ADOLESCENT

Girls

The world of

Dr. Manju Agrawal

The world of
A D O L E S C E N T Girls

ISBN: 81-89164-10-4 Author

Written & Edited by: Dr. Manju Agrawal Research Co-ordination: Dr. Manju Agrawal & Roohi Research Advisors: Loes Keysers, Institute of Social Studies, Hague, Neitherlands, Nicco Van, ICDI, The Neitherlands Photographs: Sarvesh Secretarial help: Pankaj Tiwari Copy Editing: Prabhakar Bhatt Sponsored by: Mahila Samakhya, U.P .

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 Preface Acknowledgement
Chapter 1

CONTENTS
7 10 14

Introduction A Peep into Adolescence

Chapter 2

34 40 58

Aims and Objectives

Chapter 3

In the Voices of Adolescent Girls

Chapter 4

What Do the Families Think?

Chapter 5

Responses of Mahila Samakhya Functionaries 66

Chapter 6

78 90

Summary, Analysis and Conclusions

Chapter 7

Strategies, Processes and Package

PREFACE

This report documents the findings of a field study on the situation of adolescent girls in Uttar Pradesh, the largest state in India. Most of the girls whose voices and situations are reflected in these pages are daughters and sisters of women involved in Mahila Samakhya, a programme for womens education and empowerment which has been operative in Uttar Pradesh for nearly two decades. Mahila Samakhya (MS) is an unusual programme. Funded by the Government of India and implemented under the aegis of the Department of Education, it is hailed as a path-breaking experiment in building womens autonomy and helping them to become agents of social change. The village level organizations (sanghas) initiated by the programme provide space to women to come together to analyse their own realities and act to change them, if need be. It is this recognition of education as a process that extends beyond literacy and helps women to use their potential that makes MS unique and a rich source of learning and insight for all those who are associated with it. For several years now, MS has been working with adolescent girls through a variety of interventions. The MS experience has made it clear that the situation of adolescent girls cannot be seen in isolation from the situation of adult women. This study once again lays bare the links between the realities of oppression and exploitation in the lives of women, and the silencing and suppression of their daughters. Womens subordination is the outcome of a web of complex forces rooted in and sustained by social structures and institutions, as well as value systems and cultural norms that perpetuate the notion of womens inferiority. Women are denied control over their own bodies, lives and labour; they have only limited access to resources and lack opportunities to participate in decisions affecting their own lives. Most insidious of all, they are conditioned to conform to certain stereotyped rules of appropriate behaviour, and internalise a conviction of their own inferiority. The complex interaction between these different forms of control has resulted in the marginalisation and exclusion of women from social, economic and political processes, and their inability to demand and claim their rights and entitlements. For most women in India, the process of exclusion and suborPreface 7

dination begins in infancy, gains force and direction through the years of adolescence and reaches its culmination well before adulthood. By the time she is fifteen or sixteen, a girls body and mind are already imprinted with the conditioning that will constrain and regulate her life as a wife and mother. Her vulnerability is increased by her ambiguous social status. Despite the fact that she is biologically and emotionally still a child, socially and culturally she is treated as an adult because she has attained puberty. She is vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation, but as a minor she is subject to a guardian, often the same adult who is abusing her. Her work, like her mothers, is invisible and unrecognised, and becomes the excuse for confining her within the house, unable to acquire even the basics of an education or to share her dreams, questions and ideas with her peers. By the time the adolescent girl reaches adulthood, she has internalised her subordinate status completely. For most, the only hope of social recognition is as a wife or the mother of a son. She has little knowledge about or control over her own body and sexuality. She is burdened with survival tasks and has little time for learning or experimentation. Her low self-image inhibits her from making efforts to change her circumstances. At the same time, her lack of literacy and marketable skills limit her work opportunities, thus perpetuating her low status and passing it on to the next generation. There has been an enormous increase in programmes and projects targeting adolescent girls in recent years. The majority of these are fuelled by the instrumental logic that sees girls as the women of tomorrow - future wives and mothers, who can be motivated and trained to act as agents of demographic change. Many of these initiatives speak of empowerment, but actually set up girls and adult women as oppositional categories, by counterposing the needs of one against the rights of the other. Not only are such interventions limited in their impact, they do long-term damage to inter-generational solidarity between women and girls, and the possibility of their working together to challenge and oppose womens subordination. While it is true that most often, it is the mother who is the primary agent of conditioning for an adolescent girl, it is equally true that daughters cannot be liberated or empowered without liberating and empowering mothers. Efforts to teach life skills,
8 The world of adolescent girls

improve communication, provide counselling services, enhance awareness on issues ranging from contraception to HIV/AIDS, provide access to credit and marketable skills all of which are central features of some of the best known interventions with adolescents in recent years may improve the condition of adolescent girls, but cannot change their situations. Transformation can only come when women and girls together interrogate and challenge the structural roots of gender oppression a painful and slow process, involving the recognition of their mutual agency and the ways in which it is subverted and distorted to support and perpetuate patriarchal structures and values. Change comes slowly and often seems to follow the one step forward model. Mahila Samakhya is one of the few programmes that is working consistently with rural women and girls to enable them to become actors and leaders in womens movements for gender equality. This study is rooted in the MS process and reflects some of its complexities. Its success cannot be assessed by the criteria of academic rigour alone, but by the extent to which it is owned, validated and used by the girls and women who are its subjects. Kalyani Menon Sen

Preface

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

10

The world of adolescent girls

Numerous are the persons whose support was crucial to the production of this study, a journey that has taken almost three years from the time it was conceived. The study is aimed to explore the psycho-social world of the rural adolescent girls of UP so that suitable strategies and materials could be developed for planned interventions with them. Firstly, I would like to thank the adolescent girls who themselves came forward and openly discussed the social and personal issues pertinent in their lives. I am also thankful to mothers/sisters-in-law of the girls who gave their time and helped us to understand the real issues in the lives of these girls. I am grateful to all the Sahayoginis Sahelis and Anudeshikas who enumerated, with deep insight, the issues and the local social situations which needed to be addressed to improve the condition of adolescent girls. I am indebted to District Project Co-ordinators Ms. Rajbul Nisha, Ms. Richa Singh and Ms. Basanti Pathak of Gorakhpur, Sitapur and Nainital districts respectively, for making all necessary arrangements and providing facilities to carry out the study. My sincere thanks are due to Loes Keysers, Ben White of Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherelands; and Nicco Van Oudenhoven of ICDI, Netherlands, for their well thought comments on the design and proposal of the study. A major portion of the study was written during my stay at ISS in 2003, to complete a course on child, youth and development. The rich and user friendly library of the institute was a good support for review of literature. To Ms. Roohi go my deepest thanks for assisting me in forming questionnaires and interview schedules, and also helping in data collection. Her previous experience of working with adolescent girls and her commitment to the study were very crucial to its successful completion. At Mahila Samakhya, I had the moral support of my colleagues who always encouraged me to carry it out. I would also extend my thanks to Ms. Tanushree who helped me to collect the reference materials. Finally, I wish to thank my husband, Mr. Alok Agrawal, and my children Kopal and Akshay who never complained about my working long hours at office as well as home to finish this study. Pankaj Tiwari owes my deep gratitude for his constant help and support in communication and other secretarial services. My
Acknowledgement 11

domestic helpers made it sure that I always had time, free from household chores, to work on this project. This work, which embodies trust and commitment, would be worth the effort if readers found it useful as a guide to work with one of the most marginalised and oppressed groups, which is, at the same time, full of energy and determination to change its lot.

12

The world of adolescent girls

INTRODUCTION
A Peep into Adolescence

14

The world of adolescent girls

Today, children and women occupy centerstage in the development discourse. They are a part of the rhetoric of development and anti-poverty policies. But where are adolescents as a group in this discourse? According to WHO, adolescents are individuals aged 10-19; youths- 15-24; and young people 10-24. As per UNICEF definition, a child is someone who is under 18. In the context of these definitions the major part of adolescence is subsumed in childhood, implying that policies and interventions for children should take care of adolescents as well. But there are several problems with this approach. Firstly, even as per the definition the entire adolescence is not covered by childhood. Secondly, the adolescent period is quite flexible and often extends beyond 19 according to the age of marriage and the maturity expected in different cultures. Thirdly, most of the agencies working for children e.g., UNICEF, Save The Children or Plan International have more focussed strategies for cognitive and physical development of children below 12 years than beyond 12 years. Their focussed work with children mainly relate to health and educational needs (King 1990; Herz et al. 1991), early childhood development programs (Myers, 1992, UNICEF 1997), issues of child labour etc. (White, 1994; Save the Children, 2002)), street children (Glauser, 1990) or sexuality in case of adolescents (UNFPA 1998) etc. The overall psycho-social and physical development of this age group, which is much beyond isolated health and education needs, has remained unexplored.

Need to Work with Adolescents

Adolescents constitute a large section of the population: 19% globally and 21.4% in India. Ynoung people (10-24) are soon going to be 30% of the world population. The process of social change is much faster if one works with adolescents because working with adolescents means working with three generations simultaneously: adolescents themselves and their peers; the adults i.e., their parents, elder brothers and sisters-in-law, uncles and aunties; and the generation to come for whom these adolescents become a model of help directly and consciously. It is a period of heightened energy, which if channelised and
Introduction 15

guided, can result in a constructive outcome. Allowed to take its own course, (along with extreme social control and punishment) this energy may be destructive for self and/or the society. This is one of the most misunderstood groups. Treated neither as adults nor children, there is very little lack of awareness of the characteristic physiological, hormonal and psychological changes that adolescents undergo and the challenge of adjustment it poses for them. They are often seen as troublesome and a threat to the family and society. Hence efforts are made to control and leash their adolescence instead of channelising and supporting it. Indeed, society needs to capitalise on their immense energy, readiness to take risks and capacity to innovate.

Discourses on Adolescence
The concept of adolescence is relatively new in historical terms (the word was introduced to the French language in the 13 th century and English in 15 th century). Somewhere between childhood and adulthood lies the golden period of adolescence, which is the least known and most misunderstood territory for parents, physicians, teachers and the adolescents themselves. It is a period of rapid physical and emotional growth. During this period individuals acquire their adult identity, moving towards physical and psychological maturity and economic independence. Due to many factors biological, economic and socialthe period traditionally defined as adolescence is lengthening: the onset of puberty is occurring earlier and the age of marriage is rising. Thus, young people have to face a long spell of time during which they are sexually mature but pregnancy and child-bearing is neither desired nor socially acceptable. Due to better nutrition and a lower mortality rate upto 0-6 years, population between 10-24 is increasing, accounting for almost 30% of the worlds population. By 2025, these numbers are projected to reach 2 billion (ref. The Worlds Youth Population Reference Bureau, 1996). This significant section of the population will eventually take over the reins of economic, social, political and financial controls of the family, society and country. Certainly it requires greater attention and support. Adolescence has traditionally been considered the most difficult period in an individuals development cycle. It has been aptly described as a ship launching out into the main ocean,
16 The world of adolescent girls

without a helm or a ballast or a pilot to steer it. The changes that adolescents undergophysical, psychological, physiological, hormonal, cognitive and sexualare not only stressful but confusing since these changes occur simultaneously and rapidly, usually in the absence of any kind of support and expert guidance to cope with the transition. The story doesnt end here. The situation is aggravated with uncertainties of career, marriage partner, sex life and the self itself. The confusion is worse confounded with social definitions of adolescence and adolescence being perceived as a period requiring controls and restrictions. There are three main discourses on adolescence: the physical (biological/medical), the psychological and the social. Putting the three together, adolescence is often seen as a period of rapid physical growth combined with mental instability and social conflict. This transition is often considered troublesome and adolescence is seen as a time of unavoidably heightened psychological and social risks (Wyn & White, 1997)). This notion of adolescence legitimises control over and interference in adolescent lives (Sinikka Aapola, 1997) instead of guidance along with the freedom to explore the experiences unique to their age, and helping them learn the ways of life. The physical notion of adolescence has found the maximum acceptance in research, documentation and intervention. The psychological discourse appears to occupy the second place; the least explored is the social discourse on the concept.
Physical Discourse

The physical theme has been discussed mainly in reference to the external physical characteristics, reproductive organs and sexuality of adolescents. The Conference on Population and Development (1994, Cairo), for the first time identified adolescents as a distinct group in need of reproductive health programs and services. This recognition emanated from the world-wide problem of teenage pregnancies. Only after that did this age group acquire significance in development planning but mainly in reference to reproductive health and sexuality. Much data therefore, is not available for this age group as this demographic entity never existed conceptually. However, some data was collected after ICPD, 1994, relating mainly to their sexuality, age of marriage, fertility, teen-age pregnancies, coerced or unwanted pregnancies, sexual abuse etc. Many a time, conclusions for
Introduction 17

adolescents are made from the data for children or adults. Also, more data are collected for girls than for boys (ref. Allan Gutmacher Institute, 1998)
Psychological Discourse

The psychological notion of adolescence, formulated first by G.S. Hall (1914), has extended a gendered definition, emphasising the notion of archetypal femininity to the extent of stating that women never grow up beyond the adolescent phase, and are forever dependent on the support of a strong arm in order to cope with life (cited by Lesko, 1992). Barbara Hudson sees the discourses of femininity and adolescence contradicting each other (Hudson, 1984). She maintains that adolescence is a masculine construction with connotations of rebellion, self-searching and restlessness. Sinikka Aapola goes further to say: Rights, experiments and manifestations of autonomy and freedom usually linked with increasing age seem more ambiguous for girls. Dominant discourses of female adolescence emphasise vulnerability and responsibility, which correspond with traditional discourses of femininity. Male adolescence is linked more with uncontrollability and irresponsibility, which is in line with ideas about adolescence but not femininity. (Sinikka Aapola, 1997). Though in this era of gender equality, defining adolescence within the framework of masculinity and femininity is meaningless and should be discarded, yet it helps to understand the roots of differential treatment to adolescent girls and boys which is true universally. Adolescence as a phase was, for the first time, given much recognition with Eriksons (1956) theories of development, defining it as a period of identity crisis in need of guidance and support beyond the notions of femininity and masculinity. His notions of adolescence drew much attention towards this stage of development cycle and adolescence, since then, has occupied a special identity in the discourses of development theories. But it still continues to be ignored in development planning and interventions. Even today, in many cultures, the word adolescent is neither defined nor considered a specific age group. Hormonal changes occurring during this period have been dealt with, at great length, by psychologists. These changes are responsible for ones external characteristics (girl or boy) causing confusion and bewilderment about ones body image. The hormonal changes also lead to mood-swings, irritation, anger,
18 The world of adolescent girls

anxiety, wild and fanciful thoughts. On top of it are the socialisation demands for independence, shifting relationships with peers and adults, sexual adjustments, educational and vocational preparationsall at a time when they are experiencing an almost unprecedented rate of biological maturation (puberty). This is the time they should be allowed to give vent to their emotions and feelings, the time to understand their physical and mental states, and provide social and psychological support as well as information on a host of issues. This applies to both girls and boys though the support they need may differ with respect to the differences in socialisation demands, social values and expectations from the two sexes. According to psychologists, at the age of adolescence there is a shift from parent to peer group. The adolescent in search of ones own individuality, identifies more with the peer group than with parents. Thus, the latter ceases to be the frame of reference, and the peer influence takes over. This is also a stage of conflicting emotions. You want to break away from your family and establish yourself as a different, indeed, unique individual and yet you need your familys acceptance, understanding and advice. You see yourself as different from others but are scared to be too different, lest you are rejected. It has been argued that this is the most vulnerable stage requiring full alertness against falling prey to anti-social elements, and to avoid poor development of physical, psychological and cognitive capacities. The internal mechanism of adolescents must withstand the strong pulls of conflicting emotions that they experience. On the one hand, they have to come to terms with the biological and emotional changes that are taking place and, on the other, they get perturbed by the emergence of sex drive - physical urges that usually remain unstated. This is the stage when ones self image and self esteem starts taking a concrete shape depending on the amalgam of ones body image, perception of ones own intellect and achievement, and feedback by peers and adults. It is, therefore, the most crucial stage of ones psycho-social, cognitive and physical development. The irony is compounded by the fact that there is no systemic guide to prepare them for a constructive adjustment within the institution of the family or school during this state of turmoil. Even as adolescents struggle to achieve an identity of their own, the age old question: Who am I? keeps repeating itself with no answer in sight.
Introduction 19

Social Discourse

The social discourses on adolescence reflect the situation prevalent in the broad spectrum of society. The experiences and needs of adolescents are age-specific (pre, middle and advanced), and depend upon sex, socio-economic class, geographical region and cultural context. Hence, while setting out to find solutions to the problems of adolescents, one must also explore their needs, the threats, pressures of adjustment, social norms and values; their beliefs and practices and coping mechanism in order to ensure their positive growth and development. A review of the related literature shows a real dearth of studies especially on the social aspect of adolescence. There are very few attempts to gather, compile and disseminate information regarding cultural norms, behavioural expectations, controls imposed, rituals carried out and freedom imparted to this age group and how they differ for the two sexes and their implications for their healthy growth. Sexuality and reproductive health may be the practical needs requiring immediate attention but it is important to address them within the larger strategic goals of impacting the psychological needs, socio-cultural values and the context in which they are embedded. Addressing of practical needs will not sustain without altering the social systems and expectations within which they operate. According to Greene (2002), the worlds 1.7 billion people between the ages of 10-24 are rooted in the values and socio-economic conditions of their communities and nations. It is now accepted without debate that adolescence is a cultural construct; gender and power relations (which too are culturally constructed) play a crucial role in adolescent fertility and have differential consequences for girls and boys (Villarreal, 1998). For example, in the present decade childbirth, out of marriage, is being accepted in many countries and cultures but it is still a great social stigma and taboo in Indian culture where the girls are even killed to protect the honour of the family. Similarly, encouragement to sexual activity among boys and strong values of virginity among girls create problems for girls themselves- of self, parental and social control over their mobility, sexuality, freedom of expression and behaviour. In fact, every developmental phenomenon or human action is embedded in a specific eco-cultural niche (Nsamenang, 1994). A sensitivity to local conditions is, therefore, an essential requirement for
20 The world of adolescent girls

development planning (Saraswathi, 1993). According to Ammu Joseph, while the physiological aspects of adolescence are beginning to generate concern, the psychological and social aspects of growing up in India today seem to receive little attention from any quarter. (Joseph, 1997). She interviewed adolescent girls belonging to different sections of the society, including rich and poor, rural, tribal and urban. She noticed commonalties along with discrepancies as expected. One blatant commonality, which was also depressing, was that all girls irrespective of their class, caste and location resented being born as girls. Adolescent issues have to be handled very carefully with a holistic inter-sectoral approach. One needs to focus both on girls and boys for their overall evolution as socially responsible human beings in service of self and the society.

The Indian Reflection of Adolescence

Many researchers, including Margaret E. Greene (2002), say that adolescence does not exist for girls in Indianeither as an eventful and well-documented interlude between childhood and adulthood, nor as a concept in public imagination. According to Greene, it is a controversial notion for India, as linguistically females are girl children till they marry and after marriage become reproductive beings. She also observes that adolescence does exist for Indian girls though it continues to be denied to them by parents and society. The evidence can be found in the treatment of girls in their second decaderestrictions on their mobility and behaviour, and strict monitoring of their interaction with males. In fact, when does a child cease to be a child and become an adolescent/adult is either not defined or defined only culturally. Moreover, in many countries including those of South Asia, particularly India, the girls, and even boys, marry early and become parents during their adolescent phase, in which case they are expected to behave as mature adults while they are still growing. Becoming a parent only aggravates the turmoil of the teens. Before these adolescents get over the plethora of changes occurring in them they are burdened another big event of life, i.e., parenthood. There are also significant variations in norms, values and behaviour expectations from girls and boys of this age group across cultures. The question raised by Margaret Mead, in her
Introduction 21

study of girls of Samoa in 1928/51 about the social aspects of adolescence continue to be relevant to date (Mead, 1928/51). As stated earlier, not much data is available on adolescents as this group does not exist conceptually. The data available on Indian adolescent girls paint a grim picture. As per the data, 50.9% Indian adolescent girls are anaemic. Fifteen percent of married adolescent girls are stunted, 40% have a body mass index below 18.5%, and 20% have moderate to severe anaemia. It has its consequences in very high IMR (71) and MMR (540) for India. Hospital records show that boys are brought in for treatment in larger numbers, while girls are usually admitted only after the illness has become critical. The sex ratio of adolescent girls is not available, but there are alarming signs for future as 2001 census has shown a significant drop in the girl ratio in 0-6 age group. With regard to their age at marriage and sexuality, it is seen that among 15-19 years old, 40% girls and 7% boys are married. More than half of the married (15-19 years old) girls become pregnant and less than half even have a child. About th of all married girls (15-19 years old) are neither in schools nor in the job. Nearly all (90%) married girls (15-19 years) have heard about modern contraceptive methods but very few (7%) have ever used them. However, three 1993 studies from India consistently show low levels (below 10%) of sexual activity before marriage among educated urban women. (Srikantia 1989; Kanani 1990; Korah 1991). Most adolescents tend to be blissfully unaware of their own bodies, their health, physical well being and sexuality. This is particularly true of younger adolescent girls. Half the adolescents, aged 12-15 years and residing in rural and urban slum areas, did not know about menstruation until its onset (Rasheed et al., 1978). However, the findings of another study (Bhende, 1994) indicates that young boys exhibit considerable interest in learning about normal sexual behaviour, nocturnal emission and male/female anatomy, masturbation, condoms and sexual satisfaction. The average marriage age of girls in India is 16.7 years with a 2-3 years difference between rural and urban girls (18.7: 16.0 NFHS- 2). It also varies from state to state. Provisional figures of the 2001 census indicate that only 54% females are literate compared to 76% males. According to World Youth Report 1996, the total percentage of girls enrolled at the
22 The world of adolescent girls

secondary level in the 15-19 age group was 38% as compared to 54% boys of the same age. Urban females are twice better off than rural females in literacy. Rural girls constitute 74.1% of all girl students at the primary level. This drops to 30 per cent at the higher secondary level. The rate of adolescent participation in the labour force is relatively high. About one third of adolescents (51% of which were boys and 18% girls) aged 15-19 were reported to be working in 1981 (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, 1993). As usual, these figures grossly underestimate the rate of female economic activity. In terms of domestic work, adolescent girls contribute long hours to the household economy, but their activities are invisible and undervalued since they generate no income. Among the HIV-infected persons, adolescents constitute the largest number, a trend which is likely to continue if appropriate interventions are not made. According to the National Family Health Survey (1992) the knowledge of HIV/AIDS and STD is very low among girls in the age group 13-19. Attitudes towards marriage and sex among adolescents in India continue to be conservative, conforming to the traditional norms that oppose marriage with self-selected partners, social interaction between adolescent boys and girls and premarital sex. Moreover, marriage decisions are rarely discussed with adolescents, particularly girls. There is hardly any data available on their social status and participation in decision-making except that among married girls aged 15-19, autonomous decision-making and freedom of movement is very low, with only 38.6% involved in decisions about their own health care and 86% needing permission to go to the market (NFHS-2). Underlying all this is poverty, negation of adolescence and, above all, the discriminatory socio-cultural values and attitudes, beliefs and practices. It has been reported by UNICEF and WHO that: One out of every six female deaths is caused by gender discrimination and gross neglect. A strong preference for sons leads to the neglect of female children and their mothers. Female foeticide is a growing menace and if the present trend continues, this could cause significant demographic imbalances.
Introduction 23

Scenario in Uttar Pradesh

The social indicators in the most populated state of India, Uttar Pradesh (UP) are dismal. The state has 47.3% women (2001 census), resulting in a sex ratio of 898 women per 1000 men. The birth rate and death rate in the state are invariably higher than the national average. The state has the highest infant mortality rate in India, almost 50% higher than the all-India figures. The life expectancy of women is also lower by 4-5 years as compared to men, contrary to the expected pattern. In UP, every social indicator be it female literacy rate, paid female work force participation, female life expectancy, IMR or MMR shows a fundamental social bias and inequity. The gender disparities in different spheres reveal that women in UP have less access than men to education, health care and food. An average UP womans intake meets only 54% of her caloric requirement. UP ranks lowest in terms of Human Development Index (0.348) and Gender Development Index (0.293). Discrimination against women begins even before they are born and continues during all stages of life. Sex determination and female foeticide are openly practised, incidence of rape, dowry-related deaths, and crimes against women is increasing day by day. Although much of the data is not directly about adolescents, it clearly indicates the poor status of girls in UP against the national average. The adolescent girl still remains a young plant that neither gets light nor water. She remains a flower that could have blossomed but didnt..

Kamala Bhasin from Our Daughters

Dismal Picture
There is hardly any policy in India, which addresses adolescents as such, and protects and promotes their rights. Whatever clauses are included in the different policies, perceive adolescents as instruments, better and responsible parents in the making, instead of healthy actualising adolescents. In the health status reports of Bhore Committee (1946) and Sokhey Committee (1948), recommendations were made for improving the health system in India but there was no reference to the adolescents. Even in the 21st century census (Census 2001), nowhere are adolescents represented as a separate group. In the recently published India
24 The world of adolescent girls

Development Report (2002) by UNDP, as well, there are no data or development indicators for this group. There is no exclusive government policy for adolescents as such, but some of the policies formulated in the past decade do address the problems and needs of adolescents, however minimally, e.g., National Youth Policy, 2000. The policy focuses on the health, nutritional and educational needs of the adolescents, without making adequate allowance for their other significant concerns and needs, related to socio-cognitive development. In the National Population Policy the focus is on adolescent role in determining the family size. Even in National Education Policy several age groups have been mentioned but adolescents do not figure as a separate group for a more focussed approach to their problems. National Health Policy, National Nutrition Policy have focussed on their nutritional needs especially with reference to their role as mothers. In SAARC Decade of Girl Child too, adolescence as a period of growth has been highlighted, but only in the context of safe motherhood, mortality and mean age of marriage.

Research Studies on Indian Adolescents

A review of the work on adolescents in India shows a dearth of research and study material. All that was available was documentation by some NGOs (MAMTA, NIPPCCID, CINI, UNICEF) on their experiences of working with adolescent girls; some articles by feminists, workshop reports or some manuals. The adolescent group has been largely ignored both by the policy makers and the researchers. Meera Chaterjee, in Indian Women from Birth to Twenty sums-up the socialisation of girls using six themes: unwanted, neglected, under-developed, un-developed, used, liability and exploitation. In an evaluative study by NIPCCID the efficacy of the Adolescent Girls Scheme in 10 states was examined. The study laid stress upon strengthening the support group i.e. the adults, especially mothers of adolescent girls by equipping them with relevant knowledge and skills to understand the changing needs of adolescents and the implication of their overall healthy development. MAMTA, an NGO working with adolescents, has emphasised the need to secure participation of adolescents in various programs of health care. At the same time it points to the lack of data available on the role of gender in adolescent health and
Introduction 25