I S , James A . ; G I L M A N , Richard; S C H I C K , Judith. Tables for Yule's (^association coefficient for pairs of percentages. Chicago (111.), N O R C , 1965. 28 c m . , [21 p . ] , tabl. $2. (University of Chicago. T h e National Opinion Research Center.) LooMis, Charles P . ; L O O M I S , Z o n a K . Modem social theories. Selected American writers, 2nd ed. Princeton (N. J.), D . V a n Nostrand, 1965. 24 c m . , xxiv + 800 p., fig. Bibliogr. Index. 76s. (Van Nostrand series in sociology.) Nature, ressources naturelles et socit. XXXe Semaine sociale universitaire, 25-29 novemb 1963. Bruxelles, ditions de l'Institut de Sociologie, 1965. 24 c m . , 493 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. 450 Belgian francs. (Universit Libre de Bruxelles. Institut de Sociologie.) Tear book (The) of world affairs 1965. Published under the auspices of the L o n d o n Institute of W o r l d Affairs. L o n d o n , Stevens, 1965. 25 c m . , xvi + 392 + viii p . Bibliogr. Index. H U Y B R E C H T S , Andr. Les transportsfluviauxau Congo sur le bief moyen dufleuveCongo et ses affluents, 1925-1963. Lopoldville, 1 R E S , 1965. 24 c m . , 116 p.,fig.,m a p , tabl. Bibliogr. (Universit Lovanium. Institut de Recherches conomiques et Sociales. Cahiers conomiques et Sociaux. Supplment au vol. III. Cahier no. 1. Contribution l'histoire conomique d u Congo. 1.) P I E R R A R D , Pierre. La vie ouvrire Lille sous le Second Empire. Paris, Bloud et G a y , 1965. 24 c m . , 532 p . ,fig.,tabl. Bibliogr. Index. 38 F . (Thesis. Letters. Lille. 1965-)

Law
D E L A H O U S S E , Jean-Pierre. Le rgime juridique des matires nuclaires dans le trait instituant Euratom. (Proprit, approvisionnement, contrle.) Paris, Centre Franais de Droit C o m p a r , 1964. 27 c m . , 51 p . multigr. (Institut de Droit C o m p a r de l'Universit de Paris. Centre d'tudes d u Droit de l'nergie Atomique.)

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . i, 1966

Books received

129

J A M M E T , Henri. L'application des normes sanitaires en mature de protection radiologique. Paris, Centre Franais de Droit C o m p a r , 1965. 27 c m . , 3 0 + 2 p . , multigr. Bibliogr. (Institut de Droit C o m p a r de l'Universit de Paris. Centre d'tudes d u Droit de l'nergie Atomique.) L E R N E R , Natn. The crime of incitement to group hatred. A survey of international and national legislation. N e w York, W o r l d Jewish Congress, 1965. 22 cm., 79 p. P E R R O T , Franois. Les relations internationales du Commissariat l'nergie atomique. Paris, Centre Franais de Droit C o m p a r , 1965. 27 c m . , 23 p . , multigr. (Institut de Droit C o m p a r de l'Universit de Paris. Centre d'tudes d u Droit de l'nergie Atomique). S C H W A R Z E N B E R G E R , Georg. The inductive approach to international law. London, Stevens; N e w York, O c e a n a Publications, 1965. 25 c m . , xvi + 209 p . , tabl. Index. (London Institute of World Affairs. Library of world affairs. 67.)

Economics
A N K E R L , Gza. L'panouissement de l'homme dans les perspectives de la politique conomique. Preface by Eugne Bongras. Paris, Librairie d u Recueil Sirey; Cologne, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1965. 2 4 cm., xxviii + 238 p . ,fig.,tabl. Bibliogr. (Collection internationale des sciences sociales et politiques. Srie d'conomie sociale et de sociologie. 5.) B A R Z A N T I , Sergio. The underdeveloped areas within the Common Market. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1965. 21 c m . , 437 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. 80s. B H A T T I , A . D . (comp.). A bibliography of Pakistan demography. Karachi, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1965. 24 cm., viii + 61 p . 3 rupees. (Pakistan Institute of Development Economics.) B O S E R U P , Ester. The conditions of agricultural growth. The economics of agrarian change under population pressure. L o n d o n , G . Allen and U n w i n , 1965. 22 c m . , 128 p . Index. B R A D Y , Dorothy S. Age and the income distribution. Washington, U . S . Government Printing Office, 1965. 23 c m . , vi + 62 p . , tabl. ( U . S . Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Social Security Administration. Division of Research and Statistics. Research report. 8.) C A N T E R B E R Y , E . R a y . Foreign exchange, capitalflows,and monetary policy. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, 1965. 23 c m . , 65 p . ,fig.,tabl. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Princeton studies in internationalfinance.15.) C O L L V E R , O . A n d r e w . Birth rates in Latin America, new estimates of historical trends and fluctuations. Berkeley (Calif.), University of California, 1965. 24 cm., 12 + 187 p. multigr., fig., tabl. (University of California. Institute of International Studies. Research series. 4.) Cumulative bibliography of economics books. Annual edition. Vol. I: 1954-62. N e w York, Gordon and Breach, 1965. 31 c m . , 352 p . Index. (University of Pittsburgh. Department of Economics.) E D E L M A N , Murray; F L E M I N G , R . W . The politics of wage-price decisions. A four-country analysis. U r b a n a , University of Illinois Press, 1965. 24 c m . , 331 p . , tabl. Index. 6.75. Enquete sur les uvres sociales dans l'entreprise. Rsultats. Paris, 1965. 27 c m . , 32 p . , tabl. (Liaisons sociales. Lgislation sociale no. 3000. Juin 1965. Supplment au service quotidien no. 4650.) F R E E D M A N , Ronald (d.). Population: the vital revolution. Chicago, Aldine Publishing Co., 1965. 22 c m . , viii + 274 p . 85.

130

T h e world of the social sciences

Government sponsored corporations and commercial undertakings. Rawalpindi, 1965. 24 c m . , 99 P-> tabl. (Economic adviser to the Government of Pakistan. Ministry of Finance.) K N D L E B E R G E R , Charles P . Balance-qf-payments deficits and the international market for liquidity. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, M a y 1965. 23 c m . , 30 p . , fig. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in internationalfinance.46.) K R A S S O W S K I , Andrzej. Aid and the British balance of payments. L o n d o n , O D I , 1965. 24 c m . , 23 p . , tabl. 2s. 6d. (Overseas Development Institute. A reprint from the spring issue of the Moorgate and Wall Street Review.) M E I B U R G , Charles O . Factor costs of U.S. agriculture: 1940-1962. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University, 1965. 26 c m . , p . 19-29,fig.,tabl. $1. (Reprinted from Food Research Institute studies, vol. 5 , n o . 1, 1965.) M o s s , liane. Comment va l'conomie? Paris, ditions d u Seuil, 1965. 18 c m . , 128 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. (Socit. 4.) O X E N F E L D T , Alfred R . ; H O L U B N Y C H Y , Vsevolod. Economie systems in action. The United States. The Soviet Union and France, 3rd ed. N e w York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. 23 c m . , viii + 264 p . , tabl. Index. $3.95. P A K I S T A N . M I N I S T R Y O F F I N A N C E . Pakistan economic survey 1964-1965. (With statistical section.) Karachi, Government of Pakistan Press, 1965. 25 c m . , 264 + 152 p . , pi., tabl. (Government of Pakistan. Ministry of Finance. Rawalpindi.) Prcticas restrictivas de la competencia. Madrid, Consejo Econmico Sindical Nacional, IO -65- 23 c m . , 202 p . (Organizacin Sindical Espaola. Consejo Econmico Sindical Nacional. Gabinete Tcnico.) Productos (Los) alimenticios de consumo en fresco y el abastecimiento a las grandes ciudades. Madrid, Federacin Sindical de Comercio, 1965. 23 c m . , 99 p . ,fig.,tabl. (Organizacin Sindical. Vicesecretaria Nacional de Ordenacin Econmica. Asesora Central de Comercio Interior.) Risparmio (II) contrattuale. R o m e , C I S L , 1965. 24 c m . , 142 p . Bibliogr. (Confederazione Italiana Sindicati Lavoratori. Officio Studi e Formazione. Quaderni di studi e documentazione. 17.) R U E F F , Jacques; H I R S C H , Fred. The role and the rule of gold: an argument. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, June 1965. 23 c m . , 22 p . (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in international finance. 47.) S D E R S T E N , B O . A study of economic growth and international trade. Stockholm, Gteborg, Uppsala, Almqvist and Wiksell, 1964. 24 c m . , 190 p . ,fig.Bibliogr. Index. 38s. (Acta niversitatis stockholmiensis. Stockholm, economic studies. N e w series. 5.) W E I T Z , Raanan. Sur le principe du dveloppement rural intgr. Rehovot (Israel), 1964. 27 c m . , 14 p . Offprint from Economie rurale, no. 61, July-Sept. 1964. World population and food supplies, 1980. (Symposium presented at the Annual meeting of the American Society of A g r o n o m y at Kansas City, Missouri, o n 17 N o v e m ber 1964.) Madison (Wis.), American Society of A g r o n o m y , 1965. 23 c m . , x + 50 p . , tabl. (American Society of A g r o n o m y . A S A special publication. 6.) Z I M M E R M A N , Louis Jacques. Poor lands, rich lands: the widening gap. N e w York, R a n d o m House, 1965. 19 c m . , 170 p . ,fig.,tabl. $1.95. (Studies in economics. 8.)

Political

science

A L L A R D T , Erik; L I T T U N E N , Yrj (ed.). Cleavages, ideologies and party systems. Contributions to comparative political sociology. Helsinki, Academic Bookstore, 1964. 25 c m . , 464 p . $4. (Transactions of the Westermack Society, 10.) C H A R N A Y , Jean-Paul. Le suffrage politique en France. lections parlementaires, lection prsidentielle, rfrendums. Preface by Marcel Prlot. Paris, L a H a y e , M o u t o n , 1965. 24 c m . , 832 p . Bibliogr. Index. 95F. (cole Pratique des Hautes tudes. 6 e section: Sciences conomiques et Sociales. tudes europennes. 3.)

Books received

I31

C O L E M A N , J a m e s S . (ed.). Education and political development. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1965. 2 4 c m . , xii + 620 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $10. (Studies in political development. 4.) D O H E R T Y , Kathryn B . Jordan waters conflict. N e w York, Carnegie E n d o w m e n t for International Peace, M a y 1965. 20 c m . , 66 p . (International conciliation. 553.) D R A C H K O V I T C H , Milorad M . (ed.). Marxism in the modem world. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University Press, 1965. 23 c m . , xviii + 293 p . (Hoover Institution o n W a r , Revolution a n d Peace.) E A S T O N , David. A systems analysis of political life. N e w York, J. Wiley, 1965. 2 4 c m . , xviii + 507 p . , fig., tabl. Index. 68s. E T Z I O N I , Amitai. Political unification. A comparative study of leaders and forces. N e w York, Chicago, S a n Francisco, Toronto, L o n d o n , Holt, Rinehart a n d Winston, 1965. 21 c m . , xx + 346 p . , tabl. Index. (Institute of W a r a n d Peace Studies.) G U T H R I E , George M . ; S P E N C E R , Richard E . American professions and overseas technical assistance. A report of research under a grant entitled ' The professional roles of Americans overseas'. University Park (Pa.), Pennsylvania State University, 1965. 23 c m . ,

"4PH I T C H N E R , Dell Gillette; H A R B O L D , William Henry. Modem government. A survey of political science, 2 n d ed. N e w York, Toronto, D o d d , M e a d & C o . , 1965. 2 4 c m . , xvi + 700 p . , pi. Bibliogr. Index. $ 8 . J A M E S , Preston E . One world perspective. N e w York, Toronto, L o n d o n , Blaisdell, 1965. 20 c m . , 167 p . , m a p s . $2.50. (Blaisdell books in geography. B P 56.) L A N G R O D , Georges (rap.). Reorganisation of public administration in Greece. Paris, O E C D , 1965. 2 4 c m . , 112 p . , tabl. (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Problems of development.) M A C D O N A L D , Robert W . The League of Arab States. A study in the dynamics of regional organization. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1965. 21 c m . , xiv + 407 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $8.50. M E N O N , M . A . K . Universal Postal Union. N e w York, Carnegie E n d o w m e n t for International Peace, M a r c h 1965. 2 0 c m . , 6 4 p . , fig., tabl. (International conciliation. 552.) M O U S S A , Pierre. Les tats-Unis et les nations proltaires. Paris, ditions d u Seuil, 1965. 21 c m . , 9 5 p . (L'Histoire immdiate.) P Y E , [Lucian W . ; V E R B A , Sidney (ed.). Political culture and political development. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1965. 2 4 c m . , [x + 574 p . Index. $10. (Social Science Research .Council. Committee o n Comparative Politics. Studies in political development. 5.) T H O R B E C K E , William J. A new dimension in political thinking. Leyden, A . W . Sijthoff; N e w York, O c e a n a Publications, 1965. 23 c m . , 226 p . Index. Fl.13.50. T I N G S T E N , Herbert. The problem of democracy. Translation from the Swedish. T o t o w a (N.J.), Bedminster Press, 1965. 2 2 c m . , 210 p . Bibliogr. $ 5 . W H I T E , J o h n . German aid. A survey of the sources, policy and structure of German aid. London,'Overseas Development Institute, 1965. 22 c m . , 224 p . , tabl. Index. 20s. W R I G H T , Quincy. A study of war. Abridged b y Louise Leonard Wright. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1964. 2 4 c m . , xiv + 451 p . Index. $7.50.

Sociology
A N D E R S O N , Neis; I S H W A R A N , K . Urban sociology. L o n d o n , Asia Publishing House, 1965. 22 c m . , viii + 191 p . Bibliogr. Index. 30s. (Karnatak University. Departm e n t of Social Anthropology a n d Social Welfare. Essays in social sciences. 2.) Attraction (L') de Paris sur sa banlieue. Sociological study b y C . Cornuau, M . Imbert, B . L a m y , P . R e n d u , J . - O . Retel. Preface b y Paul-Henry C h o m b a r t d e L a u w e . Paris, ditions Ouvrires, 1965. 18 c m . , 320 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. 21.60 F . (L'volution d e la vie sociale.)

132

T h e world of the social sciences

B A N T O N , Michael. Roles. An introduction to the study of social relations. L o n d o n , Tavistock, 1965. 22 c m . , x + 224 p . Index. 21s. B I S H O P , G . M . F . They all come out. London, G . Allen & U n w i n , 1965. 21 c m . , 160 p . 18s. (Sir Halley Stewart Trust.) B R I O N E S , Guillermo; M E J A V A L E R A , Jos. El obrero industrial. Aspectos sociales del desarrollo econmico en el Per. L i m a , 1964. 21 c m . , xiv + 109 p . , tabl. (Universidad Nacional M a y o r d e S a n Marcos. Instituto de Investigaciones Sociolgicas.) C H O M B A R T D E L A U W E , Paul-Henry. Paris, essais de sociologie igs-ig6^. Paris, ditions Ouvrires, 1965. 18 c m . , 199 p . , fig., pi., m a p s . 10.20 F . (L'volution de la vie sociale.) C O M M U N A U T EUROPENNE D U C H A R B O N E T D E L'ACIER. H A U T E AUTORIT. Situation sociale dans les industries de la CECA et activit de la Haute Autorit dans le domaine social pendant l'anne 1964. L u x e m b o u r g , Service des Publications des C o m m u nauts Europennes, 1965. 29 c m . , 127 p . multigr., tabl. ( C o m m u n a u t Europenne d u Charbon et de l'Acier. Haute Autorit. Direction Gnrale. Problmes d u travail, assainissement et reconversion. vnements sociaux dans la C o m m u naut. Note d'information. 10 e anne. 2.) E T Z I O N I , Amitai. Modem organizations. Englewood Cliffs (N.J.), Prentice-Hall, 1964. 23 c m . , viii + 120 p . Bibliogr. Index. (Foundations of m o d e m sociology series.) G R A N D J E A T , Pierre. La sant gratuite. Paris, ditions d u Seuil, 1965. 18 c m . , 128 p . , m a p s , tabl. Bibliogr. (Socit. 5.) H E I D E R M A N N , Horst. Erwachsenenbildung in Entwicklungslndern Asiens und Afrikas, Eine Einfhrung. Hannover, Verlag fr Literatur u n d Zeitgeschehen, 1965. 24 c m . , 254 p . Bibliogr. (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Forschungsinstituts. Schriftenreihe.) K R I S H N A , Daya. Considerations towards a theory of social change. B o m b a y , Manaktalas, 1965. 23 c m . , 196 p . Index. M O R R I S , Pauline. Prisoners and theirfamilies. L o n d o n , Allen and U n w i n , 1965. 22 c m . , 327 p . , tabl. Index. 50s. (Political and Economic Planning.) N E I S S E R , H a n s . On the sociology of knowledge. An essay. Introduction by Robert M . M a c Iver. N e w York, H e i n e m a n , 1965. 24 c m . , 153 p . Index. $4.95. P R E Z R A M R E Z , Gustavo. Polticas e investigacin sobre planificacin de la familia en Amrica latina. Washington, U n i n Panamericana, 1965. 28 c m . , 15 p . multigr., tabl. (Unin Panamericana. Departamento de Asuntos Sociales. Secretaria General de la Organizacin de los Estados Americanos.) S C H E F F L E R , Harold W . Choiseul Island social structure. Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1965. 24 c m . , xiv + 322 p . , fig. Bibliogr. Index. $ 7 . S C O T T , John Paul; F U L L E R , John L . Genetics and the social behavior of the dog. Chicago, L o n d o n , University of Chicago Press, 1965. 2 4 c m . , xviii + 468 p . , fig., pi., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $12.50. Shift work, the social, psychological and physical consequences, b y Paul E . Mott, Floyd C . M a n n , Q u i n McLoughlin a n d Donald P . W a r w i c k . A n n Arbor (Mich.), University of Michigan Press, 1965. 23 c m . , viii + 351 p . ,fig.,tabl. Bibliogr. Index. Sondage scientifique auprs des spectateurs. Sminaire du cinma italien. Montral, juin 1964. Montral, 1964. 2 8 c m . , 39 p . multigr., tabl. (Comit Scientifique d u Festival International d u Film de Montral.) W E I T Z , R a a n a n . A new approach in urban-rural relationships in developing countries. International seminar on social and cultural integration in urban areas. November 1964. Lecture II. Haifa, M o u n t Carmel International Training Centre for C o m m u n i t y Services, 1964. 2 7 c m . , 18 p . multigr. Bibliogr. Z U B R Z Y C K I , Jerzy. Settlers of the Latrobe Valley. A sociological study of immigrants in the brown coal industry in Australia. Canberra, Australian National University, 1964. 23 c m . , xxii + 306 p . , pi., m a p , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. 63s.

Books received

33

Anthropology
African urbanization. A reading list of selected books, articles and reports. Compiled b y the Department of Social Anthropology, University of Edinburgh. L o n d o n , International African Institute, 1965. 27 c m . , iv + 27 p . Bibliogr. Index. (University of Edinburgh. Department of Social Anthropology. Africa bibliography series. B . ) Anales de antropologa, vol. II. Mxico, 1965. 24 c m . , 269 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. (Universidad Nacional A u t n o m a d e Mxico. Instituto d e Investigaciones Histricas. Seccin de Antropologa. 97.) E V E R S , Hans-Dieter. Kulturwandel in Ceylon. Eine Untersuchung ber die Entstehung einer Industrie-Unternehmerschicht. Baden-Baden, A . Lutzeyer, 1964. 23 c m . , 206 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (Sozialwissenschaftliche Beitrge zur Entwicklungsforschung. B a n d 1.) M O U S T A K A , Calliope. The internal migrant. A comparative study in urbanization. Foreword by Professor A . D . Sideris. Athens, Social Sciences Centre, 1964. 24 c m . , xviii + 105 p . ,fig.,m a p s , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. O R E N S T E I N , Henry. Gaon. Conflict and cohesion in an Indian village. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1965. 21 c m . , xii + 341 p . , fig., tabl. Index. $8.50. PHILLIPS, Herbert P . Thai peasant personality. The patterning of interpersonal behavior in the village of Bang Chan. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1965. 2 4 c m . , xiv + 231 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $6. S P E N C E R , Paul. The Samburu. A study of gerontocracy in a nomadic tribe. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1965. 22 c m . , xxvi + 341 p . ,fig.,pi., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $6.50.

Philosophy, psychology
B O V E T , Theodor (ed.). Probleme der Homophilie in medizinischer, theologischer und juristischer Sicht. P . H a u p t ; Berne, K a t z m a n n , Tbingen, 1965. 21 c m . , 156 p . Bibliogr. K A H N , Jack H . Human growth and the development of personality. Foreword by G . M . Carstairs. Oxford, L o n d o n , Edinburgh, N e w York, Paris. Frankfurt, P e r g a m o n Press, 1965. 20 c m . , xvi + 220 p . Bibliogr. 25s. (The C o m m o n w e a l t h a n d international library. 376. Mental health and social medicine division. 4.) L E F F , S . ; L E F F , V . The search for sanity. Oxford, L o n d o n , Edinburgh, N e w York, Paris, Frankfurt, Pergamon Press, 1965. 20 c m . , vi + 146 p . Bibliogr. 15s. (The C o m m o n w e a l t h a n d international library. 322.) L E V Y , Andr (ed.). Psychologie sociale. Textes fondamentaux anglais et amricains choisis, prsents et traduits par Andr Levy. Preface b y O . Klineberg and J. Stoetzel. Paris, D u n o d , 1965. 25 c m . , xiv + 565 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. 49 F . (Organisation et sciences humaines. 5.) R I C E , A . K . Learning for leadership. Interpersonal and intergroup relations. L o n d o n , Tavistock, 1965. 23 c m . , xii + 200 p . Bibliogr. Index. 30s.

Education
F R A I B E R G , Selma H . The magic years. Understanding and handling the problems of early childhood. N e w York, C . Scribner, 1959. 21 c m . , xiv + 305 p . Index. $2.95. N A D L E R , D r . Leonard. Employee training in Japan. Los Angeles (Calif.), Education and Training Consultants, 1965. 28 c m . , vi + 50 p . multigr., fig. Bibliogr. $1.50. (Education a n d training consultants' compendium.) PASSIN, Herbert. Society and education in Japan. N e w York, Bureau of Publications,

134

T h e world of the social sciences

Teachers College, Columbia University, 1965. 19 c m . , xx + 347 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $2.95. (Columbia University. Teachers' College. East Asian Institute.)
U N I T E D N A T I O N S E D U C A T I O N A L , SCIENTIFIC A N D C U L T U R A L O R G A N I Z A T I O N . Teachers

for Africa/Professeurs pour l'Afrique, no. 4, Paris, Unesco, June 1965. 27 c m . , 103 p. W E S T B Y - G I B S O N , Dorothy. Social perspectives on education. The society, the student, the school. N e w York, London, Sydney, J. Wiley, 1965. 23 c m . , xviii + 481 p., fig., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. W I L L I A M S , Peter (rapp.). Aid to education: an Anglo-American appraisal. Report of a Ditchley Foundation conference held at Ditchley Park, s6-sg March, ig6$. London, O D I , 1965. 22 c m . , 52 p. 3s. 6d. (Overseas Development Institute. T h e Ditchley Foundation.)

Area studies
C A S T R O , Josu de. Une zone explosive, le Nord-est du Brsil [Sete palmos de terra e u m caixo. Ensaio sobre o Nordeste, zona explosiva]. Translated from the Portuguese by Christiane Privat. Paris, ditions du Seuil, 1965. 20 c m . , 239 p . Bibliogr. (Collection esprit. Frontire ouverte.) K A R I S , T h o m a s . The treason trial in South Africa: A guide to the microfilm record of the trial. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University, 1965. 28 c m . , viii + 124 p. Bibliogr. Index. (Hoover Institution on W a r , Revolution and Peace. Hoover Institution bibliographical series. 23.) O R G A N I Z A C I N S I N D I C A L . Evolucin socioeconmica de Espaa, 1Q64. Madrid, 1965. 27 c m . , xiv + 439 p..fig-,tabl. (Organizacin Sindical. Vicesecretara Nacional de Ordenacin Econmica. Servicio de Estudios.) R O B I N S O N , John M . The family apostolats and Africa. Dublin, Helicon, 1964. 22 c m . , xvi + 278 p . Bibliogr. Index. 12s. 6d.

L'Institut royal des relations internationales publie tous les deux mois, sur environ 150 pages, la

Chronique de politique trangre

Cette revue, d'une objectivit et d'une indpendance renommes, assemble et analyse les documents et les dclarations qui sont la base des relations internationales et des institutions internationales. Janvier 1965 : Les t Ngociations Kennedy et l'article 75 du Trait de Paris; la signification de la Confrence des Nations Unies sur le commerce et le dveloppement ; l'association et l'bauche d'une politique communautaire de dveloppement. 120 p., 150 F B . Mars 1965 : volution de la politique en 1964 des tats-Unis, de la Grande-Bretagne et de l'URSS. 120 p., 150 F B . Mai 1965 : Les aspects juridiques du trait conclu entre la Belgique et les Pays-Bas au sujet de la liaison entre l'Escaut et le Rhin ; le diffrend territorial nippo-sovitique : les les Kouriles et Sakhaline ; la politique extrieure en 1964 du Japon et du Chili ; principaux problmes qui dominent la vie politique de la Rpublique dmocratique du Congo. 120 p., 150 F B . Autres publications : Fin de la souverainet belge au Congo, documents et rflexions, par W . Ganshof van der Meersch. 1963, 684 p., 400 F B . Le rle prminent du Secrtaire gnral dans l'opration des Nations Unies au Congo, par F. van Langenhove. 1963, 250 p., 300 F B . Les consquences d'ordre interne de la participation de la Belgique aux organisations internationales. 1964, 360 p., 400 F B . Abonnement annuel : 400 F B . A verser aux numros de C . C . P. de l'Institut royal des relations Vente au numro : 150 F B . internationales, 88, avenue de la Couronne, Bruxelles-5 : Bruxelles : 0.20 ; Paris : 0.03 ; R o m e : 1/35590 ; Cologne : 160.860 ; L a Haye : 82.58 ; Berne : III 19585 ; Leopoldville : C. C. P. n B . 201 la Banque du Congo (notre compte n 954.915).

Tome XVIII, n 3

conomie applique
Juillet-septembre 1965 La croissance de V'entreprise et le profit t u d e internationale l'initiative de Franois Bloch-Lain et Franois Perroux (IV) J. R. P. R. G. S. D e a n L a croissance conomique et la dimension d e la firme Marris Les thories de la croissance d e l'entreprise d e W o o t L a croissance d e l'entreprise Cyert et L . L a v e Collusion, conflit et conomie Richardson L e s relations entre firmes Lombardini L a firme motrice dans le processus d e rpartition spatiale de l'activit c o n o m i q u e B . Keirstead Profits de l'entreprise S. Dobrovolsky L e s problmes financiers d'une firme en expansion CONOMIE APPLIQUE Directeur : Franois Perroux ( I S E A ) , 3 5 , boulevard des Capucines, Paris-2 e .

revue tiers-monde
Croissance I Dveloppement [ Progrs Articles Franois Perroux : Le dsarmement et la dstabilisation de l'conomie de march par les industries atomique et spatiale. Jean Begu : Sur les critres de choix des projets spcifiques d'investissement. Hubert Bguin : Espoirs, bilans et leons d'un paysannat au C o n g o . Hector Correa : Structure du pouvoir et dveloppement social en Amrique latine. Gilbert Etienne : L'conomie de l'Afghanistan. Marc Nerfin : Pour une politique de l'habitat en Afrique. Documentation Gilles Gozard : La convention de la BIRD pour la garantie des investissements privs dans les pays en voie de dveloppement. Bernard Kayser et un groupe d'tudes de l'IEDES : Dveloppement rgional et rgionalisation de l'espace en Grce. Jean Poncet : Tunisie; bilan financier du prplan (1962-1964). Mireille Bouthier : La diversification des cultures et ses problmes au Sngal. K y - M a m i a : La Haute-Volta, exportatrice de main-d'uvre. Morses Ikonicoff : L'ducation en Amrique latine. Bibliographie Sur diverses implications scientifiques du dveloppement et sur le dveloppement de l'Afrique. Direction-rdaction : Institut d'tude du dveloppement conomique et social, 58, boulevard Arago, Paris-13*. Tl. : 4O2-28-0I. Abonnements et ventes : P U F , I, place Paul-Painlev, Paris-5e. Tl. : 033-64-10. France et C o m m u n a u t : 25 F ; tranger : 30 F ; le numro : 10 F. T o m e VI, n 24 (octobre-dcembre 1965)

LA REVUE DE DROIT INTERNATIONAL

D E SCIENCES DIPLOMATIQUES E T POLITIQUES (THE INTERNATIONAL L A W REVIEW) fonde Genve en 1923 par ANTOINE SOTTILE
est la S E U L E revue paraissant en Suisse en matire de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. Elle prconise la rnovation d u droit international, la renaissance de la justice mondiale, la souverainet effective d u droit, la solidarit internationale, la morale dans la politique internationale, le dveloppement de l'esprit international, le rglement pacifique des conflits internationaux, la dfense des droits des petits tats pour autant que la soi-disant libert de presse et les devoirs de neutralit le consentent. Paraissant au sige europen de l'Organisation des Nations Unies, la R E V U E D E D R O I T I N T E R N A T I O N A L est m m e de faire rapidement connatre et apprcier avec sret les rgles que stipule la communaut des nations. L a Revue de droit international parat tous les trois mois, en livraisons de 90 135 pages. Les articles sont publis dans la langue de leurs auteurs. Numro spcimen (arrir) contre envoi de 5,90 F S net. A B O N N E M E N T : Union postale, 72,50 F S net. Suisse, 71,50 F S net. Tous les abonnements sont annuels et partent du numro de janvier. Toute c o m m a n d e faite par l'intermdiaire de librairies peut tre augmente de 20 %. (La revue est honore de souscriptions de gouvernements.) Directeur : D r Juris Antoine Sottile c. d. Envoy extraordinaire et ministre plnipotentiaire, consul, lie. en philos., anc. docent de droit international l'Universit de Genve, m e m b r e de la Socit amricaine de droit international, de l'Association internationale de droit pnal et de l'Acadmie diplomatique internationale.

A bi-annual journal devoted to anthropology, sociology and related social sciences having an Chief Editor: K . Ishwaran, international crossKarnatak University, D h a r w a r , India disciplinary perspective and edited by an international board Contents of Vol. V, No. s Takashi Koyama Scarlett Epstein M . R . Karpas and R . E . Mathewson C . A . O . Van Nieuwenhuijse George Simpson P. Suzuki John Forster K . Ishwaran

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGY

Changing family composition a n d the aged in the Japanese family Social structure a n d entrepreneurship Social status a n d A m e r i c a n education Area studies: unidisciplinary, multidisciplinary, interdisciplinary Western m a n under automation Encounters with Istanbul: urban peasants a n d village peasants T h e sociological consequences of tourism Customary law in village India
A n n u a l subscription: $ 8 or equivalent in other currencies Order from: E . J. Brill, Leiden, Holland

International review of administrative sciences

Contents of Vol. X X X I (1965), N o . 3
G . B . Siegel and K . Nascimento G. Langrod Formalism in Brazilian administrative reform: classification the example of position T h e United Nations Training a n d Research Institute* R e v i e w of training in the United K i n g d o m Civil Service T h e m a n a g e m e n t of State enterprises in Afghanistan* Administrative justice in the United Nations: a n appraisal of its Administrative Tribunal 'Independent Public Establishments' in Finnish law* Improving public administration assistance to developing nations T h e Spanish 'General Officer' a n d his recruitment* A nation looks at its policy machinery * Article written in either French or Spanish, with an extensive summary in English. B o o k section (100 reviews); N e w s section; Chronicle of the Institute. I. G . Gilbert . Hamaoui B. C . K o h T. R. Modeen S. Avery

J. M . Ruiz de Elvira and A . Gutirrez Ren E . R . Padgett

Annual subscription: $ 1 0 Single copy: $ 3

International Institute of Administrative Sciences 2 5 , rue d e la Charit, Brussels 4 , Belgium

international j ournal
Articles Nicholas Mansergh John W . Holmes J. L . Cranmer-Byng Robert E . Gamer William Rodney Notes and comment Review articles John C . Caims Robert Spencer

Published quarterly for the Canadian Institute of International Affairs Editors: James Eayrs and Robert Spencer Volume X X I , N o . 1, Winter 1965-66. The partition of India in retrospect The West and the third world The Chinese attitude towards external relations Urgent Singapore, patient Malaysia The entente States of West Africa France: The end of the elective monarchy Erhard's dubious victory The Kennedy years The world of Prster John

G. M . Craig
A . P . Thornton Book reviews

Shorter notices

$1 an issue; $4 a year

Canadian Institute of International Affairs 230 Bloor Street West, Toronto 5, Ontario

The Journal of

conflict resolution
A quarterly for research related to w a r and peace December Morton Gorden and Daniel Lerner Qulncy Wright Robert B. McKersie and others 1965 issue (IX, 4) T h e setting for European arms controls: political and strategic choices of European lites The escalation of international conflicts Intraorganizational bargaining in labor negotiations

Other articles; gaming section; book reviews $ 7 . 0 0 per year for individuals, $ 8 . 0 0 for institutions; $ 3 . 0 0 per issue Published by the Center for Research on Conflict Resolution, the University of Michigan, A n n Arbor, Michigan 48104.

sociometry
Genuinely interdisciplinary in the presentation of works of both sociologists and psychologists

A journal of research in social psychology

R e c e n t issues h a v e contained reports o f empirical research dealing with: sociometric patterns in hysterical contagion, self identity a n d referent others, the internalization of m o r a l n o r m s , consensual states a n d c o m m u n i c a t i v e behaviour, task a n d social behaviour in marriage, a n d coding interpersonal behaviour. T h e A m e r i c a n Sociological Association Suite 215, 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N . W . Washington, D.C.20036 Special rate to members of the American Sociological Association$4.50

Published by

$9.00 per year for four issues

The Rural Sociology Society

announces the publication of the second Cumulative Index to Rural Sociology V o l u m e s 21-30 (1956-65) Publication date: December /065 Contents: Articles, Research notes, Applied sociology notes, Book reviews, Book notes, Bulletin reviews, Subject index. Separate copies of the index m a y b e purchased from the SecretaryTreasurer of the Society. Cumulative Index N o . 2 (1956-65) $3.00 per copy Order from: Howard M . Sauer, Secretary-Treasurer Rural Sociological Society Department of Rural Sociology Annual subscription to Rural Sociology South Dakota State University Brookings, South Dakota 57007 $8.00, domestic and foreign

REVUE FRANAISE DE SOCIOLOGIE

Directeur : J. S T O E T Z E L Vol. VI, n 4 octobre-dcembre 1965
Mattei Dogan
publie par le Centre d'tudes sociologiques du Centre national de la recherche scientifique Sommaire Le vote ouvrier en France : analyse cologique des lections de 1962. Socit de masse et inadaptations psycho-culturelles. Enqute comparative de budgets-temps.

Denis Szabo
Madeleine Guilbert ; Nicole Lowit ; Joseph Creusen Doris Donath

Tendances de la recherche en Isral. Informations, bibliographie, revue des revues ; rsums des articles en anglais, en allemand, en espagnol, en russe.

Numro

spcial 1965

Les transformations des socits rurales franaises. Orientations de recherches (sous la direction de H . Mendras et M . Jollivet).

Direction, rdaction : Centre d'tudes sociologiques, 82, rue Cardinet, Paris-176 4 numros de 144 pages et un numro spcial. L'abonnement : 30 F ; le numro : 7 F. Administration, abonnement : ditions du C N R S , 15, quai Anatole-France, Paris-7e C.C.P. Paris 9061-11, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (Service des publications).

PHYLON
A REVIEW OF RACE AND CULTURE
ONLY PUBLICATION DIRECTED EXCLUSIVELY TO TRENDS A N D EVENTS IN RACIAL A N D CULTURAL RELATIONS ON T H E W O R L D SCENE
Subscription rates: $3.00 per year; a two-year subscription or two subscriptions, $5.00. Canada and foreign, $3.50 per year, two years, $6.00. Microfilms beginning with Volume X V I I are available to regular subscribers from University Microfilms, 313 N . First Street, A n n Arbor, Michigan. Indexed in the International Index to PUBLISHED B Y ATLANTA UNIVERSITY, ATLANTA, GEORGIA Periodicals, Psychological Abstracts, Bulletin of Public Affairs Information Service, Sociological Abstracts and Index to Address all correspondence to: Phylon, Selected Periodicals. Atlanta University, Atlanta 14, Georgia

international journal of sociometry and sociatry

A quarterly, edited by J. L . Moreno. It contains reports from all over the world, with a therapeutic, biological, cultural and political orientation. Emphasis is upon action and group research. It focuses particularly o n building scientific bridges between East and West, the U . S . A . and U . S . S . R . , the U . S . A . and the Near and the Far East. It tries to show ways to overcome the fatal dilemma between capitalism and c o m m u n i s m as forms of government and ways of life.
SvburiptionraU: I7 per annum in U.S.A. A U other 18 per annum Published by: B E A C O N H O U S E INC., P . O . B O X 311, B E A C O N , N . Y . (U.S.A.)

Revista d e estudios polticos

Bimestral Director: Carlos Ollero G m e z Secretario: Alejandro M u o z Alonso Sumario del n. 143 (septiembre-octubre 1965) Erik A L L A R D T Elias D I A Z S A N MIGUEL Paul BASTID Juan J. TRAS Carlos M O Y A Guy HERAUD Estudios y notas: Alineacin y agresin en una sociedad en desarrollo. Sociologa jurfdica y concepcin normativa del derecho, Participacin en el poder y control de las lites c o m o problema de la d e m o cracia moderna. D o s manuscritos de Benjamn Constant. El Presidente de la Repblica en la Constitucin francesa de 1958. Talcott Parsons y l a vocacin actual de la teoria sociolgica. El formalismo del Sistema Social . Derechos vdel hombre y minoras tnicas. Mundo hispnico: O. CARLOS STOETZER El influjo del utilitarismo ingls en l a Amrica espaola. Seccin bibliogrfica: Recensiones. Noticias de libros. Revista de revistas. Libros recibidos. Bibliografa: Leandro R U B I O G A R C A , Introduccin a una bibliografa sobre Angola y Mozambique.

tuis G A R C A

Precios:

Nmero suelto: 80 ptas. Suscripcin anual: Espaa: 300 ptas. Portugal, Iberoamrica, Filipinas : 350 ptas. Otros pases: 400 ptas.

INSTITUTO D E ESTUDIOS POLTICOS plaza de l a Marina Espaola 8 Madrid (Espaa)

Osterreichische Zeitschrift fr Aussenpolitik

publishes articles by M a x B E L O F F , Jacques F R E Y M O N D , Pietro Q U A R O N I , Thorkil K R I S T E N S E N , Walter SCHEDLER-ROBERT, others. Documents on Austria and the economic integration of Europe Reviews Chronicle of Austrian Foreign Policy Diplomatic Chronicle Annual subscription $7 (2.10$.) 400 pages in six copies a year DOWLING, Denise B I N D and Ignaz S E I D L - H O H E N V E L D E R N

Published by

sterreichische Gesellschaft fr Aussenpolitik und internationale Beziehungen Wien I, Josefsplatz 6

A Journal of Asian demography Editor:

S . Qh<*.nH ra^fr-h F r

POPULATION REVIEW
Contents T h e population impact on children in the world's agrarian countries World population growth and desert reclamation Urbanization and rural-urban migration in India A comparative study of the population trends of the 'races* of Ceylon Sibling group size and adolescent personality A billion Indians by 2000 A . D . Relation of type and size of civil divisions to labour force participation rates in Taiwan Recent trends in birth order statistics in Poona City Attitudes towards family planning in the slums of Calcutta S o m e population characteristics of Cagayan de O r o City T h e development decade : some suggestions for action in the ,years 1965-1970 A note on infant mortality in the City of M a d r a s Not one explosion but two Nowhere as acute as in Asia A suicidal luxury Problem of a limited earth F r o m the press cuttings Institute's activities Book reviews Publications received Published twice a year by the Indian Institute for Population Studies, Gandhinagar, Madras-20, India. Subscription: R s . 10; 20s.; $4.00 per year. Cheques payable to: Population Review.

Vol. 9, Nos. i and 2 January and July 1965 Professor Kingsley Davis Professor S. Chandrasekhar Professor Edwin Eames Dr. Mukul K . Dey Professor Murray A . Straus and Miss Diane J. Libby Professor S. Chandrasekhar Professor D . Y . Yuan H . N . Rangana than M . K . A . Siddiqui Father Francis G . Madigan, S.J. Raymond Lloyd Professor S. Chandrasekhar Feroz Ahmed Narsngh Deo Shanti Kumar Khinduka Jack A . Khoury

The Pakistan Development Review

Journal of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Karachi (Pakistan) Editor: D r . Bruce Glassburner; Associate Editor: M . Ashraf Janjua Vol. V, Winter 1965, No. 4 Mali Lal Pal J. Henry Korson Keith B . Griffin Gordon C . Winston Warren C . Robinson, William Seltzer and Sultan S. H a s b m i Gustav F . Papanek Stephen R . Lewis Jr. Ronald Soligo Contents Articles Domestic prices of imports in Pakistan: extension of empirical findings A g e and social status at marriage: Karachi, 1961-64 Financing development plans in Pakistan Professor Nurkse and the Marketing Boards Quasi-stable estimates of the vital rates of Pakistan Growth and structural change in Pakistan's manufacturing industry Comment Reply Summaries of selected articles Selected bibliography Published four times a yearSpring, S u m m e r , A u t u m n and Winter. Subscription: $4 per a n n u m or equivalent in other currencies; individual copies: $1 each. All communications to be addressed to: T h e Editor, The Pakistan Development Review, Old Sind Assembly Building, Bunder R o a d , Karachi-1, Pakistan.

DER STAAT
Zeitschrift fr Staatslehre ffentliches Recht und Verfassungsgeschichte Herausgegeben von Ernst-Wolfgang Bckenfrde, Gerhard Oestreich, R o m a n Schnur, Werner W e b e r , H a n s J. Wolff Heft 1/1966 Ernst Forsthoff Winfried R . Dallmayr Eberhard Pikart Vladimir Klokocha Hans-Gerd S c h u m a n n Friedrich Jonas Neue Aspekte der Pressefreiheit Heinrich Rickert und die amerikanische Sozialwissenschaft Der Deutsche Reichstag und der Ausbruch des ersten Weltkrieges Verfassungsprobleme im sozialistischen Staatssystem Die Opposition Stiefkind der deutschen Forschung ? Zur Soziologie der franzsischen Revolution

Die Zeitschrift erscheint viermal jhrlich. Jedes Heft hat einen U m f a n g von 128 Seiten. Bezugspreis halbjhrlich D M . 32.

DUNGKER

& HUMBLOT/BERLIN-MNCHEN

International Organization
Winter ig66 Volume 20. Number i The quarterly journal of the W o r l d Peace Foundation offering the most inclusive a n d up-to-date account of the recent activities of international organizations. Articles James M . Boyd Cyprus: episode in peacekeeping. T h e Organization of African Unity a n d the Alger i a n - M o r o c c a n border conflict : a study of n e w machinery for peacekeeping a n d for the peaceful settlement of disputes a m o n g African States. Selected weighted voting in the U N and methods. General Assembly: rationale Patricia Berko W i l d

Catherine S . M a n n o

David A.

Kay

Secondment in the United Nations Secretariat: an alternative view. Comprehensive summaries Recent activities of the Security Council, Special F u n d , Trusteeship Council, A r a b L e a g u e , Caribbean Organization, Ecosoc, I C J , U n e s c o , C O M E C O N , O A U , G A T T a n d other international bodies. Selected bibliography Recent books a n d articles, both United States a n d foreign.

W o r l d Peace Foundation 40 M t . V e r n o n Street Boston, M a s s . 02108

$6 $16

a year for three years

$2

a copy

Student rate: $ 4 a year

QUADERNI DI SOCIOLOGA
N u o v a serie, n 3 (trimestral) Vol. XIV (Luglio-Settembre 1965)

Comitato D/rett/vo Nicola Abbagnano Franco Ferrarotti Luciano Gallino Angelo Pagani
J. Carbonnier W . M. A. M . Evan Rose

Alessandro Pizzorno Pietro Rossi Tullio Tentori Renato Treves

D/rettore Responso-bife Franco Ferrarotti Redattore Luciano Gallino

V . Aubert V . Goldschmidt A . Podgorecki R . Treves W . M . Evan, A . Grisoli, R. Treves

Editoriale Le grandi ipotesi della sociologa terica del diritto. D u e " process of law " e organizzazione formale. L'uso della ricerca inter-culturale nella sociologa del diritto. Alcune funzioni sociali della legislazione U n esperimento di codificazione del diritto pnale. Una ricerca sociolgica sulle azioni giudiziarie in materia di stampa. Una ricerca sociolgica sulle amministrazione della giustizia in Italia. Sociologa del diritto e diritto comparato. Schede: Notiziario della Associazione Italiana di Scienze Sociali.

Abbonamenti
Ordinario. L. 4.000 Sostenitore. L. 20.000 Estero. L. 6.000 U n fascicolo separato. L. I.200 Fasclcoli arretrati dall'l al n. 4 2 L. I.000 Fascicoli arretrati dal 1962 (nuova serie) L. 2.000

Redazione e Amministrazione: Casa Editrice Taylor - Via Valeggio, 26 Torino Tel. 584.155 - C / C Postale 2/34389 Redazione Romana: c/o Prof. Franco Ferrarotti, Via A p p e n nlni 42 - R O M A - Tel. 846.770

R e v i e w of the International Statistical Institute contents of vol. 33, NO. 3

Articles S. Erlander, J. Gustavsson E. J. Gumbel K . Medin S . K . Zaremba Communications Simultaneous confidence regions in normal regression analysis with an application to road accidents A quick estimation of the parameters in Frchet's distribution Crop yield estimation and crop insurance in Sweden Kurtosis and determinate components in linear processes Statistical organization and administration Statistical research Statistical societies Calendar of meetings International Statistical Bibliography B o o k reviews The Review of the ISI is published three times per year. The annual subscription is $ 8 . 5 0 Orders should be sent to: International Statistical Institute, 2 Oostduinlaan, The Hague, Netherlands post free.

International Y e a r b o o k for the Sociology of Religion Internationales Jahrbuch fr Religionssoziologie

Edited by Prof. D r . Joachim Matthes, D o r t m u n d , in co-operation with D r . N o r m a n Birnb a u m , Straburg, Prof. D r . Friedrich Frstenberg, Clausthal-Zellerfeld, Prof. D r . Dietrich Goldschmidt, Berlin, D r . Norbert Greinacher, W i e n , Prof. D r . Ren Knig, Kln, Prof. D r . Jacob B . Kruijt, Utrecht, Prof. D r . Gerhard Lenski, Chapel Hill, Prof. D r . Helmut Schelsky, Mnster and D r . Jean Sguy, Paris Volume I Religious Pluralism and Social Structure Religiser Pluralismus und Sozialstruktur 1965. 254 pages. Paperbound D M 33 Theoretical Problems in the Sociology of Religion Theoretische Probleme der Religionssoziologie 1966 In preparation Socio-religious Problems in Developing Societies Religionssoziologische Probleme in den Entwicklungslndern 1967 In preparation

Volume 2

Volume 3

T h e yearbook contains articles in English and G e r m a n language, each with a brief summary of its contents translated into the other language. It will be open primarily to studies on theoretical problems, to summarizing descriptive studies, and to sociological essays on religious phenomena.

Westdeutscher Verlag Kln und Opladen

UNESCO PUBLICATIONS: NATIONAL DISTRIBUTORS

A F G H A N I S T A N : Panuzai, Press Department, Royal Afghan Ministry of Education, K A B U L . A L B A N I A : N . Sh. Botimeve Nairn Frasheri, T I R A N A . A L G E R I A : Institut pdagogique national, iif Zatcha, A L G E R . A R G E N T I N A : Editorial Sudamericana S.A., berto I - 545, T . E . 30.7518, B U E N O S A I R E S . rue Hum-

E C U A D O R : Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, Ncleo del Guayas, Pedro Moncayo y 9 de Octubre, casilla de correo 3542, G U A Y A Q U I L . EL S A L V A D O R : Librera Cultural Salvadorea, Edificio San Martin, 6. a calle Oriente n. 118, S A N S A L VADOR.

E T H I O P I A : International Press Agency, P . O .

ADDIS ABABA.

Box

120,

A U S T R A L I A : Tradco Agencies, 109 Swanston St., G . P . O . Box 2324 V , M E L B O U R N E C I (Victoria); United Nations Association of Australia, Victorian Division, 8th Floor, M c E w a n House, 343 Little Collins St., M E L B O U R N E C.I (Victoria). A U S T R I A : Verlag Georg F r o m m e gasse 39, W I E N 5. & Co., Spenger-

F I N L A N D : Akateemnen Kirjakauppa, 2 Keskuskatu,

HELSINKI.

F R A N C E : Librairie de l'Unesco, place de Fontenoy, PARIS-7. C C P 12598-48. F R E N C H W E S T INDIES: Librairie J. Bocage, rue Lavoir, B . P . 208, F O R T - D E - F R A N C E (Martinique).

B E L G I U M : All publications. Editions 'Labor', 342 rue G E R M A N Y ( F E D . R E P . ) : R . Oldenbourg Verlag, Royale, B R U X E L L E S 3; N . V . Standaard. WetensUnesco-Vertrieb fr Deutschland, Rosenheimerchappelijke Uitgeverij, Belgilei 147, A N T W E R P E N . strasse 145, M N C H E N 8. For 'The Courier' and slides only: Louis de Lannoy, G H A N A : Methodist Book Depot Ltd., Atlantis House, 112, rue du Trne, B R U X E L L E S 5. Commercial Street, P.O. Box 100, C A P E C O A S T . B O L I V I A : Librera Universitaria, Universidad San G R E E C E : Librairie H . Kauffmann, 28, rue du Stade, Francisco Xavier, apartado 212, S U C R E . ATHNES. B R A Z I L : Fundaao Getlio Vargas, 186 praia de G U A T E M A L A : Comisin Nacional de la Unesco, Botafogo, Ro D E J A N E I R O , C B zc-02. 6.* c a l l e 9.27, zona 1, GUATEMALA. B U L G A R I A : Raznolznos, 1 Tzar Assen, SOFIA. HAITI: Librairie'A la Caravelle', 36, rue Roux, B.P. i n , B U R M A : Burma Translation Society, 361 Prome Road, PORT-AU-PRINCE. RANGOON. H O N D U R A S : Librera Cultura, apartado postal 568, CAMBODIA: L i b r a i r i e Albert P o r t a i l , 14, avenue Boulloche, P H N O M - P E N H . C A N A D A : The Queen's Printer, O T T A W A (Ont.). C E Y L O N : Lake House Bookshop, Sir Chittampalam Gardiner Mawata, P.O. Box 244, COLOMBO 2.
TEGUCIGALPA U.C.

H O N G K O N G : Swindon Book Co., KOWLOON. H U N G A R Y : Kultura, P . O . Box 149,

64 Nathan Road, B U D A P E S T 62.

C H I L E : All publications. Editorial Universitaria S.A., I C E L A N D : Snaebjrn Jonsson & Co., H . F . , Hafnaravenida B . O'Higgins 1058, casilla 10220, S A N T I A G O . straeti 9, R E Y K J A V I K . For 'The Courier* only: Comisin Nacional de la Unesco en Chile, alameda B . O'Higgins 1611, 3 . " INDIA: Orient Longmans Ltd.: Nicol Road, Ballard Estate, B O M B A Y I; 17 Chittaranjan Ave., C A L C U T T A 13; piso, S A N T I A G O . 36A Mount Road, M A D R A S 2; Kanson House, 1/24 Asaf C H I N A : The World Book Co. Ltd., 99 Chungking Ali Road, P . O . Box 386, N E W D E L H I I. South Road, Section if T A I P E H (Taiwan/Formosa). Sub-depots: Oxford Book and Stationery Co., 17 Park Street, C A L C U T T A 16, and Scindia House, N E W D E L H I ; C O L O M B I A : Librera Buchholz Galera, avenida JimIndian National Commission for Co-operation with nez de Quesada 8-40, B O G O T A ; Ediciones Tercer Unesco, Ministry of Education, N E W D E L H I 3. Mundo, apartado areo 4817, B O G O T A ; Comit Regional de la Unesco, Universidad Industrial de Santander, I N D O N E S I A : P. T . N . ,Permata-Nusantara\ C/o DepartB U C A R A M A N G A ; Distrilibros Ltd., Po Alfonso Garca, ment of Commerce, D jalan N usan tara 22, D J A K A R T A . calle Don Sancho, n. 01 36-119 y 36-125, C A R T A G E N A ; J. Germn Rodrguez N . , oficina 201, Edificio Banco de Bogot, apartado nacional 83, G I R A R D O T , Cundinamarca; Escuela Interamericana de Bibliotecologa, Universidad de Antioqula, M E D E L L I N ; Librera Universitaria, Universidad Pedaggica de Colombia, T U N J A . I R A N : Commission nationale iranienne pour l'Unesco, avenue du Muse, T H R A N . IRAQ: McKenzie's BAGHDAD. Bookshop, Al-Rashid Street,

IRELAND: The National Press, 2 Wellington Road, C O N G O : La Librairie, Institut politique congolais, B a l l s b r i d g e , DUBLIN 4. B.P. 2307, LOPOLOVILLE. I S R A E L : Emanuel Brown, formerly Blumstein's BookC O S T A R I C A : AU publications. Trejos Hermanos, S.A., stores, 35 Allenby Road, and 48 Nahlat Benjamin apartado 1313, S A N J O S . Street, T E L Aviv. For 'The Courier' only: Carlos Valerin Senz & Co. I T A L Y : Librera Commission aria Sanson i S.p.A., via Ltda., 'El Palacio de las Revistas', apartado 1294, S A N Lamarmora 45, casella pstale 552, F I R E N Z E ; Librera JOS. Internazionale Rizzoli, Largo Chighi, R O M A ; Librera Zanichelli, Portici del Pavaglione, B O L O G N A ; Hoepli, C U B A : Distribuidora Nacional de Publicaciones, Nepvia Ulrico Hoepli 5, M I L A N O ; Librairie franaise, tuno 674, L A H A B A N A . piazza Castello 9, T O R I N O . C Y P R U S : ' M A M ' , Archbishop Makarios 3rd Avenue, I V O R Y C O A S T : Centre d'dition et de diffusion a f r i P . O . B . 1722, NICOSIA. caines, bote postale 4541, ABIDJAN PLATEAU. C Z E C H O S L O V A K I A : S N T L , Spalena 51, P R A H A I {Permanent display); Zahranicni literatura, Bilkova 4, J A M A I C A : Sangster's Book R o o m , 91 Harbour Street, KINGSTON. P R A H A I. J A P A N : Maru2en Co. Ltd., 6 Tori-Nichome, Nihonbashi. D E N M A R K : Ejnar Munksgaard Ltd., Prags BouleP . O . Box 605, Tokyo Central, T O K Y O . vard 47, K O B E N H A V N S. J O R D A N : Joseph I. Bahous & Co., Dar-ul Kutub, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: L i b r e r a Dominicana, MerSalt Road. P . O . Box 66, A M M A N . cedes 49, apartado de correos 656, SANTO D O M I N G O .

K E N Y A : E S A Bookshop, P . O . Box

30167, N A I R O B I . Unesco,

K O R E A : Korean National Commission for P . O . Box Central 64, S E O U L .

P O L A N D : Osrodek, Rozpowszechniania Wydawnictw Naukowych P A N , Palac Kultury i Nauki, W A R S Z A W A . P O R T U G A L : Dias & Andra de Lda., rua do Carmo 70, LISBOA, Livraria Portugal,

L E B A N O N : Librairie Dar Al-Maaref Liban, S . A . L . immeuble Esseily, 3 e tage, place Riad El-Solh, B . P . 2320, B E Y R O U T H . L I B E R I A : Cole & Yancy Bookshops Ltd.,
MONROVIA.

P U E R T O R I C O : Spanish English Publications, Eleanor Roosevelt 115, apartado 1912, H A T O R E Y . S O U T H E R N R H O D E S I A : The Book Centre, and Educational Supply Co., Colonial Mutual Building,
SALISBURY.

P . O . Box

286,

L I B Y A : Orient Bookshop, P . O . Box 255, T R I P O L I . L I E C H T E N S T E I N : Eurocan Trust Reg., SCHAAN. LUXEMBOURG. nale de la Rpublique malgache, Ministre de l'ducation nationale, T A N A N A R I V E . For 'The Courier' only: Service des uvres post et pri-scolaires, Ministre de l'ducation nationale, T A N A N A R I V E . M A L A Y S I A : Federal Publications Ltd., Times House, River Valley Road, S I N G A P O R E , Pudu Building (3rd floor), n o Jalan Pudu, K U A L A L U M P U R . M A L T A : Sapienza's Library, 26 Kingsway,
PORT-LOUIS.

P . O . B . 124,

R U M A N I A : Cartimex, Str. Aristide Briand P . O . Box 134-135, B U C U R E S T I . SENEGAL: DAKAR.

14-18,

L U X E M B O U R G : Librairie Paul Brck, 22 Grand-Rue,

La Maison du Livre, 13, avenue Roume,

SINGAPORE: See Malaysia. MADAGASCAR: All publications. Commission natioS O U T H A F R I C A : Van Schaik's Bookstore (Pty) Ltd., Libri Building, Church Street, P . O . Box 724, P R E TORIA.

S P A I N : All publications. Librera Cientfica Medinaceli, Duque de Medinaceli 4, M A D R I D 14. For 'The Courier' only: Ediciones Iberoamericanas S.A., calle de Oate 15, M A D R I D . SUDAN: TOUM. AI Bashir Bookshop, P . O . Box 1118. KHAR-

VALLETTA.

M A U R I T I U S : Nalanda Co. Ltd., 30 Bourbon Street, MEXICO: Editorial Hermes, Ignacio Marisca 41,

S W E D E N : All publications. A / B C. E. Fritzes Kungl.

Hovbokhandel, Fredsgatan 2, STOCKHOLM 16. For 'The Courier' only: Svenska Unescordet, Vasagatan 15-17, S T O C K H O L M C.

MXICO D.F.

M O N A C O : British Library, 30, boulevard des Moulins,

MONTE-CARLO.

SWITZERLAND: Europa Verlag, Rmistrasse 5, Z R I C H ; Librairie Payot, 6, rue Grenus, 1211, G E N V E M O R O C C O : All publications. Librairie ' A u x belles 11. images', 281, avenue M o h a m m e d V , R A B A T (CCP S Y R I A : Librairie internationale Avicenne, bote postale 68-74). Fr 'The Courier' {for teachers) only: C o m 2456, D A M A S . mission nationale marocaine pour I'Unesco, 20, Zenkat Mourabitine, R A B A T , (CCP 307-63.) T A N Z A N I A : Dar es Salaam Bookshop, P . O . Box 9030, D A R ES SALAAM. M O Z A M B I Q U E : Salema and Carvalho Ltda., caixa postal 192, BEIRA. Nijhoff, Lange

THAILAND: Suksapan Panit, Mansion 9, Rajdamnern

Avenue, B A N G K O K . TUNISIA: Socit tunisienne de diffusion, 5, avenue de Carthage, T U N I S . T U R K E Y : Librairie Hachette, 469 IstikJal Caddesi, Beyoglu, I S T A N B U L . U G A N D A : Uganda Bookshop, P . O . Box 145, KAMPALA.

NETHERLANDS: N . V . Martinus Voorhout 9, ' S - G R A V E N H A G E ,

N E T H E R L A N D S A N T I L L E S : G . C . T . V a n Dorp and Co. (Ned. Ant.) N . V . , W I L L E M S T A D (Curaao, N.A.). N E W C A L E D O N I A : Reprex, avenue de la Victoire, Immeuble Painbouc, N O U M A . NEW Z E A L A N D : Government Printing Office, 20 Molesworth Street (Private Bag), W E L L I N G T O N ; Government Bookshops: A U C K L A N D (P.O. Box 5344);
CHRISTCHURCH (P.O. Box 1721); DUNEDIN (P.O.

U N I T E D A R A B R E P U B L I C : Librairie Kasr El Nil, 38, rue Kasr El Nil, C A I R O . Sub-depot: La Renaissance d'Egypte, 9 Sh. Adly Pasha, C A I R O (Egypt). U N I T E D K I N G D O M : H . M . Stationery Office, P . O . Box 569, L O N D O N , S . E . I ; Government bookshops: London, Belfast, Birmingham, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Manchester. U N I T E D S T A T E S O F A M E R I C A : Unesco Publications Center (NAIP), 317 East 34th St., N E W Y O R K , N . Y . 10016. U R U G U A Y : Hctor D'EIa, Representacin de EditoMONTEVIDEO. U.S.S.R.: Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga, M O S K V A G-200. V E N E Z U E L A : Distribuidora Venezolana de Publicaciones ( D I P U V E N ) , 2.* calle transversal Bello Monte, local G-i (entre calle Real de Sabana Grande y avenida Casanova), apartado de correos 10440, C A R A C A S . For single copies of 'The Courier': Press Agencias S.A., Edificio El Nacional, apartado 2763, C A R A C A S . Cable: P A S A . V I E T - N A M : Librairie-papeterie rue T u - D o , B . P . 283, S A I G O N . YUGOSLAVIA: BEOGRAD. Xun-Thu, 185-193

Box 1104). N I C A R A G U A : Librera Cultural Nicaragense, calle 15 de Septiembre y avenida Bolivar, apartado n. 807, MANAGUA.

NIGERIA: CMS (Nigeria) Bookshops, P.O. Box

LAGOS.

174,

N O R W A Y : All publications. A.S. Bokhjornet, L i l l e riales, calle Colonia 1060,

Grensen 7, O S L O . For 'The Courier' only: A . S . Narvesens Litteraturjeneste, Box 6125, O S L O . P A K I S T A N : The West-Pak Publishing Co. Ltd., Unesco Publications House, P . O . Box 374, 56-N Gulberg Industrial Colony, L A H O R E . P A R A G U A Y : Agencia de Libreras de Salvador Nizza, Vegros, entre 25 de Mayo y Meal. Estigarribia,
ASUNCIN.

P E R U : Distribuidora I N C A S.A., Emilio Althaus 470, apartado 3115, L I M A . P H I L I P P I N E S : The Modern Book Co., 508 Riza Avenue, M A N I L A .

Jugoslovenska Knjiga,

Terazije 27,

UNESCO

K COUPONS

Unesco Book Coupons can be used to purchase all books and periodicals of an educational, scientific or cultural character. For f u l l information please write to: Unesco Coupon Office, place de Fontenoy, Paris-7e, France. [3]