Anda di halaman 1dari 54

European University Centre for Peace Studies

Peaceful Conflict Transformation in Transnistria

A thesis submitted by Anna Lungu ( ) In partial fulfilment of the requirements for an MA Degree in Peace and Conflict Studies

Thesis Advisers: Vasile Dumbrava, (Germany / Moldova), PhD; Robert Rivers (USA), MA, Readers: Nadine Bilke (Germany), MA; Erica Belanger (Canada), MA,

A-7461, Stadtschlaining/Burg, Austria December, 2007

1. 2. Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 3 Overcoming the Domination System in Transnistria .............................................................. 4 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 2.6. 2.7. 3. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.5. 5. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 5.6. 6. History of the Transnistrian Regime ..................................................................................... 4 People & Power .................................................................................................................... 8 Cultural and Structural Violence in Transnistria ............................................................... 10 Theory of Improvement of Personality and Motivation ...................................................... 12 Theory of Conflict Diagram as a Solution Oriented Outcome for Transnistria ................. 14 on-violence: as Conflict Transformation.......................................................................... 17 Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 19 The European eighbourhood Policy in Moldova ............................................................. 20 EU - Moldovan Cooperation for the Transformation of the Transnistrian Conflict .......... 21 Russian Policy in Transnistria A ew Settlement Plan ................................................... 23 EU-Russian Relationship: Cooperation or Competition? .................................................. 24 Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 26 Russias Manipulation of the Transnistrian Identity........................................................... 28 Violation of Rights to Education ......................................................................................... 30 Values and Methods of Education for Peace ...................................................................... 32 Educational Project/ Practical Tools.................................................................................. 34 Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 35 Code of Professional Ethics for Peace Journalism............................................................. 37 Identifying Propaganda in Moldovan/ Transnistrian Media .............................................. 40 Media and Conflict in Transnistria..................................................................................... 43 Peace Journalism ................................................................................................................ 45 Recommendations................................................................................................................ 49 Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 50

EU Policy for Conflict Transformation in Transnistria ........................................................ 20

Peace Education in Transnistria.............................................................................................. 27

Mediatized conflict in Transnistria ......................................................................................... 36

Partisan perceptions about each other ........................................................................................... 48

Conclusion to thesis................................................................................................................... 51

Bibliography ...................................................................................................................................... 52

1. Introduction
Transnistria is a region in Moldova which has maintained the framework of its former and larger domination system rather than establishing one of its own. By revealing the history of the conflict of Transnistria, I tried to reveal the direct connection between the USSR and TMR systems of ruling, as well as the stakeholders responsible for the establishment of the Transnistrian regime. One can observe that the role of Russia in the conflict genesis was crucial. The persistence of its control over the Transnistrian authorities, the majority of whom are of Russian origin, is also evident. The lasting conflict in Transnistria is an increasingly important issue for the European Union (EU). One of the justifications of its interest is the geographical positioning of Moldova at the border of the enlarged Union. While it neighbours the EU, Moldova simultaneously remains within Russias sphere of influence. Transnistria strives for independence from Moldova, while Moldova, in turn, wants to preserve its territorial integrity. All in all, Transnistria becomes a stumbling stone which hinders Moldovas path to European integration. From a conceptual point of view, the character of the conflict is a contradiction between two regions with different goals. The contradictions are usually fuelled by reality defining agencies, (regional authority, mass-media, school, etc) leading to their escalation into conflicts. Consequently, media can serve either as a conflict defender for both regions, by misrepresenting the needs of people, or it may play a crucial role in conflict transformation as a mediator. The study has also taken a critical look at developments to date, current approaches and possible changes to the education system in Transnistria. In addition to media, politics and international relations, peace education can offer opportunities for more effective dialogue and subsequently peace building in Moldova / Transnistria. I consider that peace education is fundamental for conflict transformation. As a path to peace, I propose focussing on a plan of ideas rather than looking for the solutions immediately, as suggested by Johan Galtung. Hence, I tried to identify relevant stakeholders, highlight the existing contradictions and then propose solutions based on relevant theories for peaceful conflict transformation. I believe that conflict transformation has to be obtained on three major levels: authorities, grassroots and local organisations levels Authority level conflict transformation is to be effectuated through the cooperation on the international level with the EU/Russia, as well as such international organisations like OSCE, Council of Europe etc., and neighbouring countries, Ukraine and Romania. Grassroots level conflict transformation can be achieved by peace education and peace journalism, through an active participation of the local authorities and NGOs as middle ties (local organisations level). Once violent clashes have been stopped, the need to initiate a process of overcoming the stereotype behaviour and the us against them attitude becomes imperative. It can be achieved through changing values and beliefs and trying to emphasise civic responsibility that each one has towards his/her community.

2. Overcoming the Domination System in Transnistria

Domination System is a very general concept, which can be understood differently in different contexts. Nowadays domination has invaded much of the world. When looking around we can easily observe a dominating trend in each of us. There is a small Faust, which comes out from time to time to establish his/her own rules. What if two Faust(s) meet each other one day? What if their rules or ideologies have different connotations? A conflict can commence! And this is not necessarily one of values, beliefs or attitude; this can be a conflict to impose ones own structure, and to possibly win or even destroy the enemy. All people can carry within themselves the potential to dominate a neighbour, a village, a region, and the world. The Transnistrian authorities managed to create the Transnistrian world while being supported by the peoples vote. The point People & Power of this chapter reveals how those led by Igor Smirnov became unaware of their own needs and were misled to exchange their basic needs with others: primarily, the need to defend and to be protected. I have drawn a parallel between the Stalins method of teaching and the Smirnovs one. I conclude that structural and cultural violence have been and remain the main tools for domination regimes. Looking at a solution oriented outcome, I applied Abraham Maslows pyramid, which characterizes the levels of the needs of people. Enlarging peoples perception of needs through education would help them to get out of fear and obedience and help to fulfil their physiological needs. And still the needs of people have to be combined with the needs of the state. Here the proposal for conflict resolution will use the example of the J. Galtungs Diagram, which proposes dialogue as a transcendent method. Non-violence, combined with the example of Switzerlands form of governance, could serve as possibilities for more constructive engagements between Moldova and Transnistria. .


History of the Transnistrian Regime

An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind Mahatma Gandhi

History of the conflict Pridnestrovie, the Russian name for Transnistriameaning, the land along the Nistru Riveris a political term that was first voiced in 1989. Geographically the region has never before assembled into a politically independent unit. The political identity Pridnestrovets is as new as the TMR itself. The region was ruled consecutively by Ottoman Turks as Edisan, Russia as Herson, and Romania as Transnistria1. The Transnistrian Regime is using, in fact, the similar form of governance to that of the Stalinist Regime. Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of perestroika in the Soviet Union allowed the political liberalization at the regional level in the 1980s. On 2 September 1990, the Second Congress of the Peoples Representatives of Transnistria unilaterally proclaimed the Moldovan Republic of Transnistria as a Soviet republic. On 22 December 1990, Mikhail Gorbachev, the leader of USSR,

signed a decree that declared the decisions of this congress legally void. Nevertheless, neither the USSR, nor Moldova, a Soviet Socialist Republic at the time, took any significant practical action; hence the new authorities in Tiraspol slowly got control over the region2. The role of Tiraspol in promoting the idea of a separate Moldovan nation was crucial. The Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (MASSR), set up in 1924, included the present Transnistria plus several districts ceded to Ukraine in 1940. The original capital Balta was moved in 1932 to Tiraspol and has played an important role in the affirmation of Moldovan statehood. Even after the war, Transnistria remained the forgery of new elite for the newly established Soviet Moldovan Republic, through merging parts of MASSR and ex-Romanian province of Basarabia. After 89, Chisinau was balancing between Romanization and Moldovanization, expressing the dual policy of the former President Mircea Snegur. Over that period of time the separatist anti Romanization movement took over in Transnistria. Vasili Yakovlev (rector of the Tiraspol State University), the adept of Igor Smirnov, was leading this movement. The official banner of Transnistria, which inherited the green-red flag of Soviet Moldova, expresses the continuity of Moldovan statehood. In spite of that declarative claim, the local historical museum emphasizes the Russianness of the region and the struggle against Moldovan occupants. The communist version of a democratic republic was enforced in Transnistria. The regional industry integrated tightly into the Russian economy, because it feared the collapse of economic links that would follow Moldovan independence. The region that was the most industrialized part of Moldova had a large and ethnically diverse working class. The ad-hock United Committee of Workers Representatives (OSTK) headed by the same Vasili Yakovlev (who later blamed Igor Smirnov of transforming Transnistria into a political and psychological experimental range on zombiing the population (Mediapuls) took control of the region since 198990. In addition, the Committee of Workers formed the base for Transnistrian paramilitaries. These were recently transformed into a regular army using transfers from the 14th Russian army. The same is true for the police and security forces3. Also, the Cossacks played a particular role during the conflict. Driving their tradition from the military settlement at the borders of Russian empire, they rushed in 1992 from many corners of Russia to help their comrades. Today they side with the other organizations representing Russian nationalism. On 19 May 1991 the USSRs Minister of Defence ordered the commander of the 14th Army, General Netkachev, to call up reservists to complement the 14th Army troops deployed in Transnistria and to put these troops and their military equipment on combat footing. He justified that order in the following terms: Given that Transnistrian is Russian territory and that the situation there has deteriorated, we must defend it by all means possible (Case Ilascu ECHR art.10). This shows us the Russian position and involvement in the secessionist movement from the very beginning. One of the possible means to defend was to involve the civilian people in the secessionist movement. During the mentioned period, civilian people of different nationalities were recruited for military service; among them: Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians. As a result, when receiving the summons regarding joining the army, many civilians ran away from their houses (to their relatives in Moldova or Ukraine), refusing to fight against Moldova. However, those who agreed to join the military brigades were given weapons to fight against the aggressors.
idem Case of Ilascu and Others v. Moldova and Russia, art.3/5, application no. 48789/99, European Court of Human Rights, Judgment, Strasbourg, 2004
3 2

According to Case Ilascu ECHR art.14 -The soldiers of the 14th Army were accused of distributing military equipment to the Transnistrian separatists and organising the separatists into military brigades which were terrorising the civilian population. During 1991, the 14th Army was composed of several thousand soldiers, infantry units, artillery (notably an anti-aircraft missile system), armoured vehicles and aircraft (including planes and strike helicopters), and had a number of ammunition stores, including one of the largest in Europe at Kolbasna village in Transnistria (Case Ilascu, ECHR art 3). In addition to the weaponry of the 14th Army, DOSAAF, The Voluntary Association for Assistance to the Army, Air Force and Navy, a state organisation situated in Moldovan territory set up in 1951 to prepare the civilian population for war, had a stock of ammunition. After the proclamation of Moldovas independence, the DOSAAF equipment situated in that part of the national territory controlled by the Moldovan Government passed into their hands and the remainder located in Transnistrian of the Transnistrian separatists. This evidence proves that Russia was aware of the potential conflict in Moldova, thus, had concentrated the majority of its weapons and explosives on the left bank of Nistru river, Kolbasna. The conflict itself was, in fact, the conflict of interests of a few actors who gained the support of the civilians by stereotyping certain ideologies. As Transnistria is geographically a very insignificant region, it is very easy to engage in illegal activity (smuggling of weapons, illegal import and export of goods, etc.) on its territory; thus, a lot of actors, eager to gain a profit, appeared as defenders and protectors. Actors, ideologies, interests An extremely complex mosaic of interests, policies and actors resulted from any attempt to approach the region. One can specify two main actors in the Transnistrian conflict: Moldova and Russia. Ukraine played the role of observer and OSCE as mediator. First of all, it is important to mention that the interests of Governments from both banks of river Nistru are totally manipulated. Moldovas interests were very clear: to preserve economically and administratively the break-away region, motivated by the fact that almost 40% of the population that lives there is ethnic Moldovan. The Moldovan government claims that they were forced to start the war, although the main mission of the Moldovan security forces was to disarm the rebels. When armed clashes broke out as early as November 1990, the Moldovan security forces were strictly forbidden to shoot at children and women. Thus, for example, no force was used against the Strike Committee of Transnistrian Women, led by Galina Andreeva, who blocked the railroad to prevent the declaration of Romanian as the unique state language in Moldova and who also tried to seize military equipment and ammunition from the stocks to help the secessionist movement. Although, one cannot assume that soldiers have been selective during the shootings. Considering that the battle took place on the left bank of the river, it caused death to many local citizens as well. Nowadays the main task of the Moldovan Government is to expel the Russian troops from the Moldovan territoryi.e. Transnistriaand to sign an agreement creating a common economic market, which includes the removal of customs posts belonging to Transnistria. The goal of this would be to create a peaceful union similar to the Gagauzia case. By contrary, the Transnistrian authorities do not seem to be leaning towards this negotiation even though such protocol (regarding removal of the customs posts) was adopted on 7 February 1996 in the presence of OSCE mediators, Russia, Ukraine and the Moldovan authorities. Russias interests are not clear even today. The only evident thing is that Russias intentions are not to integrate Transnistria in its composition even though 97% of Transnistrian population voted for this in a popular referendum on 17 September 2006. It is also clear that 6

Transnistria is a zone of special strategic interest for Russia as Duma of the Russian Federation has declared in Resolution no. 1334 IGD of 17 November 1995. One of these strategic interests is the arms industry. The question is very ambiguous. Under the pretext of protecting the ethnic Russians keeping the Russian soldiers on the Transnistrian territory, Russia has developed a sound strategy for manufacturing weapons. As we can see in the declaration of the applicants in judgment: The arms industry is one of the pillars of the Transnistrian economy, which is directly supported by Russian firms involved in arms manufacture in Transnistria4 According to the study by Iurie Pintea: From 1993 onwards Transnistrian arms firms began to specialise in the production of hightech weapons, with the help of funds and orders from various Russian companies, including the Russian arms producer and trader . Russian companies provide Transnistrian firms with the technology and equipment they need to manufacture modern weaponry and military equipment. Transnistrian firms also produce components for Russian arms manufacturers. For example, the Elektrommash Company receives the components for the silenced pistols it produces from the Russian Federation and delivers components for various weapons systems assembled in the Russian Federation. 5 The same study gives us evidence regarding the interdependence between the Transnistrian economic and other interests and the Russian Operation Group (ROG). Under the cover of withdrawal, ROG was supplying Transnistrian firms with parts and tools passed off as destruction of untransportable ammunition- for military use in fact. Therefore, they used to employ huge numbers of inhabitants of Transnistria for the Ribnitsa engineering works. In an undated television appearance reported by the press, the President of the Russian Federation, Mr Yeltsin, said: Russia has lent, is lending and will continue to lend its economic and political support to the Transnistrian region6. Several years after the conflict, the support given by the Russian authorities to the creation of the Transnistrian regime was publicly confirmed in a television programme broadcasted on the Russian channel TV-Centre in which Mr Voronin, Mr Smirnov and Mr Khasbulatov were interviewed. During the programme, Mr Khasbulatov, who was President of the Russian parliament from 1991 to 1993, said that when it became clear that Moldova was going to leave the sphere of Russian influence an administrative territorial enclave was created there. During the same programme, V. Voronin, the President of Moldova, said that the former Russian President, B. Yeltsin, had supported I. Smirnov in order to use him against the democratic regime in Chisinau. The evidence at this point is that there are few acknowledged common interests of the conflicting parties and that the majority of them lie in the economic field. Increased trade, though it could benefit the economies from both sides, would most likely undermine the authority of ruling elites. And, as we have seen, the political classes in the newly independent areas are often more interested in achieving or maintaining power than they are in ending the local conflicts in the region7. This is especially true for Transnistria whose authoritarian regime (with the help of Russia) tightly controls the economic and political life of Transnistria by actively developing a separate identity antagonistic to the Moldovan identity by training people for a rapid cultural and structural adaptiveness by using scientific control of human behaviour.

4 5

case Ilascu, ECHR, art 23 case Ilascu, ECHR, art 23 6 case Ilascu ECHR art.20/22 7 Maresca John J., Why an OSCE Role in the Caucasus, Security Dialog, p.88, vol.27(1), 1996


People & Power

The rule of law is more than the formal use of legal instruments, it is also the rule of justice and of protection for all members of society against excessive governmental power. International Commission of Jurists

The form of government in which power is derived from the people can be called Democracy. This definition originates from the ancient Greek words demos- meaning people and kratos- meaning power. On that account, let us try to analyses the system of D ruling in Transnistria and specify whether it is Democracy or Domination. First, let us start from the point that in order to achieve the practice or spirit of social equality, i.e. democracy, all human beings need to actualize their basic needs. Some of these needs are expressed more intensively than others. The reason why people express their needs differently is explained by numerous negative factors (fear of being punished, fined or expelled and obedience), which encumber us to achieve these needs, or, positive factors (economic, cultural, educational), which serve as incentives for personal development. Sometimes others needs can influence and subvert ones own needs. This is where conflict can be ignited. We can call it conflict of interests. Marshall Rosenberg points out: The needs must be recognized and fulfilled. Sometimes people are taught, to misrepresent their needs. Rather then educating people to be conscious of their needs, they are taught, to become addicted to ineffective strategies for meeting them. Consumerism makes people think that their needs will be met by owning a certain item8. This communication represents the Transnistrian case, where the power that be influences peoples interests using a sound strategy to impose its values on others at the expense of others needs for the achievement of its own needs. It is very important, as M. Rosenberg mentions: to differentiate needs from strategies and to get people to see that any strategy that meets your needs at someone elses expense is not meeting all your needs. As for example the needs mentioned by Igor Smirnov in the Program for Candidacy for President of TMR, 10 December 2006, are: The main task for TMR for the future five years is to bring in the idea of Freedom. Equality. Independence. Bringing to fruition the results of referendum from 17 September 2006, regarding the relationship and ultimate joining with the Russian Federation. A successful implementation of Russian projects: accommodation, health assistance, education, etc. Realizing political and economic relationships first of all with Slavic countries. Strengthening the Armed Forces as the guarantor of national safety and security. A worldwide development and spread of the ideology of patriotism of TMR. Taking into account the entire context of the program, one can perceive that many of these points are expressing the presidents and his teams needs rather then the peoples needs. It is evident that Smirnovs position is more defensive than solution oriented. It is also in a way dangerous for the future development of the Transnistrian population, by enforcing a hostile attitude towards the neighbouring countries, which do not share a Slavic origin. Another dilemma is stereotyping or polarizing others as enemies or friends of TMR: a very risky step, which is increasing the impossibility of overcoming the conflict. Also, the character of the text is very militarised and gives an impression of being ready to destroy every creature who dares to step on

Interview with M.Rosenberg by D. Kilian, The Sun, February 2003, p5

the Transnistrian territory. However, it focuses less attention upon the real needs of population: improvement of the standard of living, education for all ethnic groups, health assistance, free access to all kind of information, relations with all countries and free movement of people to other countries, grants for students and creating the possibility for them to study abroad and bring into the country a new level of thinking which would help to change and improve the old fashioned ineffective system. I think that protecting this small republic from exterior factors hinders the creation of a new spiritan opinion the authorities should take seriously and think about all ethnic groups, which live there. This would promote and encourage new ideas, which would meet the needs of all ethnic groups, rather then prohibit them. People are sometimes forced by the use of cultural, structural and sometimes physical powers to believe or act in ways that betray themselves. Manipulating peoples needs is equal to manipulating the truth: e.g. the Russian element, was trying to incorporate some of the more fundamental aspects of history and social structure in Soviet countries Homo sovieticus equals to homo russicus9. In a democratic state, power lives in harmony with human rights. When power dictates peoples interests and needs - domination ensues. Nowadays the desires of the Transnistrian government have almost been met. They managed to convince the people that the Republic of Moldova is their biggest enemy. The few of those who protested against the secessionist movement and tried to express their needs if not in maintaining the wholeness of the Republic then at least in preserving the Rumanian spirit (by teaching Latin script, etc.), were either expelled from country or taken as prisoners and declared as traitors of the country. Here Transnistrian government used the same method as Stalinist regime did. J. Galtung gives a good example of how Stalin used the correcting of opinion or insanity: Ultimately insanity is to be eliminated just as one gets rid of dirt in general: extermination, Gulag, or political psychiatry. The cure lasts until correct opinion has been achieved (J. Galtung, p.247). In Transnistria, the Stalinist regime still exists. However it is not so evident and people are not killed for their disobedience (former soviet people are trained and still remember the famous phrase of Stalin there is man- there is a problem, there is no man there is no problem; thus, trying not to awake the beast in the local authority, people live their lives crying because of poverty and blaming others for their unhappiness. But still there are some vermin who dared to revolt against the regimee.g. A.Lesco, T Petrov-Popa, and A. Ivantoc whos actions cost them their liberty. They were detained without warrant. These political prisoners were then poorly treated as is the case with examples such as: meals brought by the members of their families were poisoned, lack of medical assistance, torture, etc. Civilian people are useful for the actual Transnistrian power as long as they either support or keep silent when Mr Smirnov and his family perform illegal affairs on Transnistrian territory at the peoples expense. As soon as someone tries to take an opposite side and to contradict the president, he/she is enlisted in Mr. Smirnovs black list. One example is V. Yakovlev10. In 1995, due to some infringements of local laws, Yakovlev has been removed by I.Smirnov from the post of rector and has become in opposition to local authorities. According to a letter sent by Yakovlev to Mediapuls, the Transnistrian authorities led by I.Smirnov and G.Marakutsa should necessarily bear the legal responsibility and stand ones own trial before Transnistrian people and not only ". The relationship among people and power can be created or influenced by certain types of movements, actions or institutions encouraged by one or another side. For example, there are different kinds of local organizations, which make propaganda on Transnistrian patriotism.
9 10

Johan Galtung Peace by Peaceful Means, Oslo, 1996, p.244. The founder and the first rector of the Tiraspol University (Transnistrian State University), considered the father of Pridnestrovie- Russian version of Transnistria, and the ideologist of the Transnistrian regime, the author of the first constitution of the unrecognized Transnistrian Republic (1991) and the former Deputy of Supreme Council of TMR.

Among them are the representatives from the social political movement Respublika (Republic), local youth organisations and students that spread the idea of Transnstrianism. On the 29th of November they organised a propaganda movement in support of Igor Smornov as candidate for the presidential elections from 10th December 2006. This is an example of how Movements and institutions often start out as transformative but end up as systems of domination,11 Another movement, which represents a kind of power in Transnistria, are the Kazaks, which used to fight against the aggression of Moldovan nationalists (as one can read in all media press). They participate in different patriotic and educational actions and work with pupils and teenagers helping them to better understand the history of Transnistria and telling them about the war with Moldovan aggressors12. Here the aim of power is not to diminish the existing anger towards the imagined enemy, but to create people who would think about it. In other words, M. Rosenberg mentions: Anger is not a problem. The problem is the thinking that creates it13. Spreading information by such means, the local authorities will achieve their goals of power and profit. By giving in to cultural and structural violence, the TMR society is being moulded into a blind, dumb and deaf society, which is indifferent to all that is happening around. For the first time I would agree with V. Yakovlevs statement: Transnistria is the psychological experimental range on zombiing the population


Cultural and Structural Violence in Transnistria

I see violence as avoidable insults to basic needs and more generally to life, lowering the real level of needs satisfaction what is potentially possible. Johan Galtung

Cultural Violence According to Prof. J. Galtung cultural violence are those aspects of cultureexemplified by religion, ideology, language, art, which are abusively spread or enforced on societies and create collective subconscious, that shape certain attitudes and behaviours that engender violence from one cultural group against another. Under the supervision of local authority, the transmitters of cultural violence can be: educational institutions, media, family, church, etc. If taking into account the all above cited, it seems like Transnistria is very close to become the Leader in exemplifying many of these aspects of cultural violence. First of all, Transnistria looks at first glance like a miniature version of the old Soviet Union. In the heart of the capital, Tiraspol, a giant red stone Lenin stands proudly before the Supreme Soviet. Across 25 October Street, named for the Russian revolution of 1917, is a tank positioned on a plinth with his cannon turned towards Moldova / Romania. In the House of Pioneers, display boards show gnarled Soviet war veterans explaining to eager youths "How Good It Is without War!" and how bad the Germans were before and how equally bad Moldovan aggressors are. On Lenin Street, on Soviet Street, and Communist Street, every third person seems to be in uniform. Uniformed personnel proclaim that they belong to the ministry of state security (MGB), but informally people still call them KGB. In every government office there is a sullen secretary, a pot plant and a framed portrait of the leader.

D. Killian, The Sun , February 2003.

Novosty (News), Pridnestrovie- Krai Kazachii (Transnistria- the Region of Kazaks), Ribnitsa, 20 December 2006, p.2 13 D. Killian, The Sun


The Soviet Culture in Transnistria remains institutionalised even after the collapse of USSR system. The tendency of the local and Russian authorities to make it obligatory with the hope of internalising it (J. Galtung) is violent one and can be called structural violence. Structural Violence Cultural violence legitimises structural violence. Johan Galtung (p. 196- 197) mentions the following about structural violence: the study of cultural violence highlights the way in which the facts of structural violence are legitimised and thus rendered acceptable in society. Looking into the Typology of Violence by J. Galtung14 we can observe how structural violence can influence the four major basic needs: survival, well-being, identity, and freedom. For instance the survival and well-being needs are violated in exploitation of one group over another. People concerned by their subsistence forget about such values like wealth, faith, art, harmony and peace. Identity needs are violated through process of becoming secondary citizens, or through segmentation, i.e. dividing between good and bad identity. Freedom needs are marginalized and fragmented; in other words, individuals are disintegrated of norms regulating their behaviour. It means people do not perceive freedom as a basic need, as being marginalized- leads to a feeling of being unimportant in society. Usually, as J. Galtung mentions the authorities give the victims a chance, to submit, meaning loss of freedom and identity instead of loss of life15. Among the examples of structural violence mentioned by J.Galtung, there are some, which correspond to the situation in Transnistria: Ideology: One creates and stereotypes the concept of the other(Moldovan aggressors). One can spread the hostile attitude and the idea of the truth: we are right they are wrong The only change that is acceptable is: defeating the other by war, violence and struggles. The needs of people are not really taken into account and they are dehumanised through exploitation. Language: The Romanian language and Latin script is forbidden in the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic. Here the structure is considered violent for two reasons. First, it provided for discrimination of a majority (ethnic Romanians 40%) by a minority (ethnic Russians 25%). The second is that the promotion to a higher degree or rank of population was based not on professional competence of employee but on allegiance to the flag and possession of one particular language Russian. Soon, the Soviet identity, based on Russian language, became the predominant political project. Moreover the Romanians were alienated from decision-making, which caused distortion of resources distribution especially for cultural needs. The problem exists and has to be transformed. How to find a solution? How to unlearn what has been learned? Let us try to elaborate further a solution-oriented outcome. As it is impossible to change the past, let us figure out a joint peace project for the Transnistrian future, analyse the conflict on Micro- Meso- Macro- Mega levels proposed by Prof. J. Galtung and other theories concerning the personal development of the people. Finally, I will try to identify a transcendent transformation that could lead to peace.



Galtung, p. 197 idem p.198



Theory of Improvement of Personality and Motivation

(The A. Maslow Pyramid)
The problems that exist today, cannot be solved by the level of thinking that created them Albert Einstein

Abraham Maslow proposed in his 1943 paper A Theory of Human Motivation a theory of psychology hierarchy of needs. The pyramid consisting of five levels: the four lower levels are called deficiency needs, being associated with physiological needs; while the top level is called growth needs being associated with psychological needs. The top - level needs are realized only after all the lower needs are fulfilled, with an emphasis on achieving all mentioned needs. Growth forces create upward movements in the hierarchy, whereas regressive forces push the most important needs further down the hierarchy. If some needs are not fulfilled, the human physiological needs take the highest priority. The pursuit of needs can control thoughts; behaviours and can instil deep-rooted senses of discomfort, humiliation and misery. Inferiority complexes hinder such needs as esteem needs, cognitive needs, and aesthetic needs to become the primordial needs and to increase step by step in top level needs i.e. Growth Needs.

Source: In Transnistria, the population is situated on the second/third level of needs from the bottom on Maslows hierarchy of needs. It means their primordial actual needs balance between Safety and Love/ Belonging categories. For the past 16 years, the Transnistrian government has been constraining basic needs to these two physiological categories (see p.9 People & Power). The government has to promote the categories of esteem and self-actualisation as a goal for future development. Only after achieving a fulfilment of self-esteem, which includes: respect for/by 12

others, morality, creativity, participation and problem solving capacity, will people in Transnistria start to care about themselves and others. In order to realize the existence of the psychological needs, people have to feel and experience a psychological sense. Therefore, being only provided with the idea that there is danger all around (danger of being invaded; corrupted; fined; dismissed; or even starved), it happens that people do not trust their neighbour any more. Consequently, such qualities as achievement; lack of prejudices; confidence; respect for/by others; etc. are not cultivated. For this reason, their attitudes towards the new ideology or values are defensive and sceptic. In Transnistria, the population experiences the mirror effect. It seems like they are surrounded by mirrors and every side is reflecting the same reality. They turn left and right and backwards, but the image is the same -poverty, misery, hatred, enmity. When looking every day at the same image one can come to conclusion that this is the best reality that exists. People begin to protect their reality from the newcomers. Opening and freeing people from the cage would be the best solution to start with. People should travel around the world, see different cultures, traditions, values, and learn other countries attitudes, experience new things, share their experiences with others, and develop new communication abilities. This would be the first step for transformation and transcendence for self-actualisation. Here, self-actualisation is the first goal to be proposed to people. According to conflict levels proposed by J. Galtung, this is resolution on the Micro level, which says: the conflict has also roots at the level of individuals, caused by depression, lack of competence, lack of ideology (principles and beliefs) of peace and happiness. So, instead of the TMR authorities spreading information that negatively stereotypes Moldova with enemy images and defending themselves by refusing the proposals of the other side, it is probably better to create a joint project and to involve all the parties to participate. The idea of false truth is: we are right they are wrong as every part of the conflict is looking for a victory-oriented result. In this scenario, the needs of the people are less taken into account, because the objective is not equal to basic needs, but with security from the other. The only change that can be accepted is defeating the other by war and violent struggles. Now, people have to unlearn what they have been taught. As George Marcel says, When people do not live as they think, they would then think as they live. This unfortunately is the case in Transnistria. They think as they live. In this prospect it is high time to teach people how to be self-actualized. This includes: To accept the reality as it is (see Maslows pyramid: self-actualization) To be active, imaginative and creative To be problem solving oriented: carrying about others, the fact which constitutes the essence of life To be happy by helping others To instil values and morality, which is not imposed by authorities Observation without evaluation is to be the key focus of their life The attitudes of authorities will never change if people do not mobilize to reform the ideology and situation in general. In this case there is need to adopt the partnership model, which is an expanded approach to informational and educational reform, as well as of attitudes that can help people meet the unprecedented challenges of a world16. We need mutual aid and respect for both parties (people & power). In this scenario, if the Transnistrian government wants a prosperous population, it has to be open to cooperation and create a favourable environment for them by bridging the gap emerged between Transnistria and Moldova. Gandhi proclaimed that: It is
16 Reine Eisler, Tomorrows Children/ A blueprint for partnership education in the 21st Century, Colorado, Western Press, 2000, p. IX.


impossible to shake hand with the clenched fist. Thus, the main possibility to achieve personal growth, integration and fulfilment is to develop from good to better relations with the neighbouring countries. At the same time that people should develop their innate capacity for love and friendship, for carrying and care taking, for creativity, for sensitivity to their own real needs and those of others. It is necessary to convince people that their future is in their hands and only if coming together they would manage to transform the problems that exist. NGOs and IGOs as well as Media, teachers, parents would play a very important role in providing the food for thought17 to people.


Theory of Conflict Diagram as a Solution Oriented Outcome for Transnistria

(Johan Galtung)
Remember, that even the most expensive peace keeping mission is cheaper than the cheapest war Kofi Annan U GS

Overcoming the domination system is not only the requirement of the local citizens. There is need of work not only on the level of local population, but equally with population from the other side of the Nistru. Moreover, both, the Transnistrian and Moldovan Governments have to address the problem and mutually come to a certain and convenient solution for all parties. The responsibility for the status quo in Transnistria is not solely the task of the local people, but the Moldovan and Transnistrian governments and countries from outside (including the Russian Federation). Galtung proposes the Diagram in the Either-or Both-and theory of conflict which includes two incompatible goals: win/lose (victory/struggle) Victory Transcendence and five outcomes (victory, victory, withdrawal, Dialogue Struggle compromise and transcendence). This helps to analyze the conflict and overcome it on all existing levels; the fifth solution (transcendence/dialogue) is represented as the most sustainable one.


Postponement Neither-no

Struggle Either-or

Inspired by the diagram of Thomas Kilman Conflict Mode Instrument ; Prisoners Dillema Diagram; Galtungs table Diagram in the theory of conflict and some ideas of J.Galtung based on conflict transformation theory.


Reine Eisler p.17


o 1 2 3 4 5

Position Either - or Either - or Neither-no Half-Half Both-and

Outcome Victory Victory Withdrawal Compromise Dialogue

Process Struggle Struggle Postponement Negotiation Dialogue

Sum 1 1 0 1 2

Job 1 1 2 1 0

Source: J.Galtung Transcend & Transform, p.12 In the case of the Transnistrian conflict the first two solutions represent an armed defeat of the other party. This solution is unacceptable from the peace culture prospective since the outcome would be one winner and one loser. The third solution could be considered the current stalemate, which is negative transcendence (unsatisfactory and damaging for both parties). The fourth, a compromise solution, was proposed on several occasions by negotiating parties. A four party mechanism was set up in 1991 and included Moldova, Russia, Ukraine and Romania. The four party talks ultimately failed because the involved parties had unequal leverage over the conflicting parties, as well as opposing solutions to the conflict. Soon Romania dropped from the process under strong objections from Transnistria but also, probably, to get better chances for NATO and EU integration. In 2006, the EU and the US joined the talks as observers. One of proposals for settlement came from Russia. The so-called Memorandum Kozak advanced in 2003, proposed the creation of Federal Republic of Moldova, but preserving all administrative, legislative and executive power for Transnistria and more the declaration of Russian language as official language on the whole territory of Moldova. This solution was perceived as discriminatory towards the majority of Moldovans and was rejected by Chisinau, thus postponing the resolution of the conflict. Another proposal, the Yushtchenko Plan, came from the Ukraine in 2005. It was in this international context that Ukrainian President Yushchenko put forward his plan for settling the Transnistrian conflict. The plan reiterates the principles of sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova; it proposes that a special legal status be granted to the Transnistrian region within the Republic of Moldova; it provides for Transnistria's right to self determination only in the event that the Republic of Moldova loses its independence and sovereignty; and it proposes the creation of a common space incorporating legal, economic, social, customs and humanitarian issues. The plan envisaged early free and fair elections to the Transnistrian supreme soviet under international monitoring before Moldova recognizes this body as the legitimate representative body of the region. Lastly, a Conciliation Committee, comprised of representatives of Moldova, Transnistria, Ukraine, Russia, the OSCE and possibly the US and the EU, would have the task of settling all disputes arising from the implementation and/or interpretation of the provisions of the Law on the Status of Transnistria.18 The Ukraines interest in the conflict is due to the territorial vicinity and Ukrainian communities residing on the right and left bank of Moldova. Ukraine also has a special sensibility

The plan is available at, accessed 15 July 2005.


to separatist agendas sponsored by Russia that are felt strongly in Crimea. This plan was generally supported by Chisinau but resisted by Tiraspol, as it claims withdrawal of Russian troops from the region. Romanian president Basescu claimed recently that Bucharest also had a plan for Transnistrian settlement, but failed to make it public. Romania was backing Moldova in its attempt to break apart from its colonial master based on cultural and historical affinity. There are important political forces both in Moldova and Romania advocating reunification as it was between the two world wars. This history of the frozen conflict proves that a compromise solution to a conflict is hopeless, as asserted by Galtung. The solution number five, the positive transcendence is as unattainable as ever because of continuing escalation of the conflict and complete lack of dialogue between parties. In September 2006 Transnistria organized a referendum for independence and ultimately joining the Russian Federation, where 97% of population voted in favour. A further obstacle is the November forth term re-election for the Transnistrian leader I. Smirnov. His proclamation of: I will resign only when I will see Transnistria independent, is against any integrative solution of the conflict.

Solution oriented outcome

It is my belief that the integrative solution requires the establishment of a federation providing a necessary level of regional autonomy. If Moldova was to become a Federal State as Memorandum Kozak suggests, then its content has to be changed and adapted according to the both sides needs: Moldovas needs include: The withdrawal of Russian troops. The creation of a common market and a common customs area including Transnistria. Freedom of movement of people, goods, services and capital. Ethnic Moldovans in Transnistria to be able to study the native language according to Moldovan standards. To maintain its political, administrative, legislative and executive power To have Russian language as an official language in the region.

Transnistrias needs include:

In conclusion, it is important to mention that both sides have similar needs, thus, the needs of the Moldovan population can be related to the needs of the population of Transnistria, giving place for hope for a future settlement of the conflict.



Non-violence: as Conflict Transformation

on-violence is more than the absence of violence. Gandhi

Why Non-violence? Non-violence is a relatively new concept, which is focused upon the transformation of different kind of violence in conciliation, harmony and peace. Non-violence is generally used to name some specific topics: non-violent action, non-violent philosophy, non-violent communication, and non-violent defence, etc. In a protest against a decision by local politicians, non-violence implies the peaceful participation in protest and equitable balance between people and power. Another argument in favour of non-violence is that the activists are fighting problems rather than persons19. By contrary, violence hurts humans but not, policies, ideologies, and decisions. At the same time, although Gandhi considers that the science of non-violence alone can lead one to pure democracy, he advises violence, if there is only a choice between cowardice and violence20. Jorgen Johansen classifies non-violent actions by three wide groups: protests, noncooperation and interventions. A peaceful opposition can characterize non-violent protests - Some typical examples are the use of: symbols, marches, picket-lines and protest meetings (idem). The constant goal for nonviolent protest is to communicate the message of opposition. For example, the Transnistrian people could protest against the establishment or spreading hostile attitude against neighbour countries, or a ban of studying the native language. Thus, encroaching upon human rights and liberty to choose can be stated as non-violent if there is not implicated any physical or verbal harm. Protests are visual means of communication, combined with slogans, symbols, which explain the message. Non-cooperation the decrease or withdrawal of the cooperation, which causes damage to peaceful existence of the civilian people. The main idea behind such actions is that political, social or economical power depends on cooperation with civil society. Sometimes, as in case of Transnistria, cooperation may exist because of fear of the consequences of refusing to cooperate. Fear of being punished has always led people to some inexplicable acts, as people from the former USSR system, are very well acquainted with the threats of penalties like trials, fines, imprisonment, tortures or even death penalty. Sometimes people are forced to be obedient by threats of social exclusion or exile. Very often people cooperate because of the ignorance. They ignore the reality they find themselves in, the purposes and the consequences. The main difficulty for the people from Transnistria is to overpass the ignorance and motivate themselves for a better standard of living, participation, activity, and decision-making. For non-cooperation, it is necessary to remove fear, ignorance and obedience. It can be a good step towards the peaceful transformation, but still, not sufficient. Non-violent Interventions A large class of methods of nonviolent action that in a conflict situation directly interfere by nonviolent means with the opponents'21It is a non-violent action, which many states, still do not know how to use. Mediators and observers can be the actors of nonviolent intervention. Here, local NGOs can play a crucial role in clarifying the conflict between

JOHANSEN Jorgen Nonviolence, Readings from Master Copy

20 21


people and state, and introduce them to a new, totally different reality to help them to get rid of ignorance, obedience and fear. Local NGOs can to clarify the conflict between the two parties, Moldova and Transnistria and provide an objective analysis (observation without evaluation). The EU, Ukraine or Romania intervention as a third actor can facilitate the dialogue between the two parties. Through non-violent intervention, one can promote structural non-violence. Structural nonviolence promotes cooperation for reconciliation, openness, equality and peaceful actions in conflict situations. By non-violent actions, we can build a real democracy in Moldova and all its regions. Consensus, inclusiveness, transparency and accountability are the important elements, which serve as real incentive for a better life. If political, economical, cultural and social human rights are fulfilled; a non-violent societal structure will be a result of non-violent activity. A good example of political inclusiveness is Switzerland, a democratic state, which unified its regions (cantons) on the base of the principles from other states with developed democracies, the fact, which brought into being the democracy, prosperity, development and freedom of the people.

Comparative case study: Switzerland - Moldova Prior to Switzerlands adoption of a federal constitution in 1848, armed conflict between the conservative Catholics and liberal Protestant Swiss cantons threatened the pursuit of basic needs within the region. As a means to quell the civil war, a federal constitution adopted and established federal responsibility for defence, trade and legal matters. All other matters were the responsibility of the cantonal governments. Since, a continuous political, economic and social improvement has characterized Swiss history. This example can be adapted for conflict resolution in Moldova. As it was mentioned before, the memorandum Kozak could serve as a framework and the Swiss constitution- as an ideology or prototype to transform Moldova in a Federal and Democratic State. The Swiss constitution is very different from other constitutions in the world. It was promulgated on the base of the US constitution and the ideas of the French Revolution (1789). Thus, in order to make a step forward for a Federal and Democratic State the constitution for Moldova might include the ideas based on ideologies appropriated from the EU countries and Switzerland. Since 1848, the Swiss federal constitution has been revised several times. This is due to the fact that the constitution contained the right of initiative under which a certain number of voters (100,000) could make a request to amend a constitutional article, or even to introduce a new article into the constitution. Thus, partial revision of the constitution could be made at any time. In Federal Switzerland each (26) canton have its own constitution, legislature, government and court. In Moldova and Transnistria the entitlement to change the constitution lies with the president and parliament, which perpetuates and emphasizes the non-inclusiveness of the civil population in political issue. Moldova as a Federal State could establish a Federal Council, which would represent the Federal Government and to mandate every region with equal number of seats, thus all the regions could participate in decision-making. Each region would participate in election of the President of Confederation, preserving at the same time the president of the region. Therefore, the principal claims for Moldova as a Federal State to be assumed from the Swiss principals include: equal right to vote and democratically elected councils court hearings held in public (against arbitrary jurisdiction) freedom of trade (abolishment of the restrictions, which permitted only the practice of certain handicrafts to the members of certain guilds) 18

Under the impression of the French July Revolution of 1830, a liberal renewal movement began in Switzerland, called regeneration. They demanded full democratic rights. The number of political newspapers and magazines rose from 29 in 1830 to 54 in 1834. Education was promoted: elementary schools were reorganized and the formation of teachers improved (several specialized high schools trained professional teachers replacing farmers and craftsmen teaching as a part time job). Universities of Zurich (1833) and Berne (1834) were founded. An emphasis was placed on education, and allowed the creation of an active, inclusive, opened and careful generation. Switzerland can constitute a very good example for the Moldovan and Transnistrian system transformation. This is one example of non-violent revolution. One thing should be mentioned, that no non-violent revolution can be performed before the civilian people are physically and psychologically prepared. That is why this step should be the final purpose of reconciliation. As Gandhi said: on-violence is not a garment to be put on and off at will. Its seat is in the heart, and it must be an inseparable part of our very being. That is why we have to educate people to be non-violent and cultivate the seeds of non-violence. The first and fruitful step to help people from Transnistria to open the cage is for the Government of Moldova to offer scholarships for Transnistrian students (as Russian Federation is offering). Thus, a younger generation would be encouraged to study in Moldova. In this respect, Moldova would supply young students with the information, which would contradict its image as the enemy and aggressor. In other words, Moldova would have the opportunity to provide the Moldovan source of information to the Transnistria people. Young Transnistrian students studying in Moldova could foster a transformation of the ideological system that created them and ultimately, the interstates system i. e. the conflict transformation from Micro to Mega level.



The Moldovan/ Transnistrian conflict has already lasted 16 years. The problem has been at the forefront of many agendas of government, regional and international organizations. Of course this conflict is not new anymore and several solutions have been proposed. However it seems that the real problem is not the conflict between the left and right bank of the river Nistru, but the relations between the people and the authorities. The authorities dominant attitude and their treatment of the population is a problem, which seems to be rather difficult to solve. Transnistrian people are rolling in a circle. They do not want to unify with the right bank of Nistru because they are educated in the spirit of hatred towards the other- Moldova. They do not want to disobey the Transnistrian regime, because they are educated in the spirit of fear, obedience and the threat of punishment, fine or exile. The inclusiveness of Moldova would have a very important role in attracting people from Transnistria to study, invest and work in Moldova. The Central Government should elaborate special peace programs for the population from all the regions of Moldova (Transnistria, Gagauzia) and educate them in the spirit of unity, of community and peaceful coexistence. Solutions must target and work alongside the civilian population, as it is the nucleus of the existent problem. International organizations should promote educational programs from the democratic countries and thus help people to transform their domestic system and attitudes. Non-violence should be promoted, practiced and applied in Moldova. The concept of non-violent communication should be spread all areas of the country. As it stands, the population lives in a reality of misery, stress and witness of the conflict at the Micro level. In order to achieve transcendence, peace building projects and education should be introduced in Moldovan schools and colleges. 19

All the above suggestions for transcendence would assist people to actualise them and create an inclusive generation, which will not be indifferent to social, political, and economic issues of the country; as well as its external relations with EU.

3. EU Policy for Conflict Transformation in Transnistria

The current conflict in Transnistria is an increasingly important issue for the European Union (EU). One of the justifications of its interest is the geographical positioning of Moldova at the border of the enlarged Union. While neighbouring the EU, Moldova simultaneously remains within Russias sphere of influence. As a result of this, the EU and Moldova has consolidated the European Neighbourhood Policy, in order to consider a means of addressing the complexity of conflict resolution in Transnistria. Concurrently, Russia is willing to assume itself a leading role in this process. Hence, most recently, Moscow came with a new settlement plan based on a powersharing arrangement between Chsinau and Tiraspol, which would be guaranteed and enforced by Russian military presence. Moldova finds itself courted by two rivals. As a result, Moldova is playing a confusing double game. In the end, it may even find itself giving into Russias persistent proposal. I think that a durable transformation in Transnistria is possible only when the two regional powers the EU and Russia - coordinate, communicate and create a coalition for peace.


The European Neighbourhood Policy in Moldova

On 1 January 2007 Romania and Bulgaria joined the EU. This enlargement brought the EUs borders closer to Moldova and its conflict area, Transnistria. Moldova is the poorest country in Europe. Although its president Vladimir Voronin has expressed his willingness to join the EU, the countrys governance, economic development and infrastructure, state relations with civic society and a secessionist region are far from satisfactory. Aiming at improving the governance of its neighbours,22 the EU has developed since 2004 the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), with the objective of avoiding the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbours and aims to strengthen the prosperity, stability and security of all neighbouring states. Equally, the Policy emphasises conflict resolution as one of its main objectives in Eastern Europe. The EU offers neighbouring states a privileged relationship, building upon a mutual commitment to common values - democracy and human rights, rule of law, good governance, market economy principles and sustainable development. The ENP goes beyond existing relationships to offer a deeper political relationship and economic integration. The level of ambition of the relationship between the EU and neighbour states will depend on the extent to which these values are effectively shared. Distinct from the enlargement process, the ENP does not presuppose how European neighbours relationships with the EU may develop in future. Thus, the relation between Moldova and the EU is open-ended. Moldova, along with many developing countries, experiences the intervention by more powerful states. As a small and weak state, Moldova is adopting the identity and ideology of its most powerful neighbours. Being dependent on the EU on the one hand and Russia on the other, Chisinau has the difficult task of balancing its policies to meet the needs of two larger powers. If Moldova attempts to integrate with the West, it would most likely lose Transnistria (the secessionist region), which is informally ruled by Russia. In addition, Moldova would be disconnected from the Russian market. Being disconnected from Russia could effect Moldovas

Nicu Popescu, The EU and Transnistria From Dead lock to Sustainable Settlement, Paris, 2005, p.1


economy such as having to pay a higher price for Russian gas. As Russia once imposed a punishing embargo on Moldovan wine and product, there is real fear of further sanctions. Chisinau considers that there is too much to lose. Thus, the Moldovan government would find it extremely difficult to defy Russias interests. As mentioned above, because of being dependent on the EU, Moldova cannot turn its back towards Occident either. First, because Moldova believes that the EU will play an important role in conflict resolution in Transnistria. Second, according to its ENP, the EU has amplified a development project for supporting Moldovas democratic and economic reform program and is now at the centre of the governments domestic reform program. The EU has allocated a considerable amount of money for its infrastructure. The EU assistance focuses on the reform priorities agreed in the ENP Action Plan (February 2005) and increased the infrastructure budget from 20 million in 2003/2004 to 42 million in 2005/2006. For 2007 an amount of 40m was planned23. Conditions are not yet ripe for Moldova to take a radical shift in its foreign policy. As such, Moldova prefers to be neutral in all situations in order to avoid the conflict with either of the sides. Meanwhile, Moldova hankers for ENP as a credible solution to, inter alia, the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. However, Transnistria matters for the EU24as well. Thus, in order to ensure security beyond its boundaries, according to its ENP plan, the EU is actively in negotiations on Transnistrian conflict with Moldova. Hence, Moldova adapted its foreign policy and permitted the EU to play a greater role in the conflict25. The EUs first official participation in the conflict resolution process took place in the beginning of 2003, when President V. Voronin established a Joint Constitutional Commission (JCC) to draft a new constitution26. Transnistria played the role of co-author, while the EU observed and provided expert advice. Ultimately, the JCC plan was bypassed by Russia, which presented another plan Kozak Memorandum.27 However, the EU and the USA allegedly convinced Voronin to withdraw his support from the Russian-backed plan. Subsequently, on 22 February 2005, Moldovas Action Plan under ENP was signed between the EU and Moldova.28 The agreed plan contains a part for the EU-Moldova cooperation for the resolution of the conflict in seven concrete points.29


EU - Moldovan Cooperation for the Transformation of the Transnistrian Conflict

Moldovas Action Plan (MAP) regarding the Transnistrian conflict was developed according to the following principle: Sustained efforts towards a settlement of the Transnistrian conflict, respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognized borders and guaranteeing respect for democracy, the rule of law and human rights30. The following seven objectives were described in the MAP plan (for 2005-2007):
23 24

ENP in Moldova Nicu Popescu, (p.2) 25 Georgi Kamov, EUs Role in Conflict Resolution: the Case of the Eastern Enlargement and Neighborhood Policy Areas, Institut Europeen des Haut Etudes Internationales, June 2006, p53 26 idem (p.53) 6 see chapter II Overcoming the Domination System in Transnistria, p. 20/21 28 (23.02.2007) 29 Georgi Kamov,( p.54) 30 see: MAP


Moldova, together with the other party and mediators, in negotiation process led by OSCE to reach a resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Moldova, in cooperation with the EU, to accomplish effectively the resolution of the conflict in Transnistria within agreed formats, including consultation on post-settlement arrangements and guarantees as appropriate. EU to further step up its involvement in supporting the OSCE and mediators in this process, assist the efforts of the Joint Constitutional Commission (JCC), and to prepare engagement in postsettlement scenario; EU to continue its efforts to ensure the fulfilment by Russia of the Istanbul commitments with regard to Moldova31. Reinforce political dialogue between the EU and Moldova on the Transnistria conflict. Significant further progress with Ukraine on pending border questions along the Transnistrian border section; to enhance cooperation with Ukraine by providing effective information about circulation of goods and people movement across the common border. To engage the three parties: Moldova-Ukraine-European Commission in discourse concerning measures to ensure proper management and control of Moldova's entire border with Ukraine, in particular the Transnistria section.32 Civil society to be actively involved the democratic values to be promoted and the human rights to be respected. Concerning the above objectives, it can be mentioned that the EU relies very much on the OSCEs active involvement and even suggests its leading role in negotiation. The proposal spells out clearly the role of Ukraine and Moldova as well as Russias obligations, which includes the withdrawal of its army from Moldovan soil. Although not included among the seven objectives, there are calls to change from a Russian peacekeeping force to a multinational team and the possible launch of an EU civil police mission in Moldova33. Overall the EU supports the current 5+2 negotiation format - including five negotiating parties: Moldova, Transnistria, Russia, Ukraine and OSCE well as two observers: the EU and the USA. Although the EU has a larger potential to change conflict resolution dynamics, the two years of Brussels involvement did not move the conflict from a stand still. The EU gives an impression that it prefers advancing with small steps at the same time repeating to Moldova: Its your Action Plan34. Thus, the EU delimits itself and refuses to assume any responsibility on ENP implementation, even though the document was negotiated and adopted by both parties, the EU and Moldova. Bearing in mind the duality that confronts Moldova, it is possible to conclude that losing Russia as partner does not guarantee resolving the conflict. But, on the contrary, this may lead to the loss of all links to Transnistria. When the EU established a boarder assistance mission (EUBAM) in Moldova and Ukraine, Transnistria - under patronage of Russia - refused to negotiate with Moldova, even under the monitoring of the EU. Nicu Popescu claimed that Transnistria obstructionism in negotiations (..) discredited the mechanism in the eyes of the most observers and


According to the commitments of the 1993 OSCE summit in Istanbul, Russia undertook to withdraw all the troops from Moldova by 1996; and again in 1999 to withdraw all the troops by 2002; but found ways each time to repudiate those obligations (Jamestown, Vladimir Socor). 32 See footnote 30. 33 Georgi Kamov (p.56) 34 Ion Marandici, Presedintia Germana a Uniunii Europene - Asteptari si Perspective. 23.02.2007


gave the Moldovan government credible arguments to insist on greater EU (..) involvement in negotiations35. It seems like the more Moldova hides itself under the EU umbrella; the more Transnistria (under the Russian umbrella) refrains from the dialogue. Thus, the two incompatible scenarios are clashing over the same territory: a united Moldova associated to the EU and a decentralized Moldova under Russian military and economic control. This imaginary conflict is often used in squabbles between the two rival regional powers at the expense of Moldovas security. Similar to the EU-Moldovan ENP, Russia-Transnistria proposed its own Action Plan outside the 5+2 negotiation format. While Russias attempt to bypass the 5+2 official negotiation format is considered by many no longer acceptable,36 it places a strain on EU and US relations. From another prospective, Russias proposal disreputes the EUs image as an influential international actor and thus, raises suspicion of being unreliable partner.


Russian Policy in Transnistria A New Settlement Plan

Obviously, Moldova and the EU are not the only actors trying to elaborate a plan for settlement in Transnistria; it seems to be a Russian objective as well. The only difference is that the conflict resolution in Moldova / Transnistria has different definitions for the EU and Russia. That is why the further relations between the EU and Russia depend mostly on how the two Plans are coordinated. At the end of the day, Moldovas Plans will only be realized by Moldova itself. The EU and Russia can only give smart advice. As the Plans are given as grants by the EU and Russia, the success of the plan depends on Moldovas commitment in implementing the plan. Not a big deal, but overlapping the EU and Russian Plans is almost impossible as there are minimal commonalities between these two documents. In comparison with the EU Plan, Russia wants to run its scenario37 outside the official 5+2 format. According to Vladimir Socor the confidential plan is composed of several elements38: Vl. Voronins and I. Smirnovs joint declaration regarding parallel self-dissolution of the Moldovan parliament and Transnistrian Supreme Soviet and the calling of new elections. Moldova and Transnistria would hold parallel but separate new elections by November 2007 (Moldovas elections are not due until March 2009). The Moldovan Parliament would set aside 18 to 19 seats (out of 101) for deputies from Transnistria, which would also represent the Moldovan central government. Moldova would guarantee to preserve its existing status of permanent neutrality, not join NATO, and do not accept other than Russian troops on its territory. Russia proposes to dissolve the existing parliament and only the local citizens can be elected to the new one. In this context, taking into account that in Transnistria the majority of the actual citizens have Russian passport, they will certainly be the Tiraspols nominee (V. Socor) in the parliament. It is guaranteed than that the interests of Russia will be represented in the newly baked Moldovan/ Transnistrian Parliament. In this scenario, Socor claims Moldova would become a dysfunctional state, while Russia would be able to manipulate through its proxies, Chisinau and Tiraspol, and break-down

Nicu Popescu, The EU and Transnistria From Dead lock to Sustainable Settlement, Paris, 2005, p.4

36 37

Nicu Popescu, p. 4 Vladimir Socor, 38 idem


negotiations with its bigger partners, the EU and USA. This proposal requires significant changes in the Moldovan constitution. Moreover, this scenario does not envisage the withdrawal of the Russian army from the Moldovan territory. According to the Moscow plan, Russia and Moldova would first need to agree on how to proceed and then announce to the other members of the official negotiating format 5+2 to confirm the reached agreement. Moscow hopes to persuade Voronin to shift its position and sign the proposed plan. Such an outcome would suit Russia perfectly, but would dismay the EU role in Moldova. Signing the Moscow-backed deal, Moldova will for the first time recognise Transdniestria's government and leadership as legitimate entities.39 After the confidential plan was leaked to the press, the EU and the USA are waiting for the clarifications and explanations from the Moldovan authorities. They hope it is an idea, not a real plan, but they fear the worst Russia tends to take agreements as the basis not for implementation, but for further negotiation.40 All these mean that Russia has trumped 41 the EU. Obviously, Russia would make a very risky step by proposing this new plan. There are two reasons for doing this: Russia has calculated all questions and answers and was aware of the Moldovan weakness and readiness to end up with its own conflict resolution program. Because it is well known that the president badly needs to come up with some achievements to show in next years parliamentary election campaign.42 Russia is not going to implement this proposal and intends to use it as a manipulative tool in the negotiations with the EU and USA. Hence, it sounds like the conflict resolution in Moldova - Transnistria depends on the EU and Russias relationship. In this context, instead of writing separate resolution proposals, which none of the parties is willing to implement anyway, the EU and Russia would fare better focusing their attention on bilateral cooperation in order to find real solutions together.


EU-Russian Relationship: Cooperation or Competition?

After the collapse of Soviet Union, the EU enlarged its territory into East and Central European nations. It defined its own schedule of strategic expansion in eastern direction. As a result the EU and NATO improved their relationships. Russia lost the weight of being a threat and was not representing a valuable partner any more. Thus, it was left outside of the new European border.43An enlarged Europe and post-communist Russia began to elaborate different policies and strategies, thereby increasing the danger of eventual negative impacts and confrontations, aggravated with misunderstanding and renewed distrust. This is probably where the disconnection between Russia and the EU started. On the other hand, it is well understood that Russia and the EU have a mutual interest in developing an organic strategic cooperation. Already, because of their geographic location and similarity of their security concerns, Russia and the EU often discover the vicinity of their political interests. This means that the EU and Russia have the same preoccupations, but with different orientations.


The Economist print edition, Apr 19th 2007 | CHISINAU AND TIRASPOL A settlement in Transdniestria is bad news for Moldovaand the West 40 The Economist, Apr.19th 2007 41 idem 42 Vladimir Socor, 43 Andrej Grachev , Paris Correspondent of The ew Times, Moscow Former Spokesman of Mikhail Gorbachev ,


Among all factors, one is the perspective of the EUs enlargement to the Eastern Europe. This factor is regarded by Andrej Grachev like it has never been challenged by Russia and certainly never qualified as historic error. So, if Russia has never claimed the Eastern European countries, why it is behaving like these countries are still the part of Soviet Union? Probably because Russias inherited sense of duty; as the bigger brother Russia can not stand apart and look how the CIS countries develop relations with others (the EU and US). It feels responsible to protect them. That is why Russias abusive protection brought Moldova to the current stalemate. In parallel, Russia has signed many strategy documents with the EU on the subject of Neighbouring Policy and specifically on the common space on external security, including the Common Space Road Map44, adopted at the Moscow Summit in May 2005. According to the Road Map, both parties share responsibility for an international order. They are to cooperate and maintain the central role of UN and work for the effectiveness of the OSCE and the Council of Europe. The parties endeavour to strengthen cooperation in the five priority areas identified in the Road Map: 1. Strengthening dialogue and cooperation on the international scene 2. Fighting against terrorism 3. Non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction 4. Crisis management 5. Civil protection Under the first priority, particular attention is given to securing stability in the regions bordering to Russian and the EU - notably, the frozen conflicts in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh. These common objectives are real and realizable, but there is uncertainty on how they can be accomplished when the EU/ Russia relationship suffers from lack of strategy45. According to Oxford Analityca, the cooperation is also unreliable, because they have different views of the common neighbourhood they share: Georgia and Ukraine. Russia is regarding the EU effort to support the democratic change and values in former Soviet states as destabilizing and potentially threatening to (its) interests. 46 Secessionist states. Russia considers the EU Boarder Mission in Moldova as equivalent to a blockade on Transnistria. This will affect cooperation on conflict resolution between Russia and the EU. Crisis management. Russia is unhappy with the role given to the EU and expresses its willingness to be included as an equal party rather than an observer. The problems in the decisionmaking chains on both sides affect the implementation of crisis management projects. At first glance, these agreements look cooperation-oriented as both parties proclaim the aim of a strategic partnership.47 However, they reflect more a diplomatic language than a real convergence. In reality, none of the parties consider the other partys needs. Vladimir Baranovsky considers these strategy documents as too vague and lacking concrete and strategically relevant actions.48 It should be noted that for the time being these strategy documents relate to theory rather than to practice. The task of defining a joint agenda that is politically viable, rather than just symbolical, is still to be formulated and addressed by both parties. And it can be achieved only by combining the EUs and Russias prevalent common issues and overcoming their divergent interests.

44 45

EU- Russia relations: Oxford Analytica, EU/RUSSIA: Relationship suffers from lack of strategy , May 30, 2006 46 Oxford Analityca 47 Vladimir Baranovsky Russias Attitudes Towards the EU: Political Aspects, Kauhava ,2002,p.59 48 Vladimir Baranovsky, p. 60


Meanwhile, neither the EU nor Russia seems to have adequately determined a challenge of engaging in such a kind of exercise (i.e. addressing their common interests). One of the reasons is the value-related aspect of the OSCE activity that provokes Russias anger. The EU, from its own viewpoint, would welcome the OSCE expansion into the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whereas Russia fears that the excessive involvement of OSCE there, can limit its freedom of action.49 Kremlin planners continue to consider the CIS as a zone of its predominant influence. According to Vladimir Baranovsky Russias position and attitude can seriously affect its relationship with the EU because: First, the means by which Russia is legitimizing and protecting its right of possession of the post-Soviet countries is regarded by the EU as inappropriate and unacceptable;50 Second, Russias attempt to create a domination power in the respective countries can bring to the same reaction from the EU; Third, Russias unwillingness to permit the OSCE and the Council of Europe to act in the post-Soviet countries may also make the Russia-EU relationship go downhill. The EU / Russia relationship resembles a clash-partnership. Hence, Russia will always find the pretext of not implementing their common agreements. Russia must feel itself weaker in comparison to the power that the EU commands, and in order to remain heard Russia is trying to maintain its predominance in the CIS area. According to the Russian analyst Igor Bunin: nowadays, (t)he struggle is going on for getting a place in the unipolar world. Russias goal in the unipolar world consists in maintaining its positions over the CIS territory.51 In the case of Moldova particularly, Russia is very much concerned about the Transnistrian region. Moldova has formally proclaimed its European choice as the USA is threatening to station its military bases in Georgia and Azerbaijan if Russia does not withdraw its army from the Moldovan territory (Transnistria). The EU has the same attitude. Therefore, Russia is viewing all these as an attempt to undermine the overall balance in the Black Sea region and to encircle Russia along its own boarders. With this negative approach, Russia will never be able to perceive a relationship with the EU as beneficiary for its own interests. But failure to change this approach can be even more damaging not only for these powerful organisms, but also for countries like Moldova, Georgia and Azerbaijan, which put too much hope in the EU-Russia cooperation and expect a productive outcome in resolving conflicts with their splinter regions.



The conflict in Transnistria is not so easy to deal with as it may seem at first glance. Although there are no killings and people are safe to walk in the streets, such issues as democracy and human rights, rule of law, good governance, market economy principles and sustainable development still need to be addressed. Settling the conflict requires an international involvement. Hence, the European Neighboring Policy Plan (ENP) and the Common Space Road Map (CSRM) are of a great significance for the countries, which share their borders with the EU and Russia. Effective cooperation between the EU and Russia can bring these common objectives to head towards a successful achievement. Also, it is very important to acknowledge that a distrustful partnership between the two parties can further
49 50

Idem, p. 69 Idem, p. 84 51 Vladimir Baranovsky, p.86 (interview with Igor Bunin in Nezavisimaya gazeta, 20 Oct. 2001, p.2), (translated by V.B.)


complicated relations. Thus, before starting the common conflict resolution project, the EU and Russia should once again calculate all pros and cons: are they willing to share the responsibilities and duties concerning the proposed solution, or are they going to play in two different movies based on the same scenario? In order to achieve a sustainable settlement of the conflict the EU and Russia should consider such actions as: Revise the ENP and CSRM Plans; Elaborate the common EU-Russian Conflict Resolution Plan for Transnistria; Take into closer consideration the needs of both conflicting parties: Moldova and Transnistria; Clearly define in the Plan the EUs and Russias rights and responsibilities for action; Include the third parties such as OSCE, Ukraine; Come up with a common agreement on the issue regarding the military forces in Transnistria. These actions could constitute the beginning of EU and Russia cooperation on the common project besides the 5+2 official negotiation format. Thus, the relations on a macro level (which is relations among states) could bring to solution the conflict at the meso level (relations within a society), as put forward by Johan Galtung in Transcend & Transform, (2004). In addition, such a joint project would bring about more flexibility in Tiraspols position at the negotiating table.

4. Peace Education in Transnistria

The main focus of this section is the development of peace in Transnistria through the activities of the Social, Civil and Education Projects. This study is informed by an understanding of education on two levels: First, how far can the Russian educational system be used to influence all ethnic groups in Transnistria, and in particular Moldovans, to recant their origin and ethnicity and to deny their language? Second regards the education as structural learning experiences that are supported and informed by educational documents, resources, trainings, assessment, and evaluation. Please, consider the information provided in the first point, Russia Designing Transnistrian Identity, as my real life experience in the region. In the second point I would like to emphasize the existence of right to education, which can help guarantee freedom. Every human being should know her/his rights and stand up for them. The third and fourth points, is the reason why I decided to write about Peace Education in Transnistria. I strongly believe that my experience I had at EPU and which I tried to translate into an educational project will be a useful resource for the new generation in Transnistria and will serve as an incentive to create peace by peaceful means (J. Galtung). This study may prove a useful resource first of all for Transnistrian population, local NGOs, IOs, and for those seeking to use the social, civic and political projects as models for educational development. I believe that the exploration of this theme may offer, in addition to media, policy and international relations mentioned in previous chapters, opportunities for more effective dialogue and subsequently, peace building in Moldova / Transnistria; I think that peace education is fundamental for conflict transformation.


Education is a better safeguard of liberty than a standing army Edward Everett


Russias Manipulation of the Transnistrian Identity

Nowadays the majority of the population from the left bank of river Nistru strongly believes in Russias honesty and faith and they blindly trust promises made by Russia. This can be explained by the fact that people are venerating Russia and at the same time they are frightened to see that they have been the target of propaganda and manipulation. The phobia is blocking their minds so much as they unconsciously repeat Oh, how fine are the Emperors new clothes! As in H. Ch. Andersons The Emperors new clothes only a small boy recognized that the Emperor, in fact, is naked, the Transnistrian population is confronting the same situation. On one hand they are aware that Transnistria will never be formally recognized and accepted by Russia and on the other hand, they hope that these sweet lies will help them to overpass the armed conflict. These innocent people (local population) are not violent and despite the pressure from outside, there exists mutual respect between the ethnic groups living in the Transnistrian region. The Russian influence is so deeply rooted, that nowadays, after 16 years, the young generation proudly call themselves Transnistrians and are very offended if one reminds them about Moldovan/Rumanian origins. Although the Transnistrian Government issues the local passports, the people possessing such kind of documents are considered by the Russian Embassy, individuals without identity. Even ethnic Russians from Transnistria are not treated as Russians in their Motherland. The new pro-Russian Union of the Moldovans of Transnistria has called upon the leadership and political parties of the Republic of Moldova to start the procedure of recognition of the breakaway Transnistrian Moldovan Republic. The Union leaders indicated a number of reasons which, in their belief, make it impossible to build a common state with Moldova: (1) Transnistria uses "the Moldovan language based on the Cyrillic alphabet"(Infotag news); (2) practice standards of development in education, economy and social sphere that differ from those in Moldova; and (3) the the two banks have diametrically different directions of political development: i.e. Transnistria strives for Russia, while Moldova - for the United States" (Infotag news). Since the last census performed in 1996 in Transnistrian Moldovan Republic, the percentage of ethnic Moldovans decreased by 8%, from 40% to 32%. In contrast, the number of Russian ethnic minority increased by 5%, from 25% to 30%. At present (according to Infotag news) there are already over 100 000 habitants of self- proclaimed TMR who possess Russian citizenship. One way of interpreting this data is that more and more Moldovans are ready to recant benevolently their origin and ethnicity and to deny their language in order to be respected and to be on the same level as Russians. Since 1990, the oligarchy governing Transnistria, supported by the local nave population, has won four electoral campaigns and three referendums. In the last one, held on 17 of September 2006, the majority voted for Transnistrian independence and further union with Russia (97%). One can assume that the whole Transnistrian population is ready today to kneel in front of Great Russia (Igor Smirnov). It seems that along with the previous propaganda actions of Igor Smirnov and his group, the current referendum will have no immediate consequences neither on the left nor the right bank of Nistru river. It remains, nevertheless, a large-scale exercise of manipulation of the regional population and a challenge posed to the international community. 28

Several questions-enigmas, concerning the Transnistrian identity, appear: how did Moldavians, who ethnically constituted 40% of regions population, agree to be so skilfully educated? More precisely how did Russian actors managed to convince the Rumanian speaking population from the left bank of Nistru that being Moldovan/Romanian is a shame? In other words, how did Russia manipulate the Transnistrian identity? Reality Defining Agencies In Transnistria, as in every state, there exist stakeholders having direct or indirect contribution to education i.e. Reality Defining Agencies. First of all, the most important actor in designing Transnistrian identity is the regional authority. The Transnistrian leader, Igor Smirnov (the actual president of TMR), is working hard to promote the idea of Transnistrian Patriotism, Ethnicity and Identity influencing people by spreading the idea that Great Russia liberated them from the Basarabian enemies and occupants; that only in trusting him (I. Smirnov), Transnistria will become a part of Russia. According to him, Transnistria has a larger income than Moldova and can develop independently whereas unification with Moldova will cause a serious economic decline in Transnistria. The idea of democracy is very much emphasized, being presented as a step forward, from the communist past to the new future. Local Mass-media is also a very important actor in Transnistrian identity building. Spreading the information through local newspapers and TV programs on the First, Second, ..16th anniversary of Transnistrian Moldovan Republic, they are brainwashing many Moldovans, Ukrainians and Russians. Every day one can hear on TV something like: On the 2nd September 1991 our Transnistrian soldiers have won the war fighting against the Basarabian occupants, resisting the oppression with the help of our brother Soviet Army, or calling the population to be strong to resist the neighbor enemy countrys influence, etc. All the titles of the local TV channels and newspapers are in Russian and all information is broadcasting strictly in Russian. Schools are playing a significant role in developing the Transnistrian identity in children. Russian and Ukrainian schools use the alphabet and receive the books according to the standards of their origin countries, whereas Moldovan schools were not allowed to call the language of study Romanian language and to use Latin alphabet. Tiraspol prefers to edit the local Transnistrian manuals and prohibits Moldova from interfering in education for fear of, as it is often heard in TMR, influencing of the pro-Romanian ideology. From the very beginning of the secessionist movement Russian authorities had a sound strategy. They were aware that imposing the invented system of education on children (as if introducing a new data base and programming a computer) would change their way of thinking in a short period of time. That is why in the Transnistrian/Russian system of education the main courses of study were: History of Motherland - covering the World War I / II, Lenin, Kolkhoz, Russian history, etc. History of Homeland -history of Transnistria, stressing on the idea that this region has never belonged to Romania, by contrary, it was a part of Ukraine, which was one time a part of Russia. Russian Language and Literature-is very thoroughly studied, paying attention to grammar, lexica, phonetics, and the classic writers. ative Language- is the study of Moldovan, in fact Rumanian language, but using the Cyrillic alphabet. From its inception TMR declared three state languages Moldovan/Russian /Ukrainian; a kind of ambiguity was created concerning the name of the Moldovan/Rumanian language and the identity of its speakers, a confusing and provocative message was put in front of everyone: it is up to you to decide which language you consider as native. 29

Moldovan Literature- children would study the works of the writers from Soviet Moldova, but in no way those from Romania. English Language- this study stipulated learning the foreign words by hart and repeating them in class, no grammar, was foreseen, probably once again to avoid the chance of studying the Latin alphabet. There are many more groups responsible for the education in Transnistria such as army, local political or non-governmental organizations, even families. That is why, in order to fight against puppeteers (Russian & Transnistrian authorities), we have to urgently teach the marionettes (Transnistrian population) to move, talk, think, decide independently their future and become actors and to be responsible for their future. The first task is to help people from Transnistria to realize that they are the humans with rights for education, expression, vote, etc; that their rights are violated and disregarded. Of course, people should also show the interest for changes in their lives. However, how can they be stimulated if the system of education doesnt stipulate the study of political sciences, human rights, international relations, philosophy, peace studies and other subjects, which develop judgment, intelligence, and personal opinion? That is why the peaceful relationship is possible only in peaceful mind. As, according to Hohann von Schiller, Peace is rarely denied to the peaceful52.

Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedom Art25 (2), Universal Declarations of Human Rights


Violation of Rights to Education

The Republic of Moldova as well as other non-governmental organisations claim that the separatist government of Transnistria is authoritarian and has poor human rights record. The media climate in Transnistria is restrictive. Transnistrian local authorities put obstructions to public the Romanian language education for ethnic Moldovans in Latin alphabet, insisting that any public educational institution teaching the language use the Cyrillic alphabet. All these denote the violation of human rights in Transnistria. According to Transnistrian authorities the human right to education is respected and every ethnic group is free to choose the language of education. In order to understand the violation one should know the rights to education: The human rights to education can be characterised as an empowerment right. Such a right provides the individual with more control over the course of his or her life, and in particular, control over the effect of the states actions on the individual. In other words, exercising an empowerment right enables a person to exercise the benefit of other rights.( W. Benedek & M. Nicolova Understanding Human Rights). The enjoyment of many civil and political rights, such as the freedom of information, the freedom of expression, the right to vote and to be elected and many others, depends on at least a minimum level of education. By the following example Vadim Iuriev (Dnestrovskii Kurier) shows

Theresa M. Bey, Gwendolyn Y. Turner Making School a Place of Peace p. 117


the violation of these rights in Transnistria. The one known attempt to teach Romanian clandestinely in TMR failed. Teaching staff and parents were blatantly vilified in the local press as enemies of the State. One by one they were invited to reconsider, threatened with loss of employment and the corresponding entitlement to housing etc. Children (and teachers) were intimidated when they were forced to write explanations as to why they used the Latin script and local officials routinely visited classes to check whether tuition was being properly conducted. The parent-teacher association was abolished and its head arrested. The same holds true for the right to take part in cultural life. For the ethnic and linguistic minorities, the right to education is an essential means to preserve and strengthen their cultural identity. As demonstrated by Benedek and Nicolova: Education can also promote understanding, tolerance, respect and friendship among nations, ethnic or religious groups and can help creating a universal human rights culture. The denial, as well as the violation of the right to education, damages peoples capacity to develop their own personalities, to sustain and protect themselves and their families and to take part adequately in social, political and economic life. The right to know the human rights through human rights education and learning can make a considerable contribution to human security. There exist a great number of rights and obligations concerning certain forms of behaviour of individuals and governments and vice versa. The Transnistrian Government tries to enlighten the individuals by suggesting to them the method of education, thus, encroaching upon the rights of education.W. Benedek and M. Nicolova enumerate the states obligations towards its population: States have the obligation to respect, to protect and to fulfil the right to education. States must, respect the liberty of parents to choose private or public schools for their children. The need to educate children should be respected, as for all religious, ethnic and linguistic groups. States should ensure that the schools do not apply the discriminatory practices. State should respect the liberty of children or their parents to choose the subject and language of study, according to their culture, religion, ethnicity or will. The General Comment 13 of the Committee under the International Convent on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) identifies four elements of the states obligations with respect to the right to education. These are: Availability the duty to provide compulsory free education is a prerequisite for realising the right to education. Although in Transnistria the public schools for children are free, by reason of small salaries of their parents, who can not afford to supply them with all school needs, the children are forced to leave the school in order to work in kolkhoz, helping their parents. Accessibility - Governments are obliged to ensure the enjoyment of the right to education through guaranteeing access to existing educational institutions by all, on the basis of equality and non-discrimination. It is to mention that there is no gender discrimination in Transnistria, but unfortunately the discrimination of ethnicity and culture is exceeding all the limits. If one can enumerate some Rumanian schools in Transnistria, then its impossible to find any Rumanian University on this territory. There are plenty of Russian Institutions of higher education, having their branch in Tiraspol or Ribnita, but no one Romanian or even Moldovan branch with the Romanian language of study. Moldovan students are forced to go to study weather in Moldovan capital Chisinau, or to forget about their origins and receive a Russian Diploma, attending the Russian University. 31

Acceptability- This element involves the right to choose the type of education received. Pupils and their parents have a right to be free from indoctrination and as such, mandatory study of materials that are incompatible with a pupils religious, ethnic or cultural believes which may violate the right to education. I consider that this statement is the weakest point of Transnistria. The Moldovans from this particular region are deprived of the right to acceptability. They have no right to study (on the Transnistrian region) the mother tongue, which is Romanian language, the Latin alphabet, the Romanian History, etc. The article 6 not only prescribes that the written form of the Moldovan language is exclusively in the Cyrillic script, but also ominously states that the usage of the Latin alphabet implies responsibility as foreseen by the law53. It is also interesting to note that in neighbouring Ukraine in areas inhabited by Moldovan minority schools are allowed to conduct tuition in the Latin alphabet. Adaptability - Normally, what a child learns at school should be determined by his or her future needs as an adult. This means that the educational system should be adaptable, taking into account the best interests of the child, as well as the social development and advancement both nationally and internationally. Probably during 16 years of the secessionist movement in Transnistria, the new generation has been educated in a very pro-Russian/ anti- Moldavian manner, thus, if this situation will not be addressed, the future and the needs of this designed generation look bleak. It is not impossible to achieve these needs. One should start from the simplest method of education: encouraging peaceful communication (changing negative attitude and developing the language of peace). In a broader context, peace education relates to teaching about justice, about violence in all its forms, about survival and our future54.

Education is not a way of escaping from the countrys poverty. It is a way to fighting it. Julius yerere


Values and Methods of Education for Peace

As there are many organisations, which implement violence prevention programs, their primary focus is to teach social and peace values. It is very important to create peaceful climate between people of different ethnic groups. This kind of link encourages cultural groups to cooperate and communicate, to value ethnic diversity, and to care about each other. The state should create harmony among the different ethnic groups by teaching students to tolerate, appreciate, and understand the differences and similarities among people. Nowadays many organisations deal with designing education projects to help states to implement their obligations vis--vis their population and contribute as well to its translation in practice. Among those are:

UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization: United Nations Development Programme:

Art.6, Language law of the Transnistrian Moldova Republic, 8 September 1992 54 McCarthy, C. Why we must teach peace, 1986, p.249


Human Rights Education Associates: Right to Education: The World bank: World Education Forum 2000:

UNESCOs action plan on education has three strategic objectives: 1. Promoting education as a fundamental right; 2. Improving the quality of education; 3. Promoting experimentation, innovation and the diffusion and sharing of information and best practices as well as policy dialogue in education. Taking these objectives as a basis, a new strategy of peace education could be created in Transnistria. 1. The most important issue is to support the education and to achieve a sustainable developing education as it was mentioned above. Authorities need to assume the responsibility to promote education as an equal right for all minority groups, according to the four principles: availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability. 2. In order to improve the quality of education, it is necessary to create training institutions for teachers. Further on, a teacher education network could provide a forum for Transnistrian teachers and teacher training institutions to share their experiences, research and emerging knowledge. The Transnistrian teachers should be taught and encouraged to: Elaborate a new- dynamic and flexible method of education Give up the old form of one-way interaction (teacher-student/reciprocal relationship) and bring into being another modelnetwork communication (teacher- student; student - teacher) Be imaginative, creative, and communicative Combine theoretical tools with practice Remove the authoritative nature of the relationship between teachers and students and move more toward a collaborative relationship between both parties. This list can be further continued. Creating the forum for teachers training, we can generate the impetus for change. However, having a state whose objectives are opposite and which resists to any transformation, we shall seek help from the local Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs), and International Organisations (IOs), which can provide special trainings for teachers, applying the new methods of education (based on skills, knowledge and attitudes)55 from all over the world, as well as educational projects for youth, summer schools, seminars etc. Some of the teaching methods can also combine: Presenting the concepts of: diversity, non-discrimination, democratic participation, respect to others and personal empowerment Providing teachers and ultimately students with manuals, texts and information that would serve, as renaissance of the ethnic and cultural values I think the most important goal of peace education in Transnistria is to create theoretical recommendations for reorienting teacher education. It means, to design a new system of education, different than traditional Soviet education. It is necessary to enlighten children, give them the opportunity to choose the best method of education, and ask them what they would prefer to know about and not what the state power would prefer them to know. Teachers should discuss the theories by which they could achieve a mutual agreement with students and not those that impose their ideas in a way that creates statues without emotions and analytical capacity.


It is very important to design a practical program for students. The fact that requires persistence and patience from everyone involved. No one should expect to transform the educational system overnight. Transformation is a developmental process, so it is to be realistic and plan for change56

Live as if you would die tomorrow. Learn as if you would live forever. -Mohandas Gandhi


Educational Project/ Practical Tools

Reforming the educational program to integrate peace is a step-by-step process. Once the school model is completed, a change approach is identified, by choosing strategies to implement the model. A well-constructed approach needs to include multiple strategies to ensure that everyone has role in making the entire school a safe, calm place. Preferably, the strategies will motivate individuals to exchange information and learn from others. Many teachers in many democratic countries are already practicing peace education without calling it by name. Peace education can be referred to: Education for Conflict Resolution, International Understanding, and Human Rights; Global Education; Critical Pedagogy; Social Justice Education; Environmental Education; Life Skills Education; Disarmament and Development Education; etc. Using the term peace education helps co-ordinate such global initiatives and unite educators in the common practice of educating for a culture of peace. The main difference between the traditional education in former Soviet Union countries, namely Moldova/ Transnistria, and the democratic countries, is the attitude and method of education. In both methods of education the result is an important issue. However, the communist education is based on a predefined result, whereas the democratic education is based more on selfdeveloped result, i.e. based on personal opinion. I think the new method of education should be dynamic and flexible one, which would bring into being a model of network communication. It would develop imagination and creativity, translating theoretical tools into practice and removing the authoritative distance between student and teachers. I think that this is what is called the democratic education.


Theresa M. Bey, Gwendolyn Y. Turner, p.5


Hierarchical method of Education Traditional method

etwork method of Education Peace Education







One - way interaction/ Monologue Teacher = Authority and vice versa Feedback based only on given information; source Study based on theory



Two way interaction / Dialogue Teacher = Friend and vice versa Feedback based on source + ones own opinion Study based on theory and practice



Transnistria needs change in many domains, but, if populations want to live as a really democratic society, they have, first of all, to improve the educational system. It is important not just to improve, but also to adapt a new one that is more efficient and practical and which can open their mind and serve as an incentive for an active political, economic and social life. Awareness comes together with education. In former Soviet countries the quality of education is decided by the state. It is time to choose what one wants to study. Of course if he or she is alone, there is no chance, but if the whole ethnic group will unify together and will remind to the state that there exist the rights to education, health, security, etc, then, if not the local authorities, the international organizations will hear them.


5. Mediatized conflict in Transnistria

Journalists can play an integral role in informing audiences through TV reports or radio news particularly in an effective and credible way. While information transmitted via the media can touch the emotions of readers, credible and plausible facts further confirm a journalists professionalism. In fact, journalists often face ongoing professional dilemmas between the truth and lies. Jake Lynch mentions the following: Limit yourself to what you see and hear. Do not suppress and do not invent57. At the same time, even the truth can sometimes yield an unanticipated outcome. Freedom of expression is not only limited to reporting the facts or a freedom of imagination, it is also bears a responsibility to further impacts. The truth can be an intervention58 in a conflict that may be propagated within a person, nation, state, and or civilization.. In this case, it is necessary to consider the impact of words, and the sheer addition of impressive word can severely escalate existing conflict. Therefore, journalists ethics is an issue of particular importance, particular in situations pertaining to conflict. Journalists are the firemen of our spirit - using words as a tool to make us think and analyse the truth and facts that shape articles. In a conflict situation, like in Transnistria and Moldova, it is very important for both parties to avoid moulding enemy roles and emphasising a separation between us and them. This draws an incredible potential to further fuel fire within peoples spirits. But, as John Kampfner points out: the industry tends to lose its head when it comes to war any war59. In addition, he adds that the scepticism is a compliment of actual mass media trade. The outcome of every written article depends on the language, tone and attitude of the author. Very often in situations of conflict, journalists can assume the role of a mediator. Through their articles, they can spread powerful messages provide insight into conflict resolution, reconciliation or conflict transformation. Conflict analysis is perhaps the most important tool for journalists, and if accomplished effectively, it can lead to the progression of the peace journalism. Peace Journalism, an empathetic and objective approach, offers a critical way out from this dilemma. It is an approach that reminds journalists that covering conflicts tends inescapably to contribute to the momentum towards conflict escalation and war, or towards conflict settlement and peace. It also tells journalists that there is actually no such thing as we just report the facts.60 Often, governments will contest the prevalence of Peace Journalism within the media disseminated to its citizens. Government or security officials may block or delay the release of information, and manipulate or influence journalists opinion by threatening them with all kind of punishments. Thus, it creates conditions of dependency and co-option between journalists and government. Eventually, for fear of losing their jobs and persecution, journalists will obey and report facts designated to be perceived differently by people living on different parts of the river Nistru.

57 58

Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick, Peace Journalism, Hawthorn Press, UK, 2005, prologue, p. xvi Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick, Peace Journalism, Sri Lanka Muslim Media Forum, July-2006, p.7 59 J. Lynch, A. McGoldrick, 2005, p. xii (preface) 60 J. Lynch, A. McGoldrick, 2006, p7 (preface)



Code of Professional Ethics for Peace Journalism

Peace journalists in addition to being skilful writers - need to be equally familiar with conflict management and transformation in order to approach conflict situations effectively and report it in a balanced and ethical way. For journalists, resolution skills are essential and have to be learned and practiced61. Journalists who deal with conflict very often report on conflict at different levels,62 leading to the possibility of escalating the situation and yielding unexpected results. Words are like missiles63 as they can reach the destination quicker than any other phenomenon, and can bear consequences that extend beyond repair. Values, beliefs, trust, etc. can be misconstrued into projecting feelings of hatred, enmity and antipathy. In this scenario, it is important to consider the code of professional ethics for peace journalism as one of the possibilities to avoid potential contextual misunderstanding. There are certain standard rules for journalists regarding the provided information, the source and under which conditions it was broadcasted. The Journalists' Union of Moldova (JUM) elaborated rules of journalists ethics64. These rules cover the rights and obligations of both the information provider (IP) and the information receiver (IR): IR has the constitutional right to accurate and honest information as well as to an independent opinion. The ethical judgment is based on the principle of separation of information from opinion. The IP has to be sure in truthfulness of the information and to know its source or origin. IPs will not resort to illegal and dishonest ways of obtaining information. At the same time, no one has the right to force an IP to disclose the source. The IP will refrain from remark regarding any kind of discrimination in terms of nationality, confession, social origin, sex, etc., as well as regarding a physical disability or illness affecting the person s/he reports on. In conflict situations the IP will protect his/her values by peaceful means and will oppose violence, hate speech and any discrimination. All information that disrespects, defames the state and people, urges war of aggression, national hate, incites discrimination, territorial separatism, public violence, as well as other manifestations that violate the standard system of rules is considered a violation of code of ethics for peace journalism. According to Jake Lynch, this is called war journalism65. Journalists should work together to safeguard the Code of Ethics -specifically in the Moldovan and Transnistrian mass media. Equally, journalists must respect the rules of cooperating with each other, rather than argue the truthfulness of information or respond to images of the mutual enemy. Unfortunately, the situation in Moldova and Transnistria is completely opposite to what they should do, because the soviet tradition remains of publishing what the government says, ignoring negative domestic news, never questioning the authorities and ignoring dissident vioces66. In other

61 62

J. Lynch, A, A. McGoldrick, 2006, p.12 Micro-Meso-Macro-Mega level conflicts, Johan Galtung , Transcend &Transform, Kyoto, 2004, p.ix 63 J.Lynch, A.McGoldrick, 2006, p5 64 JUM, journalists ethics, 65 Jake Lynch, 2005, p.xvii (prologue) 66 Marina Canarini (ed.), Claude Jean Bertrand, Media in Security and Governance, NOMOS Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden, 2004, p.82


words, our media tends to serve mostly the elite, acting as an official press, reporting on only what they are ordered to tell. In this case, journalists act as a mirror, reflecting a distorted image. For instance, Nezavisimaya Moldova67 (The Independent Moldova) published an interview with the Minister of Home Affairs of Republic of Moldova, Gheorghe Papuc. He expressed his point of view regarding the political situation in Transnistria (TMR): During the last years Transnistrian Moldovan region (..) turned in a zone of disarray, where the rights and freedom of citizens are roughly broken; the organized crime, contraband, drug dealing, illegal migration and smuggling of weapons to the hot areas of Europe and Caucasus, are flourishing68. Mr. Papuc also expressed his worry about the current state of affairs in this part of territory of Moldova as a money laundering haven where criminals can escape the prosecution of law enforcement. The context relayed by Mr Papuc is very common to Moldovan readers. Daily, readers are fed with all kinds of provocative information about the criminal life of the left bank of the river Nistru (Transnistria). Therefore, it is not hard to imagine their impression and attitude towards the TMR authority and population. This systematically encroaches upon the JUM Code of Ethics. This type of language will always force the authorities and population from Transnistria to take a defensive position or to respond with the same tone. The Transnistrian newspaper Novosti69 (The News) published a one page article Politica na grani diagnoza (Politics, equivalent to diagnosis), in which the author gives critical feedback to the provocative message of Mr. Papuc, calling him insane and later giving the explanation from dictionary: the person who lost his reason, ability to think, analyze. Furthermore, the author of the article sarcastically claims that even if it is possible to perform the above mentioned affairs on the Transnistrian region, the accomplices are not only Russian and Ukrainian forces, but Moldovan (Mr. Papuc inclusively) as well as the EU forces. Furthermore, in the same article V. Ostrovskii (the author) highlights rumors about the scandalous accusation of Mr. Papuc. V. Ostrovskii claims that according to Moldova-org Mr. Papuc threatened K.Domnishor, the Major of Police, to cede him his legal apartment. At the end, the author concludes that this bigpoliceman is trying to do a lot of harm to Transnistria lowering himself down to primitive schizophrenic lie. These two examples prove that media in Moldova/Transnistria serves as the conflict defender. Media is used to disseminate the ideas and enemy image among the conflicting parties. It further fuels anger and hatred among the two governments and the population settled on both banks of the river Nistru - what Simon Cottle calls Mediatized conflict.70 According to the Code of Professional Ethics of Peace Journalism, these two articles encroach upon the rules by: Using a critical and sarcastic way of expressing the ideas influencing thus, the public opinion; Having a partial approach, defending us against them; Expressing not verified information (rumors), which can be considered a personal opinion; Using the nationalistic and accusative remarks; Using hate and discriminatory speech.

67 68

A local newspaper representing the interests of the Republic of Moldova (Chisinau) Translated from Russian 69 A local newspaper representing the interests of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (Ribnitsa) 20/12/2006 (N 99) 70 Simon Cottle, Mediatised Conflict, Bell &Bain Ltd, Glasgow UK, 2006, title


Likewise, peace journalism cannot develop in a healthy way if attitudes remain unchanged. In his article, Media, Ethics and Security Forces71 Claude Jean Bertrand references the good public service as a step towards changing attitudes. Quality public information, he claims, is founded by a combination of three factors: freedom, regulation and ethics. Ethics is not just an appeal to the individual moral conscience, which cannot resist corporate power; not even more self-regulation by the journalistic profession since journalists are employees who must obey orders or lose their jobs. Ethics here are defined as rendering good service to the public72. In order to effectuate these changes, C.J. Bertrand suggests creating media accountability system (MAS), which are non-governmental means/tools of inducing media and journalists to respect the ethical norms. Zooming out from the picture of media reporting, we can address three major points, which can be included in the MAS of Moldova/ Transnistria: 1. Creating a press council, where journalists from both conflicting regions will come together and discuss topics such as reporting on conflict resolution matters, and human rights issues in order to be determined to serve the multiethnic public first, avoiding dehumanizing the leaders from both parts of river Nistru, etc.; 2. Initiating a journalism review73 to organize trainings for journalists from both Moldovan and Transnistrian sides; to cover topics such as: peace/war journalism, conflict management, etc.; to reminding journalists about professional code of ethics and aim at improving news media, using evaluation, monitoring, education or feedback; 3. Introduce an ombudsmen to create a link between people and government, to investigate the needs and interests of people, and monitor public opinion statistics on opinion from civil society, etc; In order to make MAS more efficient, it is necessary to involve all groups from both Moldova and Transnistria to cooperate. While media owners have all encompassing powers to manipulate journalist the latter does not have sufficient influence on the proprietor to insist on respecting the ethical rules. Moreover, the public is ethnically contrasted, unorganized, apathetic and uninterested. Media owners do not believe in the interest of listener/ reader/ viewer of the news, nor the source, even stakeholder of the media, and therefore have no interest in being involved in media improvement issues. Zooming in on the picture of reporting, according to their intrinsic nature74 the MAS can be classified in three groups: documents, people, and processes. Here the author gives a list of over 80 examples of how the texts, broadcasts or websites to be written and published. For example, documents can insert a regular ethics column in a trade magazine, or a daily internal self-criticism report circulated in the newsroom. Another example of documents reporting can be very valuable for Moldova (MD) and Transnistria (TMR), as a journalism review, on paper/ air/ web, devoted principally to media criticism, exposing what media have distorted or omitted, and whatever other sins reporters or media companies have committed. The same strategy goes for individuals or groups category (ex. an ethics coach occasionally operates in the newsroom to raise the reporters ethical awareness, to encourage debate and advice on specific problems). Another example for process: an ethical audit: external experts (mutually from MD to TMR and vice versa) come and evaluate the ethical awareness, guidelines, conduct within the newspaper.


Marina Canarini (ed.), Claude Jean Bertrand, Media in Security and Governance, NOMOS Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden, 2004, p.85 72 Idem, p.85 73 Ibid. P. 86 74 According to C.J.Bertrand, Ibid. p. 87-93


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Establishing a code of ethics is the first and most important step towards peace journalism. Encroaching upon its rules may transform the message to propaganda or hate speech. That is why it is very important to differentiate between peace information and war information. In order to detect propaganda in given information we have to answer to the following questions: How does the journalist report/ explain the violence? Is he partial; does he support/criticize one of the parties? What is his attitude? Does he describe the conflict in a spectacular way? Does he promote new values, or influence the public opinion? Does he try to come up with peaceful solutions for the conflict? The answers to these questions will help the reader / listener make a distinction between peace journalism and propaganda. According to the professional and ethic principles of journalism, concrete news should be independent from contextual and allegorical diagnosis given by the various parties to a conflict. If analysis communicates harmonization in the contextual and allegorical suggestions of some of the parties, there is reason to suspect presence of propaganda or a strong attachment on the part of the journalist to the view of one of the parties.


Identifying Propaganda in Moldovan/ Transnistrian Media

The main characteristics of propaganda are its flexibility and adaptability to various environments, such as: cultural, social, ethnic, etc. In regional conflict situations, like Moldova versus Transnistria, the media is preparing itself for propaganda of the enemy. The main skills used to spread propaganda consist of sensitivity in utilizing events advantageous to oneself and minimizing the adverse effect of events favorable to the enemy75. Today, the Moldovan and Transnistrian media have taken on the main task to dehumanize their enemy. As a result, the local population from both conflicting sides are fed with facts, which are equivocal or opposite in directions and meanings. Ex. I Transnistria: Moldova: Model to follow or human rights disaster? There are good reasons for not wanting to join Moldova. The poorest country in Europe is also the worlds top exporter of forced child prostitution. Censorship is rampant, it has failed to build democracy, and torture is normal. Is it any surprise that 90% want to leave?76 This example was taken from the site , which was reported by The Economist as a propagandistic campaign, designed for the Englishspeaking audience. Also, The Economist published several pro-Transnistrian sites, which were created under some uncertain circumstances, so that there are no details how and where they were produced.77 Ex. II Moldova: The Parliament adopted a Declaration with regards to the Transnistrian situation. The Tiraspol regime consciously evokes the regions auto segregation, hinders the economic agents and keeps the local population threatened by the humanitarian catastrophe, in situation of political hostages78.

75 76 77

Wilhelm Kempf & Heikki Loustarinen Journalism and the New World Order, Gutenberg University, 2002, p. 18 78 (9 March 2006; translated from Rumanian) 40

These are the two typical propaganda examples which consciously influence the opinion of the local population. In order to manage to build a hate machine, the media is aware that target audiences must understand different values and knowledge in order to apply the chosen core messages in a fashion that touches people belonging to different social groups. On the one hand, the propagandist will adapt him/herself to the thinking and feelings of the audience, and while manipulating audiences views or beliefs towards greater control and exploitation. Moldova and Transnistria are the regions where the propagandists are orchestrating the sensibilities of rootless, volatile populations detached from traditional sources of information.79 At the same time, according to its target audience, propaganda can function in different types of media: cartoons, TV shows, historical studies, songs, etc. Sometimes propaganda seems to play the role of a decisive weapon. The question appears: How to identify propaganda? Robert Jackall claims that propaganda can be detected when they tie into emotions that sway us to be for or against nations, races, religions, ideals, economic and political policies and practices 80. According to Luostarinen,81 propaganda texts have three typical distinctive features: harmonization of the referential levels of the text, motivating logic of the text, and polarization of identification suggestions. Harmonization of referential levels (HRL) By HRL the author indicates text propaganda, which persists in every conflict situation: contextualizing image about the origin of the conflict and its consequences. In this scenario, concrete killings are represented as a savage act of the enemy, who is to blame for roots and causes of the conflict. Ex. I Transnistria: International Tribunal faults Moldova for 1992 massacres. Moldovas 1992 invasion of Pridnestrovie (Russian version of Transnistria) was not a war: Only one side attacked, and the other merely defended itself. The question is simple: Who invaded who? It is also easy to answer: Pridnestrovie never made any inclusions on Moldovas territory; never slaughtering civilian villagers indiscriminately in the countryside as a policy of statesponsored terror. 82 Ex. II Moldova: The Appeal of the Government of the Republic of Moldova to the citizens from districts of the left bank of the river istru Countrymen! Despite the perseverant efforts of the leadership of the Republic of Moldova, oriented towards the peaceful resolution of the conflict in the districts of the left bank of the river istru, the Tiraspol leaders pushed their anti civilian extremist policy to its logic end i.e. civil war. During last days, unprecedented attacks have been unleashed aiming at legal structures of the power; the civil population is terrorized, numerous bandit diversions take place. Likewise, on the 14th of March in the region of Vadul-lui-Voda and Dubasari, the bridges (joining the two banks of the river Nistru) have been blown up, whereas at night, the terrorists and cazacs mercenaries seized a big amount of weapons.83 These are the two versions of the root causes of the Moldovan/ Transnistrian conflict in 1991-1992. We can feel hate speech, blame and enemy imagery in both articles. Both parts exculpate themselves from the responsibilities of being the root cause of the conflict. Both articles
79 80

Kempf & Loustarinen , 2002, p. 22, from (Robin et al., 1987:2) Robert Jackall, Propaganda, Basingstoke and London: MacMillan, 1995, p. 217 81 Kempf & Loustarinen, 2002, p.32 (used the model of Luostarinen, 1986;1994a)
82 83 (translated from Rumanian) 41

paint a picture of being defenders from the aggressive enemies. At the same time, both parties express the voice for us against them, ex. (Transnistria): they attacked; we had to defend. Moldova: we did everything was in our power to protect the left bank of the river, but they brought the situation to war. According to Johan Galtung, this would be a clear example of war/violence journalism, point II, propaganda- oriented (expose their untruths/ help our coverups/lies)84. Motivating logic (ML)

The aim of ML is to motivate people to fight, go on to struggle or even refuse to dialogue with the enemy. Media involves many actors in this ambiguity, such as states or international organizations that intend to use media to support their objectives. Usually, the motivating messages aim at extensive political acceptance and cooperation of the people. The key wards of propaganda are: provoking the need to protect ourselves and our fatherland that is why there is need for sacrifice making war inevitable. In this scenario, the situation is interpreted as one absolutely calling for action right now.85 If there is any delay, we will lose. Therefore, in a conflict situation, the materials most intensively used and manipulated are: statistics, figures, photographs, news, video reports, etc. Since the main target and tool in ML are the intentions of the civil society, the primary goal of the media (dependent on government), is to motivate the population to actions and approval of the local governments actions. The intentions are to cultivate fear and defeatism in people towards the enemy. Media spreads the legend of a very aggressive enemy in order to mobilize people to be ready to defend themselves any time. If the enemy is portrayed as an insignificant opponent, the result can be passivity and indifference of the civil society. Ex. I Transnistria: Ethnic violence against Pridnestrovians On ovember 15, 1990, less than three month after Pridnestrovie had formally declared independence, there was massacre of the Russian-speaking population in Chisinau which claimed more than one hundred victims. o measures were ever taken against the perpetrators of the ethnic mass-murders86. Ex. II Moldova: The War in Transnistria/ Atrocities and Terrorist Acts The Tiraspol Garrison would send 22 tanks to Dubasari, 5 to Dnestrovsk; another dozens of tanks, armors, guns,() would be placed by the 14th Army around the localities; in order to create more victims the buses would be attacked. Children, pregnant women, etc. are killed. To Snegurs (Moldovan president in 1990) protests against aggression of Russian army, Kremlin responses traditionally, that the army do not destabilize.87 Both articles manipulate the opinion of civil society. From the contextual meaning, we tend to interpret the following message: look what they did to us we have to be ready to defend ourselves. In order to emphasize the cruel acts of each others, the authors of the articles use such key expressions like: ethnic violence, massacre, mass-murders; atrocities, terrorist attacks, aggression. The articles bring up some statistics about the people killed, having as a scope inflammation of strong emotions in population and eventually: hatred, ill will, antipathy against the baked enemy.
84 85 86 87

Jake Lynch/ Annabel McGoldrick, 2005, p.6, (peace journalism table by Johan Galtung) Kempf & Loustarinen 2002, p 35 (translated from Rumanian) 42

The main goal of the ML is to describe the events separately, emphasizing the cruelty of the adversary, leaving thus an open window for the publics own judgment.

Polarization of identification suggestions (PIS)

This type of propaganda upholds and maintains the collective feeling and public solidarity instilled by the conflict. The messages particularly manipulate peoples identity like: citizenship, ethnic group, gender, class, etc.. PIS manipulate the identity structure, by narrowing its general concept, so that people prioritize the identity called the unit of war88, over others. Other techniques of propaganda emphasize the social image of something divine. Historically, institutional and other symbols are used as a cover in order to exculpate oneself from the mistakes committed by the local authority. In other words, journalists are usually invited to write slogans, agitprops, or advertisings which justify the political hostile position of the local government towards the enemy. This hostile positioning is first based on ignoring the perspectives and interests of the opposition, deemed the bad side of the coin and secondly on glorifying its own activities, giving positive roles to soldiers, mothers and workers, deemed the good side of the coin. Eventually, the dichotomy of the black and white picture is put forward for public vote, i.e. the Transnistrian Independence Referendum in 2006: 1. Do you support the course towards the independence of Transnistria and the subsequent free association with the Russian Federation? or 2. Do you consider it possible to renounce Transnistria's independent status and subsequently become part of the Republic of Moldova?89 The outcome is incredible: 97% of participants voted for the independence of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (TMR) from The Republic of Moldova (MD). One can imagine how much input was brought in order to obtain such a result, which created an identity the unit of war. The mediatized conflict can bring people from one side of the river to another one. The civil societys opinion can be molded in such a way that they ultimately can start thinking and seeing the reality with the eyes of journalists. Journalists see the same reality with the eyes of their government. In this manner, a link between government and civil society is created.


Media and Conflict in Transnistria

Today the state apparatus has developed a strategy for including the media in the planning process for psychological defense and for conflict conditions. It has become a very important tool in authorities hands to report the ordered facts. The role of media is different in different types of crisis. During the conflict or disagreement between the two parties, journalists see the truth through the governments eyes. Ultimately, they start ignoring the professional rules and standards, fighting against the evil to protect the good, expressing their opinion to find who is right and who is wrong, who the victim is and who the oppressor is. Martin Bell, a BBC correspondent, called it

88 89

Kempf &Loustarinen , 2002, p. 37 43

Journalism of Attachment90 where he points out, depicts war as an exclusively moral struggle in which the Right fights the Wrong. One kind of struggle for the Transnistrian authority is to control and ultimately strain the information that accidentally snuck into the Transnistrian region. Therefore, when going from the right bank of the river Nistru on the left bank, it is very important for citizens to hide newspapers bought in Moldova that report political issues. If discovered by Transnistrian customs, Moldovan newspapers are immediately confiscated, as they are declared forbidden propaganda. Moreover, the border patrol will check every page of the newspaper looking for the forbidden key words like: separatism, Transnistria, contraband, smuggling, and rebel groups, referendum, etc. They will not let individuals pass until they are sure that they are not agitators or Moldovan journalists who can represent an educational danger to the Transnistrian population. These policies have transformed Transnistria in an iron filter, which blocks the penetration even of such inoffensive information like the date of the Moldovan elections, Moldovan national holidays, etc91. In contrast, media on the Transnistrian side represent a totally different side of the story. News agency Olvia Press for instance, wrote an accusative article where they blame Moldova for not accepting the Transnistrian newspaper on their news-stands: If V.Vorinin wanted a real rapprochement, he would declare that he is ready to realize it without any complicated consultations with Tiraspol. He could have returned on Moldovan news-stands the newspapers edited in Tiraspol as, during his presidency, they disappeared from sale without any explanation. Today, by the way, their distribution on the right bank (Moldova), could have destroyed the myth of the communist propaganda about the genial modern initiatives of tovarichi Voronin92. On the one hand, these reproaches could be real and fair. The population in Moldova have a right to be informed about the political, economic and cultural situation on the left bank of river Nistru. That is why Moldova has to provide a big variety of news to its population, like: local, Romanian, Russian, Ukrainian and Transnistrian (as long as the conflict is not settled yet). In order to create a personal opinion, not influenced by any other media, the Moldovan reader needs information coming from different sources. The controversial information would help readers to make a balanced and objective opinion vis--vis the debated subject. On the other hand, as far as it is known, the Transnistrian press is being sold almost in all of Moldovas newsstands, whereas one cannot say the same about the Transnistrian ones. I could not buy any Moldovan newspaper in Transnistria region and as I have mentioned above, the newspapers bought in Moldova were confiscated. This kind of initiative of media disinfection hinders rather than promotes the projects of social responsibility, economic development of the region, political participation of the civil society and cultural democracy. What is more, they shift the medias role and responsibilities in respect of mediatized conflict. The problem here is that the authorities from Moldova and Transnistria, being fascinated with their power and influence capacity are trying to convince themselves and the public that the enemy they are confronting is very dangerous. At the same time they forget to give voice to civil society in the media, those who meet, live and work with this enemy everyday. They marry each other, baptize each others children, and invite each other for the national, family and religious holidays. The only problem is that they are forced every day to pass the Moldovan - Transnistrian

Kempf &Loustarinen , 2002, p. 59 This happened to me personally when I was trying to pass the Transnistrian custom on 13th of September 2007. Out of 10 newspapers bought on the territory of Moldova 5 were confiscated. 92 , written by V. Tsesliuk, the political analyst to the NIKApress agency (translated from Russian)



customs and some of them to fill out the emigration sheet and to pay the emigration taxes in order to step on the territory on this friend- enemy. In fact, after the unit of war has been created and the clear objective has been set, which is - free association with Russian Federation - Transnistrian media has changed its messages from dehumanizing the enemy towards more future oriented ones. Today one can read such animating propaganda like: Only through reading a child can truly discover the world. The book puts base, which is important for people for the rest of their life Marina Smirnova93. It seems to be a very innocent statement, if not taking into account that this recital was pronounced during a Russian action dedicated to Russian language. So, on the 9th of October all Transnistrian schools took part in this action. The truth is that only through reading Russian books, the Transnistrian child will discover the world through the authoritys eyes, which will mark him for the rest of his life. The identity value is instilled in their mind starting from early childhood. One is told what kind of book they have to read, making a whole ritual out of it, mediatizing ultimately this event with the headline of: Remember: you will never learn peace, ignoring your homeland!94. Definitely, we cannot call it war journalism, because it does not express disrespect and defamation against the state and people, nor does it urge on war of aggression, national hate, inciting discrimination, public violence. We cannot call it peace journalism, because amongst three big ethic groups living in Transnistria it promotes the language of Russian ethnic group only. Because it spreads messages about the strength of peoples identity, mentioning about single ethnic class, language, etc., it can be called polarization of identification suggestions propaganda.

How to do it

Peace Journalism

Peace Journalism (PJ) means the opposite of War Journalism. It enforces journalists to critically revise the entire traditional media theory and acceptance. It adapts journalists to a new creative and constructive positively interventionist95 actions. In PJ there has to be a definite link between journalists their sources- the reported events- and the outcome of the reported facts. While reporting about conflict, journalists should pay more attention to the core problem and try to find out the solutions to the mentioned problem. It is important not to confuse conflict with violence. Once these two concepts are separated from the category of synonyms, it will constitute a crucial step towards PJ approach. This is an example of understanding the difference between War Journalism and Peace Journalism while reporting on conflict situations in Moldova/Transnistria: PJ WJ 1. There is a poor or no communication between parties 2. Parties have incorrect perceptions of each other 3. There is lack of trust 1. One of the parties refuses to come to the table of negotiation 2. There is a solid reason why one of the parties wants to separate from / maintain the integrity of the republic 3.They violate human rights, they are invaders, etc

93 94 95 (translated from Russian)

Novosti (News), Ribnita (Transnistria), 20 december, 2006 (N.99), p. 3 (translated from Russian) Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick, Peace Journalism, Sri Lanka Muslim Media Forum, July-2006, p.8


4. Unresolved grievances exist from the past 5. Parties do not value the relationship between them

4.Cannot forget the atrocities committed in the past 5. One of the parties abuses in credulity of others. Victory or defeat.

In Moldova / Transnistria, PJ is needed first to prepare the population for the peace agreement, which both parties will hopefully achieve one day. The so-called social negotiation96a process of forming and strengthening a positive attitude towards their enemy - can last for several years. This is why, in order to facilitate this process, local and international NGOs should continue to organize trainings for Moldovan and Transnistrian journalists. Therefore, there are many international organizations financing different PJ projects in Moldova and Transnistria. For instance, the Independent Journalism Center (IJC) administered the Networking for Diversity project from January 2004 to June 2005, aiming to promote professional cooperation among journalists from the conventional regions of Moldova Transnistria, and the rest of the country. Over the course of 15 months, five newspapers from Moldova, Transnistria and other regions were monitored: 1. ezavisimaia Moldova Russian-language, Chisinau 2. Moldova Suverana Romanian-language, Chisinau 3. Pridnestrovie Russian-language, Tiraspol 4. Adevarul istrean Romanian-language, Tiraspol 5. Vesti Gagauzii Russian-language, Comrat As a result, it was concluded that newspapers edited in Moldova undertook the following: ezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova Suverana regularly accused candidates from the opposition bloc Moldova oastra Alliance of siding with the Transnistrian separatists or even of being on their payroll. ezavisimaia Moldova also warned readers of acts of sabotage that could be carried out by Transnistrian authorities during elections. According to the paper, the Transnistrian conflict threatens inter-ethnic cooperation and tolerance in the country97 There was not much difference between the Moldovan and Transnistrian pronouncement. Similar warnings of possible acts of sabotage were reported by Transnistria media. The only difference was that a different perpetrator was identified: Thus, Pridnestrovie quoted the regions leader Igor Smirnov as saying that Moldova could try and provoke a new armed conflict during elections. The paper also accused the Moldovan incumbents of promoting nationalist policies, as well as of trying to oust Russians, Ukrainians and Belorussians from the country. Adevarul istrean lashed out against Moldovan authorities for not having opened polling stations in the region and accused them of having adopted an irresponsible attitude towards prospective voters.98. In April 2007, a Romanian NGO organized a meeting between Moldovan and Transnistrian journalists within the Peace Building Framework Project in Moldova 99. 15-20 journalists from both sides of the river Nistru participated and shared their views on current situation in Moldova/
96 97 98 99

Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick, 2006, p. 20 p.31
idem p.31 46

Transnistria. Obviously, at the beginning of the meeting they expressed different opinions regarding the same issue. Yet, by the end, they reached a consensus concerning the fact that they should report on the Moldovan/ Transnistrian conflict in such a way that it deescalates the intense situation. The participants of the meeting reflected together on how they could better contribute in changing of attitudes and achieving of peaceful settlements. They agreed on: Joint participation in the interactive seminars directed on increase of a professional level Exchange of journalistic materials, and creation of the Internet-site (or forum) where journalists could communicate or discuss on vital topics Development of the ethical journalist code including the general management and principles of de-escalation of the conflict Outlining of methods of joint peacebuilding actions for the benefit of both parties using the national diplomacy. Definitely, these agreements are just simple ideas and will continue to remain so until the simple believe will not change in a real venue and further in an endeavour. Therefore, the primary necessity is to continue to implement the joint journalist peace projects in Moldova and Transnistria. What a peace journalist should try to do100 In order to avoid a resistant and defensive attitude, and risking increasing misconceptions, mass media representatives should adhere to certain rules elaborated by the peace journalists association: Avoid describing the conflict as an exclusive opposition of two parties with emphasis on the fact that in case of victory of one, another is defeated. Avoid drawing a parallel between us and them journalism. Instead, one should show the common links between the two conflicting parties, in order to make them cogitate on the fact why they do not seek the other in the self and vice versa. Avoid reporting the conflict viewed with the both parties leaders eyes. Instead, try to disclose the everyday life of the local people from both sides of the conflicting areas; emphasizing on what (and not just whom) these people would like to change. Avoid illustrating spectacular violation acts, which will determine people to defend, thus, creating new violence. Avoid blaming any part of the conflict in initiating of the conflict. Instead, look at the common problems, which both of the conflicting parties try to solve peacefully. Avoid focusing on suffering, fear and feelings of the one conflicting part only, because it brings to split in victims and criminals. Instead, mention that the both conflicting parties suffer. Avoid using extremely emotional expressions, which verbalize no action, but negative emotions towards imagined enemies and victims of the conflict (ex. 'criminal, tragic, destruction, defenseless, etc.). Instead, report that in a positive direction something is already made, and soon will be made even more positive changes.
100 The scheme avoid / instead is taken from Peace Journalism (by Jake Lynch and Anabel McGoldrick, 2006, p. 28) (content adapted to the Moldovan/Transnistrian conflict situation)


Avoid interviewing people about how they feel in the conflict situation. Instead, express the interest in what do they do and what kind of possibilities do they see in order to work out the crisis situation.

Partisan perceptions about each other101

According to Jake Lynch, this table of partisan perception can help journalists to understand the causes and the roots of the conflict. The PJ approach encourages parties to reexamine these perceptions in the context of new facts. To see where new facts would be most considerate, one useful technique is to draw up a Partisan Perceptions Table. Important facts that Transnistria sees as crucial We want to be independent We have never been part of the Republic of Moldova How Moldova sees the important facts of Transnistria The population is misled by its leaders backed by Russia Moldova developed as an integrated political and economic area in post IIWW period and the ethnic mix of population is similar on both side of river (Moldovan, Ukrainians, Russians) During the Soviet period Eastern part of Moldova received more investment It is an invented pretext ; Moldova sees its future as an independent state How Transnistria sees the important facts of Moldova Moldova is an economically backward state; we can manage to develop independently One cannot build democracy in a non democratic country We want to join Russia We want Russian army on the Transnistrian territory, to protect us from the Moldovan occupants

Economically we are more developed than Moldova We do not want to join Romania Important facts Moldova sees as crucial We want to preserve the territorial integrity We want to build a democratic state that respects diversity We want to join the European family We want withdrawal of Russian army from Moldovan territory

Today, Moldova and Transnistria are playing the scenario the parties do not communicate. In this case, Jake Lynch suggests removing the demands and position of Moldova, and instead asking about the needs of Moldova. Then, going to Transnistria and delivering information, which they already know from their understanding of Transnistrias position. In this scenario, journalist, are in contact with both conflicting parties to approach their interests, and can play the role of a messenger or mediator.

idem, inspired by Jake Lynch and Anabel McGoldricks table, 2006, p. 35


Definitely, it can be a real possibility, merely if the journalists from both sides of the river will join their forces, by exchanging their materials, knowledge, interest and being creative, finding positive solutions, which would not damage the reputation of both sides.



A different approach to news reporting might prove useful in focusing on the complexity of the conflict, and seeking common ground. This kind of journalism covers a wide spectrum of voices in any conflict instead of simply reducing the number of parties to two. It increases the range of sources and analyses the agendas of people who do not belong to the elites. Along with providing facts, it also discusses the process by which some facts are selected and others are suppressed. Up to the present moment, the potential problems and needs covered by Moldovan and Transnistrian journalists regarding reestablishing the security and trust among the conflicting parties, as well as solving a series of economic and social problems which population from both banks of the river is exposed to, would be the following: Emphasizing the establishment of free circulation of the Moldovan and Transnistrian population in order to continue visiting, trading with each other, looking for jobs on both sides of the river, perform their studies, etc,. Reporting on elaboration of joint development projects: modernization, infrastructure, transport, socio-humanitarian assistance, etc. Call for bilateral cooperation regarding the agricultural issues in providing of the humanitarian aid from the exterior for the affected regions. Launching a recommendation of creation of a unique army for Moldova and Transnistria, dissolving, thus, the myth of the potential aggressor. Eventually, the PJ approach will be more efficient when journalists will launch the incentives for both conflicting parties to focus upon the problems which can be solved without the international intermediary serving the interests of the citizens from both banks of the river Nistru. Opening of the passage on the bridge which joins the two banks of the river Nistru. Creation of a common TV channel, which would not be administrated by Chisinau and Tiraspol authorities, but by the Comity of Moldovan and Transnistrian civil society. Creation and accreditation by the Ministry of Education of Moldova and Transnistria of universities; education being held inclusively in Moldovan state language. While reporting about the positive solutions in the Moldovan/Transnistrian conflict, the journalist should look for where the change is coming from: Who is talking about these solutions? Local NGOs? International Organizations? Journalists Associations? Neighboring countries? Civil society? If so, what exactly do they propose in order to come to a peaceful agreement? What are their needs and recommendations? Who is acting to bring people together and help to clarify the obscure information? What is the length, genre, focus, significance and location of the event covered, source of information, issues and character of the event covered, ethnic groups highlighted, actors, their voice, role, and the tone of coverage of actors activity.


Peace journalism, share a concern to move beyond traditional news and facts report values, elite source dependencies and institutionalized ideas of professionalism. It seeks as well to augment the range of views and voices, perspectives and problems, discourses and debates finding news representation. Peace journalism serves to deepen our understanding of the nature of contemporary journalism. It has to be performed in such a way, that it could become a integral part of process of democratization and tool for conflict resolution in Moldova and Transnistria.



Moldova and Transnistria face a problematic period in what is concerning the political and economic mutual cooperation. Thus, the media plays a crucial role in escalating or de-escalating this conflict, because only through the media that all social conflicts become publicly known. As Moldovan and Transnistrian news is predominately owned by elite groups or even by government, the media reports ordered facts, which sounds more like propaganda, amplifying and promoting the conflict. Propaganda does not come out of nothing, but is often preceded by a prolonged process of cultural preparation. In the Transnistrian and Moldovan media, it resembles verbal battles with who can outsmart the other. It is relevant to start changing the methods of providing the facts, by suggesting to respect the code of ethics of journalism. Even more, the creation of a common Moldovan / Transnistrian council, which will function under a professional code of ethics, would help journalists from both regions to better cooperate. In order to balance the information delivered by journalists, there is need to continue to monitor newspapers from both regions under the peace journalism projects, as contemporary media has the tendency to enact through different forms of expressions, which are inflammatory and sarcastic. It is necessary to make a clear difference between war journalism and peace journalism. In this scenario, the best way to ameliorate the quality of journalism is to give voice to civil society; avoid expressing the personal opinion and try to elaborate creative and constructive solutions. Thus, the media should use all possible means to provide the population with good public service. There is need to instill the first seeds of peace journalism. Being controlled by the government, the media, especially in former Soviet republics, is still using its traditional methods of broadcasting the news. That is why the new democratic journalistic views are much appreciated. Definitely, it requires more workspace and time, political geography and history. Anyways, it is better late than never.


6. Conclusion to thesis
Transnistria needs an inclusive pro-active and participatory population. In order to transform the conflict, the local population must realise or actualise its existence. Through programs elaborated by the local Government, together with local NGOs and IOs, one can educate the spirit of unity, community and peaceful coexistence within the populations. The ethnic groups living in Transnistria should learn how to enrich the multicultural region, rather than cultivate enmity towards each other. Solutions must target and work alongside the civil society as it is an agent of the existent problems. Transnistria needs a democratic spirit coming from the democratic countries, which will help people to gradually transform their attitudes. The current situation resembles a vicious circle. Everyone is turning around in hope to find a solution, but the solution gives an impression of being a problem itself. We will be able to make a difference only if we take a step back. Zooming out, we will be able to see the interconnection between the ruling system and the attitudes of the civil society. The solution seems to be very simple: once we change the ruling system in Transnistria it will be easier to change the behaviour and attitudes of civil society, and vice versa. The question is: where to start from? The first approach towards the peaceful conflict transformation would be to address such issues as democracy, human rights, rule of law, good governance, market economy principles and sustainable development, which go hand in hand with each other. The role of international organisations is crucial in this respect. Second, it is important to assist the government in adapting a democratic (more efficient and practical) system of education, which can open the minds of population and serve as an incentive for an active political, economic and social life, would constitute a second approach. A third approach would be working with media, since public information channels are the means to deliver to populations both conflict and peace messages. Changing the message addressed to the public will help changing their attitudes and behaviour. Furthermost, the concept of peace needs to be spread in and around Transnistria, including: Peace Education, Peace Journalism, Nonviolence, and Peace Projects, which have to replace conflict, problem, disagreement, violence, etc. I sincerely hope that this study will be useful for people leaving in Moldova/Transnistria, as well as for those who want to contribute to building a democratic society in the region.


BARANOVSKY Vladimir, Russias Attitudes Towards the EU: Political Aspects, Kauhava 2002; 2. BENEDEK Walfgang, NICOLOVA Minna, Understanding Human Rights (manual on Human Rights education), Graz, 2003. 3. BEY Theresa M., TURNER Gwendolyn Y., Making School a Place of Peace, Sage Publication, Inc., California, 1996. 4. CANARINI Marina (ed.), Claude Jean BERTRAND, Media in Security and Governance, NOMOS Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden, 2004 5. Company Limited by Guarantee Peace Workers, UK, Introduction to Working in Conflict Level I, (England), 2006. 6. COTTLE Simon, Mediatised Conflict, Bell &Bain Ltd, Glasgow UK, 2006 7. Reine EISLERisler Reine, Tomorrows Children/ A blueprint for partnership education in the st 21 Century, Colorado, Western Press, 2000 8. European Court of Human Rights, Case of Ilascu and Others v. Moldova and Russia, application No.48789/99, Judgment, Strasbourg, 2004 9. GALTUNG Johan , Transcend &Transform, Kyoto, 2004 10. GALTUNG Johan, Peace by Peaceful Means. Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilisation, Sage, London, 1996. 11. GOLDESTEIN Joshua S., International Relations2nd edition, Harper Collins College Publishers, New York, 1996. 12. JACKALL Robert, Propaganda, Basingstoke and London: MacMillan, 1995 13. JOHANSENohansen Jorgen Nonviolence, Readings from Master Copy 14. KAMOV Georgi, EUs Role in Conflict Resolution: the Case of the Eastern Enlargement and Neighborhood Policy Areas, Institut Europeen des Haut Etudes Internationales, June 2006; 15. KEMPF Wilhelm & LOUSTARINEN Heikki Journalism and the New World Order, Gutenberg University, 2002 16. D. KILIAN D.illian, The Sun, an interview with M. Rosenberg (Nonviolent Communication), February, 2003 17. LAWaw John, A Sociology of Monsters/Essays on Power, Technology and Domination, New fetter Line,1991 18. LYNCH Jake, MCGOLDRICK Annabel, Peace Journalism, Hawthorn Press, UK, 2005 19. LYNCH Jake, MCGOLDRICK Annabel, Peace Journalism, Sri Lanka Muslim Media Forum, July-2006 20. MAcCARTHY, C. Why We Must Teach Peace, Educational Leadership, 1992 21. MARESCAaresca John J., Why an OSCE Role in the Caucasus, Security Dialogue, vol.27 (1), 1996 22. NEZAVISIMAIA MOLDOVA (Independent Moldova) local newspaper representing the interests of the Republic of Moldova (Chisinau) 23. NOVOSTI (News) local newspaper representing the interests of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (Ribnitsa) 24. NOVOSTI (News), Pridnestrovie- Krai Kazachii (Transnistria- the Region of Kazaks), Ribnitsa, 20 December, 2006 25. POPESCU Nicu, The EU and Transnistria from Dead lock to Sustainable Settlement, Paris, 2005; 52 1.


TAWIL Sobhi, HARLEY Alexandra, Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, UNESCO International Bureau of Education, Geneva, 2004. Websites: (Moldovan web site; JUM, journalists ethics) 2. (Transnistrian web news) (The Economist) 3. 4. (Moldovan web news; 9 March 2006; translated from Rumanian) (Moldovan web site; translated from Rumanian) 5. 6. (Moldovan web site; translated from Rumanian) 7. (Transnistrian web site) 8. GRACHEV Andrei, Paris Correspondent of The New Times, Moscow, Former Spokesman of Mikhail Gorbachev; 9. , (Transnistrian web site; article written by V. Tsesliuk, the political analyst to the NIKA- press agency (translated from Russian) 10. Networking for Diversity project 11. (Transnistrian news web site) 12. SOCOR Vladimir, 13. ANDERSON Hans Christian, The Emperors New Clothes (Translated by Hallett Martin, Karasek Barbara) in Folk and Fairy Tales3rd Edition 14. Moldovan News Agency 15. UN Economic and Social Council (CESCR) The Rights to Education (Art.13): 08/12/99 16. UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization: 17. IURIEV Vadim, A big scandal in a small town, Dnestrovskii Kurier, 8 March 2002. See also 18. ART.6 Language law of the Transdniestrian Moldova Republic, 8 September 1992 (unofficial translation from Russian original). /Moldovan schools in Transnistria/ 19. Oxford Analytica, May 30, 2006; 20. EU- Russia Common Space Road Map Summit: 21. EU- Moldovan Action Plan (MAP), 22. European Neighboring Policy Plan (ENP) in Moldova 23. The Economist, print edition, Apr 19th 2007 | CHISINAU AND TIRASPOL A settlement in Transdniestria is bad news for Moldovaand the West, 24. Mediapuls Accusatory Statement, 07.11.2006 53


25.A. Maslow A. A Theory of Human Motivation, 1943 26.Wikipedia Enciclopedia 27. MARANDICI Ion, Presedintia Germana a Uniunii Europene-Asteptari si Perspective. 23.02.2007