Articles on National Issues

1Climate Change and infectious diseases

Climate Change and infectious diseases

A range of infectious diseases can be influenced by climate conditions. The diseases most sensitive to influence by ambient climate conditions are those spread not by person-to-person pathways but directly from the source: the water- and food-borne diseases as well as vector-borne diseases (which involve insects or rodents within the pathogen's life cycle).

Water- and Food borne Diseases

Waterborne diseases are likely to become a greater problem as climate change continues and affects both freshwater and marine ecosystems. In freshwater systems, both water quantity and water quality can be affected by climate change. In marine waters, changes in temperature and salinity will affect coastal ecosystems in ways that may increase the risk of certain diseases. Waterborne diseases are particularly sensitive to changes in the hydrologic cycle. Both water quantity and water quality play a role in waterborne disease. The impact of climate change on water quantity is relatively straightforward. In some regions precipitation is expected to increase, whereas in others decreased precipitation, even to the point of ongoing drought, is predicted. Water shortages contribute to poor hygiene and that in turn contributes to diarrheal disease, especially in poor countries. At the other extreme, increased precipitation, including severe rainfall events, can lead to flooding. Climate change, and associated severe weather events, can affect water quality in more complex ways. Many community water systems are already overwhelmed by extreme rainfall events. Flooding can contaminate drinking water with runoff from sewage lines, containment lagoons (such as those used in animal feeding operations), or nonpoint source pollution (such as agricultural fields) across watersheds. Runoff can exceed the capacity of the sewer system or treatment plants, which then discharge the excess wastewater directly into surface water bodies. Urban watersheds sustain more than 60 percent of their annual contaminant loads during storm events. Turbidity also increases during storm events, and studies have linked turbidity and illness in many communities. Intense rainfall can also contaminate recreational waters and increase the risk of human illness. For example, heavy runoff leads to higher bacterial counts in rivers in coastal areas and at beaches along the coast; this association is strongest at the beaches closest to rivers. This suggests that the risk of swimming at some beaches increases with heavy rainfall, a predicted consequence of climate change. According to the 2007 report of the IPCC, heavy precipitation events are expected to increase under climate change scenarios.

Marine Ecosystems
Warm water and nitrogen favor blooms of marine algae, including two groups, dinoflagellates and diatoms, that can release toxins into the marine environment. These harmful algal blooms (HABs)

previously called red tidescan cause acute paralytic, diarrheic, and amnesic poisoning in humans, as well as extensive die-offs of fish, shellfish, and marine mammals and birds that depend on the marine food web. Over the past three decades the frequency and global distribution of harmful algal blooms appear to have increased, and more human intoxication from algal sources has occurred. Ciguatera, a form of poisoning caused by ingesting fish that contains toxins from several dinoflagellate species, could also expand its range. This condition has been linked to sea surface temperature in some Pacific Islands. The incidence of diarrhea from other pathogens also shows temperature sensitivity, which may in turn signal sensitivity to changing climate. During the 1997 and 1998 El Nio event, winter temperatures in Lima, Peru, increased more than 5C above normal, and the daily hospital admission rates for diarrhea more than doubled compared to rates over the prior five years (Checkley and others, 2000) (Figure 10.9). Long-term studies of the El Nio Southern Oscillation, or ENSO, have confirmed this pattern. ENSO refers to natural year-to-year variations in sea surface temperatures, surface air pressure, rainfall, and atmospheric circulation across the equatorial Pacific Ocean. This cycle provides a model for observing climate-related changes in many ecosystems. ENSO has had an increasing role in explaining cholera outbreaks in recent years, perhaps because of concurrent climate change. Overall there is growing evidence that climate change can contribute to the risk of waterborne diseases in both marine and freshwater ecosystems.

Food-borne Diseases
More frequent warm days and greater humidity can change the incidence of food borne infectious diseases. Temperatures contribute to an estimated 30 percent of cases of salmonellosis in much of continental Europe, especially when they exceed a threshold of 6C above average (Kovats and others, 2004). Other food-borne agents, such as campylobacter, are also seasonal but are not as strongly linked to temperature fluctuations. Food spoilage is temperature dependent, as pest species, especially flies, rodents, and cockroaches, have increased contact with food at higher temperatures. Vector-borne pathogens spend part of their life cycle in cold-blooded arthropods that are subject to many environmental factors. Changes in weather and climate that can affect transmission of vectorborne diseases include variations in temperature, rainfall, wind, extreme flooding or drought, and sea-level rise. Rodent-borne pathogens can be affected indirectly by ecological determinants of food sources affecting rodent population size, and floods can displace and lead them to seek food and refuge.

Vector-Borne Diseases
Vector-borne diseases, as a class, are one of the best studied health impacts of climate change. These are infectious diseases, caused by protozoa, bacteria, and viruses, that are spread by organisms such as mosquitoes and ticks. The life cycle of these pathogens involves much time outside the human host and therefore much exposure to and influence by environmental conditions. The incubation time of a vector-borne infectious agent within its vector organism is typically very sensitive to changes in temperature and humidity. The term tropical diseases is a reminder that each pathogen or vector species thrives in a limited range of climatic conditions.

Mosquito-Borne Diseases
Malaria and arboviruses are transmitted to humans by mosquitoes. Because insects are coldblooded, climate change can shift the distribution of mosquito populations, affect mosquito biting rates and survival, and shorten or lengthen pathogen development time inside the mosquito, which ultimately determines infectivity. Malaria is a temperature-sensitive disease. According to the World Health Organization 1996, malaria is the vector-borne disease most sensitive to long-term climate change. The incidence of malaria in highly endemic areas varies seasonally. In various regions, malaria has been shown to alter in response to weather perturbations. For example in the Punjab, excessive monsoon rainfall and resultant high humidity have been recognized for years as major factors in the occurrence of malaria epidemics. Malarial mosquito populations can be exquisitely sensitive to warming; an increase in temperature of just half a degree centigrade can translate into a 30 to 100 percent increase in mosquito abundance, demonstrating a biological amplification by temperature effects. Arboviruses include the causative agents of dengue fever, West Nile virus, chikungunya, and Rift Valley fever. Each of these may be affected by climate. Dengue fever is transmitted by the Aedes aegypti mosquito, and in laboratory studies, the rate of virus replication in the mosquito increases directly with temperature. Biologically based models have been developed to explore the influence of projected temperature change on the incidence of dengue fever. When linked to future climate change projections, these models suggest that relatively small increases in temperature in temperate regions, given viral introduction into a susceptible human population, are likely to increase the potential for epidemics. Modeling of Aedes mosquito populations in relation to climate variation suggests a strong association, and when the model is applied retrospectively, these changes are strongly correlated with historical changes in Dengue fever incidence.

Rodent-Borne Diseases
Hantavirus infections are transmitted largely by exposure to infectious excreta from rodents and may cause serious disease and a high fatality rate in humans. When hantavirus pulmonary syndrome newly emerged in the Southwest United States in 1993, it was associated with weather conditions, including El Nio-driven heavy rainfall, that led to a growth in rodent populations and subsequent disease transmission (Glass and others, 2000). Extreme flooding or hurricanes can lead to outbreaks of leptospirosis. An epidemic of leptospirosis in Nicaragua followed heavy flooding in 1995. In one case-control study, walking through flooded waters was associated with a fifteen fold increased risk of disease.

2 Internet and Terrorism

Internet and Terrorism

Many aspects of our modern society now have either a direct or implicit dependence upon information technology (IT). As such, a compromise of the availability or integrity in relation to these systems (which may encompass such diverse domains as banking, government, health care, and law enforcement) could have dramatic consequences from a societal perspective. In many modern business environments, even the short-term, temporary interruption of Internet and e-mail connectivity can have a significantly disruptive effect, forcing people to revert to other forms of communication that are now viewed as less convenient. Imagine, then, the effect if the denial of service was over the long-term and also affected the IT infrastructure in general. Many governments are now coming to this realisation. The term terrorist or terrorism is a highly emotive term. But the general term, terrorist, is used to denote revolutionaries who seek to useterror systematically to further their views or to govern a particular area. Cyber terrorism is a different form of terrorism since physical systematic terror does not occur (unless, for example, the attack causes a critical system to fail), but systematic wide spread destruction of information resources can occur. The problem relates to the fact that aterrorist group could easily be perceived as a resistance group carrying out lawful actions. In the context of this article all groups will be defined as terrorist/resistance groups in order to give a neutral perception of their activities and aims. Recent years have seen organisations. This has led termed cyber terrorism. This physical terrordoes not occur and resources. the wides preaduse of information technology by terrorist-type to the emergence of a new class of threat, which has been can be viewed as distinct from traditional terrorism since and efforts are instead focused upon attacking information systems

When viewed from the perspective of skills and techniques, there is little to distinguish cyber terrorists from the general classification of hackers. Both groups require and utilise

an arsenal of techniques in order to breach the security of target systems. From a motivational perspective, however, cyber terrorists are clearly different, operating with a specific political or ideological agenda to support their actions. This in turn may result in more focused and determined efforts to achieve their objectives and more considered selection of suitable targets for attack. However, the difference does not necessarily end there and other factors should be considered. Firstly, the fact that cyber terrorists are part of an organised group could mean that they have funding available to support their activities. This in turn would mean that individual hackers could be hired to carry out attacks on behalf of a terrorist organisation (effectively subcontracting the necessary technical expertise). In this situation, the hackers themselves may not believe in the terrorists cause, but will undertake the work for financial gain Terrorist groups have difficulty in relaying their political messages to the general public without being censored: They can now use theInternet for this purpose. Different terrorist groups and political parties are now using the Internet for a variety of different purposes. Some examples are:

Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA): In 1997, a Peruvian terrorist group know as MRTA took over the Japanese embassy in Peru taking a number of hostages. During this time, the Web Site of the MRTA contained messages from MRTA members inside the embassy as well as updates and pictures of the drama as it happened. Chechen rebels: Chechen rebels have been using the Internet to fight the Russians in a propaganda war. The rebels claimed to have shot down a Russian fighter jet, a claim refuted by the Russians until a picture of the downed jet was shown on the official Web site of the Chechen rebels. The Russians were forced to admit their jet had in fact been shot down. Fundraising: Azzam Publications, based in London and named after Sheikh Abdullah Azzam, a mentor of Osama bin Laden; is a site dedicated to Jihad around the world and linked to Al Qaeda. It is alleged that the Azzam Publications site, which sold Jihad related material from books to videos, was raising funds for the Taliban in Afghanistan and for guerrillas fighting the Russians in Chechyna. After September 11, Azzam Publications came under increased pressure to the point where its products could no longer be purchased through their site. In a farewell message published on their site they provide alternatives to ensure that funds can still be raised and sent around the world to fight the struggle. In 2002 the main Azzam site went back online, offering the same fundraising options. The new site also mirrored itself around the world and provides its content in a number of languages including: Arabic, English, German, Spanish, Indonesian, Bosnian, Turkish, Malay, Albanian, Ukranian, French, Swedish, Dutch, Italian, Urdu, and Somalian. The reason for doing this according to the Azzam site is to protect against Western Censorship Laws. It will probably prove to be difficult to close the Azzam site in the future, when the information is mirrored around the Internet in a variety of languages. Information warfare: Cyber terrorism or the more appropriate term information warfare as discussed earlier is becoming a common technique used to attack organisations. Cyber terrorist groups employ what is known as hacktivism. Hacktivists are activists involved in defacing the site of an enemy for a political cause for example, a cyber terrorism group or a group acting on behalf of a cyber terrorism group

Another observation is that cyber attacks offer the capability for terrorist activities with widerreaching impacts. With traditional terroristactivities, such as bombings, the impacts are isolated within specific physical locations and communities. In this context, the wider populous act only as observers and are not directly affected by the actions. Furthermore, acts of violence are not necessarily the most effective way of making a political or ideological point-the media and public attention is more likely to focus upon the destruction of property and/or loss of life than whatever cause the activity was intended to promote. The ability of cyber terrorism activities to affect a wider population may give the groups involved greater leverage in terms of achieving their objectives, whilst at the same time ensuring that no immediate long-term damage is caused which could cloud

the issue. For example, in a denial of service scenario, if the threatened party was to accede to the terrorist demands, then the situation could (ostensibly at least) be returned to that which existed prior to the attack (i.e. with service resumed). This is not the case in a physical incident when death or destruction has occurred. Cyber terrorists operate with a political agenda. This motivation (which could often be more accurately described as fanaticism) will mean these types of attacks will be more specifically targeted and aimed at more critical systems. This collective action would do more harm than the action of a single hacker. There is also the issue of funding, since terrorist groups could have substantial funds available, they could easily employ hackers to act on their behalf. Whether we like it or not, we have developed a significant (and increasing) dependence upon information technology. The Internet is available 24 hours a day and cyber terrorist groups that view developed countries as a target will be able to attack 24 hours a day. This means that all organisations could feel the impact as their sites are attacked just because they happen to be in Australian, Japan, USA, and so forth. Only the future will show the risks that we face from the threat of cyber terrorism

3 Cyber Terrorism

Cyber Terrorism
Some important related terms
1. Counterterrorism (CT): Any and all measures and efforts to confront different layers and different phases of terrorism, through intelligence, military operations, public education, protection, and "hardening of targets, and so forth. Although purely defensive in its ultimate goals of protecting innocents, successful CT must form an offensive and be aggressive in nature, in order to precede the terrorists. 2. Cyber Planning: The digital coordination of an integrated plan stretching across geographical boundaries that may or may not result in bloodshed. It can include cyberterrorism as part of the overall plan (Thomas, 2003). The Internet is widely being used as a cyber planning tool for terrorists. It provides terrorists with anonymity, command and control resources, and a host of other measures to coordinate and integrate attack options. 3. Cyber Terrorism: The intentional use or threat of use, without legally recognized authority, of violence, disruption, or interference against cyber systems, when it is likely that such use would result in death or injury of a person or persons, substantial damage to physical property, civil disorder, or significant economic harm 4. Knowledge: Since data are any signals, and information is putting the data in-aformation, which gains it meaning in order to inform; knowledge is information in a context. Thus, it is always dynamic, contextual, and difficult to manage. Knowledge is commonly divided into tacit knowledge inherent in people (hence processes or people can be managed rather than knowledge directly), and "explicit knowledge; that is more easily managed directly. This is a working definition for the sake of this chapter (not dealing in epistemology per se). 5. Knowledge Management (KM): Out of various definitions of KM, the APQC define knowledge management as strategies and processes to create, identify, capture, and

6.

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leverage vital skills, information, and knowledge to enable people to best accomplish the organization missions. Low Intensity Conflict (LIC): A military confrontation in which at least one side is either not a regular army (e.g., guerilla forces, insurgents) or not deployed in full scale. Hence it is usually characterized by asymmetric forceswith contradictious symmetry in the ability to implement force advantages, on a prolonged time-axis. NetWar: An emerging mode of conflict in which the protagonists.. .use network forms of organization, doctrine, strategy, and technology attuned to the information age (Arquilla et al., 2001). Postmodern Terrorism: Terrorism that transcends previous paradigms of organizational affiliation or hierarchy, and is able to affect directly the change of reality, rather than through proxies (like public opinion or policy makers). Signal Intelligence (SIGINT): Quantifiably, most of the intelligence data comes from SIGINT sources. These may include electronic signatures (ELINT) or communications content analysis (COMINT). The field of SIGINT forms acute challenges for both for MIS and for knowledge management due to the vast amount of data accumulated daily and the need to find the needle in a haystack. Social Network Analysis (SNA): Drawing from social network theory, a social network analysis in CT allows mapping visually the invisible dynamics of a terrorist-networked community, obtained through their communications. This helps portray specific node individuals and clusters that deserve attention. State Sponsored Terrorism: Terrorism that is either directly sponsored by, or builds on infrastructure supported in, a defined and recognized national entity. Terrorism: Terrorism is the intentional use of, or threat to use violence against civilians or against civilian targets, in order to attain political aims. Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD): Weapons used by terrorist organizations that are aimed to inflict maximum casualties, in crowds or large number of civilians. Although in literature and media the term is used foremost to more sophisticated weapons (i.e., chemical, biological, or radioactive) in fact conventional weapons may become weapons of mass destruction through suicide bombers as precision weapons.

Terrorism and Cyber World

Terrorist organizations are going through fundamental changes that other organizations went through in the post industrial age. Many of these changes are derived from implementation and management of knowledge and innovation, towards devastating action and effective knowledge centric networks. This understanding is the key to confront them, since terrorism is a societal phenomenon, and as such is closely integrated with changes in our knowledge society. Terrorists themselves are knowledge-workers, with the skills and abilities to leverage technology and information technology (IT) towards their goals. Thus, cyber terrorism goes beyond the phenomenon of implementing IT to interfere with other IT systems (harmful as it may be) that is widely covered in other chapters in this book. Cyber terrorism is the convergence of cyberspace and terrorism, and is closely entwined with nonvirtual terrorist activities and global terrorism. Cyberspace and IT allows the terrorists the same advantages that the postindustrial (or postmodern) information era allows any knowledge worker, and any global (or virtual) organization. The societal power-shift from large organizations to small groups and individuals gives the terrorist the ability to maximize their ability to communicate, collect

intelligence, learn, plan, and inflict terror through a network of operatives and cells. It expands the concept of cyber terrorism: cyberspace as an infrastructure to support terrorism that is nonrelated to IT. Insight into this new nature of terrorism shows it is no longer an agent of change through proxies and secondary mediums (such as public opinion or decision makers), but rather a devastating instrument able to cause direct change, effecting 1,000s and even whole populations. The most sophisticated weapons (WMDs) are implemented (through highly technical knowledge) vs. the most sophisticated usage of the most primitive weapons. Suicide bombers become precision weapons (WMDs), through knowledge and innovation. Terrorists themselves are knowledge-workers, enjoying the global Internet infrastructure for secure knowledge exchange independent of geographical location. This brought about the evolution in smuggling tangibles (such as explosives via sea) by Hizbulla from Lebanon, to smuggling tangible information media (e.g., Knaana brothers case in Israel, attempting to smuggle how-to manuals and terrorism guidebooks on memory chips hidden in electrical appliances) and to contemporary cyber terrorism online knowledge-centers. Hammas can now openly give technical classes in preparing bombs over the Web, and significance of knowledge transfer and learning is apparent in Al- Qaida media found in Afghanistan. The persistent cyber-learner may even find voluminous WMD-related knowledge online. Terrorist organizations are by nature intuitive learning organizations. The more sophisticated a nations infrastructurethe more vulnerable it may become. Interdependencies of electrical power grids, accessible computerized systems and other soft targets, allow potential for terrorist intruders. By relying on intricate networks and concentrating vital assets in small geographic clusters, advanced Western nations only amplify the destructive power of terroristsand the psychological and financial damage they can inflict. Knowledge is (and always was) a main resource for countering terrorism. Sharing and managing knowledge (not just information and not just intelligence) as a resource within the international counterterrorism (CT) communities is essentialas is depriving terrorists of that resource where possible. That has been a concern mainly where the knowledge was part of the weapon itself, like in the case of WMD-related knowledge. However, acknowledgement derived from our profound understanding of the role of knowledge in society brings further insights and operational possibilities, as knowledge may act in some cases as a WMD in itself. It follows that organizational forms and theories, familiar to us from the postindustrial (or postmodern) corporate world, of networked or virtual organizations, are being adapted by terrorist organizationsand should be understood in that context. When the other side plays soccer, we as hierarchies continue playing American football, while these are two different ball games. The strategic lessons learned in the last decade in the industry should be projected onto postmodern CT. (i.e., keep the strategic planning, advantages and defense gear of one ball game, while playing another, in fact not seeking to rigidly define that ball game paradigm). In this new form of warfare the NetWar it takes a network to beat a network.

4 e-Transformation in Governance
e-Transformation in Governance

We defined governance as coordination and interaction in the policy-making processes. ETransformation of these processes refers to the fact that information society development profoundly affects the relationships of different actors, forms, and channels of communication and interaction, and the entire fabric of network and partnership relations. In brief, e-transformation in governance is, in practice, about the emergence of electronic governance (abbreviated to e-governance). It is about how ICTs can be utilized in developing governance practices, and how these e-enabled practices, in turn, change the preconditions of governance. The transformational aspect of governance leads us back to the issue of the information society, which forms a background for understanding a wider transformative nature of ICTs. An information society is the social setting in which the informational mode of development restructures every realm of society, thus changing production, consumption, communication, and regulatory processes from industrial to informational. Consequently, in the public domain, there is a gradual transition from centralized, hierarchical, and territorially defined governments to e-governance adaptive to networking, space of flows, virtual reality, knowledge-based practices, and global interdependencies. It must be emphasized that governance in the information age is, to a large extent, working with and through networks. This is a true challenge to public organizations that should be able to "reinvent" their role as public authorities, i.e., to define governmental functions and then build up new institutional configurations that support a networked and distributed model of e-governance. The transformative power of e-enabled practices is not only in that it streamlines existing processes. It is also about rethinking and reengineering all aspects of governance. In this way, it helps to tackle novel problems and trends that relate to such recent challenges as innovativeness, civic competence, and increased competition.

The Role of Technological Mediation

The introduction of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in the public sector in the 1960s in most of the advanced countries started to reshape their data-processing activities, such as record keeping and financial administration. Electronic systems started to replace manual systems. Yet, this led to the centralization of a large part of information processing, for the early computers were large and expensive. Since the 1980s, the use of personal computers began to increase in public organizations, and local area networks (LANs) started to be built up. However, the approach to the utilization of ICTs long remained conservative, concentrating mainly on records and financial management and related internal functions. This picture started to change dramatically in the 1990s due to technological development, increased pressures, and new ways of working in the public sector. At the core of this revolution was the Internet . Along with this new wave, the democratic potential of ICTs became a global issue. Since the 1990s, a need for reconstruction of technology along more democratic lines has become apparent. We need a better understanding of technology, a kind of democratic theory of technology. In brief, new ICTs have potential to restructure government and to strengthen democracy, and to create a closer relationship between public administration and citizens, in particular. It has even been said that new ICTs applied by government contribute to the emergence of a different type of governance, i.e., toward more "direct" government, as concluded by. Yet, technology as such is not the core enabler in this transformative process. Rather, it is a kind of coevolution of technology and institutional arrangements that bring about new forms of democratic e-governance. At an operational level, concretized this idea by stating that the contribution of technology to the process of democracy is "better quality information, a more direct communication between citizens and their administration, a more transparent administration, and the ability to create virtual

environments that facilitate the understanding and analysis of public policies". Where the impact of ICTs is the most obvious is in the interactive and communicational processes. The main aspects of governance in which the ICTs can make a difference include the following: 1. Information and knowledge processes Efficient distribution and sharing of information Larger stocks of information and knowledge available to stakeholders 2. Communication and learning More efficient and transparent forms and patterns of communication Improved learning capabilities of stakeholders 3. Organization and management Pooling resources through networks and partnerships New ways of working and streamlining work processes Improving negotiation practices and utilizing new facilitation mechanisms Effective facilitation of network management 4. Social capital Trust and social capital in governance relations Reduced social friction and transaction costs 5. Democratic control Improved decision-making processes Increased openness, transparency, and accountability Improved chances for participatory, deliberative, and inclusive governance In technological terms, these processes are facilitated through such generic technologies and applications as groupware and decision support systems, intranet and extranet solutions, databases, e-mail, the World Wide Web, and other services of the Internet. They make possible the practices of e-governance, provided that citizens have sufficient basic computer skills and access to information networks. User interfaces also need to be designed so that they are easy to use, including userfriendly and informative portal solutions. These are needed for the functioning technological mediation of democratic governance processes

5Geopolitics of India

Geopolitics of India
India has entered a period of uncertainty. Indias business environment in the next decade is expected to be influenced as much by external geopolitical factors, as by the countrys initiatives in the area of economic, social, political and judicial reforms. While reforms are very much within the realm of choices that India can make, it is necessary to examine if and to what extent India can influence the emerging geopolitical outlook. The developments that would shape this outlook may not necessarily be easily determined based on an analysis of present trends. They are more likely to be a series of discontinuities; therefore, there is a need to identify key uncertainties. In order to do this, one needs to take a view that transcends the traditional India- Pakistan prism and consider broader developments that may have an impact on Indias geopolitical outlook. Indias geopolitical needs have to be examined in a world order where the United States has supremacy in military ideology and economy; NATO is the predominant military coalition in the world; democracy is at least notionally accepted as the universal ideology of governance; the free market is the dominant instrument of conducting economic relations; and technology is the greatest driver of economic growth. It is a paradigm where elite societies seek to maintain security in a disorderly and volatile world, where regional powers such as China, Russia and Iran seek to protect their sovereignty and influence. Constructive non-state actors such as NGOs, as well as destructive non-state actors, such as terrorist groups, are challenging the present economic and political structure. The way that these groups are managed in the next few years will be a key determinant of the geopolitical outlook, not just for India, but also for the whole world. We are in a phase in history where the new rules of conduct of international relations are being framed with the doctrine of pre-emption, subordination of sovereignty and primacy of prosperity. The nation-state remains the primary principle for organizing societies, though it is increasingly being challenged by forces within and outside its control. Economics and information have emerged, in addition to the military, as the main currencies of power. It is an era where the theater of primary geopolitical action has shifted from Europe to Asia, an era in which developments in Pakistan, Central and West Asia, and China will determine Indias geopolitical outlook more than its immediate neighbours in South Asia. These events provide India with both a challenge and an opportunity to influence the shape of the decade to come. The manner in which India makes decisions relating to its foreign policy and strategic neighborhood will determine its future.

Four Scenarios
Four scenarios comprising alternative policy mixes that India may choose within the framework of directions set by identified drivers are developed. These include American ambitions in Asia, internal dynamics in West Asian countries, Chinas economic resurgence, polarization in

Pakistan, risk of a war over water between India and Pakistan, changing approach to international relations, and economic disparities within the country. The policy mix chosen by India will very much depend on the vision of the country. From 1950 to 1990, India had a vision of itself as a self-reliant, non-aligned, secular state, albeit disregarding its economic potential. From 1991 to 2001, India viewed itself as a globalizing economy, but an increasingly fractious society. From 2002 to 2020, India would like to see itself transform from a developing to a developed country. There are four possible scenarios for Indias geopolitical outlook for the future. The first compares India to a Frog in the Pond, who looks at the sky above him, muses about it, but is essentially focused on the pond that he lives in. India looks at the big wide world, muses about its permanent membership at the UN Security Council, but conducts its geopolitics very much from an Indian-Pakistani prism. The domestic ramification of this is that it favors a development strategy, which benefits the top 20%really 2%of the people, ignoring the vast Indian population. In this scenario, U.S. Secretary of State, EU officials, Chinese and Japanese leaders regularly visit India but they want to discuss strategic stability in South Asia and the resumption of IndiaPakistan talks. They do not consider it relevant to engage India in core decisions on global issues, except as a courtesy. On the other hand, India maintains normal relations with China and Iran, mostly in trade, but does not consider nurturing strategic relations with these countries as a bargaining chip in its negotiations with the U.S. and EU. In economics, India is known as the cost-effective supplier of IT services. In 2010, she earns US$50 billion in exports, but employs only a little over 1 million professionals. Indiais still not seen as a large market but merely a supplier of cheap factors of production The second scenario is that of the Cobra in the Hole. Like a cobra which is secure in its own dwelling, and is not concerned about the outside world, except for the prey that he surreptitiously grabs and eats in the security of his own home, India decides to adopt an inward-looking mold. It focuses on domestic growth and stability. It does not want to have any negotiation with other countries on any issue, except where it is almost essential and when it is seeking an occasional export opportunity to bolster its exchange reserves. In this scenario, the government elected in 2004 decides to put its own house in order through a domestic economic revival. It announces tough carrot-and-stick approaches to deal with terrorism, crime, and other law and order issues. Foreign policy is managed by the professional foreign office. Indias participation in SAARC is nominal. The president represents the country at SAARC government summits from 2004 to 2009. Meanwhile, Pakistan continues to discuss Kashmir. India makes it clear that it will have no talks with Pakistan on this or any other issue. It strengthens defense forces on the border to pre-empt any Pakistani attack and gives security agencies a free hand to deal with terrorists in a brutal manner. India abrogates Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. India is least bothered about the tumultuous changes in China and the Middle East. It introduces stiff conservation measures to ensure its energy security and encourages companies to invest in local oil and gas fields. India accedes to all the global economic and environmental treaties but refuses to accede to any security treaty. It also restricts the entry of international human rights organizations

and the media to the country. In order to protect itself from global uncertainty and irrational Pakistan, India advances its nuclear weapons and missile program, against global criticism. The third scenario is that of a Calf in the Shadow of its mother, depending on the latter for food and security. Here, India joins U.S.-led Western alliance and agrees to toe the line without question. New governments in Washington and New Delhi decide to enter into a security pact in view of the nearing collapse of Pakistan and strong sense of insecurity all over South Asia. India offers independence to the Kashmir valley under U.S. advice, and against domestic protests. FBI is put in service to assist the central government to control opposition at home. The World Bank and other multilateral organizations offer India a huge amount of long-term soft loans to develop urban infrastructure, power, and education. All restrictions on foreign trade and investments are lifted. The rupee is convertible on the capital account. India restricts its dialogue with Russia, China and Iran to economic and technical issues. The politicians with a rural base have very little access to the prime minister who spends most of his time on foreign policy issues. The opposition also takes a leaf from the bookof the ruling party and their leaders cultivate senate staffers and academics in Washington. Indias growth rate goes up to 8%, exports increase and a sense of prosperity arrives in the country by 2010. There are protests in rural areas against growing disparities, but the government manages cohesion by corruption and terrorism by counter-terrorism. Between 2006 and 2010, the biggest problem is terrorism. India now not only attracts terrorist attacks on its own account, but also for being an ally of the Western coalition. The fourth scenario is that of the Lion in the Emblem (the three-faced lion in Indias national emblem), which believes in the victory of principles, and confidently perceives the whole world in all directions. Similarly, India re-formulates its geopolitical vision with confidence and commitment to certain principles. There is a sustained effort to transform the agrarian economy into a productive, well-respected sector, creating employment with high returns for millions of new entrants in the rural labor market. There is substantial decline in youth propensity for crime and terrorism. At the same time, there is a sustained effort to improve the technological edge of the economy by shifting the focus of the IT sector from maintenance to product development, and by developing biotechnology in both pharmaceuticals and agriculture. India launches Resolution, Reconciliation and Reconstruction initiatives in Jammu and Kashmir, the northeastern states and Naxalite-affected parts of central and northern India. Preventive measures are introduced in eastern Gujarat, Bihar and UP. All political parties emphasize genuine secularism and enter into an all-party accord to refrain from using caste and communal cards for electoral purposes. India develops close relations with Europe, Russia, Iran, China and the U.S., and asserts its right to have independent relations with other countries. In 2006, Indian diplomacy launches an initiative for a new world order, with a Marshall Fund-type global transfer mechanism to reduce gaps in resources and know-how. India gathers the support of Russia, China and West Asian countries for this proposal. In 2009, the new U.S. administration endorses these ideas. In 2012, new institutions are created. In 2015, India is in the top bracket of the World Competitiveness Index. G-8, which had become G-9 with the inclusion of China in 2010, is made G-10 in 2015. India is its new member

6 Understanding Cyber Security

Understanding Cyber Security

What Is Cyber Security?
Cyber security refers generally to the ability to control access to networked systems and the information they contain. Where cyber security controls are effective, cyberspace is considered a reliable, resilient, and trustworthy digital infrastructure. Where cyber security controls are absent, incomplete, or poorly designed, cyberspace is considered the wild west of the digital age. Even those who work in the security profession will have a different view of cyber security depending on the aspects of cyberspace with which they personally interact. Whether a system is a physical facility or a collection of cyberspace components, the role of a security professional assigned to that system is to plan for potential attack and prepare for its consequences. Although the word "cyber" is mainstream vernacular, to what exactly it refers is elusive. Once a term of science fiction based on the then-emerging field of computer control and communication known as cybernetics, it now refers generally to electronic automation. The corresponding term "cyberspace" has definitions that range from conceptual to technical, and has been claimed by some to be a fourth domain, where land, sea, and air are the first three (Kuehl 2009). There are numerous definitions of cyberspace and cyber security scattered throughout literature. Our intent is not to engage in a debate on semantics, so we do not include these definitions. Moreover, such debates are unnecessary for our purpose, as we generally use the term "cyber" not as a noun, but as an adjective that modifies its subject with the property of supporting a collection of automated electronic systems accessible over networks. As well reflected in language-usage debates in both the field of cognitive linguistics and popular literature on lexicography, the way language is used by a given community becomes the de facto to the

"cyberspace" and "cyber security" and simply refer to their own current concept of these terms when it makes sense to do so, while keeping in mind that we generally the term cyber as an adjective whose detailed attributes will change with the system of interest. At a high level, cyber security is typically explained in terms of a few triads that describe the objectives of security professionals and their methods, respectively (Bayuk 2010). Three that combine to cover most uses of the term are: prevent, detect, respond people, process, technology confidentiality, integrity, and availability. These reflect the goals of cyber security, the means to achieve cyber security, and the mechanisms by which cyber security goals are achieved, respectively. Prevent, detect, respond addresses goals common to both physical and cyber security. Traditionally, the primary goal of security planning has been to prevent a successful adversary attack. However, all security professionals are aware that it is simply not possible to prevent all attacks, and so planning and preparation must also include methods to detect attacks in progress, preferably before they cause damage. However, whether or not detection processes are effective, once it becomes obvious that a system is threatened, security includes the ability to respond to such incidents. In physical security, the term "first responders" refers to the heroic individuals in policy, fire, and emergency medical professions. Response typically includes repelling the attack, treating human survivors, and safeguarding damaged assets. In cyber security, the third element of the triad is often stated in slightly more optimistic form. Rather than "respond" it is "recover" or "correct." This more positive expectation on the outcome of the third triad activity, to recover rather than simply respond, reflects the literature of information security planning, wherein security management is recommended to include complete reconstitution and recovery of any business-critical system. Because information technology allows diversity, redundancy, and reconstitution for the data and programs required to operate systems, information security professionals expect that damage can be completely allayed. In either case, the lessons learned in response are expected to inform prevention planning, creating a loop of continuous security improvement. People, process, technology addresses methods common to both technology management in general and to cyber security management as a specialized field. This triad observes that systems require operators, and operators must follow established routines in order for systems to accomplish their missions. When applied to security, this triad highlights the fact that security is not achieved by security professionals alone, and also that cyber security cannot be accomplished with technology alone. The system or organization to be secured is acknowledged to include other human elements whose decisions and actions play a vital role in the success of security programs. Even if all these people had motivation and interest to behave securely, they would individually not know how to collectively act to prevent, detect, and recover from harm without preplanned process. So security professionals are expected to weave security programs into existing organizational processes and make strategic use of technology in support of cybersecurity goals. Confidentiality, integrity, and availability addresses the security objectives that are specific to information. Confidentiality refers to a system's capability to limit dissemination of information to authorized use. Integrity refers to ability to maintain the authenticity, accuracy, and provenance of recorded and reported information. Availability refers to the timely delivery of functional capability. These information security goals applied to information even before they were on computers, but the

advent of cyberspace has changed the methods by which the goals are achieved, as well as the relative difficulty of goal achievement. Technologies to support confidentiality, integrity, and availability are often at odds with each other. For example, efforts to achieve a high level of availability for information in cyberspace often make it harder to maintain information confidentiality. Sorting out just what confidentiality, integrity, and availability means for each type of information in a given system is the specialty of the cyber security professional. Cyber security refers in general to methods of using people, process, and technology to prevent, detect, and recover from damage to confidentiality, integrity, and availability of information in cyberspace.

7Civil Aviation Industry in India

Civil Aviation Industry in India

Indian Civil Aviation Industry witnessed a phenomenal growth consequent to the liberalising policies and economic boom. Subsequently, cheap and no frills airlines have a high passenger traffic instead of, earlier, some airlines having high paying elite clients.Civil Aviation Industry has three integral wings. They are as:
1.

2.

3.

Regulatory wing- The Directorate General of Civil aviation is the regulator. It is responsible for registration of civil aircrafts, licensing of pilots/aircraft maintenance engineers/ flight engineers, conducting examinations for recruitment, licensing of air traffic controllers,certification of aerodromes/ATM facilities, maintaining a check on proficiency of flight crew/operational personnel, conducting investigations into incidents , taking preventive measures including formulation of implementation of SAFETY AVIATION MANAGEMENT PROGRAMMES, carrying out amendments in Aircraft Act/Aircraft Rules,supervision of the institutes/clubs/schools engaged in flying training, etc. Thus it is a service as well as security regulator. Operational Wing- National Carrier and Private airlines are responsible. India has witnessed booming of private cheap and no frill airlines. Foreign owned airlines introduction is in pipeline. Infrastructural and Administrative Wing- It is lead by Airport Authority of India (AAI). It is into management of all the airports except few. Others are managed by consortiums led by private companies with stakes of AAI

Important facts related to Civil Aviation

1.

2.

The domestic traffic is approximately 120 million. The international traffic is growing at 8%.Overall, passenger traffic ,the annual growth rate is 17%.In 2011-12, the domestic front saw a negative growth while international front saw less growth. International cargo handling was growing at 7-8%. In 2011-12,there was negative growth and overall a marginal decline.

Important Stakeholders

Directorate General of Civil Aviation :The Vision of DGCA is the endeavour to promote safe and efficient air transport through regulation and proactive safety oversight system. The various departments are:1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Administration Directorate Aerodrome Standards Directorate Air Safety Directorate Air Transport Directorate Airworthiness Directorate Flight Standard Directorate Information and Regulation Directorate Directorate of flight Crew licensing Training Section F.G. Section Medical Section

Airports Authority Of India: Erstwhile National Airports Authority and International Airports Authority of India were merged to form Airport Authority of India, in 1995.It is responsible for creating, maintaining , enhancing , and managing civil aviation infrastructure both on ground and air space in the country. These include functions like construction , modification and management of passenger terminals/ cargo terminals; development and maintenance of apron infrastructure including runways/parallel taxiways ;provision of communication and navigation aids like ILS/DVOR/Radar; provision of passenger facilities and information system at the passenger terminals at airports etc.

Important Issues related to Civil Aviation

The following are important issues related to the Civil Aviation Industry in India: Introduction of New Players In Management of airports. Bids were recently invited from private players for the development and management of terminals of Chennai , Lucknow, Kolkata , Ahmedabad, Jaipur and Guwahati airport for a concessional period of 30 years.The salient features to note are:1. 2.

The concessional period is appropriate. It is neither too short to make the private players reticent nor too long to make them have a hegemony. Smaller airports have been included so that the resource rich private players help in enhancing airline connectivity by providing consumer satisfactory facilities.This is

3.

consequent to the changing urban structure of small cities and higher standard of living of its higher income earning residents. The government permits the bidders to hold 100% equity in the awarded projects, subject to regulations by Airport Economic Regulatory Authority.

Bill on Regulators, cleared by Cabinet Bill has been passed to bring developers and operators under the regulator for the levy of fees and charges. It is required , so as , to protect the passengers from being fleeced. It was also to protect the interest of airlines by having a reasonable airport usage charges. Air Turbine Fuel Charges Consequent to some unholistic policy , insidious structural challenges are present. The domestic policies in various reliant sectors (like oil) makes the air turbine fuel prices in India 40 times expensive than world average price. Air Turbine Fuel is produced as a high end fuel with maximum value addition during the distillation of petroleum.The growth of aviation sector has also lead to increase in collection of revenue through VAT. Without any alternatives to compensate for additional revenue earned, it is difficult for state government to reduce VAT to help sustain the industry.Evidently, the VAT is high and prices soar up. The exclusion of new middle class consumers also sustains the constraints. Government allows the oil companies to flex the prices of ATF to compensate for subsidy given in other products( like diesel).Earlier, due to the high paying clients ,there was no visible impact. Now, this tight walk on rope is risky and may be fatal, if adaption to new passengers is not introduced. Neither refuelling from international destinations is allowed nor Airlines and ATF companies are allowed to negotiate directly over the fuel charges. This is Achilles Heels of Airline Industry working in India. Debt due to unreasonable charge structure Airline industry in India suffers from a debt close to 20 billion dollars (2011-12).Apart from aircraft maintenance related cost, most airlines incur debt due to high working capital ( mostly acquired through loans) and payment to airport operations. There are many high fees, taxes and charges like lease fee, air navigation service charge, air-passenger ticket charge, office charges and other service charges. The unreasonable charges defy healthy economic growth by unattractiveness. Neglience of competent training institutes The human resource provided to the aviation industry is very low. The socio-economic transformation demands competent and experienced service providers. Indian policy has to focus on creating world class excellence service training institutes. Currently, only some private players provide trainings in services ,like stewardship etc , which are mostly unsatisfactory and less competent. There is opportunity to look into skill development. Safety Many experts believe that regulator for safety and service should be separate. This implies either Directorate general of civil aviation(DGCA)should be restructured or separate regulator should be

brought. In Status quo, the infrastructure should be upgraded and modernised to meet newer challenges.

Conclusion
Civil aviation Industry is not elusive sector , it plays and will play a major role in politico-economic sphere .In International arena , it reflects the status of a country. A world class airport and well connected air routes to even small towns exposes the opportunity for high value trade , tourism , business ventures , avenues for revenue, quality service sector growth , numerically more proficient human resource, widening of civil aviation market and sumptuous consumer satisfaction. Hindsight policies;Lackadaisical implementation ; inflexibility, ignorance or negligence of real challenges will surely make regrettable and abject consequences with no time or space to manoeuvre.

8 Public Health and Related Issues

Public Health and Related Issues

Right to health finds place in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, where Article 25 reads as follows, (1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well -being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection. This also find mention in the Directive Principles of State Policy in articles 45 and 47 which read as under: Provision for early childhood care and education to children below the age of six years.The State shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education for all children until they complete the age of six years. Duty of the State to raise the level of nutrition and the standard of living and to improve public health.The State shall regard the raising of the level of nutrition and the standard of living of its people and the improvement of public health as among its primary duties and, in particular, the State shall endeavour to bring about prohibition of the consumption except for medicinal purposes of intoxicating drinks and of drugs which are injurious to health. The Draft 12th five year plan proposes following targets for a number of health indicators;

1. Reduction of Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) to 25: At the recent rate of decline of 5 per cent per
year, India is projected to have an IMR of 36 by 2015 and 32 by 2017. An achievement of the MDG of reducing IMR to 27 by 2015 would require further acceleration of this historical rate of decline. If this accelerated rate is sustained, the country can achieve an IMR of 25 by 2017.

2. Reduction of Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) to 100: At the recent rate of decline of 5.8 per
cent per annum India is projected to have an MMR of 139 by 2015 and 123 by 2017. An achievement of the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of reducing MMR to 109 by 2015 would require an acceleration of this historical rate of decline. At this accelerated rate of decline, the country can achieve an MMR of 100 by 2017. Reduction of Total Fertility Rate (TFR) to 2.1: India is on track for the achievement of a TFR target of 2.1 by 2017, which is necessary to achieve net replacement level of unity, and realise the long cherished goal of the National Health Policy, 1983 and National Population Policy of 2000. Prevention, and reduction of under-nutrition in children under 3 years to half of NFHS-3 (200506) levels: Underweight children are at an increased risk of mortality and morbidity. At the current rate of decline, the prevalence of underweight children is expected to be 29 per cent by 2015, and 27 per cent by 2017. An achievement of the MDG of reducing undernourished children under 3 years to 26 per cent by 2015 would require an acceleration of this historical rate of decline. The country needs to achieve a reduction in below 3 year child under-nutrition to half of 200506 (NFHS) levels by 2017. This particular health outcome has a very direct bearing on the broader commitment to security of life, as do MMR, IMR, anaemia and child sex ratio. Prevention and reduction of anaemia among women aged 1549 years to 28 per cent: Anaemia, an underlying determinant of maternal mortality and low birth weight, is preventable and treatable by a very simple intervention. The prevalence of anaemia needs to be steeply reduced to 28 per cent by the end of the Twelfth Plan. Raising child sex ratio in the 06 year age group from 914 to 950: Like anaemia, child sex ratio is another important indicator which has been showing a deteriorating trend, and needs to be targeted for priority attention. Prevention and reduction of burden of Communicable and Non-Communicable diseases (including mental illnesses) and injuries: State wise and national targets for each of these conditions will be set by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MoHFW) as robust systems are put in place to measure their burden. Reduction of poor households out-of-pocket expenditure: Out-of-pocket expenditure on health care is a burden on poor families, leads to impoverishment and is a regressive system of financing. Increase in public health spending to 1.87 per cent of GDP by the end of the Twelfth Plan, cost-free access to essential medicines in public facilities, regulatory measures proposed in the Twelfth Plan are likely to lead to increase in share of public spending. The Twelfth Plan measures will also aim to reduce out-of-pocket spending as a proportion of private spending on health.

3.

4.

5. 6.

7.

9 Rights in Indian Constitution

Rights in Indian Constitution

Freedom fighters who participated in the Indian National Movement were conscious of the absence of the human rights in the colonial administrative set up which was based on racial discrimination. Further they were also conscious of the social structure which discriminated against a number of social groups. Untouchability was practiced and untouchables lived outside the villages and a large number of disabilities were imposed upon them. Other lower castes also suffered form discrimination

in varying degrees, Tribals were also being discriminated against. Women were kept in seclusion with no access to education and power. This situation needed concrete legal provisions to counter these problems. Founding fathers of the Constitution placed such provision in the Constitution in the form of Fundamental Rights which are incorporated in Part III of the Constitution. Some of the important features of the Fundamental Rights are:

1. All laws in force in the territory of India immediately before the commencement of this Constitution, in so far as they are inconsistent with the provisions of this Part, shall, to the extent of such inconsistency, be void. The State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by this Part and any law made in contravention of this clause shall, to the extent of the contravention, be void. 2. As per Article 14 the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India. 3. As per Article 15, the State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them. No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard to (a) access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment; or (b) the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the general public. However, the power for making special provision for women and children or for any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes was granted to the state. 4. Article 16 provided for equality of opportunity in matters of public employment and no citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or office under the State.. The Article also provided that nothing in this article shall prevent Parliament from making any law prescribing, in regard to a class or classes of employment or appointment to an office under the Government of, or any local or other authority within, a State or Union territory, any requirement as to residence within that State or Union territory prior to such employment or appointment; nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State; Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for reservation in matters of promotion, with consequential seniority, to any class or classes of posts in the services under the State in favour of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes which, in the opinion of the State, are not adequately represented in the services under the State; Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from considering any unfilled vacancies of a year which are reserved for being filled up in that year in accordance with any provision for reservation made under clause (4) or clause (4A) as a separate class of vacancies to be filled up in any succeeding year or years and such class of vacancies shall not be considered together with the vacancies of the year in which they are being filled up for determining the ceiling of fifty per cent. reservation on total number of vacancies of that yea; and nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any law which provides that the incumbent of an office in connection with the affairs of any religious or denominational institution or any member of the governing body thereof shall be a person professing a particular religion or belonging to a particular denomination. 5. Article 17 was the most important in the Indian social context as it specifically abolished untouchablity and made it punishable under the law.

6. Article 19 states that all citizens shall have the right (a) to freedom of speech and expression; (b) to assemble peaceably and without arms; (c) to form associations or unions; (d) to move freely throughout the territory of India; (e) to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India; and * * * * * (g) to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business. It also states that nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence; nothing in sub-clause (b) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India or public order, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause; nothing in sub-clause (c) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India or public order or morality, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause; nothing in sub-clauses (d) and (e) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of any of the rights conferred by the said sub-clauses either in the interests of the general public or for the protection of the interests of any Scheduled Tribe; nothing in sub-clause (g) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of the general public, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause, and, in particular, nothing in the said sub-clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to, or prevent the State from making any law relating to, (i) the professional or technical qualifications necessary for practising any profession or carrying on any occupation, trade or business, or (ii) the carrying on by the State, or by a corporation owned or controlled by the State, of any trade, business, industry or service, whether to the exclusion, complete or partial, of citizens or otherwise. 7. Article 20 provides protection of respect of conviction for offences. As per this article no person shall be convicted of any offence except for violation of a law in force at the time of the commission of the Act charged as an offence, nor be subjected to a penalty greater than that which might have been inflicted under the law in force at the time of the commission of the offence; no person shall be prosecuted and punished for the same offence more than once; no person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself. 8. Article 21 provides for protection of personal life and liberty. As per this article no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law. Article 21A provides for providing free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such manner as the State may, by law, determine. 9. Article 22 provides for protection against arrest and detention in certain cases. As per the article no person who is arrested shall be detained in custody without being informed, as soon as may be, of the grounds for such arrest nor shall he be denied the right to consult, and to be defended by, a legal practitioner of his choice. The law also provides that every person who is arrested and detained in custody shall be produced before the nearest magistrate within a period of twenty-four hours of such arrest excluding the time necessary for the journey from the place of arrest to the court of the magistrate and no such person shall be detained in custody beyond the said period without the authority of a magistrate. Like many other rights this also comes with a rider

that the clauses do not apply to an enemy alien and to any person who is arrested or detained under any law providing for preventive detention. 10. The Constitution also provides Right against Exploitation. Article 23, traffic in human beings and forced labour. As per the article, traffic in human beings and begar and other similar forms of forced labour are prohibited and any contravention of this provision shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law. However, nothing in this article shall prevent the State from imposing compulsory service for public purposes, and in imposing such service the State shall not make any discrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste or class or any of them. Article 24 prohibits child labour clearly stating that no child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or engaged in any other hazardous employment. 11. Article 25 to 28 provide for freedom of religion. Article 25 states that subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this Part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion. However the State has been empowered to make any law for (a) regulating or restricting any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice; (b) providing for social welfare and reform or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus. Article 26 states that subject to public order, morality and health, every religious denomination or any section thereof shall have the right (a) to establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes; (b) to manage its own affairs in matters of religion; (c) to own and acquire movable and immovable property; and (d) to administer such property in accordance with law. Article 27 provides that no person shall be compelled to pay any taxes, the proceeds of which are specifically appropriated in payment of expenses for the promotion or maintenance of any particular religion or religious denomination. Article 28 provides that no religious instruction shall be provided in any educational institution wholly maintained out of State funds. However, this shall not apply to an educational institution which is administered by the State but has been established under any endowment or trust which requires that religious instruction shall be imparted in such institution. Further, no person attending any educational institution recognised by the State or receiving aid out of State funds shall be required to take part in any religious instruction that may be imparted in such institution or to attend any religious worship that may be conducted in such institution or in any premises attached thereto unless such person or, if such person is a minor, his guardian has given his consent thereto. 12. Article 29 and 30 provide for cultural and educational rights of the minorities. Article 29 provides that any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to conserve the same and also that no citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of them. Article 30 provides that all minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. It also provides that in making any law providing for the compulsory acquisition of any property of an educational institution established and administered by a minority, the State shall ensure that the amount fixed by or determined under such law for the acquisition of such property is such as would not restrict or abrogate the right guaranteed under that clause. It also provides that the State shall not, in granting aid to educational institutions, discriminate against any educational institution on the ground that it is under the management of a minority, whether based on religion or language.

13. Article 32 provides for Constitutional Remedies for enforcement of these rights. The Article provides that the right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this Part is guaranteed; the Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions or orders or writs, including writs in the nature of habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari, whichever may be appropriate, for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by this Part; (3) Without prejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme Court by clauses (1) and (2), Parliament may by law empower any other court to exercise within the local limits of its jurisdiction all or any of the powers exercisable by the Supreme Court under clause (2); (4) The right guaranteed by this article shall not be suspended except as otherwise provided for by this Constitution. 14. Article 33 provide for restriction of these rights in case of certain citizens like members of armed forces, members of persons charged with the maintenance of public order and for intelligence and counter intelligence or the persons employed in telecommunication systems set up for these forces.
A reading of these definitions of rights would make it amply clear that rights cover many aspects of our lives. Many of the safeguards provided against these rights clearly indicate that rights of an individual can be violated by the state as well as the non state actors. Hence, guarantee of these rights would require creating appropriate political and social conditions. Political conditions are the exclusive prerogative of the State and hence require adequate laws as well as appropriate monitoring of the state apparatus. On the other hand appropriate social conditions can emerge only after cooperation between the society and the state, but the state with the coercive power at its disposal can force the unruly elements of the society to desist from such deviations. India is a democratic country with universal adult suffrage. However, this would be of no use if the individual is not able to cast his vote freely. Earlier, economic and social disparities and dependence of certain sections of the society took away this right from a large number of people. In certain areas pressure existed upon the lower castes and other marginalized groups either not to cast their vote or to cast it in favour of a particular candidate. In some other areas, more crude methods like booth capturing were resorted to. The problem has been controlled to a large extent due to activism of the Election Commission but strongmen still survive in a number of areas. Rights violation by the State is the most crucial aspect in human rights due to a number of reasons. State is an institution to control people for general good of the society for which it has been granted certain powers of coercion. However, sometimes, the State apparatus or the individual officials exceed their limits and trample upon the rights of the people. Considering the enormous power of the State such a situation can create havoc in the society and lead to violation of the rights of people. While such incidents were common in the colonial period, these have also continued after independence. The incidents have been collective effort of a large section of the state apparatus as well as incidents involving individual officials. In the first category, there are brutalities committed by the State in handling various issues. These include anti-naxal operations, operations in Jammu and Kashmir and in various North East states where large scale violations of human rights have been alleged. Incidents involving individual officials have also been common and there have been a number of incidents of custodial deaths and rapes. In fact, anti rape protests in India have originated from a case of custodial rape. These incidents are indicative of the fact that the state power can easily go the wrong way and needs to be independently monitored. Human rights can be best guaranteed in an egalitarian society. However, Indian society is just opposite to egalitarian with discrimination being practiced against a number of sections of the society. Caste is an specific institution of the Indian society with a number of disabilities heaped upon the lower castes among which untouchability is the worst form. The practice has been

abolished by the law. However, enacting a law is one thing and implementing it the other. The practice continues even after so many years of independence though it must be admitted that now it is not so rampant. Other evils like child labour and trafficking of women and children is also being practiced. In human rights violations by non state actors and social groups the State is not directly responsible for these violations, but it is the duty of the state to create conditions in which such violations do not take place. The State apart from providing the lead and the legal mechanism can also use coercive power at its disposal to bring conflicting social groups under submission of the legal provisions. However despite these legal provisions, human rights violations remained a cause of concern. This led the Government to enact the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993 which provided for the constitution of a National Human Rights Commission and State Human Rights Commission. As per Section 12 of the Act, NHRC shall perform the following functions, inquire suo -motu or on a petition presented to it by a victim or any person on his behalf (or on a direction or order of any court) into complaint of (i) violation of human rights or abetment thereof; or negligence in the prevention of such violation, by a public servant; intervene in an proceeding involving any allegation of violation of human rights pending before a court with the approval of such court; visit, not withstanding anything contained in any other law for the time being in force, any jail or other institution under the control of the State Government ,where persons are detained or lodged for purposes of treatment, reformation or protection for the study of the living conditions of the inmates thereof and make recommendations thereon to the Government; review the safeguards provided by or under the Constitution or any law for the time being in force for the protection of human rights and recommend measures for their effective implementation; review the factors, including acts of terrorism that inhibit the enjoyment of human rights and recommend appropriate remedial measures; study treaties and other international instruments on human rights and make recommendations for their effective implementation; undertake and promote research in the field of human rights; spread human rights literacy among various sections of society and promote a awareness of the safeguards available for the protection of these rights through publications, the media, seminars and other available means; encourage the efforts of non-governmental organizations and institutions working in the field of human rights; such other functions as it may consider necessary for the protection of human rights. Over the years the NHRC has played an important role in the human rights scenario of the country. It has framed important guidelines in cases of death during the course of police action, custodial death/rapes, cases of encounter deaths, measures to improve police-public relationships, womens rights, childrens rights, ending manual scavenging, illegal trade in human organs and guidelines for the media in addressing cases of child abuse. However, despite these efforts, human rights remain a precarious issue in the country.

10 Political versus Economic Decision

Political versus Economic Decision

While economic principles are important, economic actions take place within a framework of laws and government policies that are shaped by political principles, which may or may not be consistent with economic principles. The interaction of political and economic incentives makes the study of economic policy issues more challengingand more revealingthan a study of either economic or political principles in isolation.

People tend to respond to the incentives and constraints confronting them, whether they are in the marketplace or in politics. However, those incentives and constraints are very different in these different situations, so it can hardly be surprising that voters tend to behave differently than consumers, and politicians tend to behave differently than sellers of goods and services.

Voters
Economic decisions and political decisions are made in different ways, even when the same person makes both kinds of decisions, for example as a consumer and as a voter. Virtually no one puts as much time and close attention into deciding whether to vote for one candidate rather than another as is usually put into deciding whether to buy one house rather than anotheror perhaps even one car rather than another. The voters political decisions involve having a minute influence on policies which affect many other people, while economic decision-making is about having a major effect on ones own personal well-being. It should not be surprising that the quantity and quality of thinking going into these very different kinds of decisions vary correspondingly. It has been said of many laws and policies that the devil is in the details. But, if most voters are not likely to look into those details, many devilish results can be expected from legislation and policies that look good at first glance, when packaged with inspiring rhetoric. Politics and the market are both ways of getting some people to respond to other peoples desires. But people whose professional careers are in politics operate under different incentives and constraints from those whose careers are in the economy. Consumers choosing which goods to spend their money on have often been analogized to voters deciding which candidates to elect to public office. However, the two processes are profoundly different. Not only do individuals invest very different amounts of time and thought in making economic decisions versus political decisions, those decisions are inherently different in themselves. Voters decide whether to vote for one candidate or another but they decide how much of what kinds of food, clothing, shelter, etc., to purchase. In short, political decisions tend to be categorical, while economic decisions tend to be incremental. Voting is a package deal: You may agree with candidate A on economic policy, candidate B on foreign policy and candidate C on environmental issues but, in the end, when you enter the voting booth you have to vote for one candidates whole package of policies on the economy, foreign policy, and the environment. Moreover, you dont get to change your mind until the next election. It is not like buying one brand of bread today and a different brand tomorrow if you change your mind. Incremental decisions can be more fine-tuned than deciding which candidates whole package of principles and practices comes closest to meeting your own desires. Incremental decision-making also means that not every increment of even very desirable things is necessarily desirable, given that there are other things that the money could be spent on, after having acquired a given amount of a particular good or service. For example, although it might be worthwhile spending considerable money to live in a nice home, buying a second home in the country may or may not be worth spending money that could be used instead to send a child to college or to buy an annuity for later retirement years. One consequence of incremental decision-making is that additional increments of many desirable things remain unpurchased because they are almostbut not quiteworth the sacrifices required to get them. From a political standpoint, this means that there are always numerous desirable things that government officials can offer to provide to voters who want themeither free of charge or at reduced, government-subsidized priceseven when these voters do not want these increments enough to sacrifice their own money to pay for them. Ultimately, of course, the public can end up

paying as taxpayers for increments that they would not have chosen to pay for as consumers. The real winners in this process are the politicians whose apparent generosity and compassion gain them political support. No political message has proven to be more welcome, in countries around the world, in both democratic and undemocratic nations, and among peoples of every race and culture, than the message that your problems are not your fault, but the fault of othersand it is they who must change, not you. Moreover, it is they who must pay the consequences if they do not change, but not you. Not only particular political candidates but, in some countries, whole revolutionary movements, have risen to power on the wings of that message.

Politicians
While politicians can be expected to pay far more attention to political decisions than the average voter will, the nature of that attention is also likely to be different. Elected officials top priority is usually getting reelected, and their time horizon seldom extends beyond the next election. Laws and policies that will produce politically beneficial effects before the next election are usually preferred to policies that will produce even better results some time after the next election. Indeed, policies that will produce good results before the next election may be preferred even if they can be expected to produce bad results afterwards. Thinking beyond the immediate consequences of a law or policy is a task which neither voters nor politicians have much incentive to undertake. When most voters do not think beyond stage one, many elected officials have no incentive to weigh what the consequences will be in later stages and considerable incentives to avoid getting beyond what their constituents think and understand, for fear that rival politicians can drive a wedge between them and their constituents by catering to shortrun public perceptions. The very way that issues are conceived tends to be different in politics from the way they are conceived in economics. Political thinking tends to conceive of policies, institutions, or programs in terms of their hoped-for resultsdrug prevention programs, gun control laws, environmental protection policies, public interest law firms, profit-making businesses, and so forth. But for purposes of economic analysis, what matters is not what goals are being sought but what incentives and constraints are being created in pursuit of those goals. We know, for example, that manyif not mostprofit-making enterprises do not in fact make profits, as shown by the high percentage of new businesses that fail and go out of business within a few years after getting started. Similarly, it is an open question whether drug prevention programs actually prevent or even reduce drug usage, whether public interest law firms actually benefit the public, or whether gun control laws actually control guns. But such outcomes may be very surprising to people who think in terms of political rhetoric focussed on desirable goalsand who do not think beyond stage one. The point here is not simply that various policies may fail to achieve their purposes. The more fundamental point is that we need to know the actual characteristics of the processes set in motion and the incentives and constraints inherent in such characteristicsrather than judging these processes by their goals. Many of the much discussed unintended consequences of policies and programs would have been foreseeable from the outset if these processes had been analyzed in terms of the incentives and constraints they created, instead of in terms of the desirability of the goals they proclaimed. Once we start thinking in terms of the chain of events set in motion by

particular policiesand following the chain of events beyond stage onethe world begins to look very different. In trying to understand the effect of politics on economics, we need to consider not only officials responses to the various pressures they receive from different sources, but also the way that the media and the voting public see economic issues. Both the media and the voters are prone to what might be called one-stage thinking.

11 Abortion Laws in India: A critical appraisal

Abortion Laws in India: A critical appraisal

Abortion laws are a valid reflection of the core values of a society associated with gender parity, child, birth and body. Ironically, till recently to some extent, these laws were formulated solely by men with no consultation with subverted women. Evidently, most societies still bear the consequences of avoidable fallible laws of abortion. However, the challenge lays not so much in inclusion of affected gender but in the failure to understand and yet not incorporate the loudly visible changing values on sexuality and reproduction. India is facing a tussle of confusion between incumbent laws in relation to termination of pregnancy and laws meant for deterrence for child abuse and sexual abuse. Purpose of this article is to analyse the Laws related to abortion in India.
The laws in India which explicitly deals with this issue are as:

Medical Termination of Pregnancy act, 1971 and Medical termination of Pregnancy Regulations, 2003
It provides the medical conditions on the basis of which pregnancy is allowed to be terminated legally:a. b. c.

Continuation of pregnancy endangers the life of the woman especially physical or mental health. Substantial risk that the child born would suffer from physical and mental abnormalities. Pregnancy occurs as a result of failure of protected sex between married couple with children.

In case of rape, abortion is done on the basis that the anguish caused makes such pregnancy a grave injury to mental health. The act is applicable only to women above 18 years with sound mental health. The women below the age of 18 years need the consent of guardian. The act also guarantees absolute confidentiality to the woman seeking legal right to abortion. Thus, the act is an assertion of REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS, LEGAL RIGHTS and PRIVACY RIGHTS of an Individual.

Protection of children from sexual offences act,2012 and Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013
POCSO Act, requires that a person who has any apprehension that an offence under this act has taken place should report it to the special juvenile police unit or local police unit; failure to do so shall result in SIX months imprisonment and fine or both. Criminal Law Amendment Act, criminalises sex below the age of 18 years ,even if it is consensual , thereby it is presumed pregnancy is a result of rape. Consequently, all hospitals, public or private have to provide immediately provide medical treatment free of cost to victims under specified sections of IPC and immediately also inform the police of such incident. Thus, the acts are PROTECTIVE in intent to avoid the increasing heinous victimisation of vulnerable section like women and children through society demanded and internationally ratified principles for tougher laws.

The Fallout
The bone of contention comes when pregnant person is below the age of 18years. Should privacy be upheld or should apprehension be legally reported as mandated? The challenge is not in the confusion in the intention of the concerned laws per se but absence of coherence between the laws leading to individual interpretations .Missing piece if attached would give way to strengthening of both sides of the laws.

The Contemporary questions

Access to Health Facilities :The younger unmarried adolescents are vulnerable to poor, unsafe, perilous, unhygienic and sometimes secretive illegal abortions done by unregulated incompetent mushrooming clinics run by quarks. In Rural India, the social taboo attached to unwanted pregnancy leads to murder of the concerned unmarried woman or abortion through painful unscientific methods eventually leading to death of person by unbearable pain or spreading of infection . Sometimes, induced suicide culpable to murder is also reported. Reproductive Rights of Adolescents :- Indian demography is paving way to younger India. India, an advocate of rights , has to some point in future address the changing youth. Most Indian youth are vocal about their right to be heard ,right to sexual choice and right to live. The sanctity of reproductive norms decided unequivocally by elders is slowly being challenged in debates and discussions in Media. The reality is at what age one should have sexual relationship/ physical relationship is being decided by BOTH THE GENDERS mutually especially in urban space( including smaller towns) in their early adolescence. Education on Reproduction :- Rights come with responsibility. Responsibility can only be fulfilled if one is aware through credible information. Credible information about reproduction / sexual relationship should be provided in socially acceptable and dignified manner. The apprehensions regarding such information dissipation should be cleared through sensitive and expertise discussion or consultations with stakeholders. Special educationist can be appointed or if need be special sessions can be conducted for adolescents in educational centers. The proficiency of the educationist should be thoroughly scrutinised before appointments and further support can be provided by school counsellors.

Changing Parenthood :- Medical Termination act needs modification which includes issues of surrogate mothers especially of LGBT couples ( whose decision should be taken for termination of pregnancy and other issues), live-in- relationship partners , pregnancy due to child marriages etc Coherence of laws :- One can provide suggestions to fix the missing conjuction between(above discussed) the laws. One such suggestion is involvement of a certified and registered special counsellor in hospitals who can take responsibility to deal with adolescent pregnancy cases , apart from other assigned duty like counselling of rape victims. On the recommendation of counsellor, the matter can be immediately reported to the concerned police authority. This shall neither violate the Medical Act under which admission register is open to inspection under authority of law nor it will jeopardise the protection of vulnerable against abuse.

Conclusion
Existence of laws is for peaceful and harmonised life in society. It is the concerned person who should be the focus of attention and not the law in itself and thus, modification of law should be in coherence with the changing landscape of society. In contemporary times, every individual has the right to ownership to their body. Evidently, Ministry of Health recognises abortion to be assertion of womans right to ownership of their body.

12 Domestic Workers: Related Issues

Domestic Workers: Related Issues

By Suchi Swain

Recently in News
The ILO (International Labour Organisation) has recently legally recognised domestic work as an economically productive activity. A convention was passed on domestic works for governments to ratify into law. Convention No 189 defines domestic work as work performed in or for a household or households and a domestic worker means any person engaged in domestic work within an employment relationship.

The Antecedents
The social constraints associated with this employment poised difficulties to be recognising the incumbent as workers instead of maids or daughters of the family. It accentuates the perspective that it is a low skill or unskilled work, a natural extension of womens work in their own homes, eventually carrying gender biased connotation.

The socially inane vulnerability is further exploited by trafficking, sexual/physical/ psychological abuse. Non Recognition also leads to very poor working conditions: many long work hours in unsafe conditions and underpayment with no social security. The amorphous workplace and style of working isolates them and thus associations are seldom found at local level for negotiations. The specific involvement of women, racial and ethnic minority, indigenous people and migrants makes socio-legal recognition imperative. Unfortunately, due to negligence, what followed was discrimination, multiple oppression and breach of Rights naturally enjoyed by other working members making serious repercussions. The new standard adopted by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) mandates states to

a. b. c. d. e. f.

Promote freedom of association The right to collective bargaining between worker and employer Effective abolition of child labour Abolishes all forms of forced and compulsory labour Protects migrants by requiring employers to have written and enforceable contracts. Minimum wages, overtime pay, leave with pay, sick days, maternity benefits, breaks and other benefits given to workers is recognised.

Important Facts
a. Only 10% of domestic workers around the world are covered by general labour legislation in comparison to those in other sectors. b. In 2013 ILO Report: Asia-Pacific region has maximum prevalence of domestic labour (41% of world share). Only 1% of them are entitled to holidays and stipulated maximum hours of work.

Indian context
The changing family structure, urbanisation and ageing process makes domestic worker a fast growing unmanaged employment industry. 8% of worlds domestic workers are present in India. A legal protection to this sector dates back to 1950s by a private member. However, state legislature of Tamil Naidu provides relief by Tamil Nadu Manual workers Act, besides Kerala and Karnataka providing legally guaranteed minimum wages. The Draft Bill of 2010 proposed by National Commission for women for central legislation may be called Domestic Workers (welfare and social security ) Act 2010. Related Directive principles provisions are article 39,41,42,43 and 43-A, giving effect to law to be made by Parliament with reference to entries 22,23 and 24 of List III in the 7th schedule in the constitution. The Bill includes following recommendations (apart from recommendations of ILO):-

a. Providing regulatory authorities at central , state , and district level for monitoring the implementation b. Registration of domestic workers and their employers c. Regulatory authorities to decide on minimum wages , working conditions , working hours etc d. Penalty for 6months- 7 years and fine upto 50,000 rupees in conditions for non-compliance e. Provision for Domestic workers welfare fund f. District Boards having power of civil court under code of civil procedure ,1908

The Bill is commendable in terms of:-

a. It clearly defines relevant terms such as child, domestic worker, employer, beneficiaries, domestic workers welfare fund etc which negates any ambiguity. b. It briefly yet succinctly explains the composition and functions of Central Advisory committee, State advisory committee, district advisory committee and local bodies. The involvement of all stakeholders of society in regulation brings more promise to transparency, accountability and efficiency in implementation. c. Penalty is to be enforced in conditions of non-compliance, accentuating the gravity of the situation. Violence especially is recognised as intolerable. d. Welfare fund description is not vague. The responsibilities of state, board and central government is mentioned. Sourcing for funds other than fines and grants is also mentioned. e. Further rule making by either state or central government brings in flexibility and adaptability, a progressive law making step for transformational attempts. f. It also looks into REPLACEMENT workers working contracts. g. It further strengths the child labour abolition moves by government by giving more legal teeth.

Conclusion
India as a transformational eco-political power needs to be recognising its responsibility as rights advocating and practicing champion in global world and at home, the domestic workers act, is a promising attempt by the government to deliver on various disturbing abject social issues

13 Globalization: Economic dimension

Globalization: Economic dimension

Economic globalization refers to the intensification and stretching of economic interrelations across the globe. Gigantic flows of capital and technology have stimulated trade in goods and services. Markets have extended their reach around the world, in the process creating new linkages among national economies. Huge transnational corporations, powerful international economic institutions, and large regional trading systems have emerged as the major building blocks of the 21st century's global economic order.

The Emergence of the Global Economic Order

Contemporary economic globalization can be traced back to the gradual emergence of a new international economic order assembled at an economic conference held towards the end of World War II in the sleepy New England town of Bretton Woods. Under the leadership of the United States of America and Great Britain, the major economic powers of the global North reversed their protectionist policies of the interwar period (191839). In addition to arriving at a firm commitment to expand international trade, the participants of the conference also agreed to establish binding rules on international economic activities. Moreover, they resolved to create a more stable money exchange system in which the value of each country's currency was pegged to a fixed gold value of

the US dollar. Within these prescribed limits, individual nations were free to control the permeability of their borders. This allowed states to set their own political and economic agendas. Bretton Woods also set the institutional foundations for the establishment of three new international economic organizations. The International Monetary Fund was created to administer the international monetary system. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, later known as the World Bank, was initially designed to provide loans for Europe's postwar reconstruction. During the 1950s, however, its purpose was expanded to fund various industrial projects in developing countries around the world. Finally, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was established in 1947 as a global trade organization charged with fashioning and enforcing multilateral trade agreements. In 1995, the World Trade Organization was founded as the successor organization to GATT. In operation for almost three decades, the Bretton Woods regime contributed greatly to the establishment of what some observers have called the 'golden age of controlled capitalism'. Existing mechanisms of state control over international capital movements made possible full employment and the expansion of the welfare state. Rising wages and increased social services secured in the wealthy countries of the global North a temporary class compromise. By the early 1970s, however, the Bretton Woods system collapsed. Its demise strengthened those integrationist economic tendencies that later commentators would identify as the birth pangs of the new global economic order. What happened? In response to profound political changes in the world that were undermining the economic competitiveness of US-based industries, President Richard Nixon abandoned the gold-based fixed rate system in 1971. The ensuing decade was characterized by global economic instability in the form of high inflation, low economic growth, high unemployment, public sector deficits, and two unprecedented energy crises due to OPEC's ability to control a large part of the world's oil supply. Political forces in the global North most closely identified with the model of controlled capitalism suffered a series of spectacular election defeats at the hands of conservative political parties who advocated a 'neoliberal' approach to economic and social policy.

Neoliberalism
Neoliberalism is rooted in the classical liberal ideals of Adam Smith (1723 90) and David Ricardo (17721823), both of whom viewed the market as a self-regulating mechanism tending toward equilibrium of supply and demand, thus securing the most efficient allocation of resources. These British philosophers considered that any constraint on free competition would interfere with the natural efficiency of market mechanisms, inevitably leading to social stagnation, political corruption, and the creation of unresponsive state bureaucracies. They also advocated the elimination of tariffs on imports and other barriers to trade and capital flows between nations. British sociologist Herbert Spencer (1820 1903) added to this doctrine a twist of social Darwinism by arguing that free market economies constitute the most civilized form of human competition in which the 'fittest' would naturally risk

Yet, in the decades following World War II, even the most conservative political parties in Europe and the United States rejected those laissez-faire ideas and instead embraced a rather extensive version of state interventionism propagated by British economist John Maynard Keynes, the architect of the Bretton Woods system. By the 1980s, however, British Prime Minister Margaret

Thatcher and US President Ronald Reagan led the neoliberal revolution against Keynesianism, consciously linking the notion of globalization to the 'liberation' of economies around the world. This new neoliberal economic order received further legitimation with the 198991 collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Since then, the three most significant developments related to economic globalization have been: 1. 2. The internationalization of trade and finance The increasing power of transnational corporations

3. The enhanced role of international economic institutions like the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO. Let us briefly examine these important features

The Internationalization of Trade and Finance

Many people associate economic globalization with the controversial issue of free trade. After all, the total value of world trade exploded from $57 billion in 1947 to an astonishing $6 trillion in the late 1990s. In the last few years, the public debate over the alleged benefits and drawbacks of free trade reached a feverish pitch as wealthy Northern countries have increased their efforts to establish a single global market through regional and international trade-liberalization agreements such NAFTA and GATT. Free trade proponents assure the public that the elimination or reduction of existing trade barriers among nations will enhance consumer choice, increase global wealth, secure peaceful international relations, and spread new technologies around the world. To be sure, there is evidence that some national economies have increased their productivity as a result of free trade. Moreover, there are some benefits that accrue to societies through specialization, competition, and the spread of technology. But it is less clear whether the profits resulting from free trade have been distributed fairly within and among countries. Most studies show that the gap between rich and poor countries is widening at a fast pace. Hence, free trade proponents have encountered severe criticism from labour unions and environmental groups who claim that the elimination of social control mechanisms has resulted in a lowering of global labour standards, severe forms of ecological degradation, and the growing indebtedness of the global South to the North.. The internationalization of trade has gone hand in hand with the liberalization of financial transactions. Its key components include the deregulation of interest rates, the removal of credit controls, and the privatization of government-owned banks and financial institutions. Globalization of financial trading allows for increased mobility among different segments of the financial industry, with fewer restrictions and greater investment opportunities. This new financial infrastructure emerged in the 1980s with the gradual deregulation of capital and securities markets in Europe, the Americas, East Asia, Australia, and New Zealand. A decade later, Southeast Asian countries, India, and several African nations followed suit. During the 1990s, new satellite systems and fibre-optic cables provided the nervous system of Internet-based technologies that further accelerated the liberalization of financial transactions. As captured by the snazzy title of Microsoft CEO Bill Gates' best-selling book, many people conducted business@the-speed-of-thought. Millions of individual investors utilized global electronic investment networks not only to place their orders, but also to receive valuable information about

relevant economic and political developments. In 2000, 'e-businesses', 'dot.com firms', and other virtual participants in the information-based 'new economy' traded about 400 billion dollars over the Web in the United States alone. In 2003, global business-to-business transactions are projected to reach 6 trillion dollars. Ventures that will connect the stock exchanges in New York, London, Frankfurt, and Tokyo are at the advanced planning stage. Such a financial 'supermarket' in cyberspace would span the entire globe, stretching its electronic tentacles into countless decentralized investment networks that relay billions of trades at breathtaking velocities. Yet, a large part of the money involved in these global financial exchanges has little to do with supplying capital for such productive investments as putting together machines or organizing raw materials and employees to produce saleable commodities. Most of the financial growth has occurred in the form of high-risk 'hedge funds' and other purely money-dealing currency and securities markets that trade claims to draw profits from future production. In other words, investors are betting on commodities or currency rates that do not yet exist. For example, in 2000, the equivalent of over 2 trillion US dollars was exchanged daily in global currency markets alone. Dominated by highly sensitive stock markets that drive high-risk innovation, the world's financial systems are characterized by high volatility, rampant competition, and general insecurity. Global speculators often take advantage of weak financial and banking regulations to make astronomical profits in emerging markets of developing countries. However, since these international capital flows can be reversed swiftly, they are capable of creating artificial boom-and-bust cycles that endanger the social welfare of entire regions. The 19978 Southeast Asia Crisis represents but one of these recent economic reversals brought on by the globalization of financial transactions.

The Southeast Asia Crisis

In the 1990s, the governments of Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, South Korea, and the Philippines gradually abandoned control over the domestic movement of capital in order to attract foreign direct investment. Intent on creating a stable money environment, they raised domestic interest rates and linked their national currencies to the value of the US dollar. The ensuing irrational euphoria of international investors translated into soaring stock and real estate markets all over Southeast Asia. However, by 1997, those investors realized that prices had become inflated much beyond their actual value. They panicked and withdrew a total of $105 billion from these countries, forcing governments in the region to abandon the dollar peg. Unable to halt the ensuing free fall of their currencies, those governments used up their entire foreign exchange reserves. As a result, economic output fell, unemployment increased, and wages plummeted. Foreign banks and creditors reacted by declining new credit applications and refusing to extend existing loans. By late 1997, the entire region found itself in the throes of a financial crisis that threatened to push the global economy into recession. This disastrous result was only narrowly averted by a combination of international bail-out packages and the immediate sale of Southeast Asian commercial assets to foreign corporate investors at rock-bottom prices. Today, ordinary citizens in Southeast Asia are still suffering from the devastating social and political consequences of that economic meltdown

The Power of Transnational Corporations

Transnational corporations are the contemporary versions of the early modern commercial enterprises. Powerful firms with subsidiaries in several countries, their numbers skyrocketed from 7,000 in 1970 to about 50,000 in 2000. Enterprises like General Motors, Walmart, Exxon-Mobil, Mitsubishi, and Siemens belong to the 200 largest TNCs, which account for over half of the world's industrial output. None of these corporations maintains headquarters outside of North America, Europe, Japan, and South Korea. This geographical concentration reflects existing asymmetrical power relations between the North and the South. Yet, clear power differentials can also be found

within the global North. In 1999, 142 of the leading 200 TNCs were based in only three countries the United States, Japan, and Germany. Rivalling nation-states in their economic power, these corporations control much of the world's investment capital, technology, and access to international markets. In order to maintain their prominent positions in the global marketplace, TNCs frequently merge with other corporations. Some of these recent mergers include the $160-billion marriage of the world's largest Internet provider, AOL, with entertainment giant Time-Warner; the purchase of Chrysler Motors by Daimler-Benz for $43 billion; and the $115-billion merger between Sprint Corporation and MCI WorldCom. A close look at corporate sales and country GDPs reveals that 51 of the world's 100 largest economies are corporations; only 49 are countries. Hence, it is not surprising that some critics have characterized economic globalization as 'corporate globalization' or 'globalization-from-above'. TNCs have consolidated their global operations in an increasingly deregulated global labour market. The availability of cheap labour, resources, and favourable production conditions in the global South has enhanced corporate mobility and profitability. Accounting for over 70% of world trade, TNCs have boosted their foreign direct investments by approximately 15% annually during the 1990s. Their ability to disperse manufacturing processes into many discrete phases carried out in many different locations around the world reflects the changing nature of global production. Such transnational production networks allow TNCs like Nike, General Motors, and Volkswagen to produce, distribute, and market their products on a global scale. Nike, for example, subcontracts 100% of its goods production to 75,000 workers in China, South Korea, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Thailand. Transnational production networks augment the power of global capitalism by making it easier for TNCs to bypass nationally based trade unions and other workers' organizations. Antisweatshop activists around the world have responded to these tactics by enlisting public participation in several successful consumer boycotts and other forms of nonviolent direct action.

Nokia's role in the Finnish economy

Named after a small town in southwest Finland, Nokia Corporation rose from modest beginnings a little more than a decade ago to become a large TNC that manufactures 37 of every 100 cellphones sold worldwide. Today, its products connect one billion people in an invisible web around the globe. However, Nokia's gift to Finland the distinction of being the most interconnected nation in the world came at the price of economic dependency. Nokia is the engine of Finland's economy, representing two-thirds of the stock market's value and one-fifth of the nation's total export. It employs 22,000 Finns, not counting the estimated 20,000 domestic employees who work for companies that depend on Nokia contracts. The corporation produces a large part of Finland's tax revenue, and its $25 billion in annual sales almost equals the entire national budget. Yet, when Nokia's growth rate slowed in recent years, company executives let it be known that they were dissatisfied with the country's relatively steep income tax. Today, many Finnish citizens fear that decisions made by relatively few Nokia managers might pressure the government to lower corporate taxes and abandon the country's generous and egalitarian welfare system.

The Enhanced Role of International Economic Institutions

The three international economic institutions most frequently mentioned in the context of economic globalization are the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO. These three institutions enjoy the privileged position of making and enforcing the rules of a global economy that is sustained by significant power differentials between the global North and South.

As pointed out above, the IMF and the World Bank emerged from the Bretton Woods system. During the Cold War, their important function of providing loans for developing countries became connected to the West's political objective of containing communism. Starting in the 1970s, and especially after the fall of the Soviet Union, the economic agenda of the IMF and the World Bank has synchronized neoliberal interests to integrate and deregulate markets around the world. In return for supplying much-needed loans to developing countries, the IMF and the World Bank demand from their creditor nations the implementation of so-called 'structural adjustment programmes'. Unleashed on developing countries in the 1990s, this set of neoliberal policies is often referred to as the 'Washington Consensus'. It was devised and codified by John Williamson, who was an IMF adviser in the 1970s. The various sections of the programme were mainly directed at countries with large foreign debts remaining from the 1970s and 1980s. The official purpose of the document was to reform the internal economic mechanisms of debtor countries in the developing world so that they would be in a better position to repay the debts they had incurred. In practice, however, the terms of the programme spelled out a new form of colonialism. The ten points of the Washington Consensus, as defined by Williamson, required governments to implement the following structural adjustments in order to qualify for loans: 1. 2. A guarantee of fiscal discipline, and a curb to budget deficits; A reduction of public expenditure, particularly in the military and public administration;

3. Tax reform, aiming at the creation of a system with a broad base and with effective enforcement; 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Financial liberalization, with interest rates determined by the market; Competitive exchange rates, to assist export-led growth; Trade liberalization, coupled with the abolition of import licensing and a reduction of tariffs; Promotion of foreign direct investment; Privatization of state enterprises, leading to efficient management and improved performance; Deregulation of the economy;

10. Protection of property rights. It is no coincidence that this programme is called the 'Washington Consensus', for, from the outset, the United States has been the dominant power in the IMF and the World Bank. Unfortunately, however, large portions of the 'development loans' granted by these institutions have either been pocketed by authoritarian political leaders or have enriched local businesses and the Northern corporations they usually serve. Sometimes, exorbitant sums are spent on ill-considered construction projects. Most importantly, however, structural adjustment programmes rarely produce the desired result of 'developing' debtor societies, because mandated cuts in public spending translate into fewer social programmes, reduced educational opportunities, more environmental pollution, and greater poverty for the vast majority of people. Typically, the largest share of the national budget is spent on servicing outstanding debts. For example, in 1997, developing countries paid a combined $292 billion in debt service, while receiving only $269 billion in new loans. This means that the net transfer of wealth from the global South to the North was $23 billion. Pressured

by antiglobalist forces, the IMF and the World Bank were only recently willing to consider a new policy of blanket debt forgiveness in special cases.

Neoliberal economics and Argentina

Less than a decade ago, IMF and World Bank officials held up Argentina as a 'model developing country'. Having accepted substantial structural adjustment programmes that led to the privatization of state enterprises, the reduction of tariffs, and the elimination of many social programmes, the Argentine government celebrated low unemployment rates, a stable currency pegged to the dollar, and strong foreign investment. For a few short years, neoliberal economics seemed vindicated. However, as the IMF demanded even stronger austerity measures in return for new loans, the Argentine economy went sour. In June 2000, the country was paralysed by mass strikes against the government's new austerity package designed to meet IMF deficit guidelines and thus retain access to the Fund's $7.2 billion emergency line of credit. In January 2002, after months of violent street protests in major cities, Argentina formally defaulted on its massive public debt of $141 billion. In order to prevent the complete financial and social collapse of his nation, Eduardo Duhalde, the country's fifth president in only two weeks, further limited people's access to their savings deposits and decoupled the peso from the dollar. Within hours, the currency lost a third of its value, robbing ordinary people of the fruits of their labour. 'Argentina is broke, sunk,' the President admitted, 'and this [neoliberal] model has swept everything away with it.' Economic perspectives on globalization can hardly be discussed apart from an analysis of political process and institutions. After all, the intensification of global economic interconnections does not simply fall from the sky; rather, it is set into motion by a series of political decisions. Hence, while acknowledging the importance of economics in our story of globalization, this article nonetheless ends with the suggestion that we ought to be sceptical of one-sided accounts that identify expanding economic activity as both the primary aspect of globalization and the engine behind its rapid development. The multidimensional nature of globalization demands that we flesh out in more detail the interaction between its political and economic aspects.

14 Globalization: Cultural dimension

Globalization: Cultural dimension

Even a very short introduction to globalization would be woefully inadequate without an examination of its cultural dimension. Cultural globalization refers to the intensification and expansion of cultural flows across the globe. Obviously, 'culture' is a very broad concept; it is frequently used to describe the whole of human experience. In order to avoid the ensuing problem of over generalization, it is important to make analytical distinctions between aspects of social life. For example, we associate the adjective 'economic' with the production, exchange, and consumption of commodities. If we are discussing the 'political', we mean practices related to the generation and distribution of power in societies. If we are talking about the 'cultural', we are concerned with the symbolic construction, articulation, and dissemination of meaning. Given that language, music, and images constitute the major forms of symbolic expression, they assume special significance in the sphere of culture.

The exploding network of cultural interconnections and interdependencies in the last decades has led some commentators to suggest that cultural practices lie at the very heart of contemporary globalization. Yet, cultural globalization did not start with the worldwide dissemination of rock 'n' roll, Coca-Cola, or football. The expansive civilization exchanges are much older than modernity. Still, the volume and extent of cultural transmissions in the contemporary period have far exceeded those of earlier eras. Facilitated by the Internet and other new technologies, the dominant symbolic systems of meaning of our age - such as individualism, consumerism, and various religious discourses - circulate more freely and widely than ever before. As images and ideas can be more easily and rapidly transmitted from one place to another, they profoundly impact the way people experience their everyday lives. Today, cultural practices frequently escape fixed localities such as town and nation, eventually acquiring new meanings in interaction with dominant global themes. The thematic landscape traversed by scholars of cultural globalization is vast and the questions they raise are too numerous to be fleshed out in this short article. Rather than offering a long laundry list of relevant topics, this article will focus on four important themes: the tension between sameness and difference in the emerging global culture; the crucial role of transnational media corporations in disseminating popular culture; the globalization of languages; and the impact of materialist and consumerist values on our planet's ecological systems.

Global Culture: Sameness or Difference?

Does globalization make people around the world more alike or more different? This is the question most frequently raised in discussions on the subject of cultural globalization. A group of commentators we might call 'pessimistic hyperglobalizers' argue in favour of the former. They suggest that we are not moving towards a cultural rainbow that reflects the diversity of the world's existing cultures. Rather, we are witnessing the rise of an increasingly homogenized popular culture underwritten by a Western 'culture industry' based in New York, Hollywood, London, and Milan. As evidence for their interpretation, these commentators point to Amazonian Indians wearing Nike training shoes, denizens of the Southern Sahara purchasing Texaco baseball caps, and Palestinian youths proudly displaying their Chicago Bulls sweatshirts in downtown Ramallah. Referring to the diffusion of Anglo-American values and consumer goods as the 'Americanization of the world', the proponents of this cultural homogenization thesis argue that Western norms and lifestyles are overwhelming more vulnerable cultures. Although there have been serious attempts by some countries to resist these forces of 'cultural imperialism' - for example, a ban on satellite dishes in Iran, and the French imposition of tariffs and quotas on imported film and television - the spread of American popular culture seems to be unstoppable. But these manifestations of sameness are also evident inside the dominant countries of the global North. American sociologist George Ritzer coined the term 'McDonaldization' to describe the wideranging sociocultural processes by which the principles of the fast-food restaurant are coming to dominate more and more sectors of American society as well as the rest of the world. On the surface, these principles appear to be rational in their attempts to offer efficient and predictable ways of serving people's needs. However, looking behind the faade of repetitive TV commercials that claim to 'love to see you smile', we can identify a number of serious problems. For one, the generally low nutritional value of fast-food meals - and particularly their high fat content - has been implicated in the rise of serious health problems such as heart disease, diabetes, cancer, and juvenile obesity. Moreover, the impersonal, routine operations of 'rational' fast-service establishments actually undermine expressions of forms of cultural diversity. In the long run, the McDonaldization of the world amounts to the imposition of uniform standards that eclipse human creativity and dehumanize social relations.

Perhaps the most thoughtful analyst in this group of pessimistic hyperglobalizers is American political theorist Benjamin Barber. In his popular book on the subject, he warns his readers against the cultural imperialism of what he calls 'McWorld' - a soulless consumer capitalism that is rapidly transforming the world's diverse populations into a blandly uniform market. For Barber, McWorld is a product of a superficial American popular culture assembled in the 1950s and 1960s, driven by expansionist commercial interests. Music, video, theatre, books, and theme parks are all constructed as American image exports that create common tastes around common logos, advertising slogans, stars, songs, brand names, jingles, and trademarks. Barber's insightful account of cultural globalization also contains the important recognition that the colonizing tendencies of McWorld provoke cultural and political resistance in the form of 'Jihad' - the parochial impulse to reject and repel the homogenizing forces of the West wherever they can be found. These furies of religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism which constitute the dark side of cultural particularism. Fuelled by opposing universal aspirations, Jihad and McWorld are locked in a bitter cultural struggle for popular allegiance. Barber asserts that both forces ultimately work against a participatory form of democracy, for they are equally prone to undermine civil liberties and thus thwart the possibility of a global democratic future. Optimistic hyperglobalizers agree with their pessimistic colleagues that cultural globalization generates more sameness, but they consider this outcome to be a good thing. For example, American social theorist Francis Fukuyama explicitly welcomes the global spread of Anglo-American values and lifestyles, equating the Americanization of the world with the expansion of democracy and free markets. But optimistic hyperglobalizers do not just come in the form of American chauvinists who apply the old theme of manifest destiny to the global arena. Some representatives of this camp consider themselves staunch cosmopolitans who celebrate the Internet as the harbinger of a homogenized 'techno-culture'. Others are free-market enthusiasts who embrace the values of global consumer capitalism. It is one thing to acknowledge the existence of powerful homogenizing tendencies in the world, but it is quite another to assert that the cultural diversity existing on our planet is destined to vanish. In fact, several influential commentators offer a contrary assessment that links globalization to new forms of cultural expression. Sociologist Roland Robertson, for example, contends that global cultural flows often reinvigorate local cultural niches. Hence, rather than being totally obliterated by the Western consumerist forces of sameness, local difference and particularity still play an important role in creating unique cultural constellations. Arguing that cultural globalization always takes place in local contexts, Robertson rejects the cultural homogenization thesis and speaks instead of 'glocalization' - a complex interaction of the global and local characterized by cultural borrowing. The resulting expressions of cultural 'hybridity' cannot be reduced to clear-cut manifestations of 'sameness' or 'difference'. As we noted in our previous discussion of Osama bin Laden, such processes of hybridization have become most visible in fashion, music, dance, film, food, and language. The respective arguments of hyperglobalizers and sceptics are not necessarily incompatible. The contemporary experience of living and acting across cultural borders means both the loss of traditional meanings and the creation of new symbolic expressions. Reconstructed feelings of belonging coexist in uneasy tension with a sense of placelessness. Cultural globalization has contributed to a remarkable shift in people's consciousness. In fact, it appears that the old structures of modernity are slowly giving way to a new 'postmodern' framework characterized by a less stable sense of identity and knowledge.

15Cyber Terrorism

Cyber Terrorism
The Internet was developed primarily as an unregulated, open architecture. Not only are we observing a predictable backlash to the corporatization of the network, where the tools of destruction can easily be placed in the hands of the dissatisfied or malevolent people, we must also deal with the fact that the infrastructure is ideally suited to criminal activities. Some of these activities are being promoted as cyber-terrorism; however, the loose use of the term is actually undermining the defense capabilities of the very corporations and governments who are at risk.

Cyber Terrorism: Meaning

'Cyber terrorism is the convergence of terrorism and cyber space. It is generally understood to mean unlawful attacks and threats of attacks against computers, networks, and information stored therein when done to intimidate or coerce a government or its people in furtherance of political or social objectives. Further, to qualify as cyber terrorism, an attack should result in violence against persons or property or at least cause enough harm to generate fear. Attacks that lead to death or bodily injury, explosions, plane crashes, water contamination or severe economic loss would be examples. Serious attacks against critical infrastructures could be acts of cyber terrorism depending upon their impact. Attacks that disrupt nonessential services or that are mainly a costly nuisance would not. To be more precise one has to think of cyber terrorism more differentiated and from different points of view. If cyber terrorism is treated similarly to conventional terrorism, then it would only include attacks that threaten property or lives, and can be dened as the leveraging of targets computers and information, particularly via the Internet, to cause physical harm or endanger the infrastructure. Cyber-terrorism can also be understood as the use of computer network tools to shut down critical national infrastructures (such as energy, transportation, government operations) or to coerce or intimidate a government or civilian population. The premise of cyber terrorism is that as nations and critical infrastructure became more dependent on computer networks for their operation, new vulnerabilities are created a massive electronic Achilles' heel. A hostile nation or group could exploit these vulnerabilities to penetrate a poorly secured computer network and disrupt or even shut down critical functions. At variance with this opinion there is also a denition of cyber terrorism as the use of information technology by terrorist groups and individuals to further their agenda. This can include use of information technology to organize and execute attacks against networks etc. or for exchanging information and organizing the terroristic activities. When actions as mentioned above are done for economic reasons instead of ideological, it is regarded as cybercrime. It is pertinent to note that while all cyber terrorism cases are cyber crimes, not all cyber crimes can be called acts of cyber terrorism ! Only those cyber crimes which are politically or ideologically motivated qualify to be called as acts of cyber terrorism In the year 2000, an engineer working in Maroochy Shire Waste Water Plant , Sunshire Coast City, Australia subverted the computers of the

company which controlled its operations , to vent out his feelings of frustration with the companys promotion policies. The result was release of millions of tons of sewage water into parks and seacoast of the city causing massive environmental damage. As the act was not ideologically or politically motivated , it was not, rightly so, called an act of cyber terrorism. It was a grave cyber crime, never the less ! The main aim of cyber terrorists today is to cripple critical infrastructure of a country by cyber attacks to further the causes they espouse for as a terrorist group. In their wish lists are critical infrastructure like telecommunications, electric grids, transportation networks, banking & finance, water supply , fuel production & supply chains, military complexes , government operations .and emergency services. In order to wreck havoc with the critical infrastructure of a country, the cyber terrorists use a variety of sophisticated tools to perpetrate their attacks.

Important Terms
Cyber warfare: The active use of computers and information technology, mainly on the internet, to indulge in acts of war, waged on governments or large organizations. This includes changing mediums, extracting relevant information, and altering a software-controlled event. Cyber crime: The use of computers and information technology mainly on the internet for illegal purposes initiated by any individual. Virus: A le designed to alter or change something, when uploaded on a computer, network, website, database, etc. Whether a virus is detected or not is essentially irrelevant, seeing as the damage is done, in most cases, once it is uploaded and installed. Worm: A spike that is designed to extract information from a computer, network, website, database etc. Worms are designed to be undetectable, seeing as they are a spike implemented in an already operating program le, and therefore cannot be destroyed and extracted of the given medium without major damage.

Cyberterror: Different forms

Cyber terrorism can take the following forms:

1. Internet worms or viruses: these internet viruses or worms can be used to shut down programs, or even entire systems by hijacking email lists and address books. Worms or viruses may also be used to target communication devices like cellular phones or personal data assistants. 2. Phlooding: this new exploit targets businesses central authentication servers with the goal of overloading them and causing a denialofservice attack. These simultaneous but geographically distributed attacks have targeted but are not restricted to wireless access points with login requests using multiple password combinations in what are known as dictionary attacks. The multiple requests create a flood of authentication requests to the companys authentication server, which could slow down logins and potentially interfere with broader network operations, since many different users and applications often validate themselves against the same identity management system. Phlooding could effectively block broadband

3.

4. 5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

VPN or firewall connections making it temporarily impossible for employees to access their corporate network. System Threats: threats to various systems, new and antiquated, that power our everyday operations. An example of a new threat would be one to the security of Voice-Over Internet Protocol (VoIP) processes, whose similarity to traditional data systems may become attractive to attackers, impacting the publics ability to utilize eme Spyware: Non detectable worms that deduce information. Dangerous seeing as these worms are mostly undetectable and the victim does not know that he/she/ it is being attacked. Vandalism: Web vandalism is dened by website defacement or denial of service attacks, initiated by a virus. This is dangerous seeing as these defaced websites can give out false information that is crucial to a certain cause or plans and can result in total change of policy. Propaganda: Gathering information to inuence the opinion of large numbers of people, which is a powerful recruitment tool for terror organizations. Dangerous since this can motivate hackers and gifted people to indulge in cyber terrorism for a given cause. Denial of Service: A virus that attempts to block and absorb the content of a certain resource to keep that resource from the intended user. This is dangerous seeing as this information might be crucial to an important, spontaneous decision that cannot be made without this source. Network based attacks against civil or military infrastructure: As in conventional terrorism, critical infrastructure is an interesting target. However cyber terrorism also deals with the penetration of fuel, water or electricity outlets. A virus is created that puts the control of fuel, water, or electricity outlets under ones direct command. This is dangerous because this can result in economic breakdown when dealing with infrastructure that has to do with banks, or stocks, leakage of chemicals, and in connection with chemical storages etc. Non-Network based attacks against civil or military infrastructure: Equipment disruption can also occur from noncomputerized attacks. An Electromagnetic Pulse (EMP) occurs after a nuclear device is detonated, and disables all electronic devices within range. Altering virus: A virus that alters commands inicted upon software via the computer. Most dangerous when used to interfere in military command.

Cyber terror: Some examples

Middle East Tension Sparks Cyber Attacks
With the Middle East Conflict at a very heated moment between bordering countries Pro-Palestinian and Pro-Israel Cyber Groups have been launching an offensive against websites and mail services used by the political sectors the opposing groups show support for. The attacks had been reported by the NIPC (National Infrastructure Protection Center) in October of 2000 to U.S. Officials. The attacks were a volley of email floods, DoS attacks, and ping flooding of such sites as the Israel Foreign Ministry, Israeli Defense Forces, and in reverse, sites that belonged to groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah..

Pakistan/India Conflict
As tensions between the neighboring regions of India and Pakistan over Kashmir grew over time, Pro-Pakistan cyber-terrorists and recruited hackers began to target Indias Internet Community. Just prior to and after the September 11th attacks, it is believed that the sympathizers of Pakistan (which also included members of the Al Qaeda Organization) began their spread of propaganda and attacks

against Indian Internet based communities. Groups such as G-Force and Doctor Nuker have defaced or disrupted service to several major entities in India such as the Zee TV Network, The India Institue of Science and the Bhabha Atomic Research Center which all have

political ties. The Group, Pakistani Hackerz Club also went as far as to target the United States Air Force Computing Environment and the Department of Energys Website.

Retaliation in China
In May 1999 the accidental bombing of a Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia by U.S. Bombers, led to a massive web site defacement and e-mail bombardment attack on American companies and agencies. Pro-Chinese hackers and political groups executed the attacks to gain sympathy for the Chinese cause. US Government sites such as the U.S. Departments of Energy and the Interior, and the National Park Service were all hit and had web sites defaced along with the White House web site. The site was downed for three days by continual e-mail bombing. Although the attack was rather random and brief and affected a small number of U.S. sites, the effects could have been worse.

Tamil Tiger Attempt

In 1998, with surges of violence committed in Sri Lankan over several years, attacks in cyber-space were the next area to target. The group known as the Tamil Tigers, a violent guerrilla organization, bombarded Sri Lankan embassies with over 800 e-mails a day. This was carried out over a two week period. The attacked the e-mail message conveyed the message, "We are the Internet Black Tigers and we're doing this to disrupt your communications." After the messages created such major disruption the local Intelligence authorities were dispatched to investigate. The authorities declared the attack as the first known attack on the Sri Lankan by the terrorists on any computer system in the nation.

Indian context
The question most often asked is how vulnerable are we to the threat of cyber terrorism. A countrys vulnerability to cyber threat is directly proportional to the dependency of its critical infrastructure on networks. In India, our critical infrastructure like power grids, telecommunication, banking etc is already highly network dependent and hence quite vulnerable. Many terrorist groups are in pursuit of capabilities of penetrating these networks . According to a report submitted by CRS (Congress Research Service ) to US Congress, the terrorists are exhibiting similar level of web knowledge as by US government agencies. The same report mentions that Al-Qaeda has opened web forums for its cadres to impart knowledge in hacking of computers ! The use of cyber technologies by intelligence agencies of some countries for not only snooping but also for compromising the critical infrastructure of other countries adds an entirely new dimension to cyber terrorism. What can be done to counter the grave threat that looms large on us ? A comprehensive Cyber Security Audit of our critical infrastructure shall be a good step to begin with . This shall help us in identifying our vulnerabilities and thus in plugging the same. Designing and implementing more stringent Access Control Systems and Encryption Standards, augmenting our Tech-Int capabilities to thwart a cyber attack before it happens and educating the users of critical infrastructure for adopting

safe practices are some ways to combat the threat. However, we need to remember that while we have to confront the entire range of security vulnerabilities, the cyber terrorist has to exploit just one vulnerability and achieve his mission !

16 Governance and Government

Governance and Government

The term governance is an offshoot of government, and the two are often times synonymously and inter changeably used. There are, however, qualitative differences between the two. There are attested four different meanings to the term "government": 1. Process of governing or exercising control; 2. Condition of ordered rule; 3. The body of individuals assigned the task of governing; and 4. The manner, method or system by which a particular society is governed." Government is an organized body politica formal structure of institutions, individuals (positions), and functions designed and managed to undertake defined responsibilities to attain certain specified goals in society. Consisting of a rule system and governed by a legal framework, a government through elected and appointed officials exercises legitimate authority over its jurisdictions and has effective monopoly of coercive powers without which it would become ineffective. Constitutional legitimacy and autonomy afford government to use formal sanctions to generate compliance of institutions, groups, and individuals The main points that come out of the distinction between the two concepts are that both government and governance refer to purposive behavior, to goal-oriented activities, to systems of rules; but government suggests activities that are backed by formal authority, whereas governance refers to activities backed by shared goals that may or may not derive from legal and formally prescribed responsibilities. Governance embraces governmental institutions, but it also subsumes informal, non-governmental mechanisms whereby those persons and organizations within its purview move ahead, satisfy their needs, and fulfill their want. Governance is a system of rule that works only if it is accepted by the majority, whereas governments can function even in the face of widespread opposition to their policies. Governance is associated with occasions when power is exercised independently of the authority of government. Some distinguish governance as a mode of allocating values while viewing government as operating the mechanisms through which the allocation is accomplished. In some instances governance is equated with the emergence of rule-like systems and problem-solving devices. As an organized entity, government has normative, structural, and behavioral attributes. Normatively, it has to do with notions of justice, equity, and equality. Structurally, it is about the distribution of power and authority, formal organizational arrangements, instruments, and procedures to control and regulate and decide on issues and policies and implement them. Behaviorally, it deals with the non institutional influences of motivation and human interactions on political activity and public affairs. Government is the principal "instrumentality through which the political system works". It can therefore be distinguished from a political system, which basically is a complex network of relationships and interactions performing integration and adaptation functions and transforming

political inputs (power relationships and demands) into outputs (laws and public policies) through this instrument of government . Often, the political system and the state, also a formal political organization, are considered synonymous , for instance, many scholars argue that "a state is the political organization of a society, it is a political system that is a subsystem of a more comprehensive social system," and "it uses the government to undertake its functions and uses the law in exercising its power". Government is an agency of the state and is "furnished with explicit rights and subject to control according to established procedures. Governance, on the other hand, is the process of governing in an appropriate manner to realize certain purposes of the state for societal well-being and progress. It is about the quality of governmental functioning and the positive responsiveness of state institutions for effective delivery of public services with utmost integrity, least discrimination, and respect for human rights. Governance is not likened with government because of the social and economic functions the former incorporates in its repertoire, apart from the political and administrative. It "signifies a change in the meaning of government, referring to a new process of governing; or a changed condition of ordered rule; or the new method by which society is governed". It is expected to be less hierarchical, less institutionalized, and therefore less bureaucratic than government. However, similar to government, it is also normative in nature and inherently value laden. It is about the efficient and productive performance of a government working within a democratic setup and being deferential and committed to the rule of law. It is about practices and mechanisms and attitudes and behaviors. Governance is about relationships between different entities and between different sets of ideas and practices. It represents a complex matrix of interrelationships between state and society in general, state and political and/or civil society, state and markets, the public and private sectors, state and global institutions, international regimes and national practices, and so on. The compass of governance is much wider than government, much more penetrating than traditional statecraft. As various scholars argues, governance indicates a shift away from well-established notions of politics and brings in new sites, new actors and new themes. There is a move from the familiar topography of formal political institutions to the edges of organizational activity, negotiations between sovereign bodies, and inter organizational networks that challenge the established distinction between public and private. The disparate actors who populate these networks find nascent points of solidarity in the joint realization that they need one another to craft effective political agreements. Their efforts to find solutions acceptable to all who are involved nibble and gnaw on the constitutional system of territorially based representative democracy. Basically, governance focuses on the synergies and collaboration between stake-holders in an intricate yet inclusive network of interactions "to achieve communicative rationality" toward deliberative solutions to societal problems. Evidently being more democratic in its orientation, governance also implies sharing of power between divergent (central vs. sub national or local) but perhaps overlapping vertical or horizontal layers in the state structure and often between state and non state entities (public agencies vs. quasi-governmental or nongovernmental organizations [NGOs]). The governance paradigm supports the "hollowing out" of state activities, external inputs into the policy process, more citizen engagements in public affairs, and wider PPPs. It acknowledges that political power is relational and needs to be shared and cannot be the exclusive domain of the state. Concentrated authority at the highest levels may not always deliver. Policy making needs to be shared vertically as well as horizontally among different actors at different levels. In the emerging governance paradigm, "multifaceted interdependencies" among autonomous social actors are prominent and more effective, vis--vis the previously authoritative state institutions, in public policy dynamics, that is, in converting their policy preferences into policy choices such that "the plurality of interests is trans-formed into coordinated action and the compliance of actors is achieved". Nonetheless, despite the trans-formations impinging upon it, the state continues to be the dominant political force in society, and its role will not cease or diminish in advancing social agendas or in confronting market failures. The transformations, however, need to be cautiously handled and

correctly paced for minimum disruptions to developmental activities. Even if government and governance are not the same thing, it is the government that plays the leading role in overseeing governance (the process of governing) and in guiding and influencing development dynamics. Indeed, governance cannot be schemed without government, which is at its nucleus, yet not the only element in the realization of its objectives.

17 Self Help Group: Genesis and Develpmental role

Self Help Group: Genesis and Develpmental role

(Based in new syllabus for IAS G.S. Paper II)

Self-help group is a method of organizing the poor people and the marginalized to come together to solve their individual problem. The SHG method is used by the government, NGOs and others worldwide. Take the example of the Garmin Bank of Bangladesh, it is a people bank formed by the poor to provide easy loans for themselves. The poor collect their savings and save it in their own banks. In return they receive easy access to loans with a small rate of interest to start their micro unit enterprise. Thousands of the poor and the marginalized population in Bangladesh are building their lives, their families and their society through Self help groups. The 9th five year plan of the government of India had given due recognition on the importance and the relevance of the Self-help group method to implement developmental schemes at the grassroots level.

What are SHGs?

SHG is a development group for the poor and marginalized It is recognized by the government and does not require any formal registration The purpose of the SHG is to build the functional capacity of the poor and the marginalized in the field of employment and income generating activities People are responsible for their own future by organizing themselves into SHGs

Guiding principles for the formation of SHGs

The strong belief by the individual to bring about change through collective efforts Effort is built on mutual trust and mutual support Every individual is equal and responsible Every individual is committed to the cause of the group Decision is based on the principles of consensus The belief and commitment by an individual that through the group their standard of living will improve

Savings is the foundation on which to build the group for collective action.

The Genesis
Though India has one of the largest networks of financial institutions of about 1.6 lakh, including primary agriculture cooperative societies (PACS), the majority of population, particularly the poor have been out of the purview of them. According to different all India Rural Credit Surveys and All India Debt and Investment Surveys, the rural household, who have institutional credit has increased from 8.8% in 1951 to 17.3% in 1961, to 29.2% in 1971, to 61.2% in 1981. But it has declined from 61.2% in 1981 to 53.3% in 1991. The major reason was collapse of cooperatives. The proportion of rural households, who have credit from cooperatives, has declined from 28.6% in 1981 to 18.6% in 1991. Dismayed by, the poor performance of formal institutions in providing financial services to the rural areas and the poorer sections of the society, the Government of India contemplated in the late eighties to promote another apex bank to take care of financial needs of the poor, informal sector and rural areas. At that point of time NABARD initiated a search for alternative methods to fulfill the financial needs of the rural poor and informal sector. The decline of cooperatives in the sixties and seventies is widely attributed to the government's direct promotional role, their artificial propping up through subsidies and undue interference in management. As a result the NABARD wanted to develop the new channel, which is free from government subsidies and interference. Meanwhile, development workers across the country have been targeting "groups" of the poor and disadvantaged as a bulwark against social inequities. The consequent social capital is the only capital that the poor can rely on and use (not without cost) as a hedge against their resource deficient condition and powerlessness. Despite the decline of the cooperatives, the search for an appropriate community-based structure continued and women's groups called self-help groups (SHGs) emerged in the late eighties and the early nineties around rotating mutual savings and credit, as a stable and viable alternative. SHG bank linkage program, not only helped poor in accessing the bank loans but also made many branches of bank in rural areas viable and helped the turnaround of the many sick banks and branches, especially the regional rural banks (RRBs). With very high repayment rate of about 95% and very low NPA vis--vis agriculture and other loans SHG bank linkage proved to be one of the safest portfolios for the banks. Compared to general agriculture and other individual loans, the average size of SHG loans is quite high in rural branches. Further, unlike other rural customers, SHGs maintain good amounts in their saving accounts and further add every month. Further, the SHGs have other funds such as revolving fund, grants, backend subsidies of SGSY loans, etc parked in banks. As a result, SHG business became most profitable in the rural branches. Many banks and branches have started giving priority to SHG lending. Increasing loan volumes, taking up of total financial inclusion (TFI), are a couple of methods employed by the banks to shore up their SHG loan portfolio. SHG customers constitutes well over one-third of total customers and account for about one-fourth of total business in rural branches. In some branches, SHG lending reached three-fourths. Meanwhile, most state governments and the Government of India, donors and NGOs realized the potential of SHGs in poverty elimination and women empowerment. As a result different departments of many state governments and the Government of India started promoting SHG to realize their missions. Some state governments have established autonomous bodies to implement the poverty reductions programs and projects through SHGs with external financial support. As a result of entering many official agencies, the advent of many externally aided poverty alleviation projects in different states and the realization on the part of bankers about the potential of SHG bank

linkage program, the number of groups and bank linkages have been increasing at accelerated pace in recent years.

Impact of SHGs
If the growth rate of SHG-bank linkage is impressive, its impact, especially economic impact, is amazing. Reviewing existing SHG-bank linkage studies Seibel, H. D. (2005) and Tankha, Ajay, (2002) pointed out, that SHG members realized major increase in assets, income and employment. In the borrowing patterns a shift has been observed over time from consumption loans to loans for income generating purposes. Increased savings and capital formation improved the self financing capacities and improved their risk absorption capacity and made them less vulnerable. Access to formal finance has substantially reduced dependency on informal money lenders and has diminished capital costs. The financial services and their impact on incomes also raise the capacities of SHG members to increase their household expenditure for basic needs such as better nutrition as well as for education and health (Seibel, H. D., 2005). Among various benefits cited above, access to formal financial institutions is widely felt as the most important benefit. The second most important benefit is that freeing themselves from the influence of money lenders (APMAS, 2005). Yet another interesting trend observed in AP is that money lenders are shifting out of money lending and some of them entered into real estate sector. When members get a series of loans, with increase in amount in every subsequent loan and assure of getting loans in the future, they can invest very high amounts in asset creation and income generation activities. Studies also indicate that SHG members have experienced higher improvement in their economic conditions vis--vis non-members (Puhazhendi, V. C. and K. C. Badatya, 2002). Impact of the SHG bank linkage is also noticeable at macro level also. The rural household access to formal financial institutions in the country has increased between 1991 and 2003 (Srivastava, Pradeep and Priya Basu, 2004). Andhra Pradesh, which is considered as Mecca of the micro finance, particularly the SHG-bank linkage, experienced the steepest decline in rural poverty rates in recent years and attained one of lowest rural poverty rates. The poverty in AP has declined from 29.75% in 1983 to 10.85% in 200405. During the same time the poverty rate has declined from 44.93% to 28.27% at national level. Unlike the all India trend, in AP the decline in poverty rate between 1983 and 2004-05 is steeper in rural areas (16.46% points) compare to urban areas (12.08% points) (Dev 2007). The steep decline in rural poverty in the state during early years of current decade, during which agriculture witnessed an unprecedented crisis, is a remarkable achievement. The SHGs and bank linkage programs in particular, which are predominantly rural programs, might have contributed to this achievement. SHGs also contributed for the social changes such as mobility and ability to interact with outsiders, especially with officials and banks. As a result of these potentials, a number of government agencies, banks and other financial institutions, microfinance institutions, private sector, multilateral and bilateral agencies, donors and civil society agencies started partnerships with SHGs.

Limitations of SHGs
Though the SHGs become credible and effective partners to many, they themselves are facing a number of constraints and challenges. These include:

Uneven spread of the SHGs across the country Inability to take up livelihood promotion Inability to take up larger issues of gender and social inequality and women empowerment, etc Limitations of promoters to provide capacity building and other necessary inputs at a desired scale, and Inability of banks to understand and accommodate the needs of the SHGs in some parts of the country, especially in under serviced regions. These are briefly explained.

18Demographic Indicators of Quality of Life in India

Demographic Indicators of Quality of Life in India

As per 2011 census, India has a population of about 1.21 billion which makes us the second most populous country next only to China. In absolute terms, the population of India has increased by more than 181 million during the decade 2001-2011. Distribution of population was 623.72 million (51.54%) males and 586.46 million (48.46%) females. In terms of rural urban divide, 83.3 crore (68.84%) live in rural areas while 37.7 crore (31.16%) live in urban areas, as per the Census of Indias 2011. The Average Annual Exponential Growth Rate (AAEGR) whi ch was 2.14% in 1981-91 and 1.97% in 1991-2001 has further dropped to 1.64%.

As per data released by SRS, 2011, All India Crude Birth Rate is 21.8 while All India Crude Death Rate is 7.1. However, the figures are not same throughout the country and exhibit variations between rural and urban areas as well as between different states Table 1: Estimated Birth rate, Death rate, Natural growth rate and Infant mortality rate, 2011 India/States/ Union Territories 1 Birth Death rate rate Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban 2 3 4 5 6 7 Natural growth rate Total 8 9 Rural 10 Urban

21.8 India

23.3

17.6

7.1

7.6

5.7

14.7

15.7

11.9

Bigger states 1. Andhra Pradesh 17.5 2. Assam 3. Bihar 4. Chhattisgarh 5. Delhi 6. Gujarat 7. Haryana 8. Jammu Kashmir 9. Jharkhand 10. Karnataka 11. Kerala 12. Pradesh Madhya & 22.8 27.7 24.9 17.5 21.3 21.8 17.8 25.0 18.8 15.2 26.9 16.7 20.1 16.2 26.2 15.9 27.8 16.3 17.8 24.0 28.4 26.3 19.3 22.9 22.9 19.1 26.3 19.7 15.4 28.8 17.3 21.0 16.8 27.4 16.0 28.8 18.1 21.4 12.5 17.1 16.6 15.5 21.7 18.3 17.2 19.0 19.5 13.1 19.0 17.2 14.4 20.1 15.8 14.7 15.2 22.5 15.7 23.7 11.5 14.2 13.7 11.2 7.5 8.0 6.7 7.9 4.3 6.7 6.5 5.5 6.9 7.1 7.0 8.2 6.3 8.5 6.8 6.7 7.4 7.9 6.2 5.8 6.7 6.7 8.5 8.4 6.9 8.3 4.7 7.4 7.0 5.7 7.3 8.0 7.1 8.7 7.3 8.8 7.5 7.0 8.1 8.3 6.1 6.8 8.0 7.0 5.2 5.6 5.5 6.1 4.3 5.7 5.3 4.7 5.2 5.4 6.6 6.1 5.1 6.5 5.6 5.8 6.4 6.1 6.5 2.5 5.9 3.6 10.0 14.8 21.0 17.0 13.2 14.6 15.4 12.3 18.1 11.7 8.2 18.7 10.3 11.6 9.4 19.6 8.5 20.0 10.1 14.0 6.6 9.8 9.4 15.6 21.5 18.0 14.6 15.5 15.9 13.4 19.1 11.7 8.3 20.1 10.0 12.1 9.4 20.5 8.0 20.5 12.0 14.7 4.5 10.0 11.3 9.9 16.2 12.2 12.9 13.3 14.1 8.4 13.8 11.8 7.8 13.9 10.8 8.2 9.5 16.7 9.3 17.7 5.0 11.6 7.8 7.6

13. Maharashtra 14. Odisha 15. Punjab 16. Rajasthan 17. Tamil Nadu 18. Uttar Pradesh 19. West Bengal

Smaller states 1. Arunachal 19.8 Pradesh 2. Goa 13.3 3. Himachal 16.5 Pradesh

4. Manipur 5. Meghalaya 6. Mizoram 7. Nagaland 8. Sikkim 9. Tripura 10. Uttarakhand

14.4 24.1 16.6 16.1 17.6 14.3 18.9

14.2 26.2 20.6 16.3 17.7 15.1 19.7 14.9 21.2 25.5 18.8 15.7 16.4

15.0 14.6 12.6 15.5 16.6 11.0 16.0 15.3 14.4 28.1 17.9 13.7 15.9

4.1 7.8 4.4 3.3 5.6 5.0 6.2 4.6 4.1 4.6 4.9 6.4 7.2

4.1 8.3 5.4 3.4 5.9 4.9 6.5 5.1 3.6 5.1 5.0 6.0 7.9

4.2 5.5 3.4 2.9 3.5 5.4 4.9 3.6 4.1 3.0 4.8 6.7 6.8

10.3 16.3 12.2 12.8 12.0 9.4 12.8 10.5 11.0 21.4 13.5 8.3 8.9

10.2 17.9 15.2 12.9 11.8 10.2 13.2 9.8 17.6 20.4 13.7 9.7 8.5

10.8 9.1 9.2 12.5 13.1 5.6 11.2 11.7 10.3 25.1 13.2 7.0 9.1

Union Territories 1. Andaman & 15.1 Nicobar Islands 2. Chandigarh 15.0 3. Dadra & Nagar 26.1 Haveli 4. Daman & Diu 5. Lakshadweep 6. Puducherry 18.4 14.7 16.1

Note: Infant mortality rates for smaller States and Union Territories are based on three-years period 2009-11.

Total Fertility Rate (TFR)

TFR indicates the average number of children expected to be born per woman during her entire span of reproductive period. As per data available in SRS, 2010, the TFR for India in the year 2010 was 2.5 per woman and varies from 2.8 in rural areas to 1.9 in urban areas. Among the bigger States, it varies from 1.7 in Tamil Nadu to 3.7 in Bihar. For rural areas, it varies from 1.8 in Punjab, Kerala and Tamil Nadu to 3.8 in Bihar. For urban areas, such variation is from 1.3 in West Bengal and Himachal Pradesh to 2.7 in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Statewise and rural/urban figures are as under.

TFR (Total fertility rate) by residence, India and bigger States, 2010

India and Bigger States

Total

Rural

Urban

India Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Chhattisgarh Delhi Gujarat Haryana Himachal Pradesh Jammu & Kashmir Jharkhand Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Odisha Punjab Rajasthan Tamil Nadu Uttar Pradesh West Bengal

2.5 1.8 2.5 3.7 2.8 1.9 2.5 2.3 1.8 2.0 3.0 2.0 1.8 3.2 1.9 2.3 1.8 3.1 1.7 3.5 1.8

2.8 1.9 2.7 3.8 3.0 2.1 2.7 2.5 1.9 2.2 3.2 2.1 1.8 3.5 2.0 2.4 1.8 3.3 1.8 3.7 2.0

1.9 1.6 1.6 2.7 1.9 1.9 2.1 2.0 1.3 1.4 2.1 1.7 1.8 2.2 1.7 1.6 1.7 2.4 1.6 2.7 1.3

A large population has its own pros and cons. It means more people are available for work but their benefit can only be reaped if the economy can create employment opportunities as well as provide the people necessary skills to handle these jobs. This requires investment in human resources as well as the economy but the large size of population hinders investment as expenditure of providing basic amenities to the people does not leave much capacity with the Government to invest in such infrastructure. India adopted a National Population Policy which had projected a CBR of 21 and replacement levels of TFR at 2.1 by 2010 to enable it to achieve a stable population by 2045. However, Census data indicates that the deadline has not been met.

Health Indicators
Infant Mortality Rate:
Infant Mortality Rate means number of infant (below one year deaths) per 1000 live births. Infant Mortality Rate which was 50 in 2009 and 47 in 2010 has declined to 44 as per the SRS Bulletin, 2012. However, there are again variations all over country. For rural areas, the figure is 48 while for the urban areas it is 29. In the bigger states, Kerala has the best rate of 12 while Madhya Pradesh is the worst with IMR of 59. IMR is one of the indicators for the Millennium Development Goals and a target of 28 has been set by the year 2015. As per MDG Report, 2011, though IMR for the country as a whole declined by 30 points (rural IMR by 31 points vis--vis urban IMR by 16 points) in the last 20 years at an annual average decline of 1.5 points, it declined by three points between 2008 and 2009. With the present improved trend due to sharp fall during 2008-09, the national level estimate of IMR is likely to be 45.04 which is short of the target.

Under Five Mortality Rate

Under Five Mortality Rate means number of children who died before attaining five years of age. As per data provided by the Census in SRS bulletin, 2011, Under Fiver Mortality Rate in 2009 was 64 and showed an improvement of 5 points over 69 of 2008. This is monitored as one of the indicators of MDG and a target of 28 has set for 2015. As per MDG Report, 2011, India is expected to reach the figure of 54 and likely to miss the target.

Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) and Institutional Deliveries:

Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) means the number of women aged 15-49, who die due to any cause relating to pregnancy during pregnancy or child birth or within 42 days relating to pregnancy per 100,000 live births. MMR has reduced from 254 per 100000 live births in 2004-06 to 212 per 100000 live births in 2007-09 (SRS), a reduction of 42 points over a three year period or 14 points per year on an average. Data with respect to some of the states as is as under:

Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR), Maternal Mortality Rate and Life Time Risk; India, EAG & Assam, South and Other states, 2007-09

India & Major States INDIA TOTAL

Live Maternal Sample Female 95% Population Births Deaths MMR CI (1985678691 436411 926 212 226) 174250 331294 323937 272797 241249 484847 1828374 340520 376272 12303 38096 33041 20616 27277 54039 185372 23003 22889 48 100 89 53 87 194 570 31 41 390 261 269 258 318 359 308 134 178 (280500) (210313) (213325) (189327) (251384) (308409) (282333) (87182) (124-

Maternal Mortality Rate 16.3

Lifetime risk 0.6%

Assam Bihar/Jharkhand Madhya Pradesh/Chhattisgarh Orissa Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh/Uttarakhand EAG AND ASSAM SUBTOTAL Andhra Pradesh Karnataka

27.5 30.1 27.4 19.5 35.9 40.0 31.2 9.1 10.8

1.0% 1.0% 1.0% 0.7% 1.2% 1.4% 1.1% 0.3% 0.4%

233) Kerala Tamil Nadu SOUTH SUBTOTAL Gujarat Haryana Maharashtra Punjab West Bengal Other OTHER SUBTOTAL 287854 388462 1393108 280969 165619 323812 193705 476579 1016525 2457209 14624 22262 82778 24435 14594 21715 12691 30291 64535 168261 12 22 105 36 22 23 22 44 104 250 81 97 127 148 153 104 172 145 160 149 (35127) (56138) (103151) (100196) (90217) (61146) (100244) (102188) (130191) (130167) 4.1 5.6 7.5 12.8 13.5 6.9 11.3 9.2 10.2 10.2 0.1% 0.2% 0.3% 0.4% 0.5% 0.2% 0.4% 0.3% 0.4% 0.4%

Maternal Mortality Ration is also being monitored under Millennium Development Goals as per which MMR has to be reduced to 109. As per MDG Report, 2011, expected figure to be reached by 2015 is 139, thus falling short of the target, though sharper decline of 16% during 2003-06 and 17% during 2006-09 can be considered to matter of some relief. As regard the institutional deliveries, the rate of increase in coverage of institutional deliveries in India is rather slow. It increased from 26% in 1992-93 to 47% in 2007-08. As a result, the coverage of deliveries by skilled personnel has also increased almost similarly by 19 percentage points from 33% to 52% during the same period. With the existing rate of increase in deliveries by skilled personnel, the likely achievement for 2015 is only to 62%, which is far short of the targeted universal coverage

Life Expectancy at birth

Life expectancy at birth means the age up to which a new born is expected to live. As per data made available by SRS Bulletin, life expectancy has considerable improved from 49.7 years in 1970-75 to 66.1 years in 2006-10. However, this is quite less in comparison to the developed countries while life expectancy is usually above 80. Life expectancy is not uniform and there are variations between male and female, rural and urban and also in various states.

19

Cyber Threat

Cyber space is considered as 5th Global Commons after sea, air, space and outer space. Cyberspace is the life and blood of the internet and has become most important in terms of information sharing and processing. There has been an unprecedented rise in the number of cyberattacks on the critical infrastructure across the world. Clandestine and undetected attack on critical infrastructure by non-state actors and nation states can cause serious disruption and can even cripple economy spreading anarchy and disorder in the target countries. American theorist Joseph Nye has divided Cyber threats into four different categories:
1.

2.

3.

4.

Cyber War: It is characterized as the unauthorized invasion by a nation state into the systems or networks of another aiming to disrupt those systems. A specific target is to slow down if not curtail the military system of the target state. China officially spends about US $ 5.5 million per year for strategic hacking. The Red Hackers Alliances is known to render services to Chinese Government. On similar lines Pakistan has also started using Cyber warfare. The Pakistan based group H4TRCK has hacked various Indian defense websites in recent past. According to The New York Times, STUXNET by Isreal was the biggest weapon used against Iran to mitigate its nuclear program. Cyber Espionage: This is done by the nations to steal the sensitive information of the target country. These attacks are generally hard to discover since the target systems remain functioning. Earlier this year, a highly sophisticated attack called Flame was discovered in Russia, Hungary and Iran. Flame had been copying documents, recording audio etc and was passing them to the controlling systems. Cyber Crime: Cyber Crimes are generally aimed at ordinary citizens across the globe. These have impact on the lives of ordinary internet users. Cyber Crimes includes pornography, stalking, personality imitation, phishing, plagiarism etc. Cyber Terrorism: It includes websites spreading extremist propaganda, recruiting terrorist, planning attacks. It can also involves hacking of critical networks and website however the technical difference between a Cyber War and Cyber Terrorism is that the former involves nation states while the latter involves non state actors like terrorist groups etc.

Tackling Cyber Threat: Indian Context

In India, the present day Cyber Defense is insufficient and far from satisfactory. The approach of the governmental agencies in this regard can be best described as ad hoc and piecemeal. In the present structure about 12 stakeholders are involved in protecting the Cyberspace in India. The nodal agency which deals with the Cyber threat in India is Indian Computer Emergency Response Team. However since the stakeholder ministers involved are 12 in number, this leads to duplicity of functions and multiplicity of commands, which can make any agency ineffective and full of red tapes. The following are the recommendations to tackle Cyber threats more effectively:
1. 2.

There is a need to build lawful interception capabilities to monitor electronic communication, including encrypted communication in the real time. A fully empowered national head for cyber security should be appointed backed by a legitimate structure that specifically lays down roles and responsibilities of public and private sector stakeholders.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

A National Threat Intelligence Centre should be established within Computer Emergency Response Team i.e. the present nodal agency dealing with Cyber threats. A center for excellency for best practices in Cyber security should be established Within defense forces, Cyber command should be set up fully equipped with defensive and offensive weapons and capabilities in Cyber espionage To address the shortage of cyber security manpower, a competency framework should be implemented to assess security skill requirement. Inventory of critical information infrastructure should be drawn upon to help handle the cyberattacks.

20 Internal security in India

Internal security in India Part I

(A series of articles based on the topics related to new syllabus for IAS exam)

At the core of Indias security concerns is its internal security a major national security challenge. There are three broad connotations of internal security i.e. safeguarding territorial integrity, preserving sovereignty and maintaining domestic peace. Threat to internal security involves situations in which there is no non international armed conflict, but there exists an internal confrontation, characterized by a certain seriousness or duration and which involves acts of violence. These can assume various forms, from the spontaneous generation of acts of revolt to the struggle between more or less organized groups and the authorities in power. In these situations, which do not necessarily degenerate into open struggle, the authorities in power call upon extensive police forces, or even armed forces, to restore internal order. Kautilya in Arthashastra places threats to a nation into four different categories. The most serious one arises from internal originators and internal abettors and is like the fear from a lurking snake. Second to this is the purely external threat, both originated and abetted by foreigners. Third come the internally originated but externally abetted threat, followed by the externally originated, internally abetted threat. This reflects that internal security has been an issue of phenomenal significance since time immemorial which is seriously affected by external sources. The issue of internal security becomes further complex in context of country like India which is marred with herculean diversity, economic disparity and is surrounded by the hostile neighbors. The external sources, consisting of both state and non-state actors, combined with those anti-state forces within India, have made the situation more complex in a daily situation. In the globalized 21st century where various assertive international organizations and forums advocate peace and consider present international boundaries as sacrosanct; destabilizing a country through internal disturbances is more economical and less objectionable. External adversaries, particularly the weaker ones, find it easier to create and aid forces which cause internal unrest and

instability. Indias history is full of such experiences wherein the hostile external states have sponsored and supported destabilizing tendencies in the country in one form or the other. In a report, Global Risks Atlas 2011, India is rated to be under the extreme risk category on security issues as it faces simultaneous threats of terrorist attacks from militant Islamic extremists and Naxalite Maoist insurgents. Since independence, India has confronted at least one major upheaval every decade compounded by the prevailing existing threats. In the late 1940s, immediately after independence, it was the massive refugee flows in and out of the country, and the bloody communal violence that shook the young nation. In the1950s, problems surfaced in the Northeast in the form of a Naga insurgency. The third decade of independent India (1960s) witnessed peasant revolts manifest in the form of Naxalism, which recurred from time-to-time in various parts of India. In the 1970s, insurgency in the Northeast took firm root, gradually engulfing the whole of the region subsequently. The state of Punjab exploded in the 1980s and secessionism ran deep enough for its perpetrators to kill an incumbent prime minister of the country. In the1990s, militancy took birth in the state of Jammu and Kashmir which continues unabated; Naxalism recurred, especially in the state of Andhra Pradesh at around the same time. In the 2000s, a new form of violence appeared in the form of jihadi terrorism that came to haunt India. Presently, Naxalism, also popularly known as Left Wing Extremism (LWE), has spread to other parts especially tribal-dominated central India. Overall, more than 50 percent of India is said to be affected by one or the other type of threats outlined above, and are not merely law and order problems. They have an increasing external dimension which falsifies the conventional wisdom that internal security threats are primarily caused by internal domestic sources. It is clearly discernible that external support with malafide intent to destabilize India has added to their complexity. The following map indicates the conflicts which are the serious threat to internal security.

Source: South Asia Terrorism Portal

To continued..

21 Civil Society and Social Change

Civil Society and Social Change

(This article is based on the new syllabus of IAS Mains Exam i.e. General Studies Paper III. The article covers the following topics from syllabus: the role of NGOs, SHGs, various groups and associations, donors, charities, institutional and other stakeholders )

Two distinct roles for Civil Society are highlighted, both as service providers and advocates for the poor. The service provideradvocate divide differentiates between the pursuit of Big-D and little-d development (Bebbington et al 2008; Hulme 2008). Big-D development sees Development as a project-based and intentional activity, in which tangible project outputs have little intention to make foundational changes that challenge societys institutional arrangements. In contrast, little-d development regards development as an ongoing process, emphasising radical, systemic alternatives that seek different ways of organising the economy, social relationships and politics (Bebbington et al 2008). The shape of NGOs has changed over time. While many NGOs, particularly in Latin America, were created around the explicit intention of addressing structural issues of power and inequality and expanding civil society against hegemonic or weak and unrepresentative states, they have seen a shift in their organisational character and in the nature of their work, instead adopting technical and managerial solutions to social issues such as poverty through service delivery and welfare provision. Ninety percent of registered NGOs in Kenya, for example, are involved primarily in service delivery (Brass 2011). In the process, NGOs and their activities have become professionalised and depoliticised (Kamat 2004). In their role as service providers, NGOs offer a broad spectrum of services across multiple fields, ranging from livelihood interventions and health and education service to more specific areas, such as emergency response, democracy building, conflict resolution, human rights, finance, environmental management, and policy analysis (Lewis and Kanji 2009). Interests in the contribution of NGOs to service delivery did not rise only because of the enforced rollback of state services, but also because of their perceived comparative advantages in service provision, including their ability to innovate and experiment, their flexibility to adopt new programmes quickly, and most importantly, their linkages with the grassroots that offer participation in programme design and implementation, thereby fostering self-reliance and sustainability (Korten 1987; Vivian 1994; Bebbington et al 2008; Lewis and Kanji 2009). These strengths, it was widely believed, would foster more empowering, more human, and more sustainable forms of development (Foster, in Bebbington 2004). These grassroots linkages are, after all, the reason NNGOs work through local partners, recognising that objectives and priorities of international organisations may not reflect those at the grassroots, and closer proximity at this level is necessary for more effective participatory designs. In the wake of failed top-down development

discourse, NGOs were seen to offer the sole organisational forms that could implement the global commitment to bottom-up development (Kamat 2004; Hearn 2007). It was not until later in the 1990s that donors started promoting a second important role for NGOs, viewing them as organisational embodiments of civil society that could play a role in political reform (Harsh et al 2010). While their role in as democratisers of development (Bebbington 2005) is highlighted as frequently as their role as service providers, rarely is it articulated how NGOs should participate in the political process to achieve this (Edwards and Hulme 1996). Challenging the state can lead to hostile governmentNGO relationships and threaten prospects for sustainability, and donors, too, are often are anxious to ignore the political realities of NGO interventions (Clark 1998). Their role as social development agencies, therefore, takes precedence over their role as political actors (Clark 1998). The role and contributions of NGOs in advocacy and empowerment is difficult to define, but we can look at their efforts along a broad spectrum. At one end are those NGOs actively intervening in democracy-building and transforming statesocietal relations, such as those emerging to mobilise and support radical social movements in the early NGO decade in Latin America. NGOs are vastly constrained in this sphere, seeking instead to convince governments that they are nonpolitical. Instead, at the other end of the spectrum, most NGOs seek empowerment as an indirect outcome of their wider service delivery activities. People-centred and participatory approaches to service delivery are suggested in this approach to lead to local-level capacity building in the long run, fostering a stronger democratic culture in which changes are hypothesised to feed into local and national institutions and processes. Others argue that NGOs pursue advocacy by stealth, by working in partnership with the government through which they can demonstrate strategies and methods for more effective service provision (Batley 2011; Rose 2011). The inability and/or unwillingness of NGOs to engage in political dimensions has forced us to reevaluate early claims that NGOs can promote democracy with a caveat: NGOs promote democracy only when they contribute to the improvement of citizen participation (Hudock 1999; Ghosh 2009). NGOs do, therefore, have a strong political dimension, even within service delivery and welfare provision (White 1999; Townsend et al 2004). Ghoshs (2009) description of NGOs as political institutions highlights the difficulties NGOs face in remaining nonpolitical (or convincing the government they are non-political) while advancing their and their clients interests in a highly political arena. One account of NGOs in Uganda, too, highlights the delicate balance NGOs play in becoming entangled in the politics of being non-political (Dicklitch and Lwanga 2003). Viewing NGOs as strengtheners of democracy and civil society is, therefore, an overly generous view, given they must embark on advocacy work in incremental ways and can rarely operate in ways that reach genuine transformative agendas. Throughout the 1990s, NGOs may have been viewed largely as heroic organisations seeking to do good in difficult circumstances (Lewis and Kanji 2009), but this rose-tinted view has been rolled back amidst increasing acknowledgement that NGOs are not living up to their expectations. A number of emerging criticisms highlight problems of representativeness, limitations to effectiveness and empowerment, and difficulties remaining loyal to their distinctive values, which are all undermining the legitimacy of NGOs (Atack 1999). That early worries have yet to be systematically addressed by NGOs has led to them becoming fully-fledged concerns and criticisms, and as NGOs have become increasingly professionalised and service-oriented, their proposed strengths in terms of their loyalty to the grassroots and innovative ability have been undermined.

22 Establishing an Enabling Environment for the Civil Society and Voluntary Sector

Establishing an Enabling Environment for the Civil Society and Voluntary Sector
(This article is based on the new syllabus of IAS Mains Exam i.e. General Studies Paper III. The article covers the following topics from syllabus: the role of NGOs, SHGs, various groups and associations, donors, charities, institutional and other stakeholders )

(This is the second article on the topic. The aspirants are advised to go through the Part 1 of this series for better understanding)
The following institutional arrangements can provide the enabling environment for Civil Society and Voluntary Organizations (VO)
1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

The independence of VOs allows them to explore alternative paradigms of development to challenge social, economic and political forces that may work against public interest and to find new ways to combat poverty, deprivation and other social problems. It is therefore crucial that all laws, policies, rules and regulations relating to VOs categorically safeguard their autonomy, while simultaneously ensuring their accountability. Voluntary organizations may be registered as societies, as charitable trusts, or as non-profit companies under Central or State laws. Some States have adopted the Societies Registration Act (1860), with amendments, while others have independent laws. Similarly, laws relating to charitable trusts vary across States. Over time, many of these laws and their corresponding rules have become complex and restrictive, thus leading to delays, harassment and corruption. As the nodal agency for interface between the Government and the Voluntary Sector, the Planning Commission will encourage State Governments to review prevailing laws & rules and simplify, liberalise and rationalise them as far as possible. In order to facilitate registration of non-profit companies, the Government will examine measures to simplify procedures under section 25 of the Companies Act (1956), including those for license, registration, and remuneration to members/employees. The Government will also examine the feasibility of enacting a simple and liberal central law that will serve as an alternative all-India statute for registering VOs, particularly those that wish to operate in different parts of the country and even abroad. Such a law would co-exist with prevailing central and state laws, allowing a VO the option of registering under one or more laws, depending on the nature and sphere of its activities. There has been much public debate on the voluntary sector, particularly its governance, accountability, and transparency. It is widely believed that the voluntary sector must address these issues through suitable self-regulation. The Government will encourage the evolution of, and subsequently accord recognition to, an independent, national level, self-regulatory agency for the voluntary sector. At the same time, there is need to bolster public confidence in the voluntary sector by opening it up to greater public scrutiny. The Government will encourage Central and State level agencies to introduce norms for filing basic documents in respect of VOs, which have

been receiving funding by Government agencies and placing them in the public domain (with easy access through the internet) in order to inculcate a spirit of public oversight.

Funding and resources

1.

2.

3.

4.

Public donation is an important source of funds for the voluntary sector and one that can and must increase substantially. Tax incentives play a positive role in this process. Stocks and shares have become a significant form of wealth in the country today. In order to encourage transfer of shares and stock options to VOs, the Government will consider suitable tax rebates for this form of donation. The Government will also simplify and streamline the system for granting income tax exemption status to charitable projects under the Income Tax Act. At the same time, the Government will consider tightening administrative and penal procedures to ensure that these incentives are not misused by paper charities for private financial gain. International funding of voluntary organizations plays a small, but significant part in supporting such organizations and their work in the country. An organization seeking foreign funding must be registered under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act. This law prescribes stringent screening norms that often restrict the ability of VOs to avail foreign funds. When approved, there are problems like funds must be held in a single bank account, thus presenting enormous difficulties to VOs working at different locations. The Government will review the FCRA and simplify its provisions that apply to VOs, from time to time, in consultation with the joint consultative group to be set up by the concerned Ministry. The Central Government has framed guidelines for bilateral agencies to give direct assistance to voluntary organizations for projects of social and economic importance. It controls access to such funds and their utilisation, both through the FCRA and through regulation by the Department of Economic Affairs. This system needs to be simplified in consultation with the joint consultative group to be set up by the concerned Ministry. The Government will encourage all relevant Central and State Government agencies to introduce pre-service and in-service training modules on constructive relations with the voluntary sector. Such agencies should introduce time bound procedures for dealing with the VOs. These would cover registration, income tax clearances, financial assistance, etc. There would be formal systems for registering complaints and for redressing grievances of VOs.

Partnership in Development
1.

2.

3.

The voluntary sector can play an important role in the development process, particularly through community participation. VOs can offer alternative perspectives; committed expertise; an understanding of the local opportunities and constraints; and perhaps most importantly, the capacity to conduct a meaningful dialogue with communities, particularly those that are disadvantaged. It is therefore essential that the Government and the Voluntary Sector work together. Where feasible, such partnership may also include other entities such as panchayati raj institutions, municipalities, academic institutions, and private sector organizations. Partnership between Government and VOs implies identifying shared goals and defining complementary roles. It must be based on the basic principles of mutual trust and respect, with shared responsibility and authority. These principles must be explicit in the terms and conditions of the partnership. They must also be evident in the formal and informal systems of collaboration. This policy recognizes three instruments of partnership, viz., (i) consultation, through a formal process of interaction at the Centre, State and District level; (ii) strategic collaboration to tackle complex interventions where sustained social mobilization is critical

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

over the long term; and (iii) project funding through standard schemes. The Government will ensure that these three instruments of partnership are given due attention in Annual Plans prepared by Ministries and States. The action that will be taken in respect of each of the three instruments is discussed in the following paragraphs. The Government will encourage setting up of Joint Consultative Groups /Forums or Joint Machineries of government and voluntary sector representatives, by relevant Central Departments and State Governments. It will also encourage district administrations, district planning bodies, district rural development agencies, zilla parishads and local governments to do so. These groups will be permanent forums with the explicit mandate to share ideas, views and information and to identify opportunities and mechanisms of working together. The Government will introduce suitable mechanisms for involving a wide cross-section of the voluntary sector in these Groups /Forums. The expertise of the voluntary sector will also be utilized, by including experts from VOs in the committees, task forces, and advisory panels constituted by the Government from time to time to help address important issues. The country faces a number of complex problems that require adaptive, multi-sectoral solutions where sustained social mobilization is particularly important. These include poverty alleviation, skill promotion, entrepreneurship development, empowerment of women, population stabilization, combating HIV/AIDS, managing water resources, elementary education and forest management, to name a few. Such areas urgently require strategic collaboration between the Government and VOs, through national level programmes that are long-term in duration, and utilize multiple strategies, methodologies and activities to achieve their objectives. The Government will identify national collaborative programmes to be implemented in partnership with VOs. Each national collaborative programme will involve a finite set of reputed, medium or large VOs with a proven track record, and the ability to work on a reasonably large scale. The Government will ensure that such national collaborative programmes are given due importance in Plan documents. The third instrument of partnership between the Government and the voluntary sector is project funding. A large number of Government agencies operate schemes for financial assistance to VOs. These schemes usually deal with activities such as surveys, research, workshops, documentation, awareness raising, training, creation and running of public welfare facilities, and so on. Project grants are a useful means for the Government to promote its activities without its direct involvement. They are also a valuable source of support to small and medium VOs. Nevertheless, there are legitimate concerns regarding the effectiveness of grant-in-aid schemes. Out-dated design of funding schemes, arbitrary procedures, selection of unsuitable VOs, poor quality of implementation, and misuse of funds are some of the reasons for the possible defeat of the objectives of such funding. Concerned Government agencies would be encouraged to ensure proper accountability and monitoring of public funds distributed to VOs. Some Central agencies have achieved good results by decentralizing the process of project funding. Rather than administering various schemes directly, they appoint regional or State level intermediary organizations to do so on their behalf. This allows for closer interaction for better selection and monitoring of VOs. Intermediaries could include umbrella VOs, professional or academic institutes, State Government agencies, or multi-stakeholder standing committees. The Government will review the experience of such decentralized funding and make suitable recommendations to Central agencies. There is reason to believe that accreditation of VOs will lead to better funding decisions and make the funding processes more transparent. Further, accreditation may provide incentives for better governance, management and performance of VOs. No reliable accreditation system is in place at present. The Government will encourage various agencies, including those in the voluntary sector, to develop alternative accreditation methodologies. It will allow time for such methodologies to be debated and gain acceptability in the voluntary sector, before considering their application to Government funding of VOs.

To be continued...

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23 Community Based Development Strategy

Community Based Development Strategy

(This article is based on the new syllabus of IAS Mains Exam i.e. General Studies Paper III. The article covers the following topics from syllabus: the role of NGOs, SHGs, various groups and associations, donors, charities, institutional and other stakeholders )

In many countries, limited government success in managing natural resources, providing basic infrastructure, and ensuring primary social services has led to the search for alternative institutional options. In recent years, a shift has occurred away from supply-driven toward demand-driven approaches, and from central command-and-control to local management or co-management of resources and services. This shift is intended to increase efficiency, equity, empowerment, and cost effectiveness. One of these options is community based development. The experience in community based development is substantial, both about what works and what does not. From this experience it is clear that there is no single model appropriate for all places and times. Supporting community based development on a large scale requires new institutions which support:
1. 2. 3.

Adoption of goals and processes which strengthen the capacity of a community, its networks or groups, to organize and sustain development and its benefits; Reorientation of bureaucracies to support community empowerment and investment in social capital through user participation in decision making including rule formulation; and Achieving a match between what people in a community want and are willing to pay for and manage, and what agencies supply.

Experience also shows that community based development does not automatically include marginalized groups, the poor, women or ethnic minorities unless their participation is specifically highlighted as a goal, both at the agency and community levels. Community based development is concerned with the involvement of local stakeholders in decision making. If people in communities are to take initiative, be creative, learn, and assume responsibility for their own development, they must be actively encouraged to participate. This requires building into policies and projects features which enable peoples participation. In order to encourage community based development on a large scale, it is important to first understand the dynamics at the household, group, or community levels. Based on this understanding, what needs to happen to support community action can be defined at successively higher and more distant levels. Community based development requires reversing control and accountability from central authorities to individuals, groups, and communities. Success is dependent on tapping into local needs and creating local ownership, management (rules, control, authority, and responsibility), and

organizational capacity. The challenge facing agencies is to "reinvent themselves so that they can support community involvement, participation, and capacity building for sustained change. Community based management on a large scale requires fundamental changes in the policies, incentives, and structures of agencies. This has costs, but when done properly, the benefits are considerable. Community based development is not an appropriate strategy for every situation. Three factors influence the prospects for participation. These need, therefore, to be considered prior to adopting a community based approach. These three factors are the nature of the good or service, the nature of benefits, and the nature of the task.

Nature of the Good or Service

Collective action is necessary to ensure a flow of services or goods when their provision or management is not attractive to the profit making sector, when resources are scarce, or collectively owned or managed. In such cases, the resource or service must be managed so that those who do not contribute or follow rules can be denied access. This ability to regulate access is critical for success and is usually determined by a combination of technological and social factors, such as organization, social pressure, and the ability toimpose sanctions. People must also be able to identify the boundaries of the resources. This is particularly important with common margin property resources such as rangeland, watersheds, fisheries, and woodlots. If people do not know what resources they are responsible for, they cannot be expected to manage those resources rationally.

Nature of the Benefits

Collective action is easier to stimulate when benefits are quick, visible, and local, when they accrue only to those who participate, and when they are felt to be proportionate to contributions. Benefits are affected by ownership, tenure and land use rights. If benefits from participation in conservation measures such as forestry, fisheries, or wildlife protection accrue only at the district or national level, local communities have little incentive to participate. For this reason, clean up of rivers and lakes is difficult to induce through collective action. The long gestation period before benefits accrue in forestry and tree planting projects is a disincentive to investment, particularly when combined with insecurity over tenure. Projects which have provided access to fodder, non timber forest products, and firewood while timber is actually maturing have generally been more successful than those which relied solely on promised timber benefits. If the resource does not lend itself to quick, visible and localized benefits, community based development should not be attempted unless strategies can be developed that provide quick, visible benefits without violating a demand orientation (Uphoff, 1986). When results are induced artificially by agency initiated short cuts, they may be counter productive to collective action. Communities may justifiably ask themselves why they should do the difficult work of organization, negotiation, and resource mobilization themselves, when there are easier ways of getting the same results.

Nature of the Task To Be Performed

Community based development is dependent on action and change at the community level. This requires a clear goal orientation, definition of tasks to be performed at the community level and agreed upon outcomes at the community level (both physical and capacity building). Among the task characteristics which must be considered are specificity, coordination, and continuity.

Community based development is being used by the Government of India in a number of programmes. It has the advantage that it encourages participation from the local people. Community Based Organisations are an important stakeholders in most of the schemes implemented through NGOs. Apart from implementing Government Flagship programs and schemes some of these organizations have functioned independently. Cooperatives working in a particular field are one such example. Self Employed Women Association (SEWA) has got hundreds of cooperatives and rural producers groups under its fold. Mahila Mangal Dal formed in villages of Uttaranchal, which spearheaded Chipko movement are also community based organization working for environmental conservation. Importance of community based organizations has been specifically recognized in the environment and ecological conservation where local communities have collectively made efforts to protect their environment. To be continued...

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24 water-and-related-issues

Water
Water is one of the biggest necessities of life without which no one can survive. Water is required for drinking, washing and sanitation. It is also required for agriculture and a number of industrial activities. However, out of these drinking water has attained highest priority. In a UNICEF-WHO report, between the period 1990-2010, India has been able to provide clean drinking water to about 550 million people although about 97 million people are yet to have access to clean drinking water. As per data provided by the World Bank 90% of the people have access to clean drinking water. National Water Policy, 2002 has mentioned water allocation priorities as under:-

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Drinking Water Irrigation Hydro-power Ecology Agro-industries and non-agricultural industries Navigation and other uses

The policy has also laid guidelines for periodic reassessment of ground water considering the quality and economic viability of extraction; financial and physical sustainability of the existing resources; participatory approach to Water Resources Management by including various government agencies, users and other stake holders; private sector partnerships in planning, development and management of water resource projects; monitoring of water quality of both ground and surface water; conservation of water; flood control and management; land erosion by sea or by river and drought-prone area development. However, the Government is intending to revise the National Water Policy and accordingly has prepared the Draft National Water Policy, 2012. The draft policy notes that water is required for domestic, agricultural, hydropower, thermal power, navigation etc and utilization in all these diverse

uses should be optimized and an awareness of water as a scarce resource should be fostered. It has also been stated that Government must ensure access to a minimum quality of potable water for essential health and hygiene to all its citizens, available within easy reach of the household. The policy also identifies the areas of concern in management of water resources, some of which are as under:

1. Large parts of India have already become water stressed. Rapid growth in demand for water due to population growth, urbanization and changing lifestyle pose serious challenges to water security. 2. Issues related to water governance have not been addressed adequately. Mismanagement of water resources has led to a critical situation in many parts of the country. 3. There is wide temporal and spatial variation in availability of water, which may increase substantially due to a combination of climate change, causing deepening of water crisis and incidences of water related disasters, i.e., floods, increased erosion and increased frequency of droughts, etc. 4. Climate change may also increase the sea levels. This may lead to salinity intrusion in ground water aquifers / surface waters and increased coastal inundation in coastal regions, adversely impacting habitations, agriculture and industry in such regions. 5. Access to safe water for drinking and other domestic needs still continues to be a problem in many areas. Skewed availability of water between different regions and different people in the same region and also the intermittent and unreliable water supply system has the potential of causing social unrest. 6. Groundwater, though part of hydrological cycle and a community resource, is still perceived as an individual property and is exploited inequitably and without any consideration to its sustainability leading to its over-exploitation in several areas. 7. Water resources projects, though multi-disciplinary with multiple stakeholders, are being planned and implemented in a fragmented manner without giving due consideration to optimum utilization, environment sustainability and holistic benefit to the people. 8. Inter-regional, inter-State, intra-State, as also inter-sectoral disputes in sharing of water, strain relationships and hamper the optimal utilization of water through scientific planning on basin/sub-basin basis. 9. Grossly inadequate maintenance of existing irrigation infrastructure has resulted in wastage and under-utilization of available resources. There is a widening gap between irrigation potential created and utilized. 10. Natural water bodies and drainage channels are being encroached upon, and diverted for other purposes. Groundwater recharge zones are often blocked. 11. Growing pollution of water sources, especially through industrial effluents, is affecting the availability of safe water besides causing environmental and health hazards. In many parts of the country, large stretches of rivers are both heavily polluted and devoid of flows to support aquatic ecology, cultural needs and aesthetics. 12. Access to water for sanitation and hygiene is an even more serious problem. Inadequate sanitation and lack of sewage treatment are polluting the water sources. 13. Low public consciousness about the overall scarcity and economic value of water results in its wastage and inefficient use. 14. The lack of adequate trained personnel for scientific planning, utilizing modern techniques and analytical capabilities incorporating information technology constrains good water management.

15. A holistic and inter-disciplinary approach at water related problems is missing. 16. The public agencies in charge of taking water related decisions tend to take these on their own without consultation with stakeholders, often resulting in poor and unreliable service characterized by inequities of various kinds. 17. Characteristics of catchment areas of streams, rivers and recharge zones of aquifers are changing as a consequence of land use and land cover changes, affecting water resource availability and quality.

The draft policy also lays guidelines for framing public policies for water management. These guidelines are as under:
1. Planning, development and management of water resources need to be governed by common integrated perspective considering local, regional, State and national context, having an environmentally sound basis, keeping in view the human, social and economic needs. 2. Principle of equity and social justice must inform use and allocation of water. 3. Good governance through transparent informed decision making is crucial to the objectives of equity, social justice and sustainability. Meaningful intensive participation, transparency and accountability should guide decision making and regulation of water resources. 4. Water needs to be managed as a common pool community resource held, by the state, under public trust doctrine to achieve food security, support livelihood, and ensure equitable and sustainable development for all. 5. Water is essential for sustenance of eco-system, and therefore, minimum ecological needs should be given due consideration. 6. Water, after meeting the pre-emptive needs for safe drinking water, sanitation and high priority allocation for other domestic needs (including needs of animals), achieving food security, supporting sustenance agriculture and minimum eco-system needs, may be treated as economic good so as to promote its conservation and efficient use. 7. All the elements of the water cycle, i.e., evapo-transpiration, precipitation, runoff, river, lakes, soil moisture, and ground water, sea, etc., are interdependent and the basic hydrological unit is the river basin, which should be considered as the basic hydrological unit for planning. 8. Given the limits on enhancing the availability of utilizable water resources and increased variability in supplies due to climate change, meeting the future needs will depend more on demand management, and hence, this needs to be given priority, especially through (a) evolving an agricultural system which economizes on water use and maximizes value from water, and (b) bringing in maximum efficiency in use of water and avoiding wastages. 9. Water quality and quantity are interlinked and need to be managed in an integrated manner, consistent with broader environmental management approaches inter-alia including the use of economic incentives and penalties to reduce pollution and wastage. 10. The impact of climate change on water resources availability must be factored into water management related decisions. Water using activities need to be regulated keeping in mind the local geo climatic and hydrological situation.
Apart from the above, the policy lays guidelines regarding adaption to climate change; enhancing availability of water available for use; demand management and water use efficiency; water pricing; conservation of river corridors, water bodies and infrastructure; project planning and implementation; management of flood and drought; water supply and sanitation; institutional arrangements; transboundary rivers; maintenance of database & information system and research and training needs.

25 Salient features of Indian Society, Diversity of India (Part I)

(Based on New Syllabus for IAS Exam: General Studies Paper II)

Salient features of Indian Society, Diversity of India (Part I)

Indian is a vast country and has a long history. Its society has evolved through the ages and has also been affected by foreign influences giving it extreme diversity and made unity amidst diversity a characteristic of the Indian society. However, to understand the process, we need to understand the meaning of diversity, unity and pluralism as well as their relevance to the Indian society

Diversity
In literary terms, diversity means differences. However in social context the meaning is more specific; it means collective differences among people, that is, those differences which mark off one group of people from another. These differences may be of any sort: biological, religious, linguistic etc. On the basis of biological differences, for example, we have racial diversity. On the basis of religious differences, similarly, we have religious diversity. The point to note is that diversity refers to collective differences. The term diversity is opposite of uniformity. Uniformity means similarity of some sort that characterizes a people. Uni refers to one; form refers to the common ways. So when there is something common to all the people, we say they show uniformity. When students of a school, members of the police or the army wear the same type of dress, we say they are in uniform. Like diversity, thus, uniformity is also a collective concept.

When a group of people share a similar characteristic, be it language or religion or anything else, it shows uniformity in that respect. But when we have groups of people hailing from different races, religions and cultures, they represent diversity. Thus, diversity means variety. However, diversity needs to be differentiated from fragmentation. Diversity means existence of differences in a whole. It does not mean separate parts. Fragmentation does not mean differences, it means different parts and in that situation each part would be a whole in itself. For all practical purposes it means variety of groups and cultures. We have such a variety in abundance in India. We have here a variety of races, of religions, of languages, of castes and of cultures. For the same reason India is known for its socio-cultural diversity.

Unity
Unity means integration. It is a social psychological condition. It connotes a sense of one-ness, a sense of weness. It stands for the bonds, which hold the members of a society together. There is a difference between unity and uniformity. Uniformity presupposes similarity, unity does not. Unity is of two types, first which may be born out of uniformity, and second which may arise despite differences. French sociologist has termed these two types as mechanical and organic solidarity respectively. Mechanical solidarity is generally found in less advanced societies and characterized by being based on resemblance, segmentation (clan or territorial type), ruling with repressive sanctions and prevalence of penal law, highly religious and transcendental and attaching supreme value to the society and interests of the society as a whole. On the other organic solidarity is generally found in more advanced societies and is based on division of labour, characterized by the fusion of markets and growth of cities, rules with restitutive sanctions and prevalence of cooperative law, is increasingly secular, human oriented and attaches supreme value to the individual dignity, equality of opportunity and social justice.

Pluralism
In context of a society, pluralism can be seen in various aspects. It could be religious pluralism, cultural pluralism, linguistic pluralism or ethic pluralism or could be a combination of more than one kind. Pluralism recognizes diverse groups and seeks to provide a mechanism in which no one group dominates the state and in which interests of all groups are reasonably taken care of. Thus pluralism can be said to be a diffusion of power among many special-interest groups, prevents any one group from gaining control of the government and using it to oppress the people. Our pluralist society has many groups such as women, men, racial, ethnic groups as well as broad categories as the rich, middle class and poor. In such a scenario domination of political power by one group could lead to neglect of the others resulting in social tensions which may he harmful to society as well as the state. Autocratic regimes did not have much scope for political pluralism though good rulers tried to maintain a balance among various social groups. In a democratic form of Government, political power depends on the number of votes. In such a case, biggest group could usurp political power and use it to much disadvantage against minority groups. Such a situation exists in countries where domination is based on religion. In such countries, minorities have been suffering from various disabilities. Pluralism, due to being inclusive, is capable of avoiding such situations. When pluralism prevails in a society, no group dominates. Rather as each group pursues its own interests, other groups that are pursuing theirs, balances it. To attain their goals, groups must negotiate with one another and make compromises. This minimizes conflict. These groups have political muscle to flex at the polls; politicians try to design policies that please as many groups as they can. This makes the political system responsive to the people and no one-group rules.

Thus unity and diversity are the two states of the society and pluralism is the mechanism through which unity amidst diversity is achieved.

Unity amidst Diversity

Inspite of diversities, Indian community shares certain bonds of unity. The first bond of unity of India is found in its geo-political integration. India is known for its geographical unity marked by the Himalayas in the north and the oceans on the other sides. Politically India is now a sovereign state. The same constitution and same parliament govern every part of it. We share the same political culture marked by the norms of democracy and secularism. The geo-political unity of India was always visualized by our seers and rulers. The expressions of this consciousness of the geo-political unity of India are found in Rig-Veda, in Sanskrit literature, in the edicts of Asoka, in Buddhist monuments and in various other sources. The ideal of geo-political unity of India is also reflected in the concepts of Bharatvarsha (the old indigenous classic name for India), Chakravarti (emperor), and Ekchhatradhipatya (under one rule). Another source of unity of India lies in what is known as temple culture, which is reflected in the network of shrines and sacred places. From Badrinath and Kedarnath in the north to Rameshwaram in the south, Jagannath Puri in the east to Dwaraka in the west the religious shrines and holy rivers are spread throughout the length and breadth of the country. Closely related to them is the age-old culture of pilgrimage, which has always moved people to various parts of the country and fostered in them a sense of geo-cultural unity. As well as being an expression of religious sentiment, pilgrimage is also an expression of love for the motherland, a sort of mode of worship of the country. It has acted as an antithesis to the regional diversity and has played a significant part in promoting interaction and cultural affinity among the people living in different parts of India. Indian culture, has a remarkable quality of accommodation and tolerance. There is ample evidence of it. The first evidence of it lies in the elastic character of Hinduism, the majority religion of India. It is common knowledge that Hinduism is not a homogeneous religion, that is, a religion having one God, one Book and one Temple. Indeed, it can be best described as a federation of faiths. Polytheistic (having multiple deities) in character, it goes to the extent of accommodating village level deities and tribal faiths. For the same reason, sociologists have distinguished two broad forms of Hinduism: sanskritic and popular. Sanskritic is that which is found in the texts (religious books like Vedas, etc.) and popular is that which is found in the actual life situation of the vast masses. Robert Redfield has called these two forms as great tradition of Ramayana and Mahabharata and the little tradition of worship of the village deity. And everything passes for Hinduism. What it shows is that Hinduism has been an open religion, a receptive and absorbing religion, an encompassing religion. It is known for its quality of openness and accommodation. Another evidence of it lies in its apathy to conversion. Hinduism is not a proselytising religion. That is, it does not seek converts. Nor has it ordinarily resisted other religions to seek converts from within its fold. This quality of accommodation and tolerance has paved the way to the coexistence of several faiths in India. Indian society was organized in such a way that various social groups were independent of each other. One manifestation of it is found in the form of Jajmani system, i.e., a system of functional interdependence of castes. The term jajman refers generally to the patron or recipient of specialised services. The relations were traditionally between a food producing family and the families that supported them with goods and services. These came to be called the jajmani relations. Jajmani relations were conspicuous in village life, as they entailed ritual matters, social support as well as economic exchange. The whole of a local social order was involved (the people and their values) in such jajmani links. A patron had jajmani relations with members of a high caste (like a Brahmin priest whose services he needed for rituals). He also required the services of specialists from the lower jati to perform those necessary tasks like washing of dirty clothes, cutting of hair, cleaning the rooms and toilets, delivery of the child etc. Those associated in these interdependent relations

were expected to be and were broadly supportive of each other with qualities of ready help that generally close kinsmen were expected to show. Sociologist M.N.Srinivas has called this vertical unity of castes'. The jajmani relations usually involved multiple kinds of payment and obligations as well as multiple functions. No caste was self-sufficient. If anything, it depended for many things on other castes. In a sense, each caste was a functional group in that it rendered a specified service to other caste groups. Jajmani system is that mechanism which has formalised and regulated this functional interdependence. Furthermore, castes cut across the boundaries of religious communities. We have earlier mentioned that notions of caste are found in all the religious communities in India. In its actual practice, thus, the institution of jajmani provides for inter linkages between people of different religious groups. Thus a Hindu may be dependent for the washing of his clothes on a Muslim washerman. Similarly, a Muslim may be dependent for the stitching of his clothes on a Hindu tailor, and viceversa. Efforts have been made from time to time by sensitive and sensible leaders of both the communities to synthesise Hindu and Muslim traditions so as to bring the two major communities closer to each other. Akbar, for example, founded a new religion, Din-e-Ilahi, combining best of both the religions. Some bhakti saints like Kabir, Eknath and Guru Nanak, as well as some sufi saints made important contributions in forging unity among to communities. At the time of independence struggle, Mahatama Gandhi laid extreme emphasis on Hindu Muslim unity which was instrumental in India becoming a secular state and moving on the path of progress. All these factors have helped in developing a composite culture in the country which provided a model for the preservation and growth of plurality of cultures within the framework of an integrated nation. The above account of the unity of India should not be taken to mean that we have always had a smooth sailing in matters of national unity, with no incidents of caste, communal or linguistic riots. Nor should it be taken to mean that the divisive and secessionist tendencies have been altogether absent. These tendencies were at full force at time of independence when the partition took place. There have been occasional riots, at times serious riots like those after Babri Masjid demolition and in Gujarat in 2002. Incidents of oppression and violence against members of scheduled castes take place form time to time and regionalism has expressed itself in extreme in separatist movements in the North East and in a little less extreme form in the violence against north Indians in Mumbai. The redeeming feature, however, is that the bonds of unity have always emerged stronger than the forces of disintegration.

(To be continued.... In the Part II of this article we would cover Salient Features of Indian Society)

26 Salient features of Indian Society, Diversity of India (Part II) (Based on New Syllabus for IAS Exam: General Studies Paper II)
Salient features of Indian Society, Diversity of India (Part II)

Diversity:Indian Context
India is a large country with different geopolitical conditions in different parts of the country. This has brought differences in social evolution of the groups living in different parts of the country. Apart from the geo-political diversity, interactions with foreigners due to invasions, trade and missionary activities have also led to foreign influences and social groups coming to India. All these have impacted the Indian society in one way or the other. A large number of foreign invader communities like the Greeks, Kushans, Sakas and Hunas settled in India and were in due course assimilated in Hinduism, while retained some of their characterstics and hence formed different social groups. Muslims maintained their separate religious identity but adapted themselves to Indian conditions creating yet another category of social groups. Presently, Indian society is highly diverse. Almost every major religion is represented in India. Institution of caste has added one more dimension to the diversity and every geographical region has developed its own language and culture. Some of the traits of diversity are as under:

Caste Diversity
Caste is the most important social concept in the Indian society. It has continued since thousands of years and has not confined itself to Hinduism and has percolated itself to other more egalitarian religions like Islam, Christianity and Sikhism. We can find castes among the Muslim, Christian, Sikh as well as other communities. Muslims are divided into classes of Ashraf and Ajlaf. Ashraf are in turn divided into Shaikh, Saiyed, Mughal, Pathan while Ajlaf consist of various other castes like teli (oil pressure), dhobi (washerman), darjee (tailor), etc. among the Muslim. Similarly, caste consciousness among the Christian in India is not unknown. Since a vast majority of Christians in India are converted from Hindu fold, the converts have carried the caste system into Christianity. Among the Sikh again we can hear of a number of castes including Jat Sikh and Majahabi Sikh. Caste system is a closed system. Entry in a caste is only through birth in the system while exit is impossible. The system is discriminatory as it allows certain privileges to the high castes while the lower castes face disabilities. It is maintained by enforcing the notions of pollution and purity which are enforced through elaborate rules governing touch, dining and marriage. Caste as a regional reality can be seen in the different patterns of caste-ranking, customs and behaviors, marriage rules and caste dominance found in various parts of India. Caste structure and kinship; caste structure and occupation; and caste structure and power are three important aspects which are discussed as under:

1. Caste Structure and Kinship

Caste structure is intimately related to the kinship system amongst the Hindus in India. The sole reason for this relationship lies in the endogamous nature of caste system. Caste is basically a closed system of stratification, since members are recruited on the criteria of ascribed status. Kinship is a method or a system by which individuals as members of society relate themselves with other individuals of that society. There are two types of kinship bonds. One is consanguine and the other is affine. Consanguine ties are ties of blood such as, between mother-daughter, mother-son, father-daughter, etc. Affinal ties are ties through marriage, such as, between husband and wife, man and his wifes brother, etc. Kinship in India is largely an analysis of the internal structure of the caste and its sub caste the gotra. Kinship system found in various parts of India differs from each other in many respects. However,

generally speaking, we can distinguish between the kinship system in the Northern region, the Central region and the Southern region. North India is in itself a very large region, having innumerable types of kinship systems. This region includes the region between the Himalayas in the North and the Vindhyas in the South. In this region a person marries outside the village since all the members of ones caste in a village are considered to be brothers and sisters, or uncles and aunts. Marriage with a person inside the village is forbidden. In fact, an exogamous circle of a few villages around a mans village is drawn. Hypergamy is practised in this region according to which a man takes a wife from a clan which is lower in status to his own clan. That is, a girl goes in marriage from a lower status group to a higher status group. The effect of this hypergamy and village exogamy is that it spatially widens the range of ties. Several villages become linked to each other through affinal and matrilateral links. The clans, lineages, and kutumbs are all part of the internal structure of the caste at the same time being part of the kinship organization. These groups are all the time increasing and branching off with time. The organization of family in the northern region is mainly patriarchal and patrilocal. The lineage is traced through the male, i.e. patrilineal system is followed in this region. It is patriarchal because authority lies with the male head of the family and it is patrilocal because after marriage the bride is brought to reside in the house of the bridegrooms father. Generally, in most of the castes in the north such as the Jats, an agricultural caste of South Punjab, Delhi and Haryana the four-clan rule of marriage is followed. According to this rule, i) a man cannot marry in the clan to which his father (and he himself) belongs; ii) to which his mother belongs; iii) to which his fathers mother belongs; and iv) to which his mothers mother belongs . In this region a person avoids marriage with kins which are related to him or her five generations on the mothers side and seven generations on the fathers side ideally. However, in reality these rules can be broken in some cases. In the northern region, therefore, marriage with cousins, removed even by two or three degrees is viewed as an incestuous union. In most parts of this region, as mentioned earlier, village exogamy is practised by most of the castes, especially the Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya castes. This rule is known in Delhi, Haryana and Punjab, as the rule of Sassan. In Central India which includes Rajputana, the Vindhyas, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Orissa we find the general practice of caste endogamy. Hypergamy is most characteristic of the Rajputs of this region and village exogamy is also found in this region. However, in this region especially in Gujarat and Maharashtra amongst some caste communities we find cross-cousin marriages being practised. Here there is a tendency for a man to marry his mothers brothers daughter. But marriage with the fathers sisters daughter is taboo. The preference for a single type of cross-cousin marriage seems to move away from the taboo of marrying cousins of any class in the northern region. Thus, in many ways this preference suggests a closer contact with the practices of the southern region. The Southern region comprises the states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala where the Dravidian languages are spoken. This region is distinct from the northern and central regions of India in the sense that here we find basically preferential rules of marriage. Here a man knows whom he has to marry while in most areas in the north a man knows whom he cannot marry. Most of the parts of the Southern region except some, like the Malabar, follow the patrilineal family system. Here also we find exogamous social groups called gotras. The difference between the exogamous clans in the north is that a caste in a village is held to be of one patrician and therefore, no marriage is allowed within a village. Sometimes even a group of villages are supposed to be settled by one patrilineage and marriage between them is prohibited. In the South, there is no identification of a gotra with one village or territory. More than one intermarrying clans may live in one village territory and practice inter-marriage for generations. Thus, the social groups, which are formed due to this kind of marriage pattern in the South shows a centripetal tendency (of moving towards a centre) as against the centrifugal (of moving away from the centre) centre) tendency of social groups found in north Indian villages. In the South, a caste is divided into a number of gotras. The first marriage creates obligations about giving and receiving daughters. Hence, within exogamous clans, small endogamous circles are found to meet inter-family obligations

and a number of reciprocal alliances are found in South Indian villages. Apart from castes, which are patrilineal in the southern region, we also find some castes, such as the Nayars of Malabar district who follow matrilineal system of kinship. A typical Nayar household is made up of a woman, her sisters and brothers, her daughters and sons and her daughters daughters and sons. Amongst the Nayars, property passes from the mother to the daughter. But the authority even in this system lies with the brother, who manages the property and takes care of his sisters children. Husbands only visit their wives in this system. The relationship between the caste structure and the kinship system is so intertwined that we cannot understand one without understanding the details of the other.

2. Caste Structure and Occupation

The hereditary association of caste with an occupation used to be a very striking feature of the caste system. A caste is considered to be high if its characteristic way of life is high and pure and it is considered to be low if its way of life is low and polluting. By the term way of life we mean whether its traditional occupation is ritually pure or polluting. In the association of caste structure with a hereditary occupation the jajmani system forms the framework. The jajmani system is a system of economic, social and ritual ties between different caste groups in the villages. Under this system some castes are patrons and others are service castes. The service castes offer their services to the landowning upper and intermediate castes and in turn are paid both in cash and kind. The patron castes differ from one region to another depending on the socio-economic and political status of the castes. For example, the Rajput, Bhumihar and Jat are the patron castes in the North and Kamma, Reddi and Lingayat in the South. The service castes comprise Brahman (Priest), Barber, Carpenter, Blacksmith, Water-carrier, Leather-worker, etc. Thus, to understand regional variations we have to know something about the ownership of land, the land tenure status and adherence to the jajmani system. These economic organizations depend a lot on the caste structure and regional topography and vice versa. There is congruence between high caste status and land ownership. At the top of occupational hierarchy stands a group of families, which control and own most land rights in the village/region. They also belong to the caste occupying the highest rank. Next in the hierarchy would be estate managers, landowners of relatively smaller size who are drawn from the castes who occupy a position next to the highest ranking castes. Smaller tenants and subtenants occupy the middle ranking caste groups. Finally, laborers are drawn from the lowest ranking caste. The tendency of land ownership by the high castes serves to maintain and re-impose the existing caste hierarchy. However, with the changing times, impact of colonial rule and the consequent introduction of western education, this general association of higher caste with higher class (in terms of ownership of land, wealth and power) has been disturbed. However, in spite of these changes the ritual criteria of caste ranking remain important. Although even in the ancient times it was not all-important, as secular criteria of wealth and power of which land ownership is an important aspect did determine the status of a caste. The early nineteenth century account of Abbe Dubois, a famous French philosopher, who travelled extensively in South India, exemplifies this aspect very clearly when Dubois stated, thus the caste to which the ruler of a country belongs, however low it may be considered elsewhere, ranks amongst the highest in the rulers own dominions, and every mem ber of it derives some reflection of dignity from its chief. When we observe the regional patterns, we find that in the plains of Uttar Pradesh, two or more cultivating castes coexist. There is also the presence of a large number of scheduled caste groups, which have a numerical preponderance in the population. They generally constitute the labor force in this region. Caste groups are many and are heterogeneous in nature. There is a lack of uniformity in ranking and therefore, the caste structure is not well defined as is found in the southern regions. Traditional Bengal had five categories of BrahmansSaptasati, Madhya deshi, Rarhi, Barendra, and Baidik. Of these the last three have had a recognizable and significant identity and an eminent

position in the social hierarchy of Bengal. At the other end of the caste ladder l) were the sudras. Sudras were also in turn divided into clean and unclean castes based on their hereditary occupation. In Orissa, the Warrior castes owned most of the land and combined soldiering with farm management. The outcastes, referred to as praja, were their servants. The other castes, including the Brahmins were in a position of economic dependence and political subordination to them. Turning our attention to regions that are clearly dominated by the presence of one agricultural caste we find the case of Haryana and Punjab. In these states we find the dominance of a single agricultural caste referred to as the Jats. As compared to the north, in the district of Tanjore, we find a clear-cut hierarchy existing in the caste system with Brahmans as land-owners. The Hindu social structure is clearly demarcated between the Brahmans, the non-Brahmans and the Adi-Dravidas. The Brahmans are the landowners; the non-Brahmans are the tenants, sub-tenants service giving castes while the Adi-Dravidas generally constitute the category of landless agricultural laborers.

3. Caste Structure and Power

Central to caste system are caste panchayats and leadership. These power structures are highly formalized in certain caste groups and informal in others. The panchayat literally means a group or council of five. In a village it refers to a group that presides over, and resolves conflict, punishes people transgressing customs and launches group enterprises. It must be remembered that the village panchayat is quite different from the legislative use of the term panchayat. The usage, after the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act 1922, refers to a statutory local body, formed through elections, vested with legal powers and charged with certain governmental responsibilities. In certain villages traditional caste panchayats and leaders are still a powerful means of control. The democratic panchayat with legislative powers and traditional panchayat may overlap in certain regions. Regional caste structures, in part, account for variations in their respective power structure. It is important to know what qualifies caste for regional dominance. According to Srinivas (1966), a caste is said to be dominant when it is numerically the strongest in the village or local area and economically and politically exercises a preponderating influence. The status of a dominant caste appears to rest on such criteria as:
1. 2. 3. 4.

the control of land and economic resources; numerical strength; a relatively high ritual status in the caste hierarchy; and Educational status of its members. The above factors combine to place a particular caste group in a position of political dominance.

A near monopoly of management rights in local resources (usually agricultural land) and control of the same gives the group an ability to control the lives of the others. Numerical strength alone may not place a group in a bargaining position. It needs an economic power base to backup its strength. Once economic rights are in possession, however the size of a group does become important. The control of resources by members of a dominant caste leads in turn, to making decisions for others, which constitutes real dominance. Regional variations that account for dominant caste can be explained by i) the degree to which a single large land holding caste controls a set of dependent castes, ii) rigidity of caste ranking, iii) the existence of two or more dominant caste groups in a region. Studies from various parts of India suggest that dominant castes do not exist everywhere. Areas where a landowning group has been able to establish itself in proportionally large numbers, and yet maintain distinctive character (by strictly regulating marriage and descent) that dominance has been possible.

Local power flows mainly from land, which is the main source of wealth. Power is safeguarded if it is confined to a unified and numerically preponderant caste group. Numbers alone do not guarantee power. Caste groups numerically preponderant, but with divided loyalties, creating disunity, may not wield power. It is only when a caste group becomes politically united that it becomes a political force. This is very important because in the new democratic political system where every vote counts the numerical preponderance of a caste group gains an additional meaning. Power may also accrue to a jati, when its members have effective connections with the power of the village panchayats. In regions where religious groups and tribals are intermixed and no single caste possesses enough land, power or numerical strength, in such a condition, there is bound to be dual or multiple domination in a region. Karve (1953), in her study of the Malabar Coast has pointed out certain distinct features present in a region. The order of dominance among castes parallels the order of caste rank. The exclusive nature of high-ranking castes is further reinforced by ritual notions of purity and pollution. High ranking Brahman castes of this region possess landed wealth, power and control, besides the traditional right to perform rituals; they also have right to religious learning and worship at temples. Subordinate castes are obliged to worship according to their ritual prescriptions and they do not have the right to religious texts like, the Veda, Upanishad, etc. Their economic and political subordination further enhances the dominant position of high-ranking castes. Organization of ritual and temple services, concentration of land holdings correlates caste rank with secular power and promotes consistency in the total hierarchy of inter-caste relations. In regions where caste and power hierarchy overlap there is a definite concentration of power, wealth and land invested with high ranking caste groups. Correspondingly ritual sanctions reinforced the super ordinate status of upper caste groups and subordinate status of the lower caste groups. Thus, this correlation leads to the minimizing of disputes. Regions, which do not reveal a major correlation between caste and power structures, are characterized by certain features very different from the earlier example. Caste ranking may not be clear-cut and may promote disputes about caste ranking and status within the hierarchy. Caste groups of equal rank may be constantly disputing over their mutual positions in the hierarchy, resulting in dissent and dispute over ranking. Such conflicts get consolidated over a period of time resulting in formalized factions within the caste groups. Factions may promote disputes between them. Lack of clarity in caste ranking results in a diffused power structure, with no single caste group wielding economic, political and ritual clout In the districts of Punjab, Haryana and parts of U.P., especially in the upper Ganges districts, middle ranking castes such as the Jat, Ahir, Kurmi, etc. wield substantial amount of power and hold positions of dominance. The agricultural castes wield substantial power, and are numerically preponderant in some of these regions. Political and economic interaction among castes in this region, however, forms a somewhat imperfect hierarchy as political and economic power is diffused. Ritual and secular power may not coincide everywhere. The region is marked by a lack of rigid stratification of castes, lack of concentration of political and economic power in a single caste group, resulting in the diffusion of political power.

Tribe
Tribes have been defined as a group of indigenous people with shallow history, having common name, language and territory, tied by strong kinship bonds, practicing endogamy, having distinct customs, rituals and beliefs, simple social rank and political organization, common ownership of resources and technology. However, in India many of these characteristics are shared by castes. This raises the problem as to how to distinguish them from castes. There have been other conceptual attempts to define tribes. They have been considered as a stage in the social and

cultural evolution. Some others have considered that the production and consumption among the tribes are household based and unlike peasants they are not part of a wider economic, political and social network. Bailey (1960) has suggested that the only solution to the problem of definition of tribes in India is to conceive of a continuum of which at one end are tribes and at the other are castes. The tribes have segmentary, egalitarian system and are not mutually inter-dependent, as are castes in a system of organic solidarity. They have direct access to land and no intermediary is involved between them and land. Geographically, the tribes are concentrated in five regions namely, Himalayan region (with tribes like the Gaddi, the Jaunsari, the Naga etc.), Middle India (with tribes like the Munda, the Santal etc.), Western India (with tribes like the Bhil, the Grasia), South Indian Region (with tribes like the Toda, the Chenchu etc,) and the Islands Region (with tribes like the Onge in Bay of Bengal, the Minicoyans in Arabian Sea). On the basis of racial features, Guha (1935) considers that they belong to the following three races.
1.

2.

3.

The Proto-Australoids-They are characterised by dark skin colour, sunken nose and lower forehead. These features are found among the Gond (Madhya Pradesh), the Munda (Chotanagpur), the Ho (Bihar) etc. The Mongoloids-This group is characterised by light skin colour; head and face are broad; the nose bridge is very low and their eyes are slanting with a fold on the upper eye lid. These features are found among the Bhotiya (Central Himalayas), the Wanchu (Arunachal Pradesh), the Naga (Nagaland), the Khasi (Meghalaya), etc. The Negrito-This group is characterised by dark skin colour (tending to look like blue), round head, broad nose and frizzle hair. These features are found among the Kadar (Kerala), the Onge (Little Andaman), the Jarwa (Andaman Islands), etc.

Linguistically, there is great diversity among these tribes. According to estimate tribals speak 105 different languages and 225 subsidiary languages. These languages belong to 1. Austro-Asiatic family with two subgroups namely, MonKhmer branch and Munda branch which are spoken by Khasi, Nicobari, Gonds and Santhals, 2. Tibeto-Chinese family: There are two sub-families of this type, namely SiameseChinese sub-family and Tibeto-Burman sub-family. In extreme North-Eastern frontier of India Khamti is one specimen of the Siamese Chinese sub-family. The Tibeto-Burman sub-family is further sub-divided into several branches. Tribals of Nagaland and Lepcha of Darjeeling speak variants of Tibeto-Burman languages. 3. Indo-European family: Tribal languages such as Hajong and Bhili areincluded in this group 4. Dravidian family: Languages of Dravidian family are, for example, spoken by Yeruva of Mysore, Oraon of Chotanagpur. These languages are a broad classification showing extreme diversity among them. For example, among the Naga there are at least 50 different groups, each one of them has a speech of its own and quite often the speakers of one speech do not understand the speech of others.

Numerical strength of tribes also shows great variation. Big tribes like Gonds and Bhils number in millions while some like Great Andamanese number less than hundred. These tribes also show great variety in their economic pursuits. Some tribes like Cholanaicken depended on food collection and hunting others like Khasi of Meghalaya practiced shilfing cultivation. Most of the tribes of middle, western and southern regions of the country practiced settled agriculture while some like the Kota of the Nilgiris live on crafts. The craftwork is done at the family level but raw material may be collected at the community level. For example, the basket makers may go collectively for obtaining bamboos but basket making may be a family enterprise. Some tribes like the Toda in the Nilgiri and the Gujjar, the Bakarwal and Gaddi in Himachal Pradesh are pastoral. The economic scene in the tribal regions has been changing. The economic changes may be listed as follows: 1. Forest resources have dwindled and forests have been increasingly brought under reservation. They are no more under the control of the tribal people except in certain areas of North-East India. 2. Tribal people have lost a lot of land to more experienced agriculturists, to industries, and for big projects like hydro-electric reservoirs 3. A number of big industries like steel plants have been established in their areas. So, on the one hand, they have been displaced by such projects and, on the other, they have been given employment as wage labourers. 4. Penetration of market economy resulted in the tribals producing for market rather than for meeting their own needs. Development measures are designed to promote settled agriculture and intensive cultivation. All these and several other factors have made the tribal people more and more a part of the wider economic network. They now produce commodities for market and not for self-consumption.

(To be continued....) In the Part III of this article we would cover other Salient Features of Indian Society)

27 (Based on New Syllabus for IAS Exam: General

Studies Paper II)

Salient features of Indian Society, Diversity of India (Part III)

Religion
India is a land of multiple religions. Almost all of the major religions of the world have their presence in the country. Hinduism is the dominant religion of India, followed by Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism and Jainism. The religions with lesser following are Judaism, Zoroastrianism and Bahaism. However these are not the only religions

Religion
All religious communities Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jains Others Religion not stated

Percentage
100.0 80.5 13.4 2.3 1.9 0.8 0.4 0.6 0.1

As per the data of Census, 2001, Hinduism is professed by the majority of population in India. The Hindus are most numerous in 27 states/Uts except in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Lakshadweep, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab. The Muslims professing Islam are in majority in Lakshadweep and Jammu & Kashmir. The percentage of Muslims is sizeable in Assam (30.9%), West Bengal (25.2%), Kerala (24.7%), Uttar Pradesh (18.5%) and Bihar (16.5%). Christianity has emerged as the major religion in three North-eastern states, namely, Nagaland, Mizoram, and Meghalaya. Among other states/Uts, Manipur (34.0%), Goa (26.7%), Andaman & Nicobar Islands (21.7%), Kerala (19.0%), and Arunachal Pradesh (18.7%) have considerable percentage of Christian population to the total population of the State/UT. Punjab is the stronghold of Sikhism. The Sikh population of Punjab accounts for more than 75 % of the total Sikh population in the country. Chandigarh (16.1%), Haryana (5.5%), Delhi (4.0%), Uttaranchal (2.5%) and Jammu & Kashmir (2.0%) are other important States/Uts having Sikh population. These six states/UTs together account for nearly 90 percent Sikh population in the country. The largest concentration of Buddhism is in Maharashtra (58.3%), where (73.4%) of the total Buddhists in India reside. Karnataka (3.9 lakh), Uttar Pradesh (3.0 lakh), west Bengal (2.4 lakh) and Madhya Pradesh (2.0 lakh) are other states having large Buddhist population. Sikkim (28.1%), Arunachal Pradesh (13.0%) and Mizoram (7.9 %) have emerged as top three states in terms of having maximum percentage of Buddhist population. Maharashtra, Rajsthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujrat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi have reported major Jain population. These states/UTs together account for nearly 90 percent of the total Jain population in the country, the percentage of Jain population to the total population is maximum in Maharastra (1.3%), Rajsthan (1.2%), Delhi (1.1%) and Gujrat (1.0%). Elsewhere in the country their proportion in negligible. The above figures would indicate that the Indian society is also diverse in religious terms. While the general populace has been largely tolerant of other communities, there have been some instances of religious tension. While the Muslims feel uneasy on account of the Babri Masjid and Gujarat riots and Christians feel disturbed about actions of some sections against the missionaries, the Sikhs have time and again pointed out 1984 anti Sikh riots. However, credit must go the resilience of the

common people that they have successfully dealt with these challenges to social fabric of the country and have maintained communal harmony.

Region
India is a large country with huge geographical variations. We have the snow clad Himalayas, fertile plains of the North, arid land of Western India, Deccan plateau and the coastal plains of the South. Some areas like the plains of North have been historically prosperous due to good agriculture while some like Rajasthan do not have the same position. Some areas like U.P. and Punjab were seats of power and had continuous interaction with the outside world, some like the Himalayan states of the north and tribal areas in the north east were untouched by the outside world. These areas developed their own pockets in which they lived in accordance with their culture and traditions. Apart from this, feudalism has been an important part of Indian polity after the Mauryan period and has virtually controlled the political system since 8th century onwards. It ensured that whenever the central authority weakened the local lord would strive to become independent. A number of local kingdoms like Awadh, Bengal and Hyderabad arose after the decline of Mughal empire. Support of such rulers helped in developing local dialects and culture helping the region to grow into a separate and linguistic identity. Regional identity thus is a combination of geographical and cultural identities and regional consciousness invariably evolves from either or both of these characteristics. When this regional consciousness is coupled with economic disparities it brings in a contradiction between the community and the state, and the community starts demanding a separate administrative setup in the form of state or autonomous councils where they can preserve their socio-cultural identity and look after well being of their people, which according to them are neglected. While some such movements have led to successful creation of states, others like Telengana have not been so successful.

Language
Like all other aspects India has linguistic diversity. Although, Hindi is the official language of the country the Constitution recognizes 22 languages. These are Assamese, Bengali, Bodo, Dogri,Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Konkani, Maithili, Malayalam, Manipuri, Marathi, Nepali, Odia, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Santhali, Sindhi, Tamil, Telugu and Urdu. However, number of languages is much higher and Census,2001 recognized 122 languages belonging to five families of IndoEuropean, Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic, Tibeto-Burmese and Semito-Hamitic.

As per Census, 2001, strength of the speakers of the 22 scheduled languages is as under. RANKING OF SCHEDULED LANGUAGES IN DESCENDING ORDER OF SPEAKER'S STRENGTH- 2001

S. No
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Language
Hindi Bengali Telugu Marathi Tamil Urdu Gujarati Kannada Malayalam Oriya Punjabi Assamese Maithili Santali Kashmiri Nepali Sindhi Konkani Dogri Manipuri Bodo Sanskrit

% age of population
41.03 8.11 7.19 6.99 5.91 5.01 4.48 3.69 3.21 3.21 2.83 1.28 1.18 0.63 0.54 0.28 0.25 0.24 0.22 0.14 0.13 0.00

Apart from this there are thousands of dialects which are spoken in the country. For example, Hindi which is spoken in a number of states has various dialects in use in various areas of the country, like Awadhi in eastern U.P. and Brij in another area of the same state. These languages have developed and are concentrated in particular geographical areas and play crucial roles in framing regional identities. There have been successful movements for creation of states on linguistic basis and Andhra Pradesh was the first state to be organized on this basis. Presently, Telugu speaking people of Andhra Pradesh, concentrated in the Terengganu region are demanding a separate state.

28 Pressure Groups/Interest Groups

Pressure Groups/Interest Groups

Public opinion expressed by individual citizens does not reflect the intensity of view. It does not , in the main, serve as the basis for a change in policy. Many citizens lack the required expertise in both the subject matter and the procedures of policy-making. They often do not know which kind of policy issues to address to which official, with a view to wielding the greatest amount of influence. Acting alone: the individuals citizen is rarely a significant force. On the oilier hand there are many citizens representing different and often conflicting interests and values. Group action is considered a more effective method than individual action for the ordinary citizen to influence the public policies. Unless large numbers of citizens are organized for the some common purpose or interest, the chances of transmitting their messages and policy issues will become bleak. For the individual citizen the interest group is an important channel of communication. The interest group of pressure groups are important means of enhancing the effect of public opinion. They can communicate more effectively than individual citizens with public officials on policy decisions. The exercise of political influences by organized citizens is a predominant feature of the democratic form of government. Pressure groups are organizations with formal structures whose member share common interest. They strive to influence the decisions of the government without attempting to occupy political offices. They serve as links between individual citizens and policy makers. To individual citizens, pressure groups are the most important means of communication and power. They aid them in communicating their hopes to public officials by offering personnel and expertise in the substantive matters and the procedures of policy making. To policy makers, the interest groups offer expertise and political support as well as the intensity of view of large numbers of citizens with some common interest. In return, the interest groups are able to create areas of influence on citizens as well as policy makers. Sometimes they sponsor candidates in elections for testing support for their cause. They are, however, rarely successful. Further, leaders of the interest groups may be invited of associated either to sit on public boards, council or committees on account o f their expertise, qualifications and proficiencies. The distinction between interest groups and government offices is often blurred by the fact that government institutional may engage in lobbying activities from time to time. It may be mentioned here that all pressure groups are not exclusively concerned with political influence and activity. The Federation of the Indian Chambers of Commerce and industry ( FICCI), for example, provides a wide range of advisory services to its constituent bodies on subject such as, new legislation, prices, corporate investments, trade marks.

Types of Pressure Groups/Interest group

It is important here to draw a distinction between a pressure group and a political party. A pressure group may be said to articulate interests while a political party aggregates those into a working majority view which may obtain power. Further a distinction between different type of pressure groups may also be introduced, since some can expect to be successful in influencing the emergence of public policy. First, there are the Sectional Interest groups, such as the Indian University Teachers Association, The All-India Bank Officers Confederation, The All-India Distillers Association, to name a few. Such groups protect and enhance the interest and needs of their members. Their influence over their members originates in their ability to formulate the positions that comes to be identified with their members. Sectional interest group enable their members, economic and social interests to be represented in the process of a change in public policy. Secondly, there are Promotional Groups, such as the Indian Environment Congress Association Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to children. They seek to promote causes and are consequently engaged in lobbying activities. They either exert influence over the public generally, or sectional interest groups in particular by appealing to their conscience. The aims of the promotional group are not determined by the interest and needs of their members since they are usually not spokesmen of any social group. For example, the Chipko Movement leader, Mr. Sunder lal Bahuguna, opposed the implementation of the Tehri Hydroelectric Project in the Garhwal Himalayas on the grounds that it would cause colossal damage to the ecology of the Himalayas.

Factors Influencing Pressure Groups

Factors Influencing Pressure Groups in the Emergence of Public Policy It is very difficult to predict the circumstances under which a pressure group can expect to be successful in influencing the emergence of public policy. However, it is possible to explain the resources of pressure groups which make the legislators more effective in policy action. Firstly, the pressure groups have the expertise in the relevant subject matter. They shape the smaller questions into larger issues worthy of legislative consideration. They may provide the policy makers with much technical data for and against a specific issue, an d information about the possible consequences of policy proposal. Legislators find the expertise and data provided by pressure groups attractive because of their limitations and disinclination to accept the executives recommendations. The executive personnel also look to the pressure groups for information and opinions on policy issues. Besides the legislative and executive branches, the judiciary also feel the influence of pressure groups which hire attorneys to represent their numbers. Secondly, the pressure groups have the funds and necessary resources for policy influence. They sometimes give or donate money to help reelect the members of parliament or the state legislature who had supported them on a disputed bill. Sometimes, they Sponsor candidates on elections. The pressure groups are also seen protecting the jobs of sympathetic administrators who may have proved annoying to their senior heads. The public bodies that depend on support from the pressure groups run the risk of succumbing to narrow private control. For example, according to Francis Rourke , in the United States some universities are prone to lose the control of a programme in

order to gain the support of farm groups for the university budget. Thirdly, the government has to rely on the pressure groups for th implementation o f its policies Many government programmes would remain us implemented without the cooperation of vested interests. Such interest can gain control in the formulation of policy as a price of its successf ul implementation Protection of the human environment is an example. Hence, every policy programme has to be planned with the consent of those groups which they themselves have to implements. Fourthly, the successful groups are precisely those which have got access to the different stages of the policy-making process. They are those which can influence the executive and its department at the formulation stage before a bill is drafted. Here, it may be mentioned that the sectional interest groups are more likely to be in a position to exert influence than the promotional groups and exert pressure on ministers and public officials, before the government has decided to legislate. Similarly a group may petition a minister or appear before an enquiry committee or commission in an attempt to involve the government in policy action. The interest groups articulate the interest and demand of society, seek support for these demands among other group by advocacy and bargaining, and strive to transform these demands into public policies. Fifthly, the influence of pressure groups also depends on their potential membership. The strength of pressure groups is an important factor in the policy-making process. The leaders of such groups usually belong to higher social-economic status than most of its, members and are likely to place a higher priority on the stated political objectives of the groups. It is further pointed out that most members of a particular service or labour group join an organization because they have no choice. Physicians, lawyers and teachers, must join their professional associations to receive the benefits from them. Poorer people are often unable to participate in the policy-making process even if opportunities are offered by sympathetic public officials. Pressure group will not like to be politically branded. The main reason is that they have to protect their interest, irrespective of any particular party in power. The reason for this is that interest group politics represents something less than the full politicization of groups and something more than utter depoliticisation. Hence it may be conclude that although pressure groups can, in theory, communities more effectively than individual citizens with public officials on policy issues, they do not overtly reflect public opinion. The policy makers do not always appear to content to follow the views and opinions expressed by the pressure groups. However, while public officials may limit the opinion of the public, they do not eliminate it. Interest group do much to set the boundaries of discretion within which policy makers function.

29

Education and social change

Education and Social change

The relationship of education with social change is not a simple, unilateral one, as perhaps many would like to believe, for education is not only instrumental in bringing about social change, it is also quite interestingly instrumental in maintaining the status quo. In other words, education plays both a 'conservative' and 'radical' role, i.e., it helps both in 'maintaining' and 'changing' different aspects of the social system. Social scientists have held diverse positions on the relationship between education and social change. There are some (Althusser 1972) who treat education as the most important 'ideological state apparatus' appropriated by the ruling classes to pursue their own ideas and interests. They maintain that education is an instrument forged by the ruling classes to serve and preserve their own interests and largely to maintain the status quo in the existing economic and political power structure. At the other end, are many social scientists, politicians, educationists and educational .planners who consider education as an important instrument of social change, particularly in the context of third world countries. Here, education is treated as effecting economic development and social change. It is well known that the educational system is responsible for encouraging innovation in the material and technological spheres. This may involve training the labour force in these skills, challenging traditional attitudes, or promoting social mobility and allowing new elites to threaten and replace those before them. Some of these expectations are, to a large extent, contradictory. The radical and innovation functions of education are hard to reconcile with its role in the transmission of culture. Also, schools and universities are themselves a part of society subject to pressures from other parts of the social system. In a highly stratified society, for example, it is unrealistic to expect schools to inculcate strongly egalitarian principles. They are likely to function in these societies as important agencies within the stratification system training the young for adult roles. Only where egalitarianism is accepted as part of the dominant value system of a society is it likely either to influence the organization of education or to be part of the moral and social training imparted at school. Developments in the education system are largely also influenced considerably by economic and technological factors. Education in turn may also influence social and economic change as a consequence of the role it plays in the processes of discovery and dissemination of newly acquired knowledge.

Social Change
Society comprises of a web of social relations and social change implies a change in these relationships. Concept of social change has been deliberated by a number of sociologists who have different ideas about such changes. Marxist theory stresses the role of the two divisions of the society or the classes. According to this theory, conflict and contradictions between these two groups results in social changes. On the other hand , social change has been defined by Wilbert Moore (1963) as a significant alteration over time in behaviour patterns and culture, including norms and values. With respect to the social change it is important to understand how the rate and nature of change brings about alteration in society. In simpler societies, change is unusually slow: tradition, ritual, rites of passage, and social hierarchies hold such societies together thereby reducing the pace of social change. However, these elements weaken in the event of culture contact with other societies, and disasters such as wars, disease and famine. Terms such as 'progress', 'evolution', 'process' and so forth are often used, in the course of the discussion about social change. R. M. Maclver and C. H.Page (1950) have discussed and distinguished between these terms. The word, 'process' implies the idea of continuity; 'all that is meant by process is the definite step-bystep manner through which one state or stage merges into another'. Nothing is said here about the

quality, of the process. It is simply a way of describing how things happen in society; and also the way in which people adapt to certain elements in their society, or are assimilated to certain forms of activity, or adjust themselves to specific modes of behaviour. The term evolution implies a scientific concept of development and change, an unrolling or unfolding, a movement in some particular direction. Maclver and Page (1950) consider that societies may be classified as more or less evolved according to the complexity of their differentiation. More evolved simply implies a greater complexity and differentiation within the society; but again, evolution' is not merely a quantitative process. For Maclver and Page, 'wherever in the history of society we find an increasing specialization of organs or units within the system or serving the life of the whole, we can speak of social evolution.' The words progress and process are frequently used in popular discussion as interchangeable words, but in the context of social change, at least, progress involves judgment whereas process is simply descriptive of continuity. Value-judgments are relative, and what may constitute social progress for one may represent retrogression, decay or stagnation for another. it all depends on the sort of ideal one has of society itself and the goal at which one is aiming. W. J. H. Sprott (1967) presents a clear and simplified scheme of social change within a very narrow spectrum. According to him there is, firstly exogenous change which is caused by agencies external to society itself. Such factors as invasion, colonization, settlement, culture contact and disease are highly unpredictable and capable of effecting social disequilibrium and change. Secondly, there is endogenous change, which occurs from within the society. Sprott divides endogenous change into two main types according to their degree of predictability. There is 'episodic change' which is brought about within a society by some event, which could not have been predicted from one's personal knowledge of the state of our society. This applies particularly within the realm of inventions, which may have devastating effects upon the whole fabric and lifestyle of society. In fact the invention in itself (e.g. radar, atomic energy, laser beams) is neutral. It is the use to which one puts an invention that decides whether society will progress or retrogress; but it will certainly change. There is, however, also 'patterned change' within the society, which permits a more precise prediction. Such prediction is of short term nature and it depends upon the increase in a society of mutual concern, planning, rationality and an organized programme of social welfare, as well as political and economic consensus. Thus, social change can be considered due to three main types of factors or conditions: physical and biological; technological; and cultural. A consideration of physical and biological factors involves such problems as the changing size and average age of a population, the varying balance between deaths and births, and the variations in the race, colour and culture in the differing elements of population. Geographical factors, environment, habitats and ecological modifications may also affect society in terms of the occupations people pursue. Technological factors may mean the vast improvement in mechanical devices, in fertilizers and seeds, and in the acceptance of the importance of management, economics, accountancy, and genetics - not as extras or sidelines, but as intrinsic dimensions of agriculture itself. Other technological advances have included the development of physical transportation by means of rail, aeroplane and automobile, and discovery and harnessing of atomic energy. Technological factors also mean the use of information technology as a tool of governance and a medium of social communication. In the present age of globalization no one can remain aloof and each society is influenced by cultural aspects of other societies which brings changes in everyday life as well as in the pattern of values and thinking. These can be said to be cultural factors bringing in social change

30Assessment of Right to Information Act

Assessment of Right to Information Act

Two independent organizations i.e. Price Water House Coopers (PWC) and Centre for Good Governance (CGG) conducted the impact assessment of Right to Information act. According to CGG Right to information Act is a watershed movement in the history of public governance in the independent India. PWH considered it as a remarkable step to bring in a socio-economic revolution. According to assessment by PWC, citizens and civil society organizations have been able to use RTI Act to fight mismanagements and corruption. The Act has been a catalyst to improve the governmental response, but still there are some daunting barriers to use law because of the poor planning and bureaucratic apathy. The government offices and their public information officers (PIOs) are marred with case overload of complaints and about non compliance by public authorities. In first 2.5 years, after this act was passed, about 2.5 million applications got filed to access the information. In the year 2008 alone about 8.5 lakh applications were filed by citizens and civil society organizations to obtain the information from the public functionaries. The assessments by CGG and PWC indicated that majority of applications were filed to streamline public utilities like delivery of rationed food to poor, pay wages and pensions, provide scholarships and school uniform, complete roads and housing projects etc. RTI was also used in large number by civil society organizations and NGOs to reveal corruption cases in public services. Ironically, RTI was not used in large number by aggrieved governmental employees who rely heavily on law as a tool with dealing in personnel matters. Likewise RTI was also not used by media in proportion to its size and strength in the Indian democracy. PWC identified the following barriers to access information:

1. Lack of awareness about rights granted by RTI Act, particularly among the marginalized section of the society. 2. The primary data collected by PWC suggests that only 15% of the people in the country are aware about this Act. 3. The awareness about RTI is skewed towards the urban middle class and the similar elite sections of the society. 4. The study has also suggested the sharp gender bias in the use of RTI Act. According to PWC about 90% of RTI users are men. 5. PWC estimated the cost incurred by an individual in filing RTI using average wage rates and transportation costs. It is estimated that the true cost of filing and RTI request is about Rs. 250 in rural India and twice that in urban India. 6. Psychological cost of filing RTI: The citizens and the other related organizations have to face hostile and indifferent public officials while filing RTI. There are also the cases of harassments and threats from public officials. 7. In some cases the RTI activists have to face dire consequences for accessing the information from those with vested interests. For example in Jan 2010, an RTI activist Satish Shetty was murdered as he wanted to expose corruption in the city of Pune. 8. There is lack of infrastructure, inadequate number of support functionaries and inadequate or no training for Public Information Officers.

9. According to PWC in 2008-09, 23 out of 28 people appointed as Chief Information Commissioners at national and state level were retired civil servants. These bureaucrats are soft while passing the orders.

31Right to Life and Human Rights

Right to Life and Human Rights

Traditional approach to the study of rights has been in terms of individual liberty. When it is said that someone has rights, it implies that the individual has a certain zone of liberty and privacy that no one has the authority to transgress or snatch away. At the societal level, this naturally gets translated into the concept of civil liberties. In every society, the State formulates certain laws to protect the rights of individuals or groups from violation by other individuals and groups. These are reflected under the entire gamut of civil and criminal laws. However, a condition could arise when the State may itself seek to violate these rights of people particularly the Right to life and liberty. Founding fathers of the Indian Constitution had also participated in the freedom struggle and hence were of the atrocities which the State of capable of doing. It is against this condition, that provision Life and liberty has been kept. Liberty has been made under two assumptions, first that there some rights which are unalienable from an individual and second that there could be an attempt from the State to violate these rights. The Right to life and liberty has been guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution which states, No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law. This article has been said to be the heart of the fundamental rights and has been interpreted by the Supreme Court of India in a number of cases. First such case was Gopalan Vs. the State of Madras which was filed by the Communist leader A.K.Gopalan against his detention under the Preventive Detention Act. In the petition it was claimed that the Act contravened the provisions of Articles 13, 19, 21 and 22 of the Constitution and hence his detention was illegal. While Article 13 provides that the laws inconsistent with the Fundamental Rights are void; Article 19 provides Freedom of Speech and expression etc.; Article 21 provides that no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to a procedure established by law and Article 22 provides for arrest and detention in certain cases. In the said case, there was a difference of opinion but it was held that procedure established by law referred to the state made laws and not to any abstract law or natural justice. The judgment supported the Government action and the petition was dismissed. However, the position was changed in the case of Maneka Gandhi Vs. Union of India (1978) wherein the Apex Court held that no person should be deprived of his life and liberty except by a procedure established by law and this procedure must be reasonable, fair and just and not arbitrary, whimsical or fanciful and it is for the Court to decide in the exercise of its constitutional power of judicial review whether the deprivation of life or personal liberty in a given case is by procedure, which is reasonable, fair and just or it is otherwise. In the case of Francis Coralie Mullin Vs Administrator of Delhi (1981) the Court held:

..But the question which arises is whether the right to life is limited only to protection of limb or faculty or does it go further and embrace something more. We think that the right to life includes the right to live with human dignity and all that goes along with it, namely, the bare necessaries of life such as

adequate nutrition, clothing and shelter and facilities for reading, writing and expressing one-self in diverse forms, freely moving about and mixing and commingling with fellow human beings. Of course, the magnitude and content of the components of this right would depend upon the extent of the economic development of the country, but it must, in any view of the matter, include the right to the basic necessities of life and also the right to carry on such functions and activities as constitute the bare minimum expression of the human-self. Every act which offends against or impairs human dignity would constitute deprivation protanto of this right to live and it would have to be in accordance with reasonable, fair and just procedure established by law which stands the test of other fundamental rights..
In the case of Olga Tellis Vs Bombay Municipal Corporation, the Court further held: ..The sweep of the right to life conferred by Article 21 is wide and far reaching. It does not mean merely that life cannot be extinguished or taken away as, for example, by the imposition and execution of the death sentence, except according to procedure established by law. That is but one aspect of the right to life. An equally important facet of that right is the right to livelihood because, no person can live without the means of living, that is, the means of livelihood. If the right to livelihood is not treated as a part of the constitutional right to live, the easiest way of depriving a person of his right to life would be to deprive him of his means of livelihood to the point of abrogation. Such deprivation would not only denude the life of its effective content and meaningfulness but it would make life impossible to live. And yet, such deprivation would not have to be in accordance with the procedure established by law, if the right to livelihood is not regarded as a part of the right to life. That, which alone makes it possible to live, leave aside what makes like livable, must be deemed to be an integral component of the right to life.. If really Article 21, which is the heart of fundamental rights has received expanded meaning from time to time there is no justification as to why it cannot be interpreted in the light of Article 45 wherein the State is obligated to provide education up to 14 years of age, within the prescribed time limit.

Constitutional and Human Rights

Rights granted to an individual can be divided into two groups. First types of rights are Constitutional rights. These are granted by the law of a country to its citizens. Neither are these granted to the citizens of other countries nor are these guaranteed in other countries. Second types of rights are human rights. These rights are enjoyed by an individual because he is a human being. These rights cannot be taken away by any government or country and are also available to citizens of other country. Right to life and liberty is a right of second category and is available to citizens of other countries though in that case its connotations may vary as per various laws in force, but it is for sure that any individual, even though he may be of any other country cannot be deprived of life and liberty as per procedure established by law. The judicial pronouncement referred above clearly indicates that human rights are not merely matters of ethics. They primarily involve the obligation of the state. The basic fact is that the duty-holders under human rights are states and the community of states. Human rights largely deal with oppression by the state. Human rights endow individuals with a legitimate claim against the state to enjoy an existential status with proper dignity. The primary thrust of human rights is on the empowerment of society, particularly the most vulnerable groups in society, to lay legitimate claims to the institution of the state for a life with dignity and freedom and resources.

32 State and social conflicts

State and social conflicts

State is both a source and a remedy for social conflict. Being a legitimate authority, it can exercise power and coercion. It can help in reducing the inequalities by way of good governance and can also help in setting up mechanisms of conflict resolution. State is also a medium of social change as patronage can help some groups to improve their status. However, policies of the state can also harm the interests of some social groups or could be resented by some people. Further, democracy is always fraught with fear of turning into the dictatorship of the majority or of certain large chunks of voters. This would lead to alienation of other groups.
The Indian state was born in 1947 after the British left India. Important features of Indian state can be seen in the preamble of the Constitution which states the country to be a sovereign, socialist, secular and democratic republic. It also pledges to provide its people JUSTICE, social, economic and political; Liberty of expression, thought, belief, faith and worship; Equality of status and opportunity; and to promote among them all Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the nation. A plain reading of the preamble would indicate that the founding fathers had expected the country to be socialist. The term in general sense implies an equitable distribution of resources. As the society at the time of independence was basically feudal with gross social and economic inequalities, this meant taking away some of the resources and privileges from the well offs and giving it to the deprived. This would obviously be resented by those who controlled these resources and increase in social conflict. Similarly, social inequalities had also to be removed which also required the deprived are empowered. This would again cause resentment among some groups. The State was also required to be secular. It is well known that Mahatma Gandhi and other Congress leaders were not in favour of partition which was forced by Muslim League. This led to demands from the Hindu groups for similar type of state in India. Adoption of a secular mode caused resentment among these groups and again became a cause of conflict. Hence, given the conditions at the time of independence, social conflicts were inherent in these conditions and it fell upon the Indian state to remove these differences and forge a cultural and social unity in the country. Despite best efforts of the state, the conflicts have refused to lie down and started expressing themselves. Expression of discontent came in various forms. First was in the form of voting pattern of castes and communities which started voting on sectarian lines. This resulted in political parties indulging in vote bank politics and catering to castes and communities. While a positive aspect of this development was that the deprived classes found their voice, the negative aspect was that on social front it strengthened the divisions on caste and communal basis. As this became the primary criterion for winning elections, other desirable requisites were ignored giving rise to a number of problems in electoral politics. Second form of the expression was in the form of social movements which started during the 1970s and are still continuing. Movements have taken place for a number of causes, and many of them have been successful. Third form of expression was in the form of insurgency and violent conflicts which arose in various parts of the country. Hence, success of Indian state in resolving social conflicts can at best be said to be partial.

33 Civil Society: Meaning and related concepts

Civil Society: Meaning and related concepts

Defining Civil Society
As per the World Bank, the term civil society to refer to the wide array of non-governmental and notfor-profit organizations that have a presence in public life, expressing the interests and values of their members or others, based on ethical, cultural, political, scientific, religious or philanthropic considerations. Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) therefore refer to a wide of array of organizations: community groups, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), labor unions, indigenous groups, charitable organizations, faith-based organizations, professional associations, and foundations. Although the term, has been used earlier, in recent times it has gained significance from the 1980s onwards particularly with respect to the developments in the Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union as well as the developing countries. The concept of civil society is linked to the concept of the state in the sense that civil society organizations gain prominence when there is erosion in the credibility of the state which leads to emergence of parallel centers of power. Thus the recent attention to the civil society can also be traced to the eruption of social movements or resentment of the people against the state. Civil society is the space which exists between the community and the state. It is represented by those associations, the NGOs, individuals, academicians, intellectuals which stroke who strive for betterment of the lives of people in the areas of their operation. Since the civil society institutions exist between the state and the community and question the state, they are generally referred to as the institutions, which are distant from the state. The civil society is considered both complimentary and sometimes as a substitute for the state institutions. The basis of the formation of civil society is secular. Caste and kinship linkages,religion or tribal mobilization etc. are not the basis of the formation of civil society.

Democracy and Civil Society

Democracy and Civil Society are inseparably related to each other. A healthy liberal democracy needs the support of a vibrant civil society. The foundation of the democracy-civil society nexus thesis could be traced in Tocqueville classic writings on American politics. In recent years, there are several scholars who have developed this democracy-civil society relation in various models of democracy. One such model is the Associative Model of Democracy as developed by Sunil Khilnani, Paul Trust and Benjamin Barber. According to them, the decentralization of power is the basis of formation of civil society. The decentralized units of power are inclined towards trust, association and democracy. The advocates of this perspective are critical of the centralized authority of the state, which they find too imposing. They pin their hopes on the communities or the decentralization in the western democracies. The perspective of the civil society is related to that literature which emerged in the wake of the decline of socialist societies, especially in Eastern Europe. Here, the civil society emerged in contrast to the totalitarian state.

The rights of the individuals, which were violated during the totalitarian regimes, were seen to be protected in the civil society. The existence of civil society also indicates the extent of democracy in a society, viz, formal democracy like elections, multi-party system or a democratic constitution. It also means, at the same time, existence of democratic norms and values like coexistence of differences along with tolerance of each others culture and views. According to Gellner, the institutional notion of democracy is less comprehensive than that of civil society. Civil society is an arena of contestation and debate. Neera Chandhoke says that civil society is a space where individuals set their norms in association with each other. It resides in the life of those who question the states imposition on them. They make the state respond to their voices. Each group in the civil society is entitled to maintain its specificity, culture. These are based on the principles of freedom and equality. According to Manoranjan Mohanty, the civil society organizations may be called creature societies, because these associations question the state and strive to create an egalitarian and democratic order. A new generation of neo-Tocquevillians, the most prominent amongst whom is Robert Putnam, have since the 1990s revived the concept of civil society as the bedrock of democracy. Putnam popularized a concept called Social Capital which stands for features of social organisations such as trust, norms and networks. The linkage between democracy and social capital takes off from one of Putnams famous study of the varying performances of local governments across North and South Italy. The work argues that North Italy generally promoted better institutional performance than the South, because here conditions were historically geared to wider public participation in civic affairs, which itself resulted from the availability of better inter-personal and institutional trust in the society.

Community and Civil Society

Community is a group of people knit into relationships on the basis of primordial factors, i.e., religion, kin, family ties, caste, etc. These set rules for the individuals, which constitute the community. The nature of the rules of the community about the rights of the individuals and citizens show the nature of polity and society. The rules of the community are particularistic and those of the state are universalistic. If there are conflicts between the two sets of rules, the democratic edifice of the polity gets eroded. But if on the other hand, the rights of the individuals in a society are in consonance with those of the state, the polity represents democratic traits. The community exists between the state and civil society. The status of the democratic rights of individuals within the society of women, of disadvantaged groups, of minorities, etc.depends on the nature of all the three institutions of state, civil society and community. The sociological argument on the distinction between community and civil society takes its purest, most systematic and most elaborate form in the work of Ferdinand Tonnies. Tonnies called these real or organic life and imaginary or mechanical structures Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. In Tonnies words, Gemeinschaft is old; Gesellschaft is new. In rural life, community among people is stronger and more alive; it is the lasting and genuine form of living together. In contrast to Gemeinschaft, Gesellschaft (society) is transitory and superficial. Accordingly, Gemeinschaft (community) should be understood as a living organism, Gesellschaft as a mechanical aggregate and an artifact. Sudipta Kaviraj in an article In search of Civil Society points to a connection between the two dichotomies: the state and the civil society on one hand, and the civil society and the community on the other. There are significant connections between these two separate arguments in several types of analyses of Third World politics. It has been argued that the proper working of a modern constitutional state requires a distinction not merely between the state and the other organisations in society, but the sphere of non-state organisations being governed by Gesellschaft like principles.

Features of Civil Society

Concept of civil society is a diverse one and there have been diverse analysis of the term. However, some features of the civil society are as under:

1. Firstly, civil society is the realm of organised social life that is open, voluntary, selfgenerating, at least partially self-supporting, autonomous from the state and bound by a legal order or set of shared rules. It is distinct from society in general in th at it involves citizens acting collectively in a public sphere. 2. Secondly, civil society is concerned with public ends rather than private ends. It is an intermediary phenomenon standing between the private sphere and the state. Thus, it excludes parochial society: individual and family life and inward-looking group activity; and it excludes economic society: the profit-making enterprise of individual business firms. 3. Thirdly, civil society is related to the state in some way, but does not seek to control the state; it does not seek to govern the polity as a whole. 4. Fourthly, civil society encompasses pluralism and diversity. It encompasses a vast array of organizations, formal and informal, including economic, cultural, informational and educational, interest groups, developmental, issue-oriented and civic groups. In addition, civil society encompasses what Thomas Metzger calls the ideological marketplace, the flow of information and ideas, including those which evaluate and critique the state 5. Fifth, it follows from the fourth that civil society does not seek to represent the complete set of interests of a person or a community. Rather different groups represent or encompass different aspects of interest. 6. Sixth, civil society should be distinguished from the more clearly democracy-enhancing phenomenon of civic community. Civic community is both a broader and narrower concept than civil society: broader in that it encompasses all manner of associations (parochial included); narrower in that it includes only associations structured horizontally around ties that are more or less mutual, cooperative, symmetrical and trusting.

34 Role of Market in Governance

Role of Market in Governance

Functioning of the society and polity is heavily affected by the economic conditions and patterns of the society. In India, the number of social groups taking recourse to collective action has increased since liberalization of economic policies. This has raised some important questions. Has the nature of social movements changed or is changing with the expansion of market? What kinds of new social movements are emerging? Has the state become weak and withdrawn from its responsibility for social transformation? Do the market forces dominate and govern the state? Are social classes getting fragmented and loose in their capacity to organise and dominate? Has class base of the social movements declined with the rise of market? etc.

For understanding this concept we need to consider the changes in the Indian state vis--vis the economic policies. For this purpose, it can be divided into two phases. These are pre-1990s and post-1990; the phase preceding the present form of liberalisation and the phase coinciding with it. During the first two decades following Independence, the state was given a dominant place in the development model. The national and international circumstances which prevailed at that time necessitated to accord such a position to the state. The division of the country into India and Pakistan, the consequent communal riots, influx of refugees after partitions, merger of princely states into the Indian Union, the division of the world in two ideologically opposite blocks the American and Russian known to be involved in the cold war were the conditions which motivated the national leadership to adopt a development model in which the state would find a dominant place. This model which gave prominence to the state was known as Nehru-Mahalanobis model of development. It sought to build India a strong nation-state, showing the unity of diverse regional, economic, cultural and regional groups. The market was supposed to depend on the state for its existence; it had to be regulated and get the permission of the state through licenses. It gave prominence to the state organs, especially bureaucracy, which came to known as the permanent government or steel frame, state planning, mixed economy, non-alignment in the international relations. This model envisaged that it would lead to overall development of the country, eliminate the differences and hierarchy based on social cleavages caste, religion, language, race, region, and economic disparity (will augment the economic growth, remove poverty, etc.). In the macro economy it gave preference to the industry over the agriculture or the rural sector. However, the state introduced several measures which affected different classes and groups; these groups participated in the collective actions in the coming decades. In the rural areas land reforms abolition of landlordism and making the tillers as owners of land, agricultural extension schemes, community development programmes and several welfare measures were introduced by the state in different states. Though these schemes were not completely successful, these had improved the conditions of peasantry to varying degrees. The most forceful and effective intervention of the state in the rural economy was in the 1960s through the green revolution the HVY (High Yielding Varieties of seeds), fertilizers and inputs, seeds, machenisation, etc. in the selected areas of the country. The post 1990 phase, i.e., the era of liberalisation from the 1990s, has seen the decline in the state authority following the introduction of Structural Adjustment Programme introduced by the Narasingha Rao government in 1991. This phase is marked by the parallel rise of the market force and the civil society organisations which have eroded the monopoly of the state. Hence, the market was given secondary position in the policy formulations in relation to the state in the pre-liberalisation phase. The market not only had to depend on the state leadership and bureaucracy for clearance, licenses or operate under the inspector raj, it also had no major role in measures meant for various sections of the society. Besides, the market had to face the corruption/lack of transparency, redtapism, etc. These were in general taken to be failure of the state. This brought to the prominence the role of the state in the process of democratisation, governance and development. A search for an alternative to the state as an agency for carrying out development and democracy started. A section of scholars and politicians argued that the alternative to the state could be found in the market. But there was an equal strident opposition to the market as an alternative. This was a general trend world over. The western world with the neo-liberal ideology and through the institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, etc., played a leading role to propagate the ideas that the panaceas to the problems of the third world could be found if the state in these countries rolled back or became a minimalist state and structural reforms were introduced in these countries. It boosted the market which is associated with the economic reforms programme, popularly known as the globalisation or the Structural Adjustment Programme. In case of India, by the 1980s the financial problems, mainly the balance of payment had become very acute. the solution to this was to be found in borrowing from the international donor agencies. But they could

lend only if their conditions were accepted. The conditions included adopting their criterion of governance and taking up their policy of liberalization and globalisation. Thus liberalization and globalization resulted in a considerable reduction of the control of the state. This atmosphere was more conducive for examining state policies and opposing them if required. Entry of electronic media and social media on the internet made tremendous impact on the political and social front. Electronic media greatly strengthened journalism and visual news were directly being broadcasted day and night. Entry of social medium further democratized the situation. Now one need not be journalist or a writer or a celebrity to air his views. This considerably increased the strength of the civil society as the state was now bound to reply to the criticism from these groups if it was to retain its credibility among people. Civil society has made much better use of these tools in attacking various organs of the state. Market in itself is liberal in nature and hence needs liberal conditions to flourish. Strict control of the state is an anathema to the market and it seeks to reduce the power of the state, which, on the other hand seeks to exercise its control over the market by way of various rules and procedures. Thus market is more interested in parallel centres of the power other than the state. However the interest is conditional and is restricted to only those groups which help it in its business or help to promote the principle of lasses faire in general. Market does not support those organisations which hinder its functioning. This can be seen in a shift in the general nature of social movements. While the pre 1990s movements were basically socialist or leftist in nature, the movements which have come up in the liberal period stress more on freedom, equality, human rights and governance. While the movements which came up in the pre liberalization era concentrated mainly on villages, centre of action for newer movements is the urban India.

35 Feudalism: Meaning and attributes

Feudalism: Meaning and attributes

We come across the term feudalism in various contexts. Several times we also use various connotations of feudalism like feudal mind set, feudal anarchy etc. This article desribes the meaning and attributes of feudalism and characteristics of feudal society in a lucid and simple way. According to famous historian F.L.Ganshof Feudalism may be conceived of as form of society possessing well marked features which can be defined without difficulty. They may be summarized as follows: a development pushed to extremes of the element of a personal dependence in society, with a specialized military class occupying the higher levels in the social scale; an extreme subdivision of the rights of real property; graded system of rights over land created by this subdivision and corresponding in broad outline to the grades of personal dependence just referred to; and a dispersal of political authority among a hierarchy of persons who exercise their own interest powers normally attributed to the State and which are often, in fact derived from its break up. The definition sees feudalism as a legal and military arrangement in which a vassal accepts the obligations of obedience and service towards the Lord in return for obligations of protection and

maintenance of the vassal by the Lord. Although classic feudalism is mainly linked to Europe, similar institutions existed in a number of other countries as well. The daimios, bushi and samurai of Japan were like vassals and were granted land like fief. In Arab and Turkish world, the fief took the form of iqta and pomestie in Russia was also a kind of fief. India has its version of feudalism, which though different from the European system had its samants and jagirs. In military te rms, feudalism, was the result of a situation in which the Lord was not able to maintain the required army, particularly the cavalry which was expensive to maintain. The burden was shifted to the vassals who were provided with land or certain other rights to enable them to meet their expenses as well as that of the soldiers they were required to maintain. However, some other writers like French historian Marc Bloch looked at feudalism as a stage of society. He noticed that from the fifth century to the tenth century A.D., Western Europe was subjected to a number of invasions from a number of sources which created a great deal of insecurity and disrupted the economy. During this period, everyone in Western Europe was searching for security and subsistence. This search led to the formation of what Marc Bloch described as 'ties of interdependence". All sections of society entered into these ties; peasants surrendered their lands and resources to the local lord who promised them security and subsistence and returned the lands to them on condition of their cultivating his fields without being paid wages. The local lord in turn, similarly, sought security and subsistence from the one more powerful than him by surrendering his lands etc., to be given back as fiefs on condition of rendering military service to the bigger lord. The smaller lord thus became the vassal of the bigger lord. The process went on until everyone became the lord of some and the vassal of others except the king who was the vassal of none and the peasant who was the lord of none. These ties of interdependence also produced corresponding religious ideology and cultural ethos. In all these views, the emergence of feudal society was attributed to some or the other dramatic event or events. In economic terms it had origins in the slavery based modes of production. First Greece and then Rome were transformed slavery into a systematic production. The slave had no rights over himself and was the property of the master. Aristotle called the slave as property with a soul and the Roman called him as instrument vocale i.e. a tool with a voice. As war was an important mode of acquiring slaves, the system declined once large scale conquests stopped. Existing slaves began to settle down as serfs and retainers in the household and slowly grew more attached to households gradually improving their status. This was the origin of feudalism. In stages of economic aspect of social evolution, feudalism is a stage between the slavery based mode of production and capitalist mode. Thus a serf of feudal society stood someway between the slave who had no rights whatsoever and the worker in the capitalist age who though did not have any control over the means of production, got wages for his work and could move freely from one employer to the other. A slave was like a piece of property which could be bought or sold anywhere, any time. The serf could not be sold apart from the land he worked on. In case the lord sold the land to another lord, the serf was automatically transferred to the new owner. The serf had the hereditary right of occupancy of land given to him by the lord, but he did not have the ownership right. The occupancy right was expressed in the phrase often used as a characteristic description of feudal society: "the peasant is tied to the land". This phrase had a dual meaning. If on one hand it meant that the peasant could not leave the land of his lord and go elsewhere, on the other it also limited the lord's right to evict the peasant from the land. Thus, even if the lord sold off a particular piece of land, the peasant could not be evicted from it; the land carried him to the new Master. Besides, the tied peasant or serf was fully entitled to the produce of his and his family's labour and of the land in his occupancy, even when the land formally belonged to the lord. In return for the occupancy of the land, however, the serf was obliged to cultivate other fields, the produce of which went to the lord's household, without being paid for the labour.

Feudal system had its own structure which comprised of the serfs, free men, knights, lords and the King. All these were tied with obligations which were binding. Obligation of fidelity to the lord was of primary importance. Fief was generally in the form of a landed estate but it could be an authority or a right. Manor was the fundamental unit in the feudal system of production. It comprised of three parts: demesne, tenement and the waste. First two were under cultivation with produce of the first part going to the lord, that of the second going to the peasant and third comprising of forests and pastures and used by the entire community. A characteristic manor village comprised of shoddy houses of serfs or farmers, church, artisan shops and other facilities. The Lord lived in a spacious and well defended castle which was also the refuge of peasants in times of attack. Peasantry was bound to fulfill certain obligations for the lord which included free labour on lords farms and household as well as several taxes on marriage, inheritance and a number of other things. In the 14th century, Europe witnessed a number of natural calamities which severely reduced its population bringing a serious shortage of labour and a crisis in feudal economy. In the meanwhile crusades and other travels had opened trading options and economy started shifting from land based economy to money based economy. Increase in trade was supported by the King as the traders could provide him money for maintaining an army and other paraphernalia of the state. Now the King could maintain a standing army. Invention of gunpowder, against which the castles had no protection, tilted the military balance towards the King. All these factors resulted in the end of feudalism and rise of the authority of the King.

36 Health Indicators in India

Health Indicators in India....

Public Health is one of the best reflection of Human Development in a country. India is one of those counrty where the spending on Public Health in proportion to percentage of GDP is one of the lowest in world. In this article we have covered the following indicators:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Infant Mortality Rate Maternal Mortality Rate Under Five Mortality Rate Institutional deliveries Life Expectancy at Birth

Infant Mortality Rate

Infant Mortality Rate means number of infant (below one year deaths) per 1000 live births. Infant Mortality Rate which was 50 in 2009 and 47 in 2010 has declined to 44 as per the Sample Registration System (SRS) Bulletin, 2012. However, there are again variations all over country. For rural areas, the figure is 48 while for the urban areas it is 29.

In the bigger states, Kerala has the best rate of 12 while Madhya Pradesh is the worst with IMR of 59. IMR is one of the indicators for the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) and a target of 28 has been set by the year 2015. As per MDG Report, 2011, though IMR for the country as a whole declined by 30 points (rural IMR by 31 points vis--vis urban IMR by 16 points) in the last 20 years at an annual average decline of 1.5 points, it declined by three points between 2008 and 2009. With the present improved trend due to sharp fall during 2008-09, the national level estimate of IMR is likely to be 45.04 which is short of the target.

Under Five Mortality Rate

Under Five Mortality Rate means number of children who died before attaining five years of age. As per data provided by the Census in SRS bulletin, 2011, Under Fiver Mortality Rate in 2009 was 64 and showed an improvement of 5 points over 69 of 2008. This is monitored as one of the indicators of MDG and a target of 28 has set for 2015. As per MDG Report, 2011, India is expected to reach the figure of 54 and likely to miss the target.

Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) and Institutional Deliveries

Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) means the number of women aged 15-49, who die due to any cause relating to pregnancy during pregnancy or child birth or within 42 days relating to pregnancy per 100,000 live births. MMR has reduced from 254 per 100000 live births in 2004-06 to 212 per 100000 live births in 2007-09 (SRS), a reduction of 42 points over a three year period or 14 points per year on an average. Maternal Mortality Ratio is also being monitored under Millennium Development Goals as per which MMR has to be reduced to 109. As per MDG Report, 2011, expected figure to be reached by 2015 is 139, thus falling short of the target, though sharper decline of 16% during 2003-06 and 17% during 2006-09 can be considered to matter of some relief. As regard the institutional deliveries, the rate of increase in coverage of institutional deliveries in India is rather slow. It increased from 26% in 199293 to 47% in 2007-08. As a result, the coverage of deliveries by skilled personnel has also increased almost similarly by 19 percentage points from 33% to 52% during the same period. With the existing rate of increase in deliveries by skilled personnel, the likely achievement for2015 is only to 62%, which is far short of the targeted universal coverage

Life Expectancy at birth

Life expectancy at birth means the age up to which a new born is expected to live. As per data made available by SRS Bulletin, life expectancy has considerable improved from 49.7 years in 1970-75 to 66.1 years in 2006-10. However, this is quite less in comparison to the developed countries while life expectancy is usually above 80. Life expectancy is not uniform and there are variations between male and female, rural and urban and also in various states. Details of time wise life expectancy for male, female, rural and urban people are given below.

Expectation of life at birth by sex and residence, India*, 1970-75 to 2006-10

Period 1970-75 1976-80 1981-85 1986-90 1987-91 1988-92 1989-93 1990-94 1991-95 1992-96 1993-97 1994-98 1995-99# 1996-00# 1997-01# 1998-02 1999-03 2000-04 2001-05 2002-06 2003-07 2004-08 2005-09 2006-10

MidTotal Year Total Male Female 1973 1978 1983 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 49.7 52.3 55.4 57.7 58.3 58.7 59.4 60.0 60.3 60.7 61.1 61.4 61.5 61.9 62.3 62.9 63.4 63.9 64.3 64.7 65.0 65.4 65.7 66.1 50.5 52.5 55.4 57.7 58.1 58.6 59.0 59.4 59.7 60.1 60.4 60.6 60.8 61.2 61.4 61.9 62.3 62.8 63.1 63.5 63.7 64.0 64.3 64.6 49.0 52.1 55.7 58.1 58.6 59.0 59.7 60.4 60.9 61.4 61.8 62.2 62.3 62.7 63.3 64.0 64.6 65.2 65.6 66.1 66.5 66.9 67.2 67.7

Rural Total Male Female 48.0 50.6 53.7 56.1 56.8 57.4 58.0 58.6 58.9 59.4 59.9 60.1 60.3 60.7 61.1 61.6 62.2 62.7 63.0 63.5 63.8 64.2 64.5 64.9 48.9 51.0 54.0 56.1 56.7 57.2 57.9 58.2 58.5 58.9 59.3 59.5 59.7 60.1 60.3 60.7 61.1 61.6 61.9 62.3 62.6 62.9 63.2 63.5 47.1 50.3 53.6 56.2 56.9 57.4 58.1 58.7 59.3 59.8 60.2 60.5 60.9 61.3 61.9 62.5 63.2 63.8 64.2 64.7 65.2 65.7 66.0 66.5

Urban Total Male Female 58.9 60.1 62.8 63.4 63.8 64.1 64.9 65.4 65.9 66.3 66.6 66.8 66.4 66.7 67.1 67.6 68.0 68.4 68.6 68.9 69.0 69.0 69.2 69.6 58.8 59.6 61.6 62.0 62.3 62.8 63.5 64.1 64.5 64.9 65.1 65.3 65.1 65.4 65.7 66.1 66.5 66.9 67.2 67.4 67.5 67.5 67.6 68.0 59.2 60.8 64.1 64.9 65.3 65.5 66.3 66.7 67.3 67.7 68.0 68.2 67.9 68.3 68.7 69.2 69.7 70.0 70.3 70.6 70.7 70.8 71.0

37 Development indicators in India and religion

Development indicators in India and religion

As per Census reports, India has more than 2800 religions. However, majority of them are small sect having small followings. Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Sikhism are major religions. Percentage wise distribution of followers of main religions, as per Census, 2001, is as under:

Distribution of Population by Religion

Population Religion All religious communities Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jains Others Religion not stated Percentage 100.0 80.5 13.4 2.3 1.9 0.8 0.4 0.6 0.1

The Tendulkar Committee has also indicated poverty trends on the basis of religious communities. As per the report, Sikhs have lowest Head Count Ratio (HCR) in rural areas (11.9%) whereas in urban areas, Christians have the lowest proportion (12.9%) of poor. In rural areas, the HCR for Muslims is very high in states such as Assam (53.6%), Uttar Pradesh (44.4%), West Bengal (34.4%) and Gujarat (31.4%).

In urban areas poverty ratio at all India level is highest for Muslims (33.9%). Similarly, for urban areas the poverty ratio is high for Muslims in states such as Rajasthan (29.5%), Uttar Pradesh (49.5%), Gujarat (42.4%), Bihar (56.5%) and West Bengal (34.9%). This data indicates that among minority communities, existence of poverty is very high in Muslims.

Some of the facts about conditions of Muslims have been discussed in the Sachar Committee report. As per the said report, the literacy rate among Muslims in 2001 was 59.1 %. This is far below the national average (65.1 %). If the SCs/STs, with an even lower literacy level of 52.2% and Muslims, are excluded, the remaining category of All Others show a high literacy level of 70.8 %.

In urban areas, the gap between the literacy levels of Muslims (70.1%) and the national average is 11 percentage points and in relation to the All Others category it is 15 percentage points. Although the levels of literacy are lower in rural areas (52.7% for Muslims), the gap between the compared categories is also narrower.

It is important to note, however, that the SCs/STs are still the least literate group in both urban and rural India. Although the literacy levels of 64% and 68% amongst male SCs/STs and Muslims respectively are not low, they are far below the level for All Others which is 81%. In contrast, Muslim women with a literacy level of 50% have been able to keep up with women of other communities and are much ahead of the SC/ST women in rural India.

Muslim workers are mostly engaged in self- employment activity. This is particularly true in urban areas. Number of Muslims employed in salaried jobs is very low. In the aggregate while 25 per cent of Hindu-UC workers are engaged in regular jobs, only about 13 per cent of Muslim workers are engaged in such jobs. In most of the Government departments and PSUs, the share of Muslim workers does not exceed 5 per cent. The data from State departments and state level PSUs shows a somewhat higher representation of Muslims than at the Central level. Detailed information however, reveals that while Muslim, OBC and SC/ST public sector employees have relatively higher concentration in lower level positions as compared to Hindu-Upper Caste workers whose participation in higher positions is more.

38 Rise of Indian Nationalism

Rise of Indian Nationalism

Meaning of nationalism
Nationalism can be defined as a combination of common culture and ideology brought together by the common will of the people. Although, since times people of India held a notion that the country was one, the concept of India as a nation was non-existent. The concept arose after the British occupation of the country. Like other colonial states, nationalism in the country was marked by the negative feelings against the British and the rise of national consciousness in the nineteenth century was essentially the result of the policies adopted by the British rulers. On the whole the policies were framed to exploit the country and the populace under subjugation. The economic, political and social changes brought about by the British rule resulted in the oppression of Indian people giving rise to a wide spread dissatisfaction among the masses. Moreover, the uniform system of administration, development of post and telegraph, railways, printing press and educational institutions created by the British primarily as measures for running an effective administration also helped in providing favourable "conditions for the rise and growth of national consciousness which is essential for a national movement. Some such specific factors are as under:

Economic factors
The British agrarian policy was mainly aimed at drawing out maximum land revenue and providing raw material for the British industries. In the Permanent Settlement areas the land revenue to be paid to the state was fixed for each Zamindar but there was no control on what zamindar charged from the peasants. As a result, the Zamindars kept charging more from the peasants than what they had to pay to the State. Most of the time, the peasants had to borrow money from money lenders who charged exorbitant rate of interest. Whenever the peasants tried to resist the exploitation by landlords and money lenders, the official machinery helped the latter. A large number of cash crops (like indigo, cotton, sugarcane) were taken by the British on dictated prices to be used as raw materials. Cotton and indigo cultivators were the worst affected. As a result of the British land revenue policy, large numbers of peasants lost their lands to zamindars and moneylenders and were reduced to landless labourers. The number of landless labourers was as high as 20% of the population (52.4 million with their dependents) in 1901. If agriculture was in dire straits, the industry fared no better. Restrictions were imposed on import of Indian textiles in Britain while the British could bring their machine-made textiles virtually without any taxes to India. The Indian artisan was not in a position to compete with the goods produced by machines in England. Artisans in England had faced same problems with the advent of industrialization but in that country they were soon compensated by alternate employment opportunities in new factories. In India, loss of opportunities in hand craft sector was not compensated by industrialization and a large number of artisans were rendered jobless. The workers in factories, mines, and plantations also suffered. They were paid low wages and lived in extreme poverty. The newly emerging Indian industrialists also faced hardship due to the governments policies relating to trade, tariff, taxation and transport. They could see how Britain was using India mainly as a source of raw materials for British industries or in the later period as a place for the investment of British capital. The British capitalists who had vast resources were provided with all the facilities. The nascent Indian capitalist class that had just started emerging and needed government patronage, was, on the other hand completely ignored and disfavoured. Thus almost all the sections of Indian population suffered under the British rule. However, this discontent did not automatically lead to the development of a new consciousness among the people. There were a number of factors due to which the dissatisfaction with the foreign rule did not generate a proper national consciousness. Vastness of the country with backward means of communication, lack of education, absence of a common language, and differences in the nature of grievances in different regions due to differences in the working of the administrative system were some of the important reasons. In absence of national consciousness, the discontent expressed itself in the form of sporadic revolts against some officer, zamindar or a new regulation.

Peasant and Tribal revolts

In the nineteenth century a number of peasant and tribal uprisings took place. These revolts cannot be called the conscious nationalist movements in the modern sense. However, all these movements were a result of and were directed against the British policies. At times these were also sparked off by some oppressive policies of a zamindar, money lender or an administrative officer. Though these were not conscious nationalist uprisings, but, in due course this contributed to the emergence of nationalist consciousness. According to Sumit Sarkar, for at least a century after Plassey there were revolts led by traditional elements (dispossessed local chiefs, zamindars or religious figures). These revolts were predominantly of a lower class social character. Kathleen Gough has compiled a list of 77 peasant uprisings involving violence. The tribal movements were militant. K. Suresh Singh in his

study of the tribals, says that, they revolted more often and far more violently than any other community including peasants in India. There is a very long list of peasant and tribal revolts spread throughout India. In the first half of the nineteenth century Travancore revolt (1800-09), Bhil revolt (1818-31), Ho revolt (1820-21) and Khasi revolt (1829-31) were among important peoples movements. And so were Wahabi movement (183069), Kol revolt (183 1). Faraizi movement (1834-47) and Santhal revolt (1855-56). In most of these revolts the leadership and support was provided by the feudal chiefs. During the same period we come across a number of protests by town people against the British. Strike in Banaras (1810-11) and the revolt of Bareilly (1816) are important examples. In the case of Banaras, the city people went on strike against the levying of House Tax while, in Bareilly, the protest was directed against the Police Tax, which was levied to provide police protection to the citizens. In the case of Banaras the British had to withdraw the tax while in Bareilly people had to pay the tax.

The Revolt of 1857

The accumulated feelings of discontent and dissatisfaction with the British rule gave rise to the revolt of 1857 in which millions of soldiers, artisans and peasants made a combined effort to overthrow the British rule. The revolt was led by the traditional elite, deposed rulers and impoverished zamindars. Peasants and demobilized solders formed the mass base of the rebellion. It soon spread to most of the Northern and Central India and everywhere soldiers rebellion was followed by popular revolts of civilian population. According to one estimate, of the total number of about 1,50,000 men who died fighting the English in Avadh, over 1,00,000 were civilians. In many of the princely states of these regions, the rulers remained loyal to the British but the soldiers and people joined the rebels or refused to fight against them. W.H. Russel, who toured India in 1885 as the correspondent of the London Times, wrote: "In no instance is a friendly glance directed to the white man's carriage Oh! that language of the eye! Who can doubt? Who can misinterpret it? It is by its alone that I have learnt out race is not even feared at times by many and that by all it is disliked." Hindu Muslim unity was an important characterstic of the revolt both at the level of sepoys as well at the level of leaders and there was complete understanding and cooperation between the communities.

In the end, the British succeeded in ruthlessly suppressing the Revolt. The reasons were many. Despite its wide reach, the Revolt could not embrace the entire country or all sections of Indian society. Bengal, South India and large parts of Punjab remained outside its reach since these areas had already exhausted themselves through prolonged rebellions and struggle against the British. Most rulers of Indian states and the big zamindars remained loyal to the foreign rulers. Thus, Scindhia of Gwalior, Holkar of Indore, the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Rajput rulers of Jodhpur and many other Rajputana states, the Nawab of Bhopal, the rulers of Patiala and Kashmir, the Ranas of Nepal, and many other rulers and chieftains gave active support to the British in suppressing the Revolt.
In general, merchants and moneylenders either supported the British or refused to help the rebels. The modem educated Indians also did not support the Revolt. The leaders of the Revolt fought with courage, but could neither coordinate their struggle nor evolve a unified high command. Instead, they indulged in constant petty quarrels. The rebels were short of modern weapons and often had to fight with primitive weapons such as swords and spikes. They were very poorly organised. The sepoys were brave but at times there was lack of discipline which affected their military efficiency.

Above all the rebels lacked a modern understanding of British colonialism or the nature of the state and society which was to replace it. They were united by their hatred of the British rule and the desire to restore pre-British economic, political and social relations, but shared no conception of the political or socioeconomic structure of free India. Common all-India feeling and interests were yet to evolve. Perhaps if the Revolt had lasted a few years, a common modern understanding and national consciousness would have evolved in the course of the struggle, as it did later; but the rebels were given no such time. Though the revolt failed but it generated for the first time some sort of national feeling. For the first time it unified and brought together people having different ethnic, religious and class background against the British rule. Even after the suppression of this major revolt popular uprisings in India continued throughout the nineteenth century.

Peasant Movements after 1857

The important movements in the second half of the 19th century were Indigo revolt (1859-60) in Bengal, Kuki revolt 1860-90) in Tripura, Kuka revolt (1869-72) in Punjab, Pabna Peasant Movement (1872-73) in Bengal, Vasudev Balvant Phadke's Revolt (1879) in Maharashtra and Birsa Munda's revolt (1899-1900) in South Bihar. These revolts were not successful but they fostered a fighting spirit and strengthened national consciousness among the people.

Factors Contributing to Indian Consciousness

In order to effectively administer the country, the British evolved an administrative structure and formulated administrative policies and measures. Though evolved for the purpose of better administration, these measures also helped in the development of national consciousness among Indians. Some of these policies are as under:

Unified System of Administration

Colonial system of administration stressed on centralization with the intent of ruling the entire British governed territory from a single point. This required a uniform system of administration which the colonial rulers adopted. Land revenue administration, police, law and order machinery and judicial system were made uniform for the whole British ruled territory. The colonial rule also strove to create a unified market in order to sell its industrial goods without any hindrance. The impact of these goods destroyed the Indian artisan industry and revenue policies eroded the rural self sufficient economy of the village. These developments created conditions for economic unification of the country.

Communication Network
Post and telegraph services were extended and improved and the major towns were linked with telegraph. After 1853, work on Railway lines was started. The plan was to link the presidencies with each other and the hinterland with major ports. The main advantage of Railways for the British was a cheap mode of transport to carry goods to ports and back. But once the railway network developed, passenger traffic also increased, and people living at distant places got new opportunity to interact with one another.

Printing Press

The introduction of the printing press made the transmission of ideas and learning less expensive. A number of newspapers and periodicals started appearing. Through these publications the problems in different parts of the country could be shared by people.

New Education System

The British introduced a new system of education which was mainly derived from the West - both in form and content. The main idea behind this system was to create a loyal section of Indians who would effectively carry out clerical and lower administrative tasks for the British. As Macaulay put it, the idea was to form "a class of persons, Indians in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect". However the modern educational system familiarised the educated classes with the ideas of equality, liberty and nationalism, in an atmosphere of growing disillusionment with the colonial rule. The education system itself bred disillusionment as it was elitist, serving only a small section; while as many as 92% Indians were illiterate even in 1921. So the educated Indians turned towards contemporary nationalist movements in Europe (like German unification, Italian unification and nationalist movement against Turkish empire). They then were exposed to the works of liberal writers and thinkers like John Milton, Shelly, Bentham, John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, Rousseau, Voltaire, Mazzini and Garibaldi. The Indians who were studying in England found on their return to India that they were denied all the rights which were taken for granted in the European countries.

British Policy of Expansion

The British in the beginning conquered different areas to establish their hold. But this policy of expansion continued. They kept extending their territories by annexing Indian states, one after the other, even if those states were not at war with the British. The important among these were annexations of Sind (1843), Punjab (1849) Rangoon and Pegu (1852) and Awadh (1856)-Jhansi, Satara and Nagpur were also taken over. The Indian rulers were getting apprehensive of the British.

Intellectual Awakening
Nineteenth Century India is marked by a process of social reform and intellectual ferment. By intellectual ferment, we mean an attempt at a critical and creative examination of the contemporary society with the purpose of transforming it along modern lines. This was done by the intellectuals who had received the benefit of modern education. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshub Chandra Sen, Ishwar Chandra vidyasagar, M.G. Ranade and Sir Syed Ahmed Khan were among the leading intellectuals of the nineteenth century who contributed to the awakening of national consciousness. The British, in order to provide a justification for foreign rule had tried to project the immediate PreBritish period (18th century) as a period of stagnation. Along with this they tried to establish that Indians had no achievement to their credit in the field of Science and Technology and were incapable of providing a proper government. The educated Indians countered this thesis by bringing to light the achievements of Indians in art, architecture, literature, philosophy and science. This enquiry into the history, led to a new awakening aimed at reforming Indian society, by, doing away with the evil practices which were being perpetuated in the name of religion.

Discriminatory character of British Rule

The attitude of racial superiority adopted by the English also contributed to the growth of Nationalist sentiments. In their daily interaction with the British, the educated middle class began to feel that it was being discriminated on racial grounds. Europeans were considered better than Indians even in those cases when the latter were better educated and wealthier. All Indians irrespective of their class

and status were kept out of European clubs and were not allowed to travel in the same compartment of the train in which the Europeans travelled. In government jobs, race and not merit was the deciding factor. Apart from social behaviour this discrimination was carried in judicial matters as well. G.O. Travelyan, a historian and an influential civil servant, pointed out in 1864: "The testimony of a single one of our countrymen has more weight with the court than that of any number of Hindus, a circumstance which puts a terrible instrument of power into the hands of an unscrupulous and grasping English man". Most glaring instance of racism appeared when the Ilbert Bill was proposed in 1883, when Lord Rippon was the Viceroy. As per this bill, Indian magistrates and session judges could try Europeans in criminal cases. Vehement opposition from the European community forced the Viceroy to amend the Bill. The experience of this discrimination also contributed to the growth of national consciousness.

Middle class consciousness

During the nineteenth century, apart from popular uprisings and revolts at the mass level, a new consciousness was developing in the educated sections and middle classes. It was this middle class consciousness, which became the chief medium for the channelisation of popular discontent, and, was instrumental in the development of national consciousness in India. Social reformers like Raja Rammohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati and Swami Vivekanand formed organizations which took upon the social evils prevailing in the society. In doing so they critically examined the society and the social structure. These movements though largely confined to the educated middle class sections helped in developing a sense of belonging to the same culture. This was helpful in generating a national consciousness among Indian people. Besides this social consciousness political consciousness was also developing. The educated Indian middle class which included merchants, traders, industrialists, professional groups like lawyers, teachers, journalists and doctors was also suffering under the British rule. As compared to peasants and workers this class could see more clearly the imperial designs and analyse the nature of colonial rule. In the beginning (first half of the 19th century), this class was of the opinion that the means of communication, railways and other industrial enterprises were going to benefit Indians. Under this understanding they therefore supported the British policies but gradually it became clear that the British administrative measures were to help the British rule, and, their economic policies were benefiting the British merchants and capitalists. Once the Indian middle class realised this, they started protesting against the colonial rule. But unlike the peasants, tribals and workers whose protest was expressed in the form of uprisings and revolts, this class followed a different policy. The middle class worked in two ways. 1) They started writing books, articles and publishing newspapers to critically analyse the British policies and developing consciousness among the masses. Introduction of printing press and its effectiveness in reaching large number of people was utilised by the Indian middle class for propagating ideas of social reform, protesting exploitation done by the British and creating a national consciousness. Ram Mohan Roy was a pioneer in this field. He produced a number of books and started a journal called Sambad Kaumudi (Bengali) which published several articles on varied themes. Dinabandhu Mitra wrote the play Nil Darpan depicting the plight of indigo cultivators. Bankimchandra wrote Anand Math,full of nationalist aspirations. In Urdu a large number of works were written in prose and poetry about the degrading conditions of the masses and destruction of many urban centres. In Marathi, Hindi and Tamil also a number of works were published. A number of periodicals and newspapers in different languages started publication. These publications were in English and vernacular languages. The prominent among these were: the Hindu Patriot, Amrita Bazar Patrika, Bengali, Sanjivani in Bengal, Native Opinion, Maratha and Kesari in Bombay, the Hindu, Andhra Patrika and Kerala Patrika in Madras, the Hindustan and Azad in U.P., the Tribune and the Akhbar-i-am in Punjab. By 1877 there were as many as 169 newspapers in the vernacular.

A number of nationalist literary figures also came into prominence such as Bankimchandra Chatterjee, Rabindranath Tagore, Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar, Subramaniyam Bharti, Bhartendu Harish Chandra and Altaf Hussain Ali. 2) The second method adopted by the middle classes was to form organisations, associations and societies for joint programmes and activities. Some of the early organisations were the Landholder's Society (1837) which was an association of the landed gentry of Bengal Presidency. It was not a nationalist organization and its object was to protect the interest of the landlords in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Anther association, Bengal British India Society was formed in 1843 whose interests were more general and it included the educated classes. The two associations merged in 1851 to form British India Association. Similarly the Bombay Association and Deccan Association were formed in Maharashtra and the Madras Native Association was formed in Madras. The main aim of these organisations was collective action against the British policies harming their interests. Their methods were mostly legal actions in courts or petition against the East India Company and British parliament. They wanted reforms to be included in the Company's charter of 1853. But the charter of 1853 failed to satisfy their aspirations. After the take over of India's administration by the British Crown in 1858, new hopes kindled among the Indian middle classes. They thought that the British government would stop the economic exploitation and work for the welfare of the country. Soon they realised that the British Crown too was out to exploit India economically. Now the political activities increased and a number of new organisations appeared. London India Association was formed in England. The association was later merged with the East India Association in 1866. In Maharashtra, Poona Sarwajanik Sabha was formed by M.G.Ranade in 1870. In Bengal, the Indian Association was formed in 1876 by the young nationalists who were disenchanted acticvities of British India Asociation. Madras Mahajan Sabha was formed in the Madras Presidency in 1881 and Bombay Presidency Association was formed 1885. As compared to the earlier organisations formed by middle class elements, these organisations were political in nature. Their main aim was to protest against the British policies through petitions and resolutions. They tried to achieve mass awakening through public meetings and statements. They also exchanged views on the national issues. Around the same time the British Government passed some repressive measures like Lincoln Act, Vernacular Press Act, lowering the age for Indian Civil Services etc. Lord Lytton (1876-80) the Viceroy was responsible for these measures. The reaction to these measures was very strong. The main newspaper of Bengal, Bangalee wrote: "To Lord Lytton must belong the credit of having done much by his repressive measures towards stimulating the public life of this country and for this service certainly his Lordship will be entitled to the gratitude of our country (June 12. 1880)".

Indian National Congress

The Indian Congress was formed in 1885. Its first meeting was held on 28 December 1885 in Bombay. Its first president was W.C.Bonne jee and it was attended by 72 delegates from all over hdia. A.O.Hume, an Englishman who had retired from the Indian Civil Service, played a significant role in this process. It is quite often pointed out 'that Hume established the Congress to provide a 'safety valve to deflect an impending widespread unrest among the Indian masses against the British rule. Despite Hume's beliefs, it is difficult to prove that a major popular revolt was imminent. In fact, the formation of the Congress was a logical culmination of the nationalist activities since the 1860s and 1870s. The British policies in India were generating a sense of discontent among most classes of Indians. Nationalist ideas were being disseminated through the various newspapers and magazines

published in various Indian languages and in English. Various nationalist political associations were trying to create public opinion against the colonial policies. As all these associations held similar ideas, it was natural that sooner or later the leaders of these associations and other members of educated middle class would try to coordinate their efforts and form a national organization. This organization came up in the form of Indian National Congress. Its goal was to create unity, intimacy and friendship among all the Indians from various linguistic, regional and religious backgrounds. It also sought to remove prejudices relating to race, language, religion and provinces. It further aimed at expressing the views of educated Indians on the important problems of the day, including the colonial policies. The early nationalists constantly wrote and spoke about the need for constitutional reforms which would give the Indians a more effective voice in the governance of their own country. They also complained that the country was growing poorer under the British rule, that India's wealth was taken away to Britain through various means, that the traditional Indian industries were destroyed through the import of foreign machine-made goods, that India's modem industries were suffering due to faulty government policies about tariff, that Indian taxpayers were forced to pay for colonial expansionism in Afghanistan and Burma, and the Indian peasants were sinking in increasing poverty because of increasing revenue demand. Emergence of Indian National Congress is a very important event in Indian history. National consciousness generated in the previous decades needed a national organization to manifest itself. The manifestation came in the form of Indian National Congress, which took it upon itself the responsibility of representing the country as a whole. In the initial years, its leaders adopted peaceful and legal methods of campaign as they had faith in the good sense of the colonial rulers as well as the British Parliament. They believed that if public opinion was created in India and in England, and reasonable demands were presented before them, these could be accepted. However, their constant criticism of the colonial government did not find favour with the British authorities. Dufferin, the then viceroy, attacked the Congress leaders as 'disloyal babus', 'seditious brahrnins' and 'violent villains'. He said that the government cannot allow the Congress to continue to exist'. Curzon, a later Viceroy expressed the hope in 1900 that 'the Congress is tottering to its fall, and one of my great ambitions, while in India, is to assist it to a peaceful demise'. However, despite this official hostility, the Congress continued to grow and lead the national movement against the colonial rule. However, soon there arose a group among the Congress leaders who questioned the moderate approach of earlier leaders. These leaders were called extremist and they brought in what is known as extreme nationalism. These people did not faith in the British rulers. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the most prominent leader declared the Swaraj is my birth right and I shall have it.Lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal. Aurobindo Ghosh, another leader, attacked the very foundation of the Western civilisation and asserted that the Indians should oppose not only the political aspects of the foreign rule, but also ban the foreign goods, foreign dress, foreign language and foreign habits and manners. The most important leaders of the Extremist wing were Bal Giuigadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Aurobindo Ghosh and Lala Lajpat Rai. The Government partitioned Bengal in July, 1905. On 7 August 1905 the Swadeshi movement was formally declared. From now on the people were advised to boycott all foreign goods, particularly British goods like Manchester cloth and Liverpool salt. The day on which the partition was officially effected (16 October 1905) was declared a day of mourning and a strike was observed in Calcutta. Many processions were taken out and people went to bathe in the Ganges and tied Rakhis on each other's wrist to signify unity. Huge meetings attended by thousands of people were held all over the city. Slogans of Swadeshi and Swaraj were taken up not only in Bengal but in many other provinces as well and Bande Mataram became a popular song during this period. Students and other young people, women and even workers participated in the movement which continued for many months.

The Government replied by repression which in turn gave birth to revolutionary terrorism. Anushilan and Jugantar were two revolutionary groups which emerged during this period.

Emergence of Mahatma Gandhi

Mahatma Gandhi arrived in India in 1915. Initially he spent one year in visiting various places in the country with a view to have an understanding of the situation. During 1917-18 he took up the issues of indigo farmers of Champaran, textile workers of Ahmedabad and peasants of Kheda in Gujarat. These struggles witnessed the use of his specific method of agitation, known as satyagraha which he had developed in South Africa. These struggles demonstrated to the Indian people Gandhi's method of political struggle and his principles of non-violent non-cooperation. They, on the other hand, helped Gandhi to familiarise himself with the Indian situation and understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Indian people. They also attracted many political workers who were to prove valuable in the future struggles. Apart from the political front Mahatma Gandhi was active on the social front and worked for the upliftment of lower classes as well as for communal unity. His all encompassing ideology and stress on non nationalism resulted in development of an ideology which we can call Gandhian nationalism. His concept of nation was not based on communal, ethnic or religious basis, though he himself claimed to and was a devout hindu. His concept of swaraj meant a enlightened self control and self development leading to harmony and tolerance among the communities innew India. Apart from ending the colonial rule, he also aimed at moral regeneration of the Indian society and in this sense his struggle was larger than the struggle for liberation. His importance in the national movement can be seen from the fact that under his leadership the movement touched the masses, the artisans, peasant and the common Indian. During the period from 1919 to 1947, Gandhiji remained the foremost leader of the National movement. During this period he took part in three big movements, Non co-operation and Khilafat movement in 1920, Civil disobedience movement in 1930 and Quit India Movement in 1942in which millions participated. It was this mass character of the movement which compelled the British to leave India.

39 Impact of Urbanization on Indian society

Impact of Urbanization on Indian society

Impact of Urbanisation
As a process, Urbanisation has demographic as well as social dimensions. Demographically, it means growth of urban areas and more and more people living in these areas. In this sense, it refers to the proportion of a total population living in cities and towns at a given point of time. In social terms, it is used to denote a distinct way of life sociology, which emerges in cities due to their large, dense and heterogeneous population. Such a life is distinct from the life and activities of the rural populace.

Louis Wirths formulation of urbanism as a way of life explains that the city, characterised by a relatively large, dense and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals, breaks down rigid social structure and gives rise to various kinds of social relationships and patterns of behaviour among the city-dwellers. Further, Louis Wirth also argues that the impacts of the city effects are wider than city itself. Thus, the city draws the surrounding villages and even remote communities into its orbit. In other words, urbanism as a way of life is not peculiar to city-dwellers alone as the influences of the city (i.e., impact of urbanisation) stretch far behind its administrative boundaries. Urbanisation has its bearing on social relationships in community living. The relationships of community-living tend to become impersonal, formal, goal oriented, contractual and transitory. Urbanisation also indicates a transformation of economic activities from the agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector, and the proportion of population engaged in secondary and tertiary sectors of activities increases with division of labour and specialisation of work. Further, the process of urbanisation also leads to breakdown in the functioning of existing traditional institutions and patterns of behaviour and of social control. It leads to a situation of continuity and change in the sense that the traditional forms often continue to persist, but their functions undergo major readaptations in the face of urbanisation. Since the beginning of the century, percentage of population, living in urban areas has steadily increased. In 1901, only 10.8% of the population lived in urban areas. In 1951, the percentage rose to 17.3%. In 2001, the percentage of population in urban areas was 27.81% while in 2011, it has arisen to 31.16%. The data of Census, 2011 also indicates that for the first time since independence, absolute increase in urban population (9.1 crores) is higher than in rural population (9 crores). This rapid pace of urbanization, more so in the recent years has affected the traditional institutions like the caste, joint family, neighbourhood. A new social structure has emerged but the old structure has not been completely wiped out. It continues to co-exist while though in a changed form. Caste, the most influential concept of yesteryears still exists in the urban settings though in a very changed mode. Feudal socio-economic system which has granted it an almost legal authority does not exist in urban areas. Therefore concept of caste is not of much relevance in public life. Certain aspects of behaviour associated with caste ideology have now almost disappeared in the urban context as these are not practicable in the current socio-economic settings. The rules of commensality have very little meaning in the urban context where one may not know or may ignore or may be forced to ignore the caste identity of ones neighbours, friends, servants, employers etc. However, the caste survives in personal matters like family and marriage matters. Even this aspect is now being eroded as frequency of inter-caste marriages has considerably increased. It also survives as a source of identity and an ethnic group. This is evident from a number of caste associations active in urban settings. These have presumably come up as an effort of the people to preserve their caste identity and also to nurture caste based solidarity show which could be utilized to make economic or political gains. Another aspect in which it has survived is in politics. While voting, a preference is exercised for someone from the caste, although other factors like public image are also important in urban areas. Family structure and kinship relationships have also undergone a great change. Size of the family has diminished in the urban settings due to increasing awareness of the family planning measures. Some of the functions of the family have been relegated to other institutions. Most important change has come in the relative equality in regard to status and rights of women. This has been made possible due to urban settings providing more and more employment opportunities resulting in their economic independence. Urban joint families are gradually being replaced by nuclear families, though relationship with the extended family is maintained though the ties are mainly ceremonial.

However, this does not mean that family and kinship relations have become redundant. In times of necessity, it is these relationships that are first resorted to. When there is some serious illness, members of the family and close kin residing in the bigger cities are called in for help. Likewise when a person in rural areas needs educational or economic advancement, he calls upon his urban counterparts for help. Family and kinship networks are also used for the advancement of rural based boys seeking new avenues in the urban setting. Thus, kinship is an important principle of social organisation in cities and there is structural congruity between joint family on one hand and requirements of industrial and urban life on the other. An important change in the family structure has been that from the rural patriarch dominated family, the urban family has become more egalitarian. Status of women has improved primarily to their being economically independent, awareness of rights and legal remedies available to them. Apart from women, the younger generation i.e. the children also have a say in the family matters unlike the earlier periods when the older generation made most of the decisions. The social control of the older generation is now less rigid and after a certain stage becomes advisory in nature. Urbanization is usually seen as an indicator of development as it indicates that more and more people are engaged in secondary or tertiary economic activities which are considered to be more productive. However, rapid increase in urban population has been spurred not by the pull factor of the cities but by the push factor of the villages. This push factor has created an exodus from the villages. As no systematic effort was made to develop industries in smaller towns which could provide employment to these people, this group landed in cities which were not geared up to provide even basic facilities to these people. First requirement of these migrants was accommodation and when the city could not meet their demands, slums came up in cities, in which people lived in extremely pathetic conditions. As per draft mission document of National Urban Livelihood Mission under the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation, population residing in urban slums has been estimated at about 93 million. As per data provided by Census, 2011, 3% of the urban population does not have an exclusive room for living, while 32% live in one room house. About 29.4% of the urban population does not have access to tap water and 18.6% do not have latrine facility within the house. 7.3% of urban population still does not have access to electricity. This aspect of urbanization can hardly be accepted and brings with itself a host of economic, social and environmental problems.

40 THE PANCHAYATS EXTENSION TO THE SCHEDULED AREAS ACT (PESA)

The Panchayat Extension to the Schedule Areas Act (PESA) , 1996

By the 73rd Amendment Act, the democratic decentralization in the form of Panchyati Raj institutions was envisaged for the villages in India. However, this was not applicable for the villages and hamlets in the Schedule Areas. In 1996, Union government came up with The Panchayat Extension to Schedule Areas (PESA) Act to empower Schedule areas with democratic decentralization. The contextual background of these areas was very different from the other villages, the human development indices were relatively very low and the degree of marginalization and vulnerability was high, therefore this Act was specially designed keeping all these factors at the centre.

About Schedule Areas

The Indian Constitution is supposed to protect tribal interests, especially tribal autonomy and their rights over land, through Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution of India. Scheduled Areas of Article 244(1) are notified as per the Fifth Schedule and Tribal Areas of Article 244(2) are notified as per the Sixth Schedule.

1. The provisions of the Fifth Schedule shall apply to the administration and control of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes in any State (other than the states ofAssam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram). 2. The provisions of the Sixth Schedule shall apply to the administration of the tribal areas in the State of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram.

Criteria for identification of Schedule Areas

The criteria followed for declaring an area as Scheduled Area are preponderance of tribal population; compactness and reasonable size of the area; under-developed nature of the area; and marked disparity in economic standard of the people. These criteria are not spelt out in the Constitution of India but have become well established. They embody principles followed in declaring `Excluded' and `Partially-Excluded Areas' under the Government of India Act 1935, Schedule `B' of recommendations of the Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas Sub Committee of Constituent Assembly and the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission 1961.

Salient features of PESA

Every village shall have an elected Gram Sabha and it shall be competent to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the people.This Act extends panchayats to the tribal areas of the states such as Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Rajasthan. It intends to enable tribal societies to assume control over their destiny and to preserve and conserve their traditional rights over natural resources. The State Governments were required to enact their legislations in accordance with the provisions of the Act within one year, i.e. by December 23, 1997. Most of the states have enacted the required state legislation to give effect to the provisions contained in Act 14, 1996. The salient features of the Act are:

1. Gram Sabha shall approve the plans, programmes and projects for social and economic development before their implementation. 2. It would be responsible for the identification or selection of persons as beneficiaries under the poverty alleviation and other programmes. 3. Every Gram Panchayat shall obtain from the related Gram Sabha a certificate of utilization of funds for the plans, programmes and projects. 4. The reservation of seats in the Scheduled Areas in every panchayat shall be in the proportion of the populations of the communities in the panchayat. 5. Planning and management of minor water bodies in the Scheduled Areas shall be entrusted to panchayats at the appropriate level.

6. Recommendations of the Gram Sabha or the panchayats shall be mandatory for granting i) licenses for mining minerals, and ii) concessions for the exploitation of minor minerals by auction in the Scheduled Areas. 7. The state legislature shall endow panchayats and the Gram Sabha specifically with:
i) the power to enforce prohibition or regulate or restrict the sale and consumption

of any intoxicant;
ii) the ownership of minor forest produce; iii) the power to prevent land alienation in the Scheduled Areas; iv) the power to manage village markets; v) the power to control money lending to Scheduled Tribes and social sectors; vi) the power to control local plans and resources for such plans, including tribal subplans; and vii) the state legislations that may endow panchayats with powers and authority, as may be necessary to enable them to function as institutions of selfgovernment, and contain safeguards to ensure that panchayats at the higher level do not assume the powers and authority of any panchayats at the lower level or of the Gram Sabha.

41 Growth of Telecom Sector in India