van
ie Koninklijke
~ c d e m i e voor
etenschappen,
Letteren en
hone Kunsten Klasse der Letteren
van Belgie Jaargang 6o, 1998, Nr. 163
In Search of the Truth
Academic Tendencies
in Middle Platonism
Jan Opsomer
Fund for Scientific Research- Flanders (F.vV.O.-Vl.)
1998
Paleis der Academien
Hertogsstraat I
Brussel
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKI'OWLEDGEME:-.'TS
EDITIO:-lS OF CLASSICAL TEXTS- ABBREVIATIONS
Chapter 1 : ACADntiC PHILOSOPHY 1:--J POST-ACADEl\IIC TIMES ............................. 9
I . Academic "scepticism" ........... .... ..... .. .......... ......... .... .. ............. .... ... ... ................. . .
11. Aim and structure of the present study .. ....... .......... ..... ...... ..... ... ...................... 13
I I I. The Academy in Plutarch's day ..... ... .. ........ .. ............... .............. .... .... ..... .... .. .... .
Chapter 2 : lNTERPRETATio:-,;s OF THE TIIEAETETUS ...... ....................... ... .. ... .. ... ... L.t
I. The characterisation of Platonic dialogues ......... .......... .... ...... ........... .. .......... ..
I!. Anonymus in Theactctum
A. Knowledge as the suhject proper of the Theaeteltts ............ ....................... )
B. Academic interpretations of the Theal!tetus .. ...... ...... .............. ... .............. ..
C. "Those from the Academy" ........ ; .. ............. ........ .. ................ ...... ...... .. .... .... .
D. t-.1aicutics ...................... .. ......... ......... ... .. ........................................................ .
E. Pyrrhonism .. ............. .. ...... .... ..... .. ... .. ...... ........ ... ............................ .................. ).)
I. "As it now appears to me" (ol,6-41) ................... ............................... ... 54
2. "Man is the measure of all things" (63, 1-40) ........................................ 56
3. Pyrrho and Pyrrhonism ........................................................................... 5
F. Philosophical allegiances
-Towards a better understanding of Academic "scepticism" .............. ... 58
Ill. Prolegomena in Platonis Philosophiam ................ .......................... ...... ........ .. ..
IV. Plutarch and the Theaetl!fl/S .. .... ............ ....... ...... .. .. ........ .. ............................ .... ..
Chapter 3 : SOCRATES ACADEMICUS ........ .. .... ...................... .. ...................... .... ...... ..
I. Plutarch's defence of Socrates and the Academy in Adl'crsus Colotem ...... S-l
A. Three charges against Socrates related to anti-Academic polemic ......... 84
B. Sensation
C. Colotes' slanderous attack on the "Academic" Socrates ....................... 101
I I.Eigwvcia 105
A. 'Socratic irony'' in Plato?
B. Irony and deception, a theoretical digression .......................................... 11 0
C. Socrates accused of dQwvda ..................................................................... 113
D. Plutarch on "irony" .. - ! ...... .......... .. ........ .... .. .............................. ...... .... .... .. .. 122
Chapter 4 : THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN AND PLATONIC
IN PLUTARCH ................. .. ...................................................................... 127
I. Socratic elenctics: a divine mission? (999C-F) .............................................. 127
A. ou yag yE xat ....................................................... 127
B. Blasphemy? .................................................................................................. 133
C. An internal or external stimulus? Socrates' daimonion ......................... 140
D. Elenctics and catharsis ................................................................................ 145
II. "What loves is blinded about the thing it loves" (1000A-C) .. .................... . 150
A. f('LAaUTta and ;t:aQQl]OLa in De adu!atorc et mfzico ................................. .. 151
B. ln1partiality .. ........... ............ .......................................... ..................... ......... .. 155
C. Serenity .................................................................................. ... ............. ....... 157
Ill. XCH<lAlJ'I'li; or azmaAlPI'ia? ( IOOOCD) .......................................................... 161
A. Second and Third Academic epistemology ....................... ....................... 162
B. Plutarch on the Academic tradition: "scepticism" and religion ............ 171
C. Academic strategies .............................................................. ... ... .. .............. 186
D. xut<'tbpjtu; and Fourth Academic epistemology .............................. .. ..... 190
IV. Anamnesis (IOOODE) ...................... ................................................................. 193
Chapter 5 : FAVORINUS, EPICTETUS AND TilE PLUTARCIIEAN LEGACY .. .......... 213
I. Favorinus and Plutarch: De primo frigidv ............................................. ........
11 . Favorinus Academicus ................................................................... .. ............... .
Ill. Galcn against Favorinus ..... .. .. .. .................................................. .. .................... !..!..!..
IV. A reliable \vitness? ....................................... .. .. ....... .......................................... 226
V. Epictetus against the Academics .................... .. ................................... .. ........ .. 229
VI. Favorinus and "scepticism" .............................................................................. 235
Chapter 6 : MINUCiliS FEJ.IX ACADEMIC: ...... .. ........... ... ....... 2-H
I. l 'he Octaritls ..... .. .... ........................................................................ .. .. .. .............
11. Minucius as a polemicist ....... .. .. .. ................................................... ...................
Ill. A moderated debate- Caecilius' conversion ........................................ .. ...... 246
IV. Traces of Academic "scepticism" ............... ..................................... .... .. ....... .. . 249
V. (Academic) "scepticism" and belief ............................... .. .................... .......... 259
Chapter 7 : AFrER\VORD ...................... .. ........................................... ........................ ..:::oJ
BIULIOGRAPHY ............... ...... .......... .. .. ...... .... .... ... .. .. .. .................... ... ... ............... .. ........ .t..
NEDERLANDSE SAMENVA TTING .... ...................................... ................ ...................... 3vJ
INDICES ........ .......... ............................... .. ..... ........................................ ... ... .................... 3
j
J
- -----
ACKNOWLEDGEl\IENTS
First of all I like to thank my successive supervisors over the years under
whom my research on the present subject has been conducted: Prof. Dr. M.
Pinnoy, Prof. Dr. L. Van der Stockt and Prof. Dr. C. Steel. I have always
considered it a great privilege and a great joy to work with them and to profit
from their generous and kind advice. I feel greatly obliged to Prof. Steel, who
has carefully read my manuscript and made extremely valuable suggestions
to improve it. I have also benefited tremendously from discussions with
colleagues at the De \Vulf-Mansion Centre of the Leuven Institute of
Philosophy, the Leuven Department of Classical Studies, and especially its
Section of Greek Philology, the Institute of Classical Studies London and
King's College London (and in particular Prof. Dr. R. Sorabji). I also thank
these institutions for their hospitality. My gratitude goes to all my friends in
Belgium and abroad, who encouraged me through their moral support and
their stimulating and helpful comments. For shortcomings that may remain
I am sokly responsible.
Two scholarships awarded successively by the K. U.Leuven
Onder::.oeksraad and the Fund for Scientific Research - Flanders (F. W. 0.-
V/aanderen) have enabled me to complete this monograph. I gratefully
acknowledge their confidence and financial support. I am deeply indebted to
the Krminklijke Academie \'Oor Wetensclzappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten
\'all Belgii_; for undertaking the task of publishing the present volume.
It is also a pleasant duty to extend thanks to Peter Van Dessel for having
meticulously and expertly checked the English of my running text, and
Marvin Dubois and Tania Gcrgel for additional help with the English. I
thank iv1ichicl Van den Bosch en Anne Braem for the copy-editing and
technical assistance.
Finally I wish to dedicate this book to my parents, sister and grandmother.
Leuven, De \Vulf-Mansion Centre
October 1996, March 1998 J.O.
, ..
.llrli.
EDITIONS OF CLASSICAL TEXTS- ABBREVIAT!OL'tS
The editions of Greek texts which I use are- unless indicated otherwise- those
included in: Luci Berkowitz - Karl A. Squitier, Thesaurus Linguae Graccae.
Cmwn of Greek Authors allll Works, Second Edition, New York - Oxford,
1986. References usually follow the system used for the CD R0,\1 #D
Thesaurus Linguae Graecae of the Packard Humanitks Institute, Irvine,
California. For Albinus' Pro/ogus the edition of NUsser ( 1991) has been used,
for Maxim us of Tyre the edition of Trapp ( 1994). Favorinus has been quoted
from the collection of fragments euited by Barigazzi (1966) . The same edition
has also been used for Galen's De optima doctrina. The line numbers for
(Aicinous) Didaskalikos are those of Whittaker - Louis 1990; Stobaeus is
quoteu accoruing to the volume, page and line numbers of the Wachsmuth-
Hense edition. Plutarch's Li\es are referred to accoruing to the chapter and
section inuications in the Teubner edition.
Titles of periodicals arc abbreviateu as in L 'annee philo/ogiqw:; other abbrevi-
ations can be founu in my bibliography. "L" followed by a number stands for
items of the Lamprias-cataloguc, an ancient list of works attributeu to Plutarch
(ed. SanJbach llJ69a): e.g. L7 = 'EmtflELvtim)u; xui :Lxl:t:t(J)V.
--------
CHAPTER 1
ACADE:\llC PHILOSOPHY IN POST-ACADEl\llC TI;\IES
I. ACADEMIC ' ' SCEPTICIS7\!''
The Hellenistic New Academy was characterised by its particular interest in
epistemology. It questioned the reliability of sensory perception, stressed the ,
limits of human knowledge in general, and particularly in religious and
metaphysical matters .. For this reason the so-called New Academy is
commonly labelled sceptic. In the traditional and still widely accepted
interpretation of the history of Platonic philosophy these sceptical
tendencies came to an end with Antiochus of Ascalon, who- returning to the
Old-Academic spiritbut also mixing Platonic with extraneous, mainly Stoic,
elements- inaugurated Middle Platonism
1
By the time of Plutarch the New
Academic, i.e. sceptical, tendencies are supposed to have disappeared
almost completely from the philosophical scene as far as Platonism is
concerned. No more than a fev ..', negligible traces of this sceptical tendency
arc said to have survived. According to the same historiographical tradition
New Academism was replaced by a philosophy as deeply religious as
Platonism was meant to be from the beginning. The Delphic priest Plutarch
came to be considered the incarnation of this new religious elan. This view
implies that the New Academy lacked this religious spirit entirely, that it was
in fact anti-religious.
The traditional interpretation of the history of the Hellenistic Academy
and of the Platonism of the Early Empire has, to a large extent, been
determined by E. ZELLER's monumental history of Greek philosophy: Die
Philosoplzie der Griechen in ihrer geschicllllichcn Entwicklwzg (the first
edition of the volume(s) dealing with Nacharistotelische Plzilosophie was
1
See e.g. ZINTZE)'; 1981; D! STEFANO 198-l; but also DILLON 1977 (p. 43: "( .. . ]the sceptical
tradition has no place in Middle Platonism"). It should be noted that DILLON considerably
modified his view in later publications, esp. since his article Self-Definition in Later Platonism
(1982. see esp. p. 60-69) . Sec also DILL0:"-11985. His 1977 monograph on the Middle Platonists,
where the dominating idea is Antiochus' doctrinal restoration of Platonism, remains the
standard work, In his afterward to the second, revised edition (London, 1996)
D!LLO:-.t reassesses the question (esp. p. 422-423). but does not elaborate a positive account of
Academic influences. As this new edition was not yet available at the time that I was
writing the bulk of the present monograph. I have been unable to discuss all modifications to
earlier views made by the author. _...
11\,
10 CHAPTER 1
published as early as 1852). This German scholar, inspired by HEGEL's
speculative method, developed- or rather canonised
2
- the schemes through
which the history of Hellenistic and early Imperial Platonism were to be
interpreted for generations of scholars to come. ZELLER was the first to
claim a scientific status for the study of ancient philosophy. and it was this
claim together with the erudite elaboration of his work that contributed a
great deal to its success and far-reaching innuence. His ideal of Philosophie-
gcsclzichte consisted in a combination of the scientific and the philosophicaP.
The latter supplied the a priori by means of which the source-
material (the result of the scientific exploration of the sources) could be
interpreted. In retrospect it now seems that through these schemes many
elements and presuppositions from the philosophical debates of ZELLER's
own time have been projected onto the history of Greek philosophy
5
. At any
rate, ZELLER and his disciples treated the terms dogmatism and scepticism
as universal categories, whereas, in fact, their usage was to a large extent
determined by the nineteenth-century context
0
Since the early seventies, scholars of ancient philosophy have shown an
increasing interest in ancient scepticism, Pyrrhonist and Academic alike
7
On closer analysis Hellenistic scepticism turned out to be much richer, more
complex and less homogeneous than had been presumed: between the
different generations in the so-called New or sceptical Academy (Arccsilaus,
Carneades, Philo of Larissar<. significant differences could be found. As
1
for the "prehistory" of the schemes am] conceptions useu by ZELLER see SCII:"EIDER 19{_}0,
who cnueavours to establish "cinc Arch;iologic uer l'hilosophiegcschichtc", n:fcrring to
fouc,\ULT's conception of archt;ologic.
1
Cf. ZI'! .LER I 1'\4-t, p. So; I XXX. p. 415.
CL ZFLL.ER 1X44, p. X7-<JO; IX99, p. 572. Sec also SCIIOLTZ 1979. p. 2XIJ-311.
Cf. Lo;-.:c; 1995, p. IJ3S; ALBRECHT 1<JIJ5. esp. p. 957-963.
h One may compare , e.g., HIRZEL l \) 12. p. X-10; 192: I IJ5; DE f-A YE I 1923. p. H6-S7 : "Plus de
vcritc ahsolue. L'assaut fut si rude que k uogmatisme en fut fortemcnt cbranlc. mais il ne fut
ruinc. [ ... J L'csprit hurnain all fond rcpugne a l'incertain. done au sccpticisme. Tot ou tard
il en n:vient. reaction eta it ir,cvitabk." In this contt:xt DE fA YE refers to ZELLER (p. 88).
7
One may compare WEISCHE's complaint (1961. p. 11 note 8) about the relative lack of
interest in ancient scepticism with the bibliography compiled by MISURI (1990) for the years
Indeed. this bibliography is approximately equal in length to that compiled by
f-ERRARIA and SANTESE (19H1) for the years 1880-1978. As is apparent from the tatters'
chronological survey (p. 846-848). there was already a considerable increase in the number of
publications from the sixties onwards. This scholarly interest is paralleled by a "sceptical''
renoll\'t:att in contcmporary philosophy: cf. STRIKER 1981. p. 153.
x For a succinct but accurate survey of the "Protagonists" of the Hellenistic polemic, and for
the main themes and positions, cf. SEDLEY 1980: Lo;o.;G - SEDLEY I/11 1987. For a critical
survey of the various views concerning the philosophical sources of Academic scepticism. see
KRAI\IER 1971. p. 5-13. KRAli.IER's own hypothesis (p. 14-58), howcver, focusing on the
dialectical tradition within the Academy, is too rigorous in its rejection of other views- he
excludes, in particular, the influence of Platonic dialogues on the development of the New
Academy. Sec also GLUCKER 1978, p. 33-35 note 79.
ACADEMIC PHILOSOPHY IN POST-ACADEMIC TIMES 11
soon as more attention was paid to the polemical context of the Hellenistic
debates, and scholars focused on the way Platonists defined their own
position in a polemical confrontation with other schools and against the
background of the history of Platonism, it became clear that it might be
rather unfortunate and misleading to label Academic philosophy as
.. scepticism" without further qualification. According to recent insights, the
New Academics attacked the technicalities of the Stoic and Epicurean
systems, rather than the possibility of cognition and knowledge as such'l. The
Stoic notion of xm:a/.lp!JL, "apprehension", was met by the Academic
a%etTet).tppia, .. inapprehensibility"; the Academic n:ozti. "suspension of
judgment" (or: suspension of assent"), was in fact the reversal of the Stoic
OU'{%ctTc'n1wt;, "assent''. The Academics actually borrowed the
concept from their opponents in order to destroy the Stoics' own episte-
mology. The dialectical positions taken up by the Academics in the course of
the debate should therefore not he regarded as their own views, but were
often meant to be merely ad hominem
10
Scholars argued that the terms ''dogmatism" and "scepticism" are not the
most appropriate terms to characterise the opposition between the Stoics
and Epicureans on the one hand, and the (New) Academics on the other. In
any case. they were most probably not the terms in which the participants in
the Hellenistic epistemological debate defined their own position. Neither
Acadcmic
11
nor Pyrrhonian scepticism ever doubted the existence of an
objective reality or truth
12
Moreover, their philosophy did not have the
moral overtones the moderns believed it to have: it was not directed against
morality or religion, but merely questioned excessive Stoic claims to a
rational and systematic knowledge in these domains.
Cf. l<JS), p. 7.
1
'
1
Cf. COUISSI:"i 1929a; 192%: STRIKER p. 57; 62. Recently IOPPOLO (1986, p. 57-60;
65) and (198X, p. 101-103) have argued that this aspect has been overemphasised in
the new- already orthodox"- interpretation. However, their interprt:tation has in turn
challenged by- among others- LEVY (1990; l<J93a; 1993b). Cf. infra (eh. 4. Ill. A) for this
discussion.
11
As explicitly by Cicero !\cad. 1173: "nos, qui veri esse aliquid non negamus. percipi
posse negamus."
t: Cf. BtJR;o.;YEAT 1980. esp. p. 22; SEDLEY 19S3, esp. p. 10; FREDE 1984. esp. p. 255;
WILLIA:"-.IS 1988, p. 547; 583-56. Howcvcr. not all scholars are abreast of recent developments
in this domain; e.g. CHATZILYSA:"'DROS (1970, p. 9): "Die Skepsis ist ein Ausdruck des
Zweifcls Uber die Existenz dcr objektiven Welt". The author treats "'scepticism" as a universal
concept (ibic/.): "Die ersten skeptischcn Aul3erungcn wurzeln in den ersten Werken des
griechischcn Geistes". Also BRUNSCHWIG (1988, p. 145-147) and LAURSEN (1992, p. 16; p.
27) preservc the universal antithetical relation between scepticism and dogmatism. LAURSEN
does not take into account the terms in which the ancient sceptics defined their own position,
which allows him to make the misleading generalisation (p. 8) "'[ ... ] ancient skepticism was
more of an anti-philosophy than a philosophy." One may also compare LACHENAUD 1993. p.
31.
12 CHAPTER 1
In Hellenistic times was not a technical term denoting the New
Academic or Pyrrhonist school. The Academics definitely did not view their
own position as sceptic:
[ .. . ] before the first century BC philosophers did not view themselves, or their
objectives, in the light of the familiar "sceptic-dogmatic" dichotomy, simply
because the terms "sceptic" and "dogmatic" had not yet acquired the deter-
minate senses we find in later writers such as Sextus Empiricus.
(STOUGH 1987, p. 222)
Indeed, so-called scepticism did not object to as such, nor did the
latter term initially refer to the infallibility or unquestionability of
knowledge. One could assent perfectly to even a '' sceptic" could
give a weak, moderate, or non-epistemic assent - without therefore being
"dogmatic" in the sense the word has in modern languages
13
A more
appropriate way to characterise the philosophy of the Ne\v Academy- and
more in tune with its self-image - is to call it "aporetic" or even better
"zctctic" L': never satisfied with the obvious answers. the Academics
undertook a continuing and open-minded search for trllllz.
Only later, with authors as Sextus Empiricus, did terms like and
receive their technical meaning
10
For later "sceptics", Platonists
and Pyrrhonists alike, it became extremely important to determine whether
or not the different members of the Academy did subscribe to and
whether they could be rightfully called sceptics
17
It may further be noted
that none of our main sources is unbiased in this respect: for Cicero
1
s, as well
as for Sextus Empiricus or Numenius, the question who was to be considered
a "sceptic" or "aporetic" was related to the legitimation of their own
philosophical position
1
'
1
Sextus Empiricus projected the antithesis sceptic-
dogmatic onto the past. His interpretation - though basically anachronistic
and
Cf. Gellius 11,5,6; Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. 1,7. Compare, e.g., Cic. l/ortell5ius frg. 107 Grilli
( = August. Contra A cad. 1,7).
Cf. STRIKER 1980, p. 5-l note 1; BARNES 1982, p. 6-12 (with the notes p. 22-27); T ARRA"-'T
1985, p. 25.
17
Cf. STOUGH 1987. p. 224.
Cf. Gcllius 11,5,6 : Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. 1/yp. 1.7. Compar..:, e.g., Cic./lortl'mius frg. 107 Grilli
(==August. Contra Amd. 1,7).
In Cf. STRIKER 1980, p. 5-l note 1: BARNES 1982, p. 6-12 (with the notes p. 22-27);
1985, p. 25.
1
7
Cf. STOUG!-1 1987, p. 22-l.
1x Cf. Lo:-.:G- SEDLEY I 1987, p. 4.t9.
For the ancients the very fact of subdividing th..: history of the Academy already implied
criticism: cf. Numo.:nius ('?) ap. Eusch. Praep. e1. 14,4,13-16 (not included in DES PLACES'
collection of fragments: hut compare frg. 24 DES PLACES 1973): Cic. Acad. I 13: 4o (cf.
GLUCKER 1988. p. 50 note 53): sec also LEVY 1992, p. 11 note 8: GLUCKER 1978, p. 3-t5:
DbRRIE 1987, p. 391.
22
The question whether the New Academic interpretation of Socrates and Plato is justified
is treated by WOODRUFF 1986; LESHER 1987: ANNAS 1992: LEVY 1993b, p. 256. See also
FREDE 1992 (esp. p. 211 ; 215-216). It appears to be th..: cnse that the scepticism-dogmatism
dichotomy does not allow of an approprinte characterisation of Pinto' s own position either;
see AN:-; As 1981, p. 193 ("knowledge is not opposed to scepticism"): 200 ("Here ngain we see
how different are Plato's requirements on knowledge from our post-Cartesian ones. He finds
it naturn1 to think of knowledge as coming in degrees which vary with the intelligibility of its
object; and this is because he is not thinking of knowledge as the result of excluding sceptical
doubt"): 212 ("We have already seen that Plato's search for knowledge is not the post-
Cartesian search for a state immune to sceptical doubt. Rather it is a search for
understanding") .
23
On the overall value of TARRANT"s work see RIST 1986: STOUGH 1987; IOPPOLO 1989
(critical): GLUCKER 1989 (a r'eply to TARRANT"s crit icism of GLUCKER's 1978 monograph).
,
14 CHAfYTER 1
important than has hitherto been supposed. His surmise is that it was even
more important for Middle Platonism than Antiochus' .. Stoicising"
Platonism
2
-t. According to the commonly held view, however, Middle
Platonism, as a theological philosophy, remains fundamentally different
from New Academic attitudes and activities. This vie\v will be challenged in
the present study.
As long as Academic philosophy is equated with .. sceptic'' and this is
taken to imply uncompromising hostility to metaphysics and religion. one is
not likely to go and look for Academic tendencies in Middle Platonism. If
Middle Platonists have one thing in common, then it may well be the
endeavour to develop a systematic interpretation of the whole of Platonic
philosophy with full emphasis on its metaphysical and religious character.
But since scholars have come to acknowledge that (Hellenistic) Academism
does not necessarily imply an anti-metaphysical nor an anti-religious
attitude, the possibility of an Academic influence on Middle Platonism, or
rather on some strands of this heterogeneous and variegated complex, is no
longer ruled out a priori.
I shall not proceed by isolating New Academic thcmes in ordcr to oppose
thcm to dogmatic or metaphysical Platonism, for thc simplc reason that
doing so would mcan the imposing of dichotomies which are too rigid and
hardly suitable for the kind of Platonism that I want to study. Nor shall I
restrict the scope of the present monograph to problcms that arc purely
epistemological: such a research would not yield a rich harvest , I fear;
morcovcr it is bound to miss essential aspects of thc Acadcmic awareness in
Platonism.
It is my purpose to show that the New Academic spirit continued to exert
some influencc over Platonism after Antiochus. There was at least an
important current in Middle Platonism that refused to postulate a
discrepancy bet\vecn Academic philosophy and religion. In the self-image of
thcir tradition, these Platonists did consider the history of the Academy as
T ARRAST 1985 (Scepticism or Platoni.un? Tlte Philosophy of the Fourth Academy) p. 5-6;
13; 135 et passim; sec also GLUCKER 1978. p. 379; 1980, p. 57-58. Antiochus ddense of
sensory perception is hardly reconcilable with the Platonic antithesis between the Platonic
Forms and the sensible world, to which the Heraclitean flux-theory applies (cf. Plut. De E
392A-E). Moreover. Antiochus denial of the transcendence of the active principle (n'>
;roto0v) over the material. passive principle (to rdwxov) would be unacceptable to Middle
Platonists. Cf. LEVY 1992, p. 553-554; see also 00RRIE 1987, p. 477-482; FLADERER 1996, p.
80; 87; 94-100. But perhaps TARRANT has exaggerated Philo of Larissas significance. Cf.
GORLER 1994, p. 932-934. LEVY ( 1992, 51; 1993b. p. 155 note 64) rightly points out that
neither Philo nor Antiochus - taken separately - can be held to have established the
philosophical foundations for the whole of Middle Platonism. Therefore I think that any
"rcductionist" interpretation should be dismissed in this matter. One may also compare the
views of RUNIA 1986, p. 46-49.
. "'.V+ . . !P',.L..Si gwc. :1
- --- __.
ACADEMIC PHILOSOPHY IN POST-ACADEMIC TII\IES 15
fundamentally unitarian and not in the least anti-religious. It is my hunch
that the latter view may not have been that far from the truth. C. LEVY
( 1993b) has recently argued that Platonism never- not even during its so-
called sceptical phase- renounced its Platonist religious aspirations. At any
rate, the reconstruction of the history of their "school" appears to belong
inextricably to the core of the Academics' philosophical activity.
Can New Academic themes be shown to be also present in the Platonism
of the Early Empire, and if so, how did Platonists sympathetic to this
tradition deal with the Academic legacy? Did they display an Academic
awareness in their own philosophy? And how did they interpret the history
of Platonism, and more in particular the relation between the New Academy
and the philosophy of Plato as they themselves interpreted it? In order to
find answers to these questions I shall examine a cluster of texts related to
this issue: the anonymous commentary on the Theaetetus; the testimonies
concerning the classific'ation systems developed to divide and subdivide the
Corpus Platonicum; the Ncoplatonic Prolegomena in Platonis philosophiam,
which appears to reflect important aspects of Middle Platonic issues; Galen's
account of the polemic between Favorinus of Arelate and Epictetus; and the
anti-Academic polemic of the Christian Minucius Felix. The single most
important author in this respect, however, is undoubtedly Plutarch of
Chaeronca. Not only is he a distinguished representative of Middle
Platonism, of whom a considerable body of writings has survived; above all,
in his works may be discerned a constant preoccupation with the history of
Platonic philosophy, and a concern to define his own position and his
interpretations of Plato in relation to it. Plutarch makes an honest effort to
combine harmoniously Platonic with "Academic" themes. This is most
obvious in his anti-Stoic and anti-Epicurean tracts, in his treatises on Delphic
religion. in his works dealing with natural science", and also in his exegesis
of Plato, as will be shown. The text I have chosen as a kind of Leitmotiv of
the present study is his first Quaestio Platonica, which is a complex of various
themes all in some way related to issues raised by the New Academics. I will
take this text as a starting point for the study of other Plutarchean texts, and
as a point of reference, in order to elucidate the polemic on the philosophical
legacy of Socrates, his divine sign, the interpretation of the Theaetellts,
"elenctics", aporetics", the search for truth ("zetetics"), and anamnesis.
Through the latter concept Plutarch seeks to link Academic epistemological
views to Platonist metaphysics, psychology and epistemology, as I shall
endeavour to show. Starting from the first Quaestio Platonica and following
its themes through the rest of Plutarch's corpus, I shall examine the texts
which are most relevant to our purpose.
16 CHAPTER 1
In the second chapter I shall examine the philosophical significance of
Plato's Theaetellls in the polemic raised by the New Academy, dealing first
(eh. 2, I) with the general way in which Platonists applied labels to the
dialogues of Plato (which can only be understood from the perspective of the
issues raised by the New Academy), and then with the divergent Middle
Platonic Theaetellls interpretations, as evidenced (eh. 2, 11) in the
anonymous commentary, (eh. 2, Ill) in the anonymous Prolegomena in
P/atonis philosophiam, and (eh. 2, IV) in the work of Plutarch. The third
chapter is devoted to the attacks levelled at the most important of the New
Academics' alleged predecessors, viz. Socrates, and to the way in which the
Academic interpretation of Socrates was defended in Middle Platonism.
This is evidenced by Plutarch's defence of Socrates and the Academy,
especially in the anti-Epicurean treatise Adrerstts Colotem (eh. 3, 1). Special
attention will be devoted to some notions that were crucial to these contro-
versies, viz. and Eigwvdn (eh. 3, I. C and 11).
The issues examined in the second and third chapters are essential to a
good understanding of the first Quaestio Platonica, which is analysed in the
fourth and central chapter. There I shall deal successively with the themes of
the four sections of the Quaestio, focused on the themes of Socrates'
elcnctics (eh. 4, 1), f(-lt.autta as an obstruction to the search for truth (eh. 4,
11), the debate on the possibility of "apprehension" (eh. 4, Ill), and the
Platonic doctrine of recollection (eh. 4, IV), respectively. The third of the
aforesaid sections (eh. 4, Ill) will allow us a closer look at Plutarch's
allegiance to the Academic tradition in general. The fifth chapter is devoted
to some post-Piutarchean traces of the same polemic. First I shall examine
the way in which Favorinus, Plutarch' s friend and probably at some time his
pupil
2
\ defined his own position as an Academic, in confrontation with the
Stoic Epictetus. Presumably Favorinus is defending Plutarch, whom he
clearly considered an Academic as well, against Stoic attacks. The final
chapter deals with the anti-Academic polemic in the dialogue Ocrmius by
the Christian author l\linucius Felix, in which the Socratic and "zetetic"
character of Academic philosophy is emphasised. It is plausible that
Minucius was alluding to issues of his day.
To recapitulate, I shall argue my thesis that the questions raised by the
New Academics had not yet completely lost their interest in Middle Platonic
times and that some Middle Platonists were rather sympathetic to the New
Academy, by referring mainly to
the works of Plutarch (including some texts of dubious authenticity in
the Corpus Plwarcheum ),
25
This chapter will also contain a discussion of Plutarch's De prima frigido , which he
dedicated to Favorinus (eh. 5. I) .
'
r.:.:
,
ACADEMIC PHILOSOPHY 1:--.1 POST-ACADEMIC TIMES
the anonymous commentary on the Theaetetus,
the evidence on Favorinus,
17
some evidence from the anonymous Prolegomena in Platonis philo-
sophiam and from several other Neoplatonic works insofar as they con-
tain Middle Platonic material,
the various sources on the development of the diaeretic classification
system for the Corpus Platonicwn (Diogenes Laertius, Albinus' Pro/o-
gus and other sources),
the evidence on Middle Platonic devotion to the Socratic ideal of philo-
sophy and support for its Academic interpretation,
and finally Minucius Felix's Octmius.
A quick glance at this list already reveals that not all Middle Platonists figure
in it. It is not my intention to present a systematic, comprehensive and
complete survey of Middle Platonism - but then it is not my claim that
Aca-demic tendencies pervade the whok of Middle Platonism, and still less
that !\-fiddle Platonism as such would be essentially "Academic" in nature.
Middle Platonism was not a unified philosophical movement; it is merely a
term coined by scholars to cover various philosophers and texts which can
more or kss be dated to the same period. Most of the Middle Platonists arc
merely names to us. About their philosophical practice and doctrines we do
not know much. The little we do know we owe mainly to later authors who
were only interested in specific doctrinal aspects.
What about the authors and texts that will not receive separate treatment
in the present monograph? Let us first turn to a major Middle Platonic text ,
the Didaska/ikos (also known as Epirume), by Alcinous. J. FREUDENTHAL' s
thesis ( 1879) that this handbook is to be attributed to Albinus has been
convincingly refuted by J. Most scholars now agree that the
author of the Didaskalikos is not to be identified with
Although it
is perhaps not rurally implausible that he was the author of this handbook of .
Platonic doctrine, I think it is safer to keep both texts separated and to cite
the Didaskalikos under the name which figures in our manuscripts: that of
the otherwise unknown Alcinous. In the notes I refer many times to the
Didaskalikos, but I have nonetheless decided not to give it any extensive
16
Cf. WHITTAKER 1974: WHITTAKER- LOUIS 1990, p. VII -XIII.
17
Cf. Do:-;n ..a 1990, p. 80; 88: DILLON 1993. The omts probandi li es indisputably with those
who want to sec! the ascription 'A).xtvom. in Parisinus gr. 1962 and Vindobonensis gr. 314 (our
earliest manuscripts) , both at the beginning and at the end of the text, changed into 'AA.Bivou.
It is therefore methodologically incorrect to require "posit ive Beweise gegen die Verfasser-
identitat"' , as NOSSER (1991, p. 218) does. NOSSER (p. 210-223) has tried to breathe new life
into FREUDENTHAL's thesis, but see 1995. p. 615; MANSFELD 1994, p. 82 note 136:
p. 84 note 137.
18 CHAPTER 1
treatment. The reason for this is simply that its philosophical style is
definitely un-Academic. Of course it was a a collection of
doctrines that has a complex scholastic tradition behind it, and perhaps one
should not expect to find an aporctic approach here. On the other hand. had
the author been interested in Academic themes, he could easily have added
a treatment of New Academic strategies or tenets or even have interspersed
his survey of doctrines with critical and "sceptical" qualifications. He has
done nothing of that. Nonetheless, here and there the text bears traces of
controversies raised by the New Academy. I will, for instance, refer to the
use the author makes of the Tlzeaetetus when explaining Platonist episte-
In any event, the mere existence of texts of this type should warn us not
to exaggerate claims regarding New Academic tendencies in Middk
Platonism. Surely not all the Platonists of those times would agree to being
called Academics or even concede having New Academic sympathies, rather
to the contrary. On the other hand, one should not be tempted to rule out
too rashly the possibility of such sympathies when evidence is lacking. The
nature of our sources - their scholastic or doxographic character, for
instance, or the different interests of Neoplatonists- may in some cases have
been responsible for this lack of evidence.
Let us take the example of Taurus: we simply do not know enough of his
work to infer that the nature of his philosophy was utterly ''dogmatic" (or
even "eclectic", for that matter), or at kast not more so than Plutarch's. It
would be fairly easy to select a number of excerpts from the Corpus
Plutarchcum- compile a sort of anthology, as it were- in order to create the
impression of a similar scholasticism- which in the case of Plutarch would be
a false perception. From the scanty evidence on Taurus we get the
impression that he was quite close to Plutarch in several
But it is
impossible to determine with a reasonable degree of certainty whether the
New Academic tradition was of any significance to him, or to rule out that he
endorsed an Academically fashioned epistemology.
Another reasonably well-known Middle Platonist is Atticus. Our view of
his philosophical position is limited by our sources: what we possess are
mainly fragments of a polemical tract against Aristotelian strands in
Platonism and some information, provided by Proclus, on his allegedly
heretic interpretation of the Timaeus (in this context he is cited together with
Plutarch). There are no signs that Atticus inclined towards an Academic
ex Perhaps an instructional manual for teachers: cf. DILLON 1993, p. xiii-xiv.
This view attaches too much value to Cicero's statement (De nat. dear. 1,1 1): "ut haec in
philosophia ratio contra omnia disserendi nullamque rem aperte iudicandi profecta a Socrate
repetita ab Arcesila confirmata a Carneade usque ad nos tram viguit aetatem; quam nunc
prope modum orbam esse in ipsa Graecia intelkgo."
- --:-ll"""""-_;,. t .'t\. "" - o;: "C'"
. 1
ACADEMIC PHILOSOPHY 1:--J POST-ACADEMIC TIMES
21
But before bringing this first, introductory, chapter to a close, I must
broach the issue of the instruction Plutarch repeatedly claims to have
received in the Academy. His claim may seem a little surprising, for the
scholarly world has come to acknowledge that by Plutarch's time the
Academy had disappeared as an organised institution.
Ill. THE ACADEMY IN PLUTARCH'S DAY
The renewed study of ancient scepticism has entailed the questioning of a
number of long-standing quasi-certainties. In his epoch-making book
Alllioclws and the Late Academ_v (1978) J. GLLJCKER challenged many deep-
rooted convictions which in fact often prove to be based on amazingly weak
grounds. \Vhile investigating the institutional aspects of the Academic
tradition he dealt also with the presumed sceptical tendencies in Plutarch's
work. GLUCKER (1978, p. 260-262; 270) points out that Plutarch's c:ruvre
exhibits conspicuous traces of sceptical arguments and argumentation
strategies, most notably so in the polemical treatises against Stoicism and
Epicureanism (yet Plutarch, remaining essentially a Platonist, cannot be
considered a "real sceptic" according to GLUCKER). But then one is faced
with the inescapable question where Plutarch underwent this sceptical
influence. The most obvious answer seems to be that Plutarch, after having
attended the courses of Ammonius for some time, joined the (still sceptical)
Academy, where he would soon learn the principles of caution and healthy
sccpsis.;
0
This at least is the picture suggested by texts such as De E 387F, De
def or. 431 A and De sera num. 549E.
Howcvcr, this explanation is unacceptable in GLLJCKER's opinion: it is
precisely the main thesis of his book that by the time of Plutarch the
Academy had ceased to exist as a philosophical institution, i.e. an organised
philosophical community that could legitimately claim to be the contin-
uation of Plato's Old Academy. This view, which is in fact the elaboration of
John LYNCH's thesis (1972, p. 54-67; 177-189), is now in its essence
commonlyH accepted by those who are familiar-1
2
with it.
If one accepts that Ammonius was not a scholarch. that is: cf. GLUCKER 1978, p. 263. If he
had been a scholarch, then of course Plutarch would have learned his scepsis from Ammonius,
i.e. in the Academy (this is HIRZEL's view: !I 1895, p. 124). But at this stage of his book
GLUCKER is convinced to have presented conclusive evidence that Ammonius was not a
scholarch and that he was not even related to the Academy (cf. p. 124-134).
E.g. DILLON 1982, p. 66; 1988b, p. 358 ("what we are dealing with in the period after about
SO B.C. is no more than a series of individual teachers, in various centres"); 1982, p.
45; T 1985, p. 4 ("It must be noted that I do not postulate survival of any continuous
Academic school during this period, or even of any continuous oral tradition, certainly not a
highly developed one."): LEVY 1993b, p. 139-140; BABUT 1991, p. 4: 1994c, p. 554.
Surprisingly, a number of scho!ars who may be supposed to be specialists in the field of
ancient philosophy, do not seem to have ever heard of it or prefer to ignore it.
24
CHAPTER l
became prominent only many years later
51
DONINI, refusing to accept
GLUCKER's interpretation, argues that the text of De E does not imply that
Plutarch was already Ammonius' pupil before his entry in the Academy. The
dramatic date of De E according to is the moment at which
Ammonius visited Delphi and met the young Plutarch. Only later did the
latter go to Athens in order to become Ammonius' pupil, or, in other words,
to "join the Academy", i.e. the private school of Ammonius, who took pride
in so naming his private seminars
52
But DONINI's interpretation is not quite satisfactory either. It has been
challenged by D. BABUT, who rightly remarks that Ammonius everywhere
else in Plutarch's large ccuvre is unambiguously described as the author's
teacher and that it would be rather unlikely that De E formed an exception 5
3
:
both Plutarch and Lamprias were therefore Ammonius' pupils at the time of
the dramatic date of De E. But, according to BABUT, Plutarch's words do not
necessarily imply that his entry in the Academy chronologically followed the
phase during which he applied himself to mathematics: they could also mean
that Plutarch, once admitted to the Academy, gradually tempered his
enthusiasm for mathematics. BABUT goes on to explain that P\utarch at De
E 3X7F does not describe two succeeding phases of his philosophical
development, but distinct moments within the same mathematics
being part of his education, Plutarch at first did not know how to deal with it
properly. i.e. to assign to this fascinating science its proper place - and
nothing more - in his whole conception of reality. According to B:\BUT,
Plutarch received his education in Ammonius' school in
a school
which he called "Academy", although it could not kgitimatcly claim to be
the institutional heir to Plato's school in a continuous line of descent.
GLUCKER 197X. p. 2(]0; 2o3; 271270.
':: Do:--<1:-.;1 19S(Jb, p. lOS-110 ; sec also I3ATITGAZZORE 1992. note 13 p. 51.
I3MIUT llJIJ.k, p. 559. I shall not here go into I3.\13UT's more fundamental criticism of
interpretation of Plutarch. which is based on BABlJT's suspicion that plays
down the sceptical character of his philosophy. By stressing the Platonic character of
Plutarch's epistemological reflections. DONINI may indeed give this impression, although he
does not deny that much of Plutarch's vocabulary, concepts and reasonings in this respl.!ct
stem from the Nl.!w Academy. Cf. infra: p. 216-221.
BA BUT 1991. p. 6-9; 199-k, p. 556-557; 561. One may also compare DILLON 1988b, p. 359:
"Piutarch. as a new member of 'the Acadl.!my'. has not at this stagl.! (66-67 A.D.) yet
moderated his vouthful enthusiasm for it."
55 One may DILLON 1979. p. 66: "Piutarch refers to himself once as 'joining the
Acadl.!my' [ .. . ]. but since this is the only possible reference to the Academy as a living
institution in this whole period I am inclined to interpret the phrase mdaphorically, as
meaning simply 'became a Platonist' - or a more orthodox Platonist - as opposed to an
enthusiast for Pythagorean number-mysticism. as he portrays himself at this time. If he joined
a material Acadl.!my, than [sic] I suggest it was no more than Ammonius' school, which seems
to have been a fairly simple foundation."
ACADEMIC PHILOSOPHY IN POST-ACADEMIC TIMES 25
However, Plutarch from the outset considered himself a follower of Plato
and of the Academy56.
I am prepared to endorse BABUT's interpretation, though it is not yet
ckar whether other Platonists as well chose to apply the name "Academics"
to themselves, nor whether the designation '"Academy" was universally
accepted in Plutarch's time. To these questions I will later return, but already
nO\v I would like to mention an interesting suggestion by H. TARRANT,
notably that there was an obvious choice available to these Platonists: they
might claim to be Academic or they might prefer to be called Pythagorean.
[ ... ] it is reasonable to suppose that Platonic scholars devoted to the Socratic
element in Plato, even though they may have seen much probability in the
Pythagorizing elements, would naturally have tendend to describe themselves
as .. Academics ... while those who were opposed to the New Academicism in
any form (particularly -if they had seen Pythagorean influence on Socrates as
well as Plato) would have regarded themselves as "Pythagoreans".
19S5, p. 130)57
It was thus possible to invoke the authority connected with the name of the
Academy as part of the legitimation of one's own philosophical position. But
TARRA:-;T's assumption (1985, p. 134) that Plutarch and Ammonius are not
to be counted among those who took pride in the title .of ''Academics",
because of the negative ring supposedly associated with the term by their
time. is not supported by the evidence; on the contrary, it is inconsistent with
-among other De E 387F.
At any rate. Ammonius' "school" appears to have been a fairly small-
scale enterprise; he probably ran the school in his own house. From
Plutarch's account
5
'
1
we get the impression of about a dozen students, at
it
is far more important than the subdivision of the "zetetic" species.
concerning \vhich our sources arc at variance.
17
One.: may Diu g. lac.:rt. 3,65: [on bi:: I] m'tai::> niJv ).O'(tiJV tQL"l:),,j :rg<inov
11f'v '{(,11) Exbtb<'t;((l ZQi] 0 tl fOllY fY.(((JTOV HUV J.t(O!ll\'(IJV' fj'[fl'[{l , ttvo; flVfY.U ).(i.fY.Htl,
:rOTfQU r.an't :t(IOIJ'tOl'!LEvov i't v Eir.ovo; ILEQEL, r.ui <i> ci; tj fi;
D. EYf,OI' roiJ :rvou0tu}.ryolthou to bi; TQttov, rtoQOliJ; /.Ei.Eztat.
1
x Sc.:c.: DILLO:"\ 1993. p. 78-79.
I'J T ARRA:-IT 1993, p. 52.
::o Gal. Dt! lihr. propr. 19,16 KOHN.
cl De f'lac. 1/ipp. t!t f'lat . 2.3.9-10: o\.x di'lonuv t:J; Tu ltrv btan]ltOVtr.ct )-J']!qtuw :rgo; titv
otoluv uvwrrgnm Toi::> xui Toutov [zn Tov or.o:r6v niJV b' ci.U.(JJV c't:rc'n't<I)V
;(1J0EV QV'[(JJ\', oom; !LEV 6 Ola).rr.nr.o; El; tO '(l'll\'UOCLOOCLL zgfJTUL %Ul OO<fLOTtt;
Y.CLL m'lguv XL'l]OEW; ILflQUY.iou r.ai ILWEtouoOat r.ai :rgooa'(U'(ELV bi nvo; ri:grmv
tE ;roujow, ci:ravta Ota).rr.nr.c't Tf r.ci.i.n, El Bm!J.OlO, r.ai '(l'ILVC!Otli<lt r.ai
Tomxci., ni)v yi.tg 6vo1tc'nwv o\. owgisnv oE: Tui:ta mtQli) niJv btonuLOvtr.li)\: Cf.
TARRANT 1993, p. 50-51.
ll'<TERPRETATIONS OF THE TI!Er\C.TETUS 33
It is remarkable that in all accounts of the character classification,
acknowledgement of positive doctrinal elements in the philosophy of Plato
is implied. This should cause no surprise, for this idea is presupposed by the
classification scheme. It is therefore likely that the scheme was developed or
at least used to counter the claims of the more extreme exponents of
Academic scepticism, who held that Plato himself was a sceptic throughout.
It is certainly not meant to characterise some works as dogmatic, others as
sceptic. but rather to stress the ultimate unity of purpose, as TARRANT has
correctly observed: despite their apparent diversity of philosophical style, all
the dialogues contribute to the one Platonic education, which is considered
to be based on doctrines. "The purpose of the classification is more to show
how all Plato's works contribute to philosophy's ends than to emphasise a rift
between opposing groups of
The t!iacreric classification syslem itself is thus no neutral tool in the
episkmological debate, since its very essence implies the acknowledgment
of some positive doctrinal elements in Plato's position
2
-1. But apart from the
function of the system as a whole, the attribution of labels to individual
dialogues. i.e. their "characterisation", was also a major point of controversy
in this debate. for it involved the determination of their real suhjcct.
I shall show the significance of this opt!ration in the following pages. in
which the focus will be on the 71!eacrews. There can be little douht that this
was considered the most important dialogue for determining Plato's episte-
mological position. TAR RANT's thesis (I tJtJ.3, p. 51-5-l: 57) that the subspecies
of the "zetetic" character were determined in conjunction with the interpre-
tation of this dialogue may also be viewed from this perspective.
22
See <Jlso In Arist. Mclilph. 1.1-20 and 54.3-4: Proclus In Flat. Ale. /236.10-14: bto
Oi] Ot'V CLt'HH :rgo; ti]V wiHqmv Y.Ul Ti]V Ei;QEOlV oboi. prv l] 6 ''1 bt0CLO%Ul.LU.
010 Y.Ctl Tll) \' TOt' niimJVo; l';IJi'l]Hin nvi; TOi.!; biCLi.o:ol'; biED.ov d; Tf TOt; btl'laoxCLI.tr.oi.;
r.ui Tot; rvn:N}cv ).((fkntr; Ti]V Tf]; tOI((l'Tl]; btutQEOftl); At In Flat.
Remp. 1,15.19-21 Proclus mentions <In intermedi<Jte genus: fl oi:: bi] XUL Ol
1
"[(1) tu Elbq
6tatgoipEV (:); tt!)v ni.utWVl%liJV TL\'f;, El; TO l'!flJ'/l]llY.OV d; TO Ei; to [ ... ].
'-' T ARRr\:-.1 1993. p. 47.
T.-\RRA:-;T ( 1993. p. 87) suggests that also Thrasyllus' tetralogic cbssification of the works
of Plato and Democritus may have had the purpose to save both authors from sceptical
interpretations.
,.
-- - - --_..
3-t
CHAPTER 2
11. ANONYMUS IN THEAETETUM
The Theaetews has been a controversial dialogue in the history of Platonism
ever since the New Academics invoked its authority in support of their own
epistemological views:!
5
The anonymous commentary on the Theaererus.
preserved on a papyrus (PBerol 9782) discovered in Egypt in 1901 and first
published in 1905, deals with issues that arc crucial for the controversies
about this dialogue. Only recently has a new edition \Vith commentary been
published by G. BASTIANINI and D. SEDLEY ( 1995). Large parts of the
commentary have been preserved, albeit not always in good state. The
beginning of the papyrus text is missing; the part we have starts with some
preliminary questions about the dialogue and ends with the commentary on
Theaererus 1530. In addition to this more or less continuous kxt, a few
fragments have survived. whose place in the commentary is not always easy
to determine. Thc commentary deals with a whole set of problems, ranging
from simple elucidation of the text, grammatical notes, explanation of realia.
to exegesis. digressions (e.g. on the Stoic theory of appropriation'"). and
polemics with other schools. The commentary is structured according to
lemmata. The basic structure of a scction thcrcforc consists of a lemma, i.e.
thc quotation of a short passage or phrase from the Thc:ac:rcrus, followed hy
a short paraphrase (optional) and the author's comment. The commentary
follows the course of the text of the Theacrerus, but it is selcctive in that not
each passage receives comment.
On paleographical grounds the papyrus itself is to be dated before the
third and most probably to the beginning of the second century A.D.
2
,There
is more discussion about the author and the approximate date of
composition of the cornmcntary. DIEL.S, SCIIUBART and HEinERG. the first
editors. assumed that it originated within the confines of a so-called school
of Gaius
27
, which they linked to eclecticism. But as 11. TARRANT has shown
and as will appear from the discussion below, it is wrong to regard the
commentary as an eclectic The commentary is based on a
coherent vision. and the presence of Stoic or Epicurean terminology and
Cf. PRAECHTER llJOlJ, p. 535 ; GLUCKER 1978. p. 39: "( ... J sorn\! parts of the
Tlrcaetctus were produced as evic..!ence by those who conceivec..! of Plato as a sceptic.""; S!-82:
LEVY 1978. p. 3-t6; TARRA:-IT 1983b. p. 171; 1985. p. 46: "Th\! which must have
the sing.k most important work for the New Academy,[ .. .]""; p. 72; DORRIE- 8.-\LTES
1993, p. 200: HANKI:\SON 1995, p. R-t.
Cf. DIELS - SCHUBART - HEIUERG 1905, p. VIII: '' In unserrn Fa lie konncn wir a us dcr
Schrift des Textes und dcr der nur schlie!3cn. da!3 das 8uch im zweitcn
n. Chr.. ehcr im Anfang als gegcn Ende, geschrieben warden ist.'"; p. XXIV;
PRAECIITER 1909. p. 531 : "ein wohl ausgestattetes 8uchhandlercxemplar a us zweiten
Jahrhundat nach Chr .. und zwar eher dcm Anfang. als dem Ende dessdben: 8ASTIA:"'I:\I -
SEDLEY 1995, p. 236-237.
?:
1
. .,
-;;._,;,
3:
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE TIIEAETETUS 35
conceptions is to be seen rather as part of a polemical strategy which consists
in attacking their systems from within. As to the commentary's alleged
belonging to the school of Gaius, it should be clear that recent scholarship
has proven the unfoundedness of this construction. Its basis is the doubtful
assumption that the author of the Didaskalikos and Albinus, Gaius' pupil,
are one and the same person. Other considerations as well have discredited
the view that such a school actually existed; it ought to be regarded rather as
a figment of modern
Cf. GLUCKER 197R. p. 206-209; 220; 1989. p. 272 : IOPPOLO 1993, p. 185-186. Sce also
Augustine De ci\. Dei 8.12: "[ ... ] reccntiores philosophi nobilissimi quibus Plato
sectanuus placuit. no1uerint se dici Pcripateticos aut Acadcmicos, sed Platonicos." As I have
mysdf verified. Plutarch does not use n/.cmJvtzo; for persons (cf. GLUCKER 1978, p. 209;
213 ). Sec on the other ha nu BASTIAL\'INI- SEDLEY 1995. p. 482.
One may compare the caution expressed by BASTIA\'INI- SEDLEY 1995, p. 247.
Jn One may also compare BASTIAN!NI- SEDLEY 1995. p. 256.
37
1977, p. 270. See also BAST!ANINI- SEDLEY 1995, p. 260; HANK!NSON 1995, p. 137.
.l
.s;-
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE TIIEAETETUS 37
A. Knowledge as the subject proper of the Theaetetus
At the beginning of the preserved text
3
s, the commentator deals with the
question concerning the subject proper of the Theaetetus:
TWV 6 ni.a- I V) </Jli- I {hw[ av 1tEQ ]i. X.QlTl)QLOl.l I E.l[ Vat] :r[ 0 ]y
btai.oyov, I ;:r[ E ]i x.CLi. :ri.EovasHI v u mgi. -rouwu ox.- I '-I'Et. :rob' oux oihwt;
-I ZEl, ana :iTQOXEl'Wl J!E- I Ql btanitll]; d:rc[E)i:v I T[lj):; (t[;r).)!j; iWl cw[u)v-
1 {}hol1' Et; TOi)TO a- I v[ a mgi. XQ.LTl)- I gi[ 0) u OXO:iTEL. (2.11-23 )
39
Some of the Platonists have been of the opinion that the present dialogue is
about the criterion. as it dwells at length on the study of this subject. But that
is not correct. The declared aim was rather to speak about knowledge, 'simple
and uncompoundeu knowledge" that is. And it is for this purpose that he inevi-
tably had to investigate the criterion.
The presumption of this desire to determine the true purpose of the
Theaererus is that one single label can adequately cover the whole subject
matter of the dialogue. It is the same postulate that also rules the character
classification. The determination of one ozo:ro; for each dialogue will
become mandatory in Neoplatonic commentaries from Iamblichus on-t
0
One may regard the brief discussion in the anonymous commentary as a
prefiguration of this exegetical practice.
Against those Platonists who regarded the Tlu:aetetus as a dialogue on the
criterion, the commentator argues that it is in the first place about
knowledge (f;rwn'uttj). and that the criterion is being dealt with only in this
broader This argument at once indicates the debate in which the
controversy over the interpretation of the Theactetus is to he situated: the
concept of the criterion had been at the core of the epistemological debate
Sec also frg. 0,16-11): [tot]; ;r).riot; I T(!J[v m .]muJVlZ(!J[v, o'tll !j [n]mv :tfQl Z[ll'CIJQi[ot]l
E[t]vu[t t]ov 8wit[lJTOV]. i\otc the contrast 'COt'; :ti.fLOl'; in this fragment and the
nvr; of 2.12. On the other difficulties involved in the of this fragment. see
SEDLEY llJ95. p. 561 -562 .
1<1 reconstruction of line 20. tf]; t.t:Tt.f];, is based on 15.2-13.
""
1
Cf. Anon. Pro/eg. in l'!tll. phi/os. 21-23; PRAECHTER 1909, p. 537-539; lNVERNIZZI 1976,
p. 217; WESTERI:"oil\. I 1976. p. 2S; \VESTERI:-<K- TROUILLARD- SEGO:"DS 1990, p. LXVI;
MA\'SFELD 1994, p. 21; 30-37. The question as to the ozo:r6:; ought to be settled before the
study of the text : cf. J\.tacrohius In Somnium Scipionis I ,4,1: Procl. In P/at. Remp. 1,6, 1-4. The
anonymous commentator concludes this section, after having expounded his own views on
bton']!tlj. with the promise that things will be elucidated also in the exegesis of the text, thus
indicating that the preceding explanations pertained to preliminary questions: :r<.t ouv
I _[v nj t;'rf!]Ofl ou- I [ rpJtlvw{h']OEWt (3,25-28) . Cf. MA:-iSFELD 1994, p. 20 with
note 22.
T ARRA\'T adduces this passage as evidence in favour of a first century B.C. date: in the
second century A.D .. TARRA:-iT believes (1983b, p. 168; also STRIKER 1990, p. 159-160),
criteriology was no longer a matter of major concern. Given the amount of evidence I adduce
in the present study, I think this argument can no longer be upheld. See also BASTIANtNI -
SEDLEY 1995, p. 256.
...-r
CHAPTER 2
between and within the Hellenistic
Clood in DILL.0'-1 1977. p. ()J.I)l) : IIJIJJ. p. 61-62: ANNN; llJSO: [l)IJO: rHEDE
IIJSJ: TARRAST [lJ:-i5, p. 1-13; lo"'G- SEOLEY I IIJS7, p. S7-lJO; 2-tl-253; STRIKER llJIJO.
Cf. SA;-.;DBACII IlJ7la, p.lJ; Lo;-.;<i- SEDLEY I llJS7, p. 2-tiJ. On th..: early d..:vclopm..:nt of
th..: theory of th..: %<Jlll.J<JlOV, se..: 19')0, p. 151-152: DOTY Jl)IJ2. p. 9-2'>.
Its udinition is pr..:s..:n..:u in S..:xl. Emp. Acll-. 1/Wih. 7.2-tX = svr I 59: I(U\"T((!Jl((
%HTHi.rpnzr't t'ITTlV l] lC1U w() t:-rc't<Jzovn>; i'.((t Y.cn' Hl
1
TC> t:-rttQzov rvu:-ropqtct'{!l!:-vr] %Hi
,:- v<t:1Tll'l i>:-roiu ot'% (l.v r[vono <'u(> ]tit t:-rttQZO\"To; S.:e also Cic. Acad. IllS: "si
illuu esset, Zeno ddiniret, talc visum [ ... ]. visum igitur impressurn dfictumque ex eo
undo.: ..:ss..:t qu;d..: non posse! ex eo undo.: non ..:ssct.'' On 'I unwJt(( se..: e.g. Lo;-.;G- SEDLEY
I I IJS7. p. 239-24 I : on Z<m.ti.rpit;, i.e. assent to a zmcti.rpnzit 'rm"Tcwiu: STOC<ill 1969. p. 35-
40: SA;-.;DBACII I 1)7 la (pointing out th..: int..:nteJ ambiguity of th..: aetive and passive meaning<;
of %UT<ti.rpnzri: th..: weakness of the translation "cognitive" consists in not pr..:s..:rving this
ambiguity): A:-<;-.;As 1980 (with useful reflections on the connection b..:tween representation
and propositional content); FREDE 1983; LONG- SEDLEY I 1987, p. 249-251; lOPPOLO 19So,
p. 21-2X: 70: 1993, p. 199-200: 207; BAR:-IES 1989, p. 72-73.
Cf. SA:SDI3ACH 197la, p. 19 : "The Stoics claim that cognitive presentations have somr.:
peculiar quality that marks them out. but cannot indicate what that is except by the use of
words like evid..:nt' (enargJs. Sextus Ad1. mnth. VII, 257, 403) or 'striking' (plektike, ibid. VII
257, 25X, 403 ). "
For a more d.:taikd account, with a view to the int..:raction of Stoic theory and Academic
polemic, cf. SA!"DI3r\CH 1971a, p. 15-18; IOPPOLO 1986 and see below. One may also compare
Sex!. Emp. Adr. /llalh. 7,402-403: y[voVTCll yag %((l a:-ro ]tit tiJ[(lQZO\"T(I)V <fU\"TClOlaL c:>; a:ro
l':t((QZOV'l<>V. %(ll Tnqu'JQlOV nj; TO f;-r' rml; wutu; EVCtQyEi:; %Cti :ri.IJ%Tl%C<;
ft'QlCJ%t'UUUl, TOL' bi: {:;-r' LOl]; :rl.lj%TlXCt; Y.ui EvCLQ'{Ei:; ELVCLl n) Tu; azo).o{\}ol';
On !:vugrEin in a Stoic context see IOPPOLO 1986, p. 24 note 24.
L
.
l:STERPRETATIONS OF THE T!IEAETETUS 39
K. PRAECHTER (1909, p. 537) has pointed out that those who- like the
commentator - support the thesis that the oxo;tos:; of the Theaetetzts was
E:non'nnJ may very well have invoked Tlzeaetetus 163A to establish their
claim:
Let us look at it in this way, then (tij6E bi1 o;wm'll[LEV)- this question whether
knowledge and perception arc, after all, the same thing or not. For that, you
remember. was the point to which our whole discussion was directed (d:; yag
TOl'TO :r01..1 :rei; 6 ).6to; t'ntiv EtELVEv), and it was for its sake (wuwu zc1gLv) that
we stirred up all this swarm of queer doctrines, wasn't it?
(transL CORJ\FORD 1935, p. 63)
it should be remarked that the traditional second title of the
dialogue is On knowledge (nr(!i l.--rumJ.IIIJ:.), according to Diogenes Laertius'
account (3,58) of the Thrasyllan tetralogies.
The opposite view. that the subject proper of the TlzeaetNus was the
criterion, is to he regarded as a trace of a more "dogmatic" interpretation
than the commentator is willing to endorse. This view seems to be renected
in the treatment of epistemology hy the author of the Didaskalikos, for the
latter. after having announced the fourth chapter as dealing with the
criterion (I subsequently takes his arguments and examples
concerning the epistemology of the sensible world from the Theaetetus
( 15oA-157D) as principal source. whereas he cites mainly the Republic and
the Timaeus for the gnosiology of the intelligible reaJm-1
9
This procedure is
described in the commentary: there arc those who think that Plato set out to
give a full treatment of the problem of knowledge. dealing with that which is
Cf. In !'/at. Tinz. I .25-t,l9-255.26. Prod us first mentions different vi..:ws of thr.: criterion: the
follow..:rs of Prot ;1goras posit ulm1qm; as thr.: criterion, others <'l<'>;u- for this view h.: quotes
a verse from Xenophanes- others think it is l.o;'o;. still others that it is vo\>s; . Plato, on the
contrary. distinguish..:s according to the different objects of cognition. Next Proclus responds
to th..: ohj.:ction that on this vi..:w the criterion is split up: the soul is at one and many.
and since %Qivnv belongs to the soul. TL> zgmzov too is on..: and many (254,41 -255,2: zcti. To
zgmzov cigu [v l:onv iirw zui :-ro)).c't, zui rtovonbi]; 1'1 xgmzi] OtVClftt; zcti rco).tnor'E;). Which
then is th..: unifying faculty'! (255,2: Ti; Oll\' ]tict ouv<qu;:) The answer is : ).6yo;. For the
contemplation of the it uses both itself and v6qm;. but not, as Severus would have
it. in such a way that /.6yo; would use vt'll]OL; as its instrument. The latter view would imply
that i.6;o; is assigned a sup..:rior position in relation to VOl]OL; (255,4-6: ouz on OQ'{CLVOV !lEv
l] voqm;. TO bi: Z<JO>!lEVO\' uh6;. o>; OlETUl :Uurjgo; 6 n/.mwVL%0; XELQ(J) tOU ).oyou tiJV
vor]otv TlUEltEvo;). We need not go into Prod us' own view of the relation between 1.6yo; and
the other "parts"or faculties of the criterion.
-l'i Both the commentary (2.24-26) and the Dit!asknlikos (154,14-17) use the distinction
between the zgm'tgtov bt' ol. and the zgmjgwv t<f ou (cf. Theaeletus 184A-185E).
Cf. BASTIA!"I:'\1- SEDLEY 1995, p. 482: "Da cio risulta, implicitamente, che il Teeteto non
ha per oggetto la conoscenza ne! senso forte ( conoscenza delle Idee) che Pia tone le attribuiscc
in Repubblica V e Timeo, bens! riguarda la conoscenza sensibile, cioe il principale oggetto di
indagine ddle scuole ellcnistiche Iiella rubrica 'Sui criteria (di verita)'." SEDLEY 1996. p. 89-
93.
40
CHAPTER 2
not the object of knowledge in the Tlzeaeteltts and that which is the object of
real knowledge in the Sophist. This may be called the "object-related
interpretation"
50
. Plausibly this view is to be equated with that of those who
promote the xgmigtov as the true subject of the Tlzeaeterus
51
In asserting
that the Theaetellls, a dialogue which ends aporctically, is about the criterion
and addresses itself primarily to the epistemology of the sensible world,
these philosophers could thus explain its failure to establish any criterion of
knowledge, and impute it to the gnosiological objects under consideration.
rather than assume that Plato rejected the very concept of The
thesis that the Theaetetlls is about the objects of opinion and the Sophist
about the objects of knowledge proper- presumably in the strong sense of
xcnctA.q;rH't- most likely originated in the realms of Antiochus' as
Ant iochus indeed accepted the Stoic xcrwi.q:rnxi1 q ctVTctOLn, albeit in
combination, presumably, with the Platonic distinction bct,veen the
phenomenal and the noctic
5
'.
It is at any rate clear that the aforementioned intapretation of the
Tlzcoe!C!us is discarded by the commentator. He argues that the Theactctus is
not about the object, hut about the essence of knowlcdge
5
-l. He then
continues with the definition of knowledge as derived from the Meno. where
it is said that knowledge is held in higher esteem than true opinion. for it
gives an account of the reasons. this being the bond which gives permanency
so as to constitute knowledge The phrase c\gOIJ bn'h:Toet ui- I Ttc,t
).O'flO!lOO (3,2-3 )'
5
is a curious textual variant for aiTia; but even
more remarkable is that the commentator continues his explanation as if he
did not read ctiTtc,t
but the familiar uh[a; ).O'/lO!U!J
57
The author
'
11
Th..: sugg..:stion is SEDLFY's ( t9%. p. 90) .
' 1 2.32-39 : <'ti.- I/.' otT[ol] rrwnv <tt'TllV I ;t!'\,ll I :t\,)oihprvov TITJ
E-)rwn']T<!J I ;TFQl r( 01\r. fOTlV l'ln-1 ZVl'\'<ll,fv l'lt' T!iH Iocp-1 onj :tf(Jl u [onv.lt should be not..:d
that BASTlANlNl and SEDLEY (llJlJ5. p. 264-21i5: sec also p. 4S-l) read o\ _t[oiJ. "those
m..:ntioncd carli..:r" (i .e. in lin..:s 11-14). whcr..:as DtFLS - SC!Il'BART- HEIBERG 1905 had
i=[vJoij .
Cf. TARRNH p. 171-172.
1 Cf. Sext. Emp. l'yrrll . 1/yf!. 1,235: c'lfJ.('( r.ni 0 'A niozo; Tl]V rroc'(\' prn'rtU'{EV rl; Tlj\'
'Ar.((l'll]!llUY, t;J; Z((l Elgf]m1w {:;t' ((l'Tq) on i:v 'Ar.ctbljplC,l (pt.OOOifl'l TCl rTonr.c'(. 1:-::rrbrir.vt[
'(C.l!J on ltUQtt f!UtrOJ\'l ZflTCll n'! niJ\' Inutr.<in <:H)'{PC(T((. Sec also Cic. Acad. 1122: 30-31: 37
(Lucullus, representing Antiochus' views): LONG- SEDLEY I 1987, p. 249: .WlJ.
' 4 2.39-52: rrgoo-l1V.ilov fti:-v o\.y t-.rrl.;.l 01., pi]v [nzov Tu- I J.rJiloi:; ou '{UQ I TiJv tl.lJV
ITF<J[ij ljv O:nJf- I l] (i:J:t(tJo:tl'utlj.l uJJ.c't Tt_; at_rij; . frf-1 QOY b fOTl\' :tOL'.TO -I
(;); bi niJV Tf- I zwiJV 6.no piv fOTlV I TO froCWTl]; I Tl]\' ol.uiav. c"tfJ.o bi: I tO Tl]V
tl.l]V, ;TFQl flv I ltQCC{ftCnn:ov1:Ctl. CL Theaetellls 146C.
5' Sec also 15.23.
'" CL BASTIAN!Nl - SEDLEY 1995. p. 485 : "la ddinizionc potrebbc significarc o 'opinione
retta legata a causa del ragionamcnto' oppure 'opinione retta legata in funzione dd
ragionamento'"; DlLLO:-J 1989, p. 53: .. 'true opinion tied down by causality
(instrumentality?) of reasoning."'
:-!_
'-"
' - ,
.,.
....
4, :
'-';.
.;.
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE Ti!EAETETUS 41
argues that the requirement for knowledge is not just reasoning, but
reasoning why:
TOTE yctg I '((l I owv dbw- I on EOUV U./J.a zai I
btCl Tl- (3.3-7)
For only then do we know things, when we do not merely know that they are
but also why.
"Knowing why seems to yield permanency, since the cause is also the Meno's
'bond' ( ... ]. by \Vhich correct opinions may be bound so as to constitute
knowledge", as TARRANT (1985, p. 86) elucidates. The commentator first
censures those who overvalue the evidence of the senses, believing that for
their capacity to ''strike" they also possess exactness (3,7-12: ot Ta; I _
cttoOt']oEt; EXTEn- I !ll]XOTf: f>tit TO i:znv I n rr),t]Y.nxov I
w:TCi:; I xui Tt]V U.r..Q[!)rtnv) . The commentator thus reformulates the
argument of the Theaercrus in terms of the Academic criticism of the Stoic
use of the concept of TO
Cf. PRAECHTER 1909, p. 5-15; INVERNIZZI1976, p. 217 noot 12; GLUCKER 1978, p. 219-220.
-.....----
I:"TERPRETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS 43
The text, however, leaves us with a double question: which are the tenets
that the (sceptical) Academics are said to share with Plato, and who are the
dissidents? Before we tackle these questions, let us first take a look at the
passages which contain references to the Academy or the Academics, as well
as the texts in \vhich the author explicates his interpretation of the Socratic
maieutic method and its significance for Plato and the Academy.
C. ''Those from the Academy"
At 70.5-26, in the context of a discussion on the flux doctrine, which is
attrihuted to nearly all the old thinkers at Theaetetus 152DE, the
commentator mentions the argument "on growth". The argument implies
that the Stoic concept of growth is contradictory, "on the ground that 'x -
grows' is only intelligible if x exists at the beginning and end of the process,
and the denial of identity over time seems to exclude this"
00
Chrysippus
tried to counter the argument with the distinction between substance and the
.. individually qualified'' ('ro tbt(l)s; rrm6v), which again provoked Academic
derision
1
The commentator deals with the Stoic argument at 69,36-70,5. He takes
the argument on growth to he an invention of Pythagoras, used by Plato and
finally employed hy the Academics in their anti-Stoic polemic. Shortly
afterwards, having quoted Theaetetus 152E, where Plato mentions the comic
poet Epicharmus, the commentator appears to link Epicharmus with the
argument. emphasising the latter's Pythagorean allegiance (71, 12-18). Since
Epicharmus is traditionally held to be the inventor of the argument, one may
presume that the commentator's endeavour to trace it still further hack to
Pythagoras (70.5-9), allegedly his master, is an answer to those detractors of
Plato who accused him of plagiarism claiming that Epicharmus anticipated
his flux theory and more specifically the argument on growth
62
In shifting
the origin of the argument to Pythagoras, an acknowledged forerunner of
Plato, the commentator appears to reclaim it, as it were, for Platonism
03
For
his assertion that Plato himself made use of the argument, the author refers
to his commentary on the Symposium, which, one may presume, will have
dealt with it in the discussion of Symp .. 207D-208B. Its relevance for the
Theaetetus will certainly reside in 159A-160A, where Socrates disintegrates
the person into a succession of different individuals
64
Lo:-;G- SEDLEY I 1987. p. 173. Cf. BASTIANINI- SEDLEY 1995, p. 554. See also Plut. De
sera 1111111. 559B-D (in the context of the Heraclitean-Academic flux theory); Comm. not.
1083BC: Tlzcscus 23.
bl Cf. LONG- SEDLEY I 1987, p. 172-176.
Cf. Diog. Laert. 3.9-11. See on Plato's alleged plagiarism B Rtsso:-.: 1993. esp. p. 351.
63
Cf. LONG- SEDLEY I 1987. p . . l72; 11 1987, p. 170; BASTIANINI- SEDLEY 1995, p. 554-555.
t>l Cf. BASTIANINI- SEDLEY 1995: p. 553-555.
.Jio.
44 CHAPTER 2
When the commentator hereupon says that the Academics also defend
the argument (70,12-14: m- I [XEL]goOOl bi:: d; auto I [r.al] Ol :;
he presumably wants to confirm his earlier claim that
Academic philosophy
65
essentially remains in accordance with Plato:
i::;n- I [zn]goDm bi:: de; atrro I [xai.] ol :; 'A;wbtULEtn;, llt[a]gngopEvot I
on C!QE0%0VWl nTJ I dvm aust]an;, btct bi:: I TO TOUS %((- I
TOlJTO, I ou C.mobd- I;(!)[:;], btbci.axovTE; I on f:ci.v n;
TC! fvCLQ'(lj I {}f),tj un:obnxvu- I Vat, ETEQO; d; TO EvCLy- I TLOV :tl\'}(1V(t)TfQ(!)\' I
I::U:tOQl.)Ofl ),oy(J)v. (70,12-26)
Those from the Academy too argue in favour of this, testifying to their
acceptance of the existence of processes of growth. But because the Stoics try
to demonstrate this, which is in no need of proof, they show them that when
one wishes to prove the obvious, someone else will always have an abundance
of more convincing proofs to the contrary.
The tenor of his argument is that the Academics did not want to reject the
possibility of growth, hut merely its theoretical elaboration hy the Stoics.
who establish by argument that which neeJs no proof. The Academics teach
them that those who want to prove the obvious
60
may always encounter an
opponent \vho will easily demonstrate the opposite with equally comincing
arguments. In taking the argument to be ad hominem, the commentator
avoids assigning to the Academy a harsh sceptical position such as wouiJ he
implieJ hy a radical !lux theory including the rejection of the concept of
growth
117
Another instance of an Academic argument referred to by the
commentator is to be found in his criticism of the Stoic theory of
"appropriation'' (otr.cL<J)(JL, 5,3-X,o). Their point was that naturt: has
disposed both animals and humans in such a way that certain values and
behavioural norms arc natural and "appropriate'' to them: it is natural for
human beings to be friendly and just, to live in organized communities, to
marry and have children, to adopt the normal customs and institutions of
socicty<'s. Commenting on Socrates' words that he cares more about the
young men of Athens than about those of Cyrene (Theacterus 1430). the
commentator remarks that Socrates cares about the inhabitants of Cyrcne in
the same sense and to the same extent as he can be said to care about any
On hand it is that of Academics in third CL
infra : p.
w, In a (weak) sense, this was even by cf. STOL"GH 19S7. p. 225-
226: GLUCKER 1978. p. 78.
h
7
Cf. PRAECHTER 1909. p. 545: "70.12 ff. ist es de m Verfasser zwar in erster Linie darum zu
tun, die Akademie vor de m Venlacht der Skepsis zu schUtzen. Aber man merkt doch
das Behagen an der Niederlage, die die Stoa hier erlitten haben soli."
0./J.c't
0.- I J10 n!; :rg[o]; TQV I QV OftOL<.il[OE(J)]: (7,1-l-19)
Therdort: Plato did not introduce justice by deriving it from appropriation, hut
from tht: assimilation to God.
This is not to say that thl.! doctrine of otxEiwot; as such is abolished. The
commentator only dl.!nil.!s its fundamental significance for ethics. He further
points out that not only Socrates, but also the sophists in Plato rdl.!r to it
(7,20-25). In all likelihood this remark is meant to prl.!vcnt Stoics from
invoking Socrates' authority in favour of the theory: the fact that also Plato's
sophists use it proves that Plato did not intend to presl.!nt it specifically as his
mvn or his master"s doctrine
7
r'.
for a more detailed account of the "likeliness to God" doctrine the
anonymous commentator (7, 19-20) refers to a treatment further in the
commentary. This more extl.!nsive discussion has not been preserved, hut
one may presume that the commentator discussed this issue in relation to
Tlzeaetctus 176A-C
77
the locus classicus for what was to become a Mid<.lk
Platonic Leitmotifs. TAR RANT ( 1985, p. 78-79) puts forward thl.! hypothesis
that the commentary offered an epistemological interpretation of this
doctrine so that it can be rendered as "assimilation to an omniscient divinity
The
treatment of this question is immediately followed by the passage which we
have already quoted concerning the question whether Plato and the majority
of the Academics dogmatise.
The next lemma (Theaeteltts 150C) contains the text which also provoked
the discussion reported in Plutarch's first Quaestio Plaronica, a text I shall
examine in the fourth chapter:
10 u(t)t.t(ov wuwv] I n)Nc: !t]wc(uw{)a[ ftt:] I b Ot:(o; I
yEv[vU.]y o[i: amr..Li)-1 I (55.14-19)
The reason for this is that god constrains me to serve as midwife. hut has
debarred mt.: from giving birth.
The commentator's explanation (55,19-33) continues along the same lines: a
philosopher in dialogue with young men evaluates their opinions (2-l-26:
Ttt[;] ll:xcivclV U.v[u-]1 xg[vn). The reason for this is to be found in
the will of God. according to which the souls do not learn in the strict sense.
hut remember (26-30: at:no; [b] TQV- I TOl' o ut:o; rru[gau]xnct- I ou; !Lil
Tu; '\puxc.'t;. (t[).l.il c'tvu-]1 ptflVl.]OXEo\)[m]). Now if a teacher
engendered knowledge in his pupil's soul, then recollection would be ruled
out (31-33: [d]l yc\Q f_y[vvu v[votw;.]
10
-' I ol.zl:n U.v tln[t: t'"lv]l
which is not the way God wanted it to be.
Next in the Tlteaererus follows the most explicit affirmation of Socratic
ignorance. in the commentary spread over two lemmata:
dfti. i:li1 ot"v ct[tno; ftl:v]l ou n:uvl) n [u]o(cro;.] (55.3-l-35)
So of myst.:lf I have no sort of wisdom
oNH': I 1l [unv EVQl)!lCt I 10LOtJTO 'tt:yovo; I EfLfJ; 'l'l'Zl-J; i!r..- I j'O\'OV.
(55.45-56.1)
Nor has any discovt.:ry ever bct.:n born to me as the child of my soul.
( transl. CORNFOIW 1935, p. 26)
The first statement is held to be no denial of the fact that Socrates possesses
knowledge. but merely of his omniscience
accused of dogmatism). The
commentator's presentation of Pyrrho's philosophy is more applicable to a
later stage of Pyrrhonism, although already Pyrrho is known to have stated
that the nature of things is indeterminable and also completely unimportant:
he would never affirm that honey is sweet, but merely agrees that it appeared
to him as such An indication for my surmise that the views here ascribed
to Pyrrho actually stem from nco-Pyrrhonism is that Pyrrho's position is
presented in such a way as to prevent allegations of "negative dogmatism';
n,; Cf. Scxt. Emp. Pyrrh. 1/yp. 1.31-39, and esp. Gellius 11,5,7, presumably drawing on
Fa\orinus' work On the Pyrrhonian Morlcs (cf. infra: p. 236): "ltaqu\! omnes omnino res. quae
sensus hominum movent. ni>v :iTQ6; n esse dicunt [se. Pyrronii et Acadcmici philosophi]. Id
vcrhum significat nihil esse quicquam. quod ex sese constt:t, nee quod ha beat vim propria m et
naturam. sed omnia prorsum ad aliquid rcfcrri [ .. . ]."On the influence of the Old-Academic
doctrine of cakgorics on the New Academy: cf. 1971, p. 81-107: MORAUX 111984,
p. 487.
119
Sec also 1995, p. 139. with note 5 p. 339.
Ieo Cf. SEDLEY 1995, p. 545-547.
Ici Cf. Photius Bib!. cod. 212, 169b36-170a4l.
One may compare his pupil Timon's words, as related by Diog. Laert. (9,105): xai. f:v toT:;
nEgi aiol'hjoE<i>V (p]Ol. "to flEh on fOTL y).vxv OL' TWIJ[ll, "[Q o' on craivnm OflOt.O'{(ll." Cf.
GORLER 1994. p. 738-7-10. For ,a highly speculative account of "Pyrrho's Pyrrhonism" see
CHATZIL 1970. p. 227-233. Sound methodological remarks can be found in
DECLEVA CAIZZI 1981.
58
CHAPTER 2
(cf. 61,38-39). The historical Pyrrho may well have been susceptible to these
allegations, whereas later Pyrrhonists take care to avoid them
123
The
indeterminability of the nature of things was a doctrine that Pyrrho
positively affirmed, which makes him indeed a .. negative dogmatic"
12
-t,
contrary to Aenesidemus but, one may presume, also to Arcesilaus and
Carneades (despite Pyrrhonian allegations to the contrary)
125
What is here
called "negative dogmatism"
126
may also be termed "a kind of upside-down
or also a "dogmatic scepticism":
[ ... )we might say that the classical sceptic perhaps comes to be left with the
impression that nothing is, or even can be, known, whereas the dogmatic
sceptic takes the position that nothing can be known.
(FREDE 19R4, p. 265-266)
F. Philosophical allegiances- Towards a better understanding of Academic
usccpticism"
After having examined some specific questions related to the polemical
background in which the commentary belongs, l shall now endeavour to
determine the commentator's own position in the epistemological debate.
Did the author consider himself a Platonist, an Academic or perhaps both?
H. TAR RANT's
12
s assumption that the commentator regarded his own
position as Academic has been challenged by J. BARNES (1986, p. 76):
[ ... ] hL: always speaks of the Academics- just as hL: speaks of the Stoics- in the
uninvolved tones of scholarship as though he himself were no party to the
squabbles he records[ ... ] it is unsafe to infer a commentator's philosophical
allegiance from the exegetical notes in his commentary.
lt is indeed true that the commentator mentions the Academics in the third
person and in a tone of objectivity
12
1J, but on the other hand I think it is not
impossible to draw conclusions concerning the author's own allegiance. si rice
!.!.
1
Cf. LO:-.!G- SEDLEY l 1987, p. 18; BElT 199-l. esp. p. 320; DECLEVA CAIZZ11992. p. 1:-IS:
VANDER WAERDT 1989. p. 234-235: Pyrrho was probably not even considl!rl!d a in thl!
Epicurean tradition, at least from the time of Epicurus to that of Colotes. Cicero knows of
Pyrrho only as a moralist who admits no distinctions of value between virtue and vice. not
unlike Ariston of Chios.
Cf. SEDLEY 1983, p. 14 with note 20 (p. 24); LONG- SEDLEY l 1987, p. 17; 472-473;
BRENNAN 199-l. p. 16-l note 22; see also 1971, p. 54; LEVY 1993b, p. 1-ll.
According to at least one ancient interpretation (cf. Cic. Acad. !I 148) Carnt:auc<;
promoted a dogmatic scepticism. Cf. FREDE 1984, p. 267-270. I take the Pyrrhonian
imputations against the Academics in this respect (e.g. Photius Bib!. cod. 212, 169b36-170a-ll)
to be tendentious, cf. infra: eh. 4, Ill, A.
Cf. BURNYEAT 1984, p. 231; ANNAS 1988, p. 103; 112.
m BRUNSCHWIG 1988, p. 145.
1983b, p. 166 (with note 53). One may compare T ARRA:-.'T 1985, p. 66.
.=e
_;:
, ..
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS 59
it cannot be stated as a general rule that he stays out of the discussions he
reports. On the contrary, his interpretation of Plato and the Theaetetus is a
specific one
130
and cannot be properly understood without taking into
account Hellenistic debates.
The author invariably stresses the coherence of the Theaetetus as well as
its consistency with other Platonic dialogues. \Vhat is more, he never
disagrees with Plato and presents the latter's views in such a way as to
suggest his own adherence to Plato's doctrines
131
As we have seen. the
argumentation of the Academics is put to use in order. to refute the Stoics
and to defend Platonism. This is consistent with the commentator's claim
that the Academy throughout its history remained loyal to Plato, while
accepting his positive doctrines. The commentator endorses the "unity of the
Academy" thesis. Would this then mean that he also might agree to being
called an "Academic"?As BASTIANINI and SEDLEY have argued (1995, p.
248). the author would certainly have refused to be called thus if the term
was meant to imply the rejection of all dogmata, but, on the other hand. the
commentator contends that this actually is a misinterpretation of
"Academic", since almost all Academics arc said to accept the positive
doctrines of Platonism. It should be noted that the commentator is ready to
include Plato among the Academics (54,43-55,13), and clearly regards
himself as belonging to the same tradition. There is little doubt that he took
pride in his being a Platonist, and one with a better grasp of Plato's intentions
than those Platonists (t0)v n/..(..tt(I)VlY.<.i)v ttVEc_;) who asserted that the
Theaetctus was about the criterion (2,11-23).
The "unity of the Academy" thesis is not unparalleled. The commentator
shares it \Vith- among others- Philo of Larissa and Plutarch. Philo is known
to have upheld it against Antiochus, who regarded what he termed the New
Academy as an aberration constituting a rift with authentic Platonism, to
which he claimed his "Old Academy'' to revert
132
Plutarch appears to have
endorsed Philo's thesis. This is suggested by the evidence of the so-called
Lamprias-catalogue D3 which contains the title nE(}l roD p{av Ett'at T1Jl' c.bo
6,30-31 : xui EQl!)_TI!J9.lV oi rs 'A- I xubll!l.E[iu]:; oy_t(!J' (against the Stoic olr.Et<Jm;) 54,43-
55.7:55,4 : EXfl\'Ol'; (referring to the Academics); 70,12-14: m- I [zn]got:OL bf d; auto I [r.ui]
ot E:; 'Ar.ablUlftct:; (their argument on growth).
130
Cf. BASTIA:--.11:'-11 - SEDLEY 1995. p. 247: ''L'A. difende apertamente Platone e. piu in
particolare, l'interpretazione di Platone che egli preferisce, mantenendo ne! contempo le
distanze da tutte le altre scuole."
131
Cf. BASTIA:"I:-.<1- SEDLEY 1995. p. 247.
Cf. Cic. Acad. I 13; Augustine Contra Acad. 3,41. Augustine .draws upon Cicero's
Acadcmica as an ouvrage de reference"(cf. LEVY 1992, p. 10; 637-644; FUHRER 1993. p. 114
note 15) and probably also had, at his disposal the books that are now lost.
133
For this ancient list of allegetily Plutarchean works, cf. SANDBACH 1969a. p. 3-29; see also
SCHAFER 1844, p. 2-27; TREU 18,73; ZIEGLER 1951, 696,55-702,30; BARROW 1967, p. 193-194;
lRIGOI:"' 1986.
60 CHAPTER 2
wv fl).cirwvo; 'Axaorj,uEwv (L63 ), the context of which I shall try to
elucidate later (eh. 4, Ill, B). For now I already wish to point out that I do
not share BABUT's
134
view that Plutarch's interpretation of the Academy's
history fundamentally differs from the original "one-Academy-thesis":
On remarquera que Plutarque ne se contente pas de soutenir, comme l'avait
fait Philon de Larissa [ .. . ]. qu'il n'y a eu qu'une seule Academic. mais souligne
que celle-ci est issue de Plato, ce dernier en ayant fixe une fois pour toutes
l'orientation. Telle n'etait pas, semble-t-il. 13 position de Philon, a laquelle on
a souvent voulu assimiler celle de Plutarque.
(13ABUT 1994c, p. 550 note 9)
Later. however. BARUT specifics that Plutarch endeavours to re-interpret
Platonism from within the Academic tradition ( 199-k , p. 575) , which brings
Plutarch actually close to Philo of Larissa. as both are said to present "une
interpretation nco-acadcmicienne du platonisme" (and not une inter-
pretation platonisante de la Nouvelk Academic", which is often ascribed to
Plutarch, notably by INI; cf. infra, p. 220-221, for this discussion) . Be
that as it may, here I only \Vant to emphasise that fiddity to the Platonic
tradition seems to have been Philo's claim too
11
\ and that likewise the
anonymous commentator lets the Academic tradition start with Plato. just as
is implied in the title of Plutarch's lost treatise.
I now return to the passage (54.43-55.13) according to \vhich almost all
Academics cling to dogmata, which an.: essentially Plato' s. The text raises a
double quest ion: wh ich dogmata do the Academics have in common with
Plato. and which Academics arc excepted from this almost unitarian
tradition'? It is obvious that both questions arc intt:rrclated.
In order to avoid a conceptual muddle when assessing this enigmatic
passage. I would like first to point out that the term bt>'(!L(( may be rather
misleading: an Academic might have admitted dogmata without therefore
being a dogmatist in the modern sense of the word. At the time of the
composition of the commentary the term will have meant something like
"opinion". "conviction", without the notion of subjective of objective
certainty attached to it. It is not a "firm belief" or "firm conviction" that
would imply asserting one' s opinions in a doctrinaire's manner so as to
prevent one from examining other views with an open mind. In this general
sense of "having dogmata" it differs from the Stoic demand that one should
not doubt one's dogmata :
B A 13 UT 199-k. p. 550 note 9, challenging 1986a. p. 213; 22-t note 38.
L'
5
Cf. LEVY 1993b. p. 155 : .. Philon ne desavouait ni Am!silas ni Carneade. simplcment il ks
intt:rpretait d' une maniere qui rendait moins prohkmatique la these de la continuite d..:
l'Academie de puis sa fondation jusqua lui -meme.
r
,
"1
.l
I NTERPRETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS
The term did not per se imply certainty in what had been decided; for while it
was a Stoic ideal that one should not doubt one's dogma (Ac. 2.27), the term
itself did not imply such conviction.
(TARRA:-\T 1985, p. 30)
61
The Academics- and even the Pyrrhonists
136
- would not object to dogma in
this weak sense. \Ve therefore always have to be careful that we do not
import into this early material shades of meaning that are typical of our own
terms or that belong to the standard interpretation of Greek scepticism; the
latter in fact derives to a large extent from Sextus' canonising account of its
history, to which corresponds a more rigid terminology.
The commentator does not make it clear which dogmata the majority of
Academics share with Plato nor who is to be seen as the exception to the
rule. He does say that it pertains to fundamental tenets (55.4-6: ta -
r.t'Qt<.incna tGn m. Presumabl y this will have included the dogma
concerning the final goal of philosophy. which is the The
bel id that any act of learning is in fact an act of remembering may be another
Academic dogma. which is also linked \vith the pre-existence of the soul.
TAR. RAt-iT ( p: 79-82) makes another useful suggestion : one may
presume that the status of dogma is to be assigned also to the conviction that
real knowledge presupposes a stable and unchanging object, whereas the
sensible world is characterised by flux and relativity. From the fact of contra-
dicting sensory impressions one may thus have arrived at a theory on matter.
Aenesidemus
1
\ ' is known to have accused the Academics of treating
differences in our perception of things as differences belonging to the objects
of our perception. which would mean that Academic epistemology is leading
towards an ontology. It is very well possible that the commentator regarded
some kind of flux-theory as a dogma, which he could attribute as well to
Plato as to the Academy L\IJ. At any rate we can safely conclude that the
commentator considered the duality of the sensible and the intelligible world
as belonging to the doctrines shared by Plato and the later Academic
tradition
1411
IJ<> Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. llyp. l.D-15 ; supra: p. 55 note 111.
13
c One m3y compare I he beginning of Alcinous Didaskalikos : ttiJV iWQLtrm'm r)V Tii.C:nwvo;
6o{pt.n<IJ V TOIW.:' TI] n; D.v btbcwzui.ict yrvoLTO. Cf. DILLO:'-i 1993. p. 51 .
1.'-' Cf. Photius Bi b!. cod. 212. l69b36-170a-tl.
T ( 1985. p. 79) rightly argues that the commentator's position is more relat ed to
Protagorean relativism than to Pyrrhonian scepsis. On the other hand I do not endorse his
suggestion Lh3t the commentator actuall y adopted Protagorean relativism: the commentator
st ales that Theaetctus words bear a close resemblance to Protagoras' but actually differ from
his (62.8-12). and does not identify Plato's view with that of Protagoras (see 66.26-43; frg. B,
37--W).
I.:Ir (1985. p. 62-65) offers another series of suggestions for the reconstruction of
the commentator' s view on positive Academic doctrine. which are plausible if one accepts-
as I am ready to do- that the 2nonymous commentary has affinities with Philo's so-called
Fourth Academy.
62 CHAPTER 2
New problems are raised by the interpretation put fonvard by H. J.
KRAMER (1971, p. 55 note 212), who takes dogmata in a very "dogmatic ..
sense. He then reads this passage as evidence for the speculations about
esoteric teachings within the confines of the New Academy, which suggested
that some dogmatic teaching was carried on in secret all the time inside the
Academy. This belief may have derived from the criticism from other
schools, since the participants in the polemics often tried to entangle their
opponents in self-contradiction. If the Academics could be shown to cling to
dogmata despite their alleged universal suspension of judgment, their
credibility would receive a serious blow. The allegation that the l\cw
Academy actually is dogmatic has also been made by the Pyrrhonians. as it
is evidenced notably in Aenesidemus and Sextus Empiricus. But there is yet
another element that has certainly contributed to the belief in an esoteric
doctrine: in their defence of the unity of the Academic tradition later
Platoni.sts have tried to integrate the Hellenistic Academy into their
interpretation of the school tradition. Its presumed continuity from Plato
until their own days was supposed to knd a considerable authority to their
position.
J. GLUCKER adds an interesting psychological explanation, notably th\..
man in the street's distrust of scepticism and his refusal to believe that the
sceptic's invoking ignorance is sincere:
The simplest explanation is that the man in the street -and this includes a
consi<.krablc number of professional or semi-professional philosophers- does
not suffer sceptics gladly. When he mel!ts with a genuine sceptic, he.: finds it
difficult to believe that this man has really suspended his judgment and holds
no positive views whatsoever; just as, when he comes across a philosophical
discussion which ends on what may well be a genuine aporetic note, would
not for a moment believe that a distinguished philosopher could possibly have
ldt a question unanswered. He would rather rack his brains, or pester his
teachers and friends, in an attempt to find the positive answer behind the intol-
erable mystery.
(GLUCKER ltJ78, p. 300)
However, GLUCKER admits that this explanation alone cannot account for
the originating of the myth of the esoteric doctrine, but his additional
suggestions (1978, p. 301-304) are equally interesting: Arccsilaus and
Carneades are likely to have held private seminars, for their pupils only.
However, it was not dogmatic doctrine they taught. It may have been
instruction and enquiry on a higher level, in which they dealt with
philosophical problems in greater depth than in their more public courses.
Only those pupils will have been favoured with private seminars who could
be trusted not to mistake the results of dialectical inquiry for what they arc
not, i.e. doctrines containing truth claims, but \vere capable of understanding
t}
}
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS
63
that their teachers disclosed their opinions as mere opinions and
probabilities, remaining in the domain of The Academic teachers
could not "reveal the truth" since the truth had not been attained.
Fundamentally there was no difference with the "exoteric" courses:
The difference would have consisted in the professional and technical
standards demanded. To an outsider, however, the very existence of such
private seminars" within the sceptical Academy would suggest something far
more ominous. With our natural reluctance to believe in the possibility of
genuine scepticism, he would be only too ready to conclude that there, in the
secrecy of Plato's house, or the Lacydeum, or Arcesilaus' private house, the
true- and needkss to say, dogmatic- doctrines of Plato were expounded[ ... ]
(GLUCKER 1978, p. 301)
This is borne out by a careful, unprejudiced reading of Cic. Acad. !I 60 :
There remains their statement that for the discovery of the truth it is necessary
to argue against all things and for all things (quod dicwlt veri in\'eniwuli causa
contra omnia dici oportcrc et pro omnihus). Well then, I should like to sec what
they have discovered ... Oh," he says. "it is not our practice to give an
exposition." ('non so/emus" inquit "ostefl(/ere") .. What pray arc these holy
secrets of yours. or why does your school conceal its doctrine like something
disgraceful?" (quae swlt tandem istam_vsreria, aut cur cclatis quasi turpe aliquid
scntcnriam l'l'Stram ?) ''In order," says he, ''that our hearers may be guided by
reason rather than by authority." ("ut qui awlient" inquit '"ratione porius quam
auctoriwre clucmrlllr")
(transl. RACKIIA\1 1933)
What they discovered. quid inrencrint, was not some mysterious doctrine for
which they demanded an unquestioning belief. The results of their search arc
nothing more than probable opinions (sententiam \'estram). which they were
hesitant to reveal to their average students lest they take them for the truth
auctoritate pot ius quam ratione l.tl.
The text of the commentary on the Theaetetus is no evidence, in my opinion,
for a tradition that ascribed esoteric teachings to the New Academy, since it
does not mention any esoteric or secret dogmatism. The passage in question
merely states that later Academic teaching shared basic tenets with Plato.
The commentator presents the Academic tradition as essentially unitarian
and "dogmatic" but does not suggest that the core of Academic teaching had
to be kept secret at any time.
I think that in the discussion related to the existence of an esoteric
Academic tradition two different things are often confused l-e: on the one
GLUCKER 1978. p. 303. See !!lso WE!SCHE 1961, p. 25; LEVY 1978 p. 343; 1992, p. 643.
!'\ot so in LEVY's publications; who nicely manages to keep the two issues separate: see
e.g. LEVY 1978 and esp. 1993a, where it is very enlightening to compare p. 251 with p. 260-274.
......
64 CHAPTER 2
hand we have allegations evidenced in Numenius, who contended that in the
New Academy the initiates were taught an esoteric doctrine which was
fundamentally inconsistent with the universal suspension of judgment that
was "officially" recommended
Cf. TARRA:-.T 1985. p. 62; sec also p. 67 with note 3 (p. 158) ; SEDLEY 1995,
p. 540. Nor is there any reason to assume, with GLUCKER (1978, p. 305). two different
meanings of "Academic'" in this text (54,3S-55.13). See also PRAECHTER 1909, p. 545.
1
-:s This is not the only text in which Plato is called an Academic. pace TARRANT 1985, p. 158
note 5. Sec Cic. Acari. /46: "Hanc Academiam novam appellant. quae mihi vetus videtur, si
quidem Platoncm ex ilia vetere numeramus. cuius in libris nihil affirmatur et in utramque
partem multa disseruntur. de omnibus quaeritur nihil certi dicitur". On the other hand. this
characterisation of Plato as an Academic cannot have been felt as unproblematic (cf. LEVY
1978, p. 336; 348: HANKI:"SO:'-< 1995. p. 83-85). since the opponents of the New Academy used
to regard Academic scepticism as irreconcilable with the philosophy of Plato. For an
antithesis between Plato and "Academics" see e.g. Stob. 1.475.2-8 (= DG 396b,l2-19), and
also Anon. Prvfeg. in P!t11. phi!. 10.1.'6 (cf. infra : p. 69).
lW Cf. T ARRANT 1985, p. 41-65 et passim; BASTIANI:'\1- SEDLEY 1995, p. 5-40.
150
T ARRA:-<T's view is criticised al so by BASTIANINI - SEDLEY 1995, p. 544.
151
T 1985, p. 63.
66
CHAPTER 2
between the alleged esoterism of the Academy and the possibility that taking
an Academic stance did not impede holding dogmata.
The lack of specificness of the text does not, in my view, allow to
regard it as a testimony to the myth of Arccsilaus' esoterism. The interpre-
tations of Carneades' philosophy, on the other hand, were
divergent, which means that he has not always been considered to be the
most radical New
besides, he too has been charged with
dogmatic esoterism
153
And if the commentary is not to be dated to the first
century B.C., but to the first or even second century A.D., which is not
excluded, then also the first argument put forward above loses its it
remains possible that the commentator, looking back at a more or kss
remote past, gathered the members of the Second and the Third
one heading and designated them as ;rci.vu
It is also
remarkable that BASTlANlNl and SEDLEY (1995, p. 5-lO) advance a
which is actually opposite to TARRANT's : perhaps Arcesilaus could
as the one holding absolutely no dogmata, if one
considers the way he is presented by Sextus at Pyrrlz. lf.vp. 1.232. But on the
other hand. they acknowledge that there were those who maintained that
Arcesilaus was in fact a dogmatic, as Sextus informs us only two paragraphs
later (1,234). Therefore it cannot he considered an established fact that the
commentator with the words ;rci.vu OJ.t'((IJ\' referred
exclusively either to Arcesilaus or to Carneades and their respective
followers. Any attempt to determine which philosophers here
must necessarily remain hypothetic. That is why I prefer to suspcnd
judgment in this matter.
The evidence concerning the New Academy provides an
supply of discussion material. However. I think that the majority of the
scholarly tradition has failed to ask some important preliminary questions
and has unquestioningly adopted a conceptual apparatus whose adequacy is
to be doubted. The scepticism-dogmatism dichotomy does not appear to
provide the most appropriate framework
155
for examining texts such as the
anonymous commentary. However, following E. ZELLER and K.
PRAECHTER (F. UEBERWEG) this antithesis has been used constantly as the
Cf. infra, p. 168.
153 Cf. Numenius frg. 27,56-59 DES PLACES.
According to DbRR!E ( 1987, p. 395) the author "{ist] dieser Epoche ab er so we it ent ri.ickt ,
dal3 er bereits die tiberwiegende Mehrzal der ' Akademiker' als Dogmatiker bac:ichnen
kann." DbRR!E thinks that ;.,ith the "few exceptions" the commc:ntato; refers to Carnc:ades
and his pupils.
l55 Cf. TARRANT 1985, p. 4; STOUGH 1987, p. 222.
.:..
!--
-:::
ill!J
1:--.ITERPRETATIONS OF THE TI!EAETETUS 67
main organising principle for the history of philosophy between Arcesilaus
and Neoplatonism.
According to the comme ntary most adherents of the Academy had no
problem accepting dogmata, without for this reason being dogmatic in our
sense of the word. "Dogmatism" and "scepticism" were most probably not
the terms in which the participants in the Hellenistic epistemological debate
defined their own position. Nor did the members of the New Academy call
themselves or.Errnr.oL The principal intention of so-called scepticism was to
prove the untenability of Stoic and Epicurean epistemology. There was no
need to object to dogmata as such
156
: sceptic'' originally must have meant
.. given to inquiry .. and was not a technical term to denote the New Academic
or Pyrrhonist school'
57
; dogma, on the other hand. did not initially have the
'"dogmatic" overtones we tend to associate with the term, and did not refer
to the infallibility or unquestionability of knowledge tsx. Only later, with
Aencsidemus or even Sextus Empiricus and Favorinus ts<J, did the term
acquire its "technical" meaning. The Academic attacks were not directed
against dogmata, provided that these tenets were not taken in such a way as
to an unprejudiced examination of the views of others:
[ ... ]just as it is mish!ading to speak of Academics of this period as sceptics",
it is dangerous to see their crusade as a fight against dogmata. [ ... ] Third
Academics Wl.!re not chargl.!d with being opponents of dogmata per se, only of
dogmata seh!ctcd by the criterion of compatibility with a system. Thus
opposition to dogma in thl.! old sense of the term was not a stated objective of
the New Academy, and not an objective of the Fourth Academics in any way
at all.
(TARRANT 19R5, p. 32)
The issue is obfuscated by the fact that it was in the interest of the various
participants in the debate to discredit their opponents by forcing them into
vulnerable positions. making them liable to the charge of self-contradiction.
In his account of the history of scepticism Scxtus most probably translated
whatever concepts he had found in his sources into the philosophical jargon
Cf. STRIKER 19S0. p. 5-t note 1: BARSES 1982, p. 6-12 (with the notes p. 22-27): TARRANT
1985, p. 25: "It is natural to assume that because scepsis (qua 'inquiry") always led the
Pyrrhonist to counterbalancing arguments, the word came to be applied to the practice of
balancing arguments itself. Subsequently the adjective 'sceptic' would have developed a
usJge, referring to those who employ the antithetic method as a road to suspension of
Judgment.'' LEVY 1993b, p. 1-tl. Sextus Empiricus reserves the term ''scept ics" for the
Pyrrhoni ans. but "the use of 'sceptic' to refer to a special group of philosophers is not typical
of other ancient authors, who apply it descriptively to both Pyrrhonists and Academics."
1987, p. 222). ' ..
Cf. T ARRA}.'T 1985. p. 29-33:62-65.
159
Cf. Gellius 11,5.
68
CHAPTER 2
of his own time and projected the antithesis sceptic-dogmatic onto the past.
which makes his approach basically anachronistic. Nonetheless, his account
-anachronistic and partial as it may be- has constituted the basis for almost
all subsequent historiography of ancient scepticism. I continue, however. to
use the traditional denotation "sceptic'', but remain aware of its misleading
overtones.
In trying to determine with more precision the commentator's
philosophical allegiance, one should take into account both sides: on the one
hand, the commentator clearly has affinities with the New Academy. but on
the other he is opposed to extreme sceptical tendencies. The latter has been
overemphasised, I think, by K. PRAECHTER and G. INVERNIZZI
1
w. H.
TARRANT has offered a more satisfying interpretation of the commentary.
by pointing out that the commentator steers a careful course between the
aporctic and the dogmatic views of Plato
101
I am prepared to endorse his
interpretation to a large extent, as the views the commentator is fouml to
take, his sensibilities and sympathies, arc indeed consistent with what we
know about the Acatkmy or rather about Academism at the time of Philo of
Larissa. However, T ARRANT' s argumentation for an early date is not cogent.
I think, and his plea to identify the author with Eudorus is totally
unconvincing. As I have already argued, I have my reservations regarding a
13.C. date for the commentary.
Philosophically the anonymous author appears to he close to the realm of
Philo's Academy, but his text also shows traces of more extreme sceptical
readings of the Thcactctus - e.g. from those claiming that Plato held no
dogmata (t;>; oiJb(v and equally refers to more "dogmatic ..
interpretations - e.g. from those who, considering the problem of the
criterion to he the subject proper of the dialogue. could relate its aporctic
conclusions to the unstable naturt: of tht: epistemological objects examined.
Tht: commentator reads the Thcactctus as a search for truth, a
1
h
2
but
tr,o Cf. PRAECfiTER 1909. p. 535: "Am m.:istcn inter.:ssiert uns der Eikr. mit dcrn tkr
Verfasser den Versuchen. Platon zum Skeptiker zu macht:n, cntgegentritt." l:--i\' ER:"lZZl
(1976) stresses the anti-sceptical disposition of the commentator. According to him tht:
commt:ntary is to be situated philosophically in the context of tht:! dogmatic rmotln'all
inaugurated by Antiochus (p. 220-222). But this cannot be reconcikd. despitt! unconvincing
attempts by l:\VERNIZZI, with the fact that the commentator advocates the unity of the
Academic the tradition. for it was precisely Antiochus who upbraidt:d the New Academics for
having caused a rift in the tradition of Platonism. For a more refutation of
INVERNIZZI's argumentations, see TARRA:-.-r1985. p. 66-67; p. 77-78 with note 45 (p. 11l2).
lht Cf. TARRA:--IT 1983b. p. 162 note 20; p. 166; 172; 1985, p. 66-88. See also STOUGH I9R7, p.
218; SEDLEY 1995. p. 256: "L'A.. sembra resentire fortemente detrinfluenza dei
dibattiti ellenistici. Pur non essendo affatto uno scettico. trova modo di presentare il proprio
platonismo como scaturente da una tradizione nella quale I'Accad.:mia elknistica gioca un
ruolo rilevante ...
lnZ Cf. 2,42; 3.20-21; 8,27-28; 11.16 et passim.
-?-
:t
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE THEA ETETUS 69
not as a ttinlot; without positive results: ox1!n;
163
is held to result in
dogmata, for Plato as well as for the great majority of Academics
1
M. To put
it briefly. the commentator carefully fends off more "extremist" tendencies
that existed in the exegesis of Plato
1
1i
5
; his interpretation of Plato is
consistent with that of the Fourth Academy
1
M. Platonism according to the
commentator is a "zetetic"
167
philosophy which results in positive
doctrines
1
M, or, in GLUCKER's words, "a philosophy which is "zetetic"
without being entirely "sceptic", and ''positive" without being entirely
.. dogmatic" (1989, p. 272).
Ill. PROLEGO\IENA IN PLATONIS PHILOSOPHIAM
In order to illustrate \vhat \vas at stake for Middle Platonism in the interpre-
tation of the Theaetetus , dne may profitably introduce the evidence from the
Prolegomena in P!atonis phi/osophiam by an anonymous Neoplatonic
author
10
'
1
It has bet:n pointed out by J. GLUCKER (1978, p. 38-39) and
H. TAR RANT ( 1985, p. -72-74) that this treatise deals with the epistemological
issue in a way that is strongly reminiscent of debates in the Hellenistic period
and early Empire. The author enters at length into a discussion of Plato's
significance for the history of philosophy, emphasising two points: (l) Plato
surpasses all other philosophers and all philosophical schools; (2) Plato is a
dogmatic, not an cplzcctic: [ . . . ] t;>; ::rcwci>v ::rgouzn 1'1 TOtttou <rt/,oomrin xni.
t;>; ronv xcti ol_,x lcp::xnxt); ( 12.1-3) 1
70
Plato is held to surpass also the New Academy, having established that
epistcmic impressions exist (MJ.ct xni TlJV ni>v VE(I)V 'Axa6JHLCt'ix<i>V
u::rrgif)uhv <p).OOOfflClV fXEl\'1JV C.(X(tT((),1pjtt((V .i1QEOBEt
1
ELV, b
Toihov Eiolv r.rrwnutovtx<tl xcnn)Jppn; nv[;. 10.1-3). The author
163
This term is used at2.16-17 anJ 27.26.
lW Cf. TARRA:--;T P- 77.
16
' Ont! may compare Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. J/yp. 1.221: tOY ni.c'LTUIVC! Ol'V oi flfV bO(flC!tu-:ov
f(ruauv rl:vm, oi bi: a:tOQI]tl%OV. ol b %UTU p[v n <hogr]nr.ov, %UTU b[ n boywm%6v. Sec
also 199-l, p. 5031.
166
Cf. TARRA:--;T 1983b, p. 177: "A.'s kind of Platonism is also Philo's kind of Platonism."
167
Scxtus uses as an alternative designation for the O%EJTtlr.i] ay<tJ'{ll (Pyrrh. llyp.
1,7).
Cf. TARRA1\'T 1985. p. 70 : "'[the author] too seems to see Plato's work as a combination of
the highly essential 'zetetic' inquiry and some more direct method of teaching."
169
On the identity of the author, see WESTERINK- TROUILLARD- SEGONDS 1990, p. VIII-
IX: LXXV-LXXXIX: p. LXXXIX: "La supposition la plus probable est que les Prolegomena
sont le comptt!-rendu de cours donnes par l'un des successeurs d'Olympiodore dans la
seconde moitie du VIe One may take for granted that the Prolegomena are based on
class notes.
r;o There are no occurrences of the word a%EJnt%6; in the Prolegomena.
70
CHAPTER 2
acknowledges that some want to rank Plato among the EcpEznzot or the
'Aza6lntct'(zot, taking their arguments from his dialogues:
HyoLOL bE ouvwHouvus n)v O)...c'nwvn d; wus q:Dcnzo0; rE xai wi!;
WS xai atn:oO ar.cna),tpViav Eioayona.; ;wi Y.CLTCLOZEl'-
asOUOLTOUTO EX ni)v ElQll[lEVU)\' CLtm!> Ev wi:; CLUTOL'. (10.-l-7)
Some force Plato into the camp of the ephectics and the Academics savin2. that
he too introduced inapprehensibility. This they try to establish on b;sis of
what he says in his writings.
It should be pointed out that the author draws a neat distinction between
Academics and ephecrics
172
:
btWfEQOl!Ol ()' oi Tt]; va; 'AxctbtUlLCLS nin EcfEXtlY.liJV Ti> wi!; flEV q:rznr.ot;
OflOLWS Hynv btu rrc'.tvnuv TWV 0\'TWV JtE<fOlllJY.EVCLl <Ti]V azaw).ll'I'LCtV>, wi.;
bi: Tfi; va; 'Aznbl][lLCL; ouz a;rCt\'lltlV OflOllu;, 0.).).' dvui nvc.t TOJV jtQCt'(flCtll!)\'
iJ. OetLVOL'Ol Ti]V 1puzi1v JTQOS ouyzmc'tHEOLV flETQLCtV. (7.13-18)
The New Academics differ from the eplzectics in that the eplzectics say that
inapprehensibility applies to all things in the same way, wherc.:as the: Nc.:w
Academics hold that it does not apply to everything in the same way. but that
there are some things which prompt our soul to give a moderate assent.
Apparently ''eplu:ctics" refers to the Pyrrhonians. The alleged Academic
position is not in keeping with what we know about Arcesilaus or
Carnealks' Academy. for both of them unremittingly challenged any
attempt to establish the possibility of zcrr:c'tAll'I'LS (cf. infra: eh. 4. Ill. A). The
Academic position as defined here is consistent, though, with the evidence
concerning Philo of Larissa. In the Roman Books Philo presumably held the
Stoic concept of xcnu),tppt; to be untenable, leaving the possibility open that
171 There is a ras1tra of four characters before 'AxaOY]ftC.t"txoi.o;. "vix vrou;" (WESTERISK -
TROUILLARD- SEGONDS 1990, p. 15, apparatltS critic11s; otherwise: PRAECHTER 1909, p. 5-l5
note 3) .
172 One may comfare Sext . Emp. Pyrrh. flyp. 1.4: oOEV 1Jt.O'{lJJS &oxoi)mv ai UVUHClH!)
q tl.ooo(rim tQE"i; Et vat, &ontanxiJ 'Axa6Yutcitxil oxErntxil.
:::; '
-,.::
-. -:.
,. -
..:
7"':"\.:
.1.3;'
It-:TERPRETATtONS OF THE THEAETETUS 71
a more modest form of knowledge is within our reach
173
- if this indeed may
be inferred from Sextus Empiricus' testimony:
oi N: mgi <t>O.wva craotv L1oov ftEv bi. .L:nutr.(u wu1:on Tfj
zcnu).l].:HtY.lJ CfCtVTCLOl(t, axma).JFTC1 dvcu TU 1t:QCL'(flCtTCt, ooov 6 EJTl n} cpuOEL
ni)v :rgc.typc'nwv al.nl>v, Y.c.tTn).tpn'c
Philo and his followers say that as far as the Stoic standard (i .e. apprehensive
appearance) is concc.:rned objects are inapprehensible, but as far as the nature
of the objects themselves is concerned they are apprehensible.
(Sc.:xt. Emp. Pyrrh. llyp. 1,235, transl. AN:-.:AS- BARNES 1994)
The evidence of Sextus is at any rate consistent with the tendentious and
somewhat confused picture presented by Lucullus at Cic. Acad. I! 18: Philo
rejected Zcno's ddinition of knmvlcdge but accepted that some things can
be known: "if you stick to the Stoic criterion, you will know nothing; but in
fact knowledge is not unattainable - for the Stoic criterion should be
The view mentioned in the Prolegomena, that Plato was not only an
Academic but even an ephectic, which allegedly included complete
U.zGnti.tpj't((, is too extreme to cmanatt.! from tht.! Fourth Academy of Philo,
or even from the Second or Third Academics. and one therefore has to
reckon with a Pyrrhonist picture of Plato that is being attacked here.
Nevertheless, it must be assumed that much of the material derives from
Academic sources ultimatcly
175
.
The author of the Prolegomena enumerates five arguments adduced by
those wanting to characterise Plato as either an Academic or an ephectic,
each argument being followed by its refutation. I shall now summarise the
tn I follow GCRLER 1994. p. 920-922 in assuming that three stages can be distinguished in
Philo's philosophical development : at first he was a faithful follower of Clitomachus. In a
second. transitional phase he appears to have abandoned the position that one should always
suspend judgment. In doing so Philo endorsed a more "mitigated" interpretation of
Carneades. according to which the wise is allowed to have mere opinions. The third phase is
that of the Roman Books. in which he may have conceded that knowledge is possible if one
drops the Stoic requirement o'la OUY. av '{fvOlTO U:t:O t!:t:CtQZOVTO (cf. Sllpra, p. 38). The
main difference with Antiochus is that the latter believed that this requirement could actually
be fulfilled. I do not think that GLUCKER is right in assuming that Philo reverted after the
Roman Books to an orthodox Clitomachean position, because he was "a weak
man", who could not stand that "his new insight was not appreciated even by his old friends"
(GLUCKER 1978. p. 83-84).
BAR:"ES 1989, p. 74; see also p. 73 : "Philo's thought was this: Suppose I truly believe that
P, and it is because P that it seems to me that P: then I know that P. Perhaps it would have
seemed to me that P even if it had not been the case that P. But that possibility does not
invalidate my claim to knowledge ; for it is no part of the concept of knowledge that I could
noclrme been misled- it is enougltthat I hme not been misled." Cf. TARRANT 1985, p. 53-62;
1993a. p. 271: GORLER 19-94, p. 922-924.
1
'
5
Cf. TARRAST 1983b, p. 170; compare GORLER 1994, p. 839-840.
72
CHAPTER 2
arguments the author endeavours to invalidate (I shall only occasionally
with the author's attempts at refutation):
( 1) Plato's frequent use of such interjections as dx6;, 'low; and taz'
indicate reservation regarding the statements put forward ( 10,10-12:
toiho 6' our. EOTLV, u)J.a nvo; r.aw.).a{Jdtro:; ti]V U%Qt0ii
'(V<.iJOLv)
170
(2) From the fact that Plato upholds opposite positions regarding certain
issues it is clear that he is an of the The
di alogues Lysis, Clwrmides and Ewhyphro are mentioned as cxamplt.:s of
this practice (10, 16-20).
(3) Plato must have been convinced that knowkdge (l:mon'uttJ) is
inexistent, for in the Theaetetus he successively demolishes every definition
of both mon'uu1 and ( 10,23-25)
177
.
(4) Plato distinguishes two epistemological modes: sensibk and noet ic.
Since he affirms that both err
17
S, it is obvious that he is resigned to
(h((tUt.lpl'iH (I O,J4-41 ).
(5) Plato is known to have declared in his dialogues : "ott'>i:v ott'><t oi:n:
t'>tb<.'wzo> n , c't'A'Ait bwj'[ogci> ftovov" (I which is said to he
tantamount to the denial of xnn't/.tppt; (I 0,5lJ-oO: ()g(( otv j'[(i>; OftO).orri
ibi1;> cm'>ftcttl fll]bi:v XCHELAl}lfEVW).
The reference to the Theaetetus in (3) is of a particar intaest to us here.
for it nicely illustrates how Platonists not willing to endcJrse the tenets of the
New Academy- or those with \vhich it later became associated -assessed
the .. sceptical" interpretation of this dialogue. The anonymous author points
out that the doctrine of anamnesis implies that man has although
it has been contaminated by contact with the body, it can be purified so that
the truth can be attained ( 10,26-33)
179
What is needed is therefore a
Cathartic process (31: WJVlj; Ol
1
V brit ut , 33: 'l't'ZIJ
('mozu{)ug{)dmJ). According to the author this is why Plato has refuted the
false notions of knowledge: once they are expurgated. truth is within reach
(31-33).
This reading of the Theactetus as an essentially wthartic dialogue recalls
the "characterisation" of dialogues, and more precisely the way in which. for
example, Albinus treated the elenctic and cathartic as a first stage in Platonic
1
7
h On the value attached to particles expressing doubt in Neoplatonic exegetical practice.
see WESTER INK- TROUILLARD - SEGO:" DS 1990. p. 61 note 109.
177
Cf. - TROUILLARD - SEGONDS 1990. p. 16 note 110 (p. 61) : .. la va inc
recherche d'une definition de la science est le sujet du Tlu!t'rerc: le nombre v est a
plusieurs reprises [ ... ]. m a is il nest ni nic ni m is en question." ( 1985. p. 72). on the
other hand, has offered a satisfactory explanation of the author's mentioning of number in this
context. See al so the alt ernative explanation offered by SEDLEY 1996. p. 87-SS.
17
H The author quotes Plwcdu 658 : 668; 7YC.
17
'
1
See also 10,50-52; 10,67-72. Cf. ANNAS 1992, p. 52 note 23.
.-
2
,,
:.
":ft..
"''
..-:
:;,.
.
:1
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS 73
instruction: Albinus stated that refutation of the false is an essential part of
zetetics (Pro!. 148,27-28: 6 6 [se. xagaxn'w] rrgo; xai.
uy<.iJva zed Ei.E'(f.OV TOU \I-'EU6ou;) and that instruction should start with the
purgation of false opinions from the mind (150,17-18: 6EI Jt:Q(tnov
xxn0ugm ta; \l' Et,6EI; 66;a; rwv urrol.t1'-JJEwv). With a view to this Albinus
gave the advice to read first the peirastic dialogues, "for their elenctic and so-
called cathartic effect" (150,30-33: 'Lv' ouv ra; \l'EubEI;
6El.]OEL h'lt
1
'(f.c'tVELV n).a-cwvo; toT; TOt) ITELQaOttXOU btaAOYOL,
'Ezotot to EI.Ey%tl%OV xai. to And of course the
Theaetetus was labelled as a peirastic dialogue, at least according to
Diogenes Laert. 3,51
1
s
0
There were also those who had the reading
programme for the young Platonist start with the Theaetetus Ist . From Proleg.
17.19-29 it appears that the anonymous author was familiar with these types
of labelling and classifying
Like the Anonymus in Theaetetum and Plutarch (cf. infra eh. 4) the
author of the J>ro/cgometw invokes the doctrine of anamnesis in order to
challenge radically interpretations of the Tlreaetetus: Plato does not
reject all acounts of knowledge, since he does not accept the view that the
soul is like a on which nothing has been written (10,26-28;
10.o7-6S)
1
s-'. but thinks that it has knowkdge within itself (10,29-30).
The fifth argument appears to be drawn as well from the Theactetus -
from the midwifery section, to be more
i.troprv bi' %((l rrgu; T0t
1
t0l'S: on. OTCtV !:-l':nJ "oti'li:v oli'lct'', (h; rrgh; ti]V Hr) V
{ldwv ;vc.JJOLV Ti]v ibietv mt{.HtfJc't)J,n 'f''lrJOLV. i:r.dvl] 'fUQ c'it.f..t] i:otiv ;wg(t ti]V
l]!lTfQUV.
To them as well we say that when he says "I know nothing" he compares his
own knowh:dgc to that of divine beings. This is indeed different from our
knowledge. (Proleg. 10.60-63)
'"'' It is missing from Albinus' account (148.30-37). TARRA:O.:T (1993. p. 45: 48) suggests that
it is a late addition to tht! classification and was indeed missing from the original classification.
Diog. Laert. 3.62. Cf. NOSSER 1991 , p. 171 mb 5; p. 172 sub 10.
Cf. supra. p. 31.
1
''' Cf. Thcacrcrus 191 D; Arisl. De anima 3.4, 429b31-430a2.
Cf. 1983b, p. 171. See also Plato Apol. 218: 33B Symp. 177E: Thcng. 1288:
Charm. 1658; Mcno 718 ; 80CD (cf. the apparnllls fonrium in WESTERI;-.."K- TROUILLARD-
SEGO:"DS 1990, p. 17).
185
In the Theaererus these \vords'are immediately followed by the assertion that forms the
subject of Plutarch's first Quaesrio.Piatonica: cf. infra eh. 4.
7-+ CHAPTER 2
i] a:r).0); axou- I c;n:ov n) E- I znv OO<fOV, Ol
1
X E- I OWL TUUTl)V Ti]V I
Q'9(ptav lJV I avmWqmv rh:qJ.
(Anon. in Theaetetllm 54,31-36; cf. supra. p. 51)
From the commentary on the Theaetettls (54,38-43) we know that it was this
very Theaetews passage - among others - that had led some to the
assumption that Plato did not accept any dogmata at all.
The author of the Prolegomena explains the difference between divine
and human knowledge by asserting that God's knowledge is immediate
(cmJ..fj mBoJ..fj) and effective (10.64: \vhereas ours is mediakd
by causes and premisses. The insurmountable difference between divine and
human knowledge is a Platonic theme, which according to C. LEVY ( 1993b.
p. 148) may also have been cherished by the New Academic Arcesilaus -
and, I would like to add, by Carneadcs. This at least is what the evidence
from the Christian author Epiphanius suggests:
'AgzwD.uo; E<fUOY.E n!J Dt:<Z> t:q tr.tov dvm fLOV<!> To at.l)Di::;. c'tvOgt;J::t<!> bi:: ot.
Ta Ul'Ta n!J 'AQY.EOLJit\'l
Arcesilaus used to say that truth is only attainabk for God, not for man.
Carncadc.:s was of the same opinion as Arcesilaus.
(Alii-. haeres. 3,29) tsr..
Eusehius of Cacsarea in one and the same passage (Praep. ev. 14.4,14-15)
offers a fairly precise account of Arcesilaus' professed suspension of
judgment and the information that he liked to quote a Hesiodic verse (Opera
et dies 42) stating that the Gods hide their knowledge from man: .. for the
gods keep their mind hidden from men .. (xQt'lpuvn:; yc'tg iizotm {}Eot vt)ov
<'.t.v{}g<;>;rot<JL, 14.4.15). It is remarkable that the unanimous Hesiodic
manuscript tradition has the reading [)iov instead of voov. Whether
Arccsilaus himself changed the verse or not, the important thing is
"qu'Arccsilas ne se contcntait pas de mettre en evidence la finitudc humaine
et qu'il la mettait en relation avec la transcendance divine, rctrouvant ainsi
un theme important de la tradition platonicicnnc"
1
s
7
To LEVY's examples one may add the following evidence offered hv
Augustine, Diogenes Laertius, and Aspasius. Augustine links
philosophy to the Platonic theme of the limits of human knowledge:
lxn = DG 592.6-8: on Epiphanius' value as a source. see DIELS 1879. p. 175.
IH
7
LEVY 199Jb, p. 148.
Ill/! One may also compare Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1,23 ("harum sententiarum quae vera sit. deus
aliqui viderit: quae veri simillima, magna quaestio est."): Eusebius Praep. 1. 15.62.10 (see
MRAS 1955, p. 88-98). On Philo of Larissas theory on divine knowledge, see SEDLEY 1981. p.
72-73 and T ARRANT 1985, p. 155 note 80. See also below: p. 192.
.,
i'
.,
INTERPRETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS
nam et Academicis placuit nee homini scientiam posse contingere earum
dumtaxat remm, quae ad phi/osophiam pertinent - nam cetera curare se
Cameades negabat- ettamen hominem posse esse sapientem sapientisque totum
munus [ ... ]in conquisitione \'eri explicari.
The Academicians are of the opinion that knowledge cannot be attained by
man in so far as those things are concerned which pertain to philosophy- for
Carneades said he did not care about other matters- and yet that man can be
wise and that the whole duty of a wise man is accomplished in seeking truth.
(Contra Acad. 2.11, transl. GARVEY 1943)
75
Diogenes, in his life of Pyrrho, reports the view that Plato himself was a
sceptic because of his conviction that truth is reserved for the gods; therefore
Plato searched for a reasonable account:
r.ai ni.ctt(l)VU TO a).q{)f: Dwi"; T Y.Ctl {}ewv JWlOlV t:Y.x(l)QELV, TOV b' ElY.OW
i.O'/OV (9,72)
Plato, too. h:!aves the truth to gods and sons of gods, and searches for a likely
[or: account.
-
Aspasius, the second century commentator on the Nicomaclzemz Ethics,
explains the Socratic profession of ignorance by the difference with divine
wisdom:
u)).' D.qE. t0; EOIY.EV, atTOV flljbi::v dbvm rragetB(LH(l)V "ti]V (m'}g(l)ITLVlJV
OO!f LC!V ;rgo; Ti]V TOU Owl:. wDw y<'tg Y.(tl E\' nj lOll n/,(nwvo; 'A;w).oy[c;t
flQlJWL.
But hi! usc.:u to said. as it seems. that he knew nothing. comparing human
wisdom with that of God. This is also said in Plato's Apology.
(Aspasius In f:'rlr. Nicom. 54.21-24)
A late parallel may be found in a Ncoplatonic work, viz. Hermias'
commentary on the Plwedrus, at the lemma Plzaedr. 242C: bi1 o{,v
[the Pltaet!ms text continues: ov n::ci.vu 6 ''I am a diviner,
but not a very good one .. ]:
Everywhere Socrates claims to know nothing dbvm). comparing
human with divine wisdom (rrgo; Tijv {}lav yvt"l>mv n::agaBaU.wv n)v
avDQtmnzljv). Likewise concerning divination he claims to be a not altogether
competent diviner, as he is of course comparing himself with Apollo and the
gods (w; ;rgo; TOV 'A;roAJ(l)VU xai wu; {}Ou mnov n:agaBaA).wv).
(Hermias Alex./n Platonis Phaedmm scholia, 70,9-13)
These texts at any rate show that the anonymous author of the Prolegomena
followed an Academic-Platonist tradition in establishing a relation between
an epistemological "scepticism" and the distinction "human vs. divine
knowledge".
76 CHAPTER 2
The rest of the author's refutation of the fifth sceptical argument also
deserves our attention: when Plato says .. 1 teach no one'' (oN)vu
6uSaoxw)
11
N he intends this to be understood as .. 1 do not implant my
dogmata into anyone" (oubEvL l:vdthuu ta (10,66-67), which is to
be related to his doctrine of recollection and maieutics
190
Indeed it is the
person being interrogated that draws conclusions (10.72: 6
onv 6
191
Furthermore, being in aporia" is only preliminary
to cognition: (11,1-2: on <bE> tO ''bwrrogri:v'' 666; EOtl\' ;rgo; tO
xataA.aBEiv, rravti One of the next steps then will undoubtedly he
the maieutic phase. The author points out that Plato does not disavow all
knowledge: he makes exceptions for dialectics
192
, the so-called art of lo\'c".
and maieutics
19
\ \Vhich correspond with goodness, beauty and wisdom
respectively
19
-l.
I also briefly mention argument ( 4 ). since LEVY has drawn attention to it.
It appears that those on whose argumentation the account in the
Prole}{omena is based, related the deficiency of our capacities to the
association of the soul with the body, and in supprt of this rcferreu to the
Plwcdo
1
'
1
"'. LEVY ( 199 I, p. 291)) draws the appealing conclusion that
"la Nouvclle pouvait ;\sa recherchc Je justifications pbto-
niciennes un Jialogue a priori fort d'une inspiration sceptiquc. [ ... ]on
ne peut cxclure que, lorsque le 1'/u!don etait Jans la NouYcllc
Academie, la entre et croyance
sique ait cte moins tranch0e Cjltl.! 110US n'aurions tcnuance ?\ k penser ;I partir
Jc..: sch0mas n0opyrrhoniens"
1
'
1
".
1
''
1
Atwl. 33B.
I'Xl Cf. [0,o7-7l: OU '{<,ll] lt'{Ql(lr!;J. t;JO:TfQ ri"Ql)Htl, '{Q<!f'!l<<H:i!!l Ti1v 'i'l'Zl.1\' 1; 1;
i-rtQc'ttj'Ul w'nj izoim.J n 't :tQ<:t'(!l<mt, c'tl.i.' <;J; ctv Et; <ftl':: c''ttn i'.ui c'tv((ptpvtjoz<JV
l(V((%(1\l((tl)n OtZ11V TtiJV izJLUtHJVT<JV Tlt; UJ!nt; n't; bt:tQOOOOt'!J((; Tot; ()er nui.floi;.
1
'
11
Cf. WESTER 1:-o;K- TROlJILI.ARD- SEGO:o-;Ds 1990. p. note 121: Plato /\/cih. ll E-113[3:
Proclus In Plat. Alcib. I2K3.l-2S6.1R: Olymp./11 Plea. Alcih. I. 98.21-100.2.
1
'
12
11,2-5: ZUl Ui.f.ltJ;, flQ11Z<;J<; "otOEV Otbn" :TQO\JEI11J%fV OTl ":ri.i1v o).i{Ol' nvu;. zni TOl'TO
Toli i.rqtBc'<vnv ).6tov zui <'nbovw", c'n'li TOt' "OLC<).f'{wUm" oibEv ciQu Ti1v btcti.Fznz''1v. Cf.
WESTER INK- TROU!LLARD- SEGONDS 1990. p. IX apparatus fomium, and note !22 p. 62.
1
'
11
11,5-7: At'"{fl Or mi/.tv ri,')t:vw MJ.ctf.OL' Tct (;JlliTf(.l iv C:ii).OL; Ti1v wmt((V. Cf.
Symp. 1770: Tlreag. 128[3: Tlrcaetctus 150C. S<:<: also l'rolegomma 11.13-16: cii<J:<rQ ;i.<<] TOt'
oor1 oi: Ernov n) -ra i:v BaOn z[>u:rn)JLEV(( TiE t1uz1l; fi; <f<IJ; urnv zcti Tct; <;1bTvu; cdTi1;
rxcrctLVflV, o\h(l) r.ui -riv; EQ"{OV EOTLV TO fV Bc'<On ov :tmbiov
1
'
14
Cf. Proclus In Plat. Alcih. Il7l.5-8: oi.'nl); t'1 uvttJLVl]Ot; on. w(w; pi:v otv
6 xui c'iU.ct; rr),fiovu; niTtCt; Tbv r'Ha).Exwuh TQ6:tov nj; otvotoiu; c;J;
c;J!fE).tfujnmov ,nti:v Et; rrgoooz!'1v, d; Et; xu!'JaQan, Et; c'ou.wqm1.
Prolcg. 10,39-41: X((l rrc'tt.LV mgi nuv VOl]TCiJV Cf110lV on .. ,.1 'l'l'Zi1 ,HlCiJV ;t<:_JOO:tf:Ti.E'(flf\'11
<-r</J> ZCLZ</J TOUT<;), T</) OC;)JLan, Ol.'bEv voEi'". Cf. Plwcda 668; 79C.
See also LEVY 1993a, p. 265-266.
(--
%'
-::::
. .\
,:
1:-JTERI'RETATIONS OF THE THEAETETUS
77
Despite the considerable chronological gap between the Prolegomena and
the Anonymous commentary on the Tlzeactetus both seem to reflect
essentially the same debate related to sceptical interpretations of the
Tlzeaetl.'tus. Both authors oppose the contention that Plato rejected all
dogmata. The author of the Prolegomena also defends the interpretation of
the aporetic as only a stage on the way towards knowledge. Presumably the
sections of the text that we have discussed directly or indirectly draw upon
sources belonging to the realm of the Fourth Academy
197
or late.r. The view
that Plato is an Academic, the link between Academic themes and Platonic
anamnesis, the fact that the Theaetetus has supplied the bulk of the evidence,
the argumentation based on the classification and labelling of dialogues, and,
more generally, the fact that "sceptical" themes are allegedly rooted in
Plato's texts. strongly suggest a Fourth Academic
1
<JS and presumably even a -
source for these theses, which the author of the Pro!er;o-
mena is challenging. ' '
The polemic against the "eplzectic" Plato has left yet a few more traces in
later Platonism
1
')'}. Olympiodorus, for instance, repeateuly disputes that
Socrates' notorious contentions would be a sign of real ignorance. In this
context he makes mention of a monograph by the Neoplatonic Ammonius
on Plwedo 690-t-6, in which the latter is said to have ddendcd Plato against
imputations of scepticism. Some philosophers interpreting the Plwedo in this
way apparently took Plato's (over-)cautious formulation in this work as a
sign that he doubted the immortality of the This treatise hy
Ammonius is likely to have proviued the basis for the treatment of this topic
by Olympiodorus (In Plwed. 6,14) and by Elias (In cat. 110,12-28f
0
1.
Cf. TARRA:"'T l9S}h. p. 169-171 (vs. GLUCKER l97X, p. }S-39. who assumes a Second
Acadcmic origin for the TARRAI':T 1985, p. 71-74: A:o-;:'-IAS 1988 .
p. 104-105: LEVY l993a. p. 2o5 note 49.
l% Compare p. 105.
199
One may compar<: Terl. De an. 17.11-12, connecling Academic philosophy to Plato, more
particularly to Phacdr. 229E ("Plato, ne quod testimonium sensibus signet, propterea et in
Phac::dro ex Socratis persona negat se cognoscere posse semetipsum. ut monet Delphica
inscriptio": cf. infra). Thtactcllu ("et in adimit sihi scire atquc scntire": cf.
150C). ant.! again to the Plwcrlms. probably to 2470E ("in post mortem difkrt
sententiam vcritatis, postumam scilicet.").
M In Phaed. R,l7: Ku.i n lji'VOCl.flEl', EY.ClOE i:J.Ool'rEc; OUC['Er; [ Plwedo 6905]: otz on t'rtv6n 6
L(J)%Qc'm]; zui btOTCts(I)V Hlt
1
TU ).fyn, u)).ct lOl'lO btCL cp/..6oorrov fUt.aBnuv CfOQ'ttZOV '{i.HJ '(0
EU.t'TOY bwvr"iv. [ .. . ] nvi:; bf. !fUOlV on CtJLCppaHn6 TI).chCI)V El cd}avcno; D 'I'UZlJ, bto TClUTU
),iln 6 6 Of yE cp).6ooq::o; JLov6Bt()).ov i:ygm}Ev Et; -ro zwgiov
ti:TfQ CttoTOU. .
'
01
Cf. WESTERJ]';K- SEGONDS 1990. p. LXII (see also p. XLIV).
78 CHAPTER 2
IV. PLUTARCH THE THEAETETUS
The crucial function of the Tlzeaetetlls in discussions perta1nmg to
fundamental philosophical options is confirmed by Plutarch's quotations
and allusions to it. There are relatively few borrowings from the Theaetctus
to be found in Plutarch's extant works
202
- especially if one compares them
with the number of quotations from the Timaeus for instance - but when
they do occur the context is often that of "zctetic'' or ''aporctic" episte-
mology. The first Quaestio Platonica, discussing a Theaetews text on
is exemplary in this respect, as I shall show in the fourth
chapter. As for now, I shall limit myself to a discussion of the other principal
texts which contain allusions to the Theaetetus that are relevant to the episte-
mological
One of these is the opening chapter of De E Delplzico, \vhere Plutarch
reflects on the meaning of the most precious gift God bestows on the faithful.
God himself generates intellectual problems (ta; m:(li tov 'A.oyov u:rogiu;).
in order to stimulate our desire and search for truth, our (ptA..ooocriu. The key
example is the enigmatic E, that had become a symbol of the Delphic
Apollo. Its meaning, however. was
The rest of the work is an
account of a discussion in which Plutarch had participated years bdore. The
most important role in this conversation. however, is attributed to
Ammonius, Plutarch's teacher whom Plutarch deferentially depicts as an
impressive. authoritative personality. Plutarch's revered teacher opens the
conversation, arguing that Apollo himself is actually no less a philosopher
than a prophet (3858) and pointing to etymological interpretations of his
cult names: Apollo is nt:n'ho; (Inquirer) for commencing pupils,
(Knowing) for those who already possess knowledge (toi:; i:zotat tl]V
buott.HllJV), and AEUztJVOQLO; (Conversationalist) ''when people have active
enjoyment of conversation and philosophic intercourse with one
:oc Cf. R.t\1.. JO:"ES 1916. p .. 109-119: HELMIJOLD- O'NEIL 1959. p .. 56-63 (more accurate and
more exhaustive than JO:-<ES's list).
:o.1 Sec also frg .. 215h and 215j SANDIJACH 1969a (1\fnemosyne, mother of the invoked
as proof for anamnesis; for the question of the authenticity of these fragments and for a
examination of their contents, cf .. infra: p. 200-203) and 191 D: btiJgov toivtv at to
[se.. (n)) v wT; li'l'zni; ''Httuv hov XlJQLvov (;qtU'fEiov] cpj"Jprv r"lvm toJV 1\lotatiJV plJtQo;
MVllflOOt'Vl];, i'..(Ll d; toDto on U.v tOY ClY LOttJflEY i)(oweOwfl[V lJ
ul.wi rvvOJJawpEv. t:tE;(O\'Tat; al.to wi; ata1hJaEm r..ai vvoim;, a:rott:roeoOm. {iJO:tfQ
bar..tl') .. tttJV OT]flflCl fYOIJ!lCUVOflEVOl'; (als6 compare Quacst. COil\'.. 7-1-18) ..
This is not the case for the allusion to the Theaetettts at De ad .. et am. 6-IE (Thcnetews
1790); De sup .. 16-IE (Thcactetus 155E); De E 3938 (Theactettts 1578): Acil-.. Col .. 1125A
( Theactetus 172E ) ..
:o) 38-IEF: 6 br oi'v q:iA.oc; 'A:r6Hwv i!otx n'.t; flfv :tEQi tov Biov (cwgia; icioOm r..ai Otcthnv
Oquot\:O(J)y toT; .. ta; br :tfQl tOY /.6:ov auto; EYLEVC!l xai rrgoBc'tiJ.nv tqJ creon
cp).oo6Cf(,'J tij; l'l'Zli; OQE;Lv Efl:tOt(iJV aywyov bi ti]V ai.Tl{}nuv, t;Jc; U.J.J.m; lE :ro)J .. oi; blj) .. ov
on r..ui nj tot E r..ctvtE(ltooEL ..
"'r : .
'"t ...
.
. J. .
..
1:-.JTERPRET A TIONS OF THE TH EA ET ET US
79
another"
2116
\Vith a reminiscence of Theaetettts
he defines
philosophy as a search for the truth provoked by wonder:
Since, he went on to say, inquiry is the beginning of philosophy, and wonder
and uncertainty the beginning of inquiry (wD cptA..ooocpdv [ ... ] TO
<crgzt'l tot bf: to ;wt u;rogEi:v), it seems only natural that
the greater part of what concerns the god should be concealed in riddles, and
should call for some account of the wherefore and an explanation of the cause ..
(transl. BAUBITf 1936b
Ammonius here expresses more or kss the same view as that formulated by
Plutarch in the introduction: in order to create in our souls a craving for
knO\vledge, God confronts us \Vith riddles and problems .. Thus in the first two
chapters of the De E the aporetic and zetetic elements are presented as
crucial to philosophy. Aporia, coupled with wonder, after a learning process,
in which one is supposed to search for the cause(s) (cdtia), will eventually
result in knowledge. That God conceals the truth about himself is an idea we
have already encountered. To be more specific, it is evidenced for
Arcesilaus, who is said to have frequently quoted the Hesiodic verse
zgt'lj'ClVH:(_; '(t{{_) EZOl'Ol "110i \'OOV uv{}(l(iJ:TOLOl "
2
()<). The reconciliation of the
aporetic clement in Platonism with manticism is a recurrent preoccupation
throughout the Mora!ia. Moreover, the Lamprias-cataloguc has a title On
the fact that the principles of the Academy are not at rariance with mamicism
(LJ3l: nf{]l TO!-, JUJ f1Uf.HJt9w n] JlUVTLY.ij rvv 'Axa01J,fW.L"Y.()J
1
).l)yov), which
is probably the same work as No. 71 from the same Lamprias-cataloguc:
nrui .uwnxtj; lJn u<vi;nw xu.ni roi1; 'AxuOtJ.uaixOI); .. Apart from these
titles nothing is known of this work and we can only guess at its contents. \Ye
do not even know with certainty whether it was a genuine Plutarchean work.
However. it is quite possible that the line of argumentation was to some
extent comparable to that of the first chapters of De: by positing problems
in his oracles, God stimulates the practice of philosophy. Academic
::t:o. Transl. 3ABUllT 1936h .. One may also compare Theon's statement on Apollo: wt: yag
ui.tot b1'pol'Orv i:on r..ui i.tnv r..ui :rotriv (qupBo/.iu; (386E).
ftc'ti .. u yi.tg q tl.ooc)<f ov tot: to to :raOo;. to Ocnlfta;;nv ou yag U.IJ.tJ (tgziJ rp) .. ooo<ria; f)
ui:n1 [ ... .. ] .. Sec of course also Aristotle Mcwph .. 982b 12-18: btc'.t yctg to {}mftcLsELv oi av1}gw:rm
r..ai \'t'Y r..ui tO :t(ltlnov lj(l;m'TO cp.i .. ooO<fELY, UQ;(lj; flEV tc't rrg6znga HUY at6.rrwv
Onl'pc!am.,.E;. r"lw ;wtc't fttzgov ohw rrgoionr; xui :rrgi -rwv flElsOV(J)V bta:rogl'Joanrc; [ .... ]
6 bE: a:rogwv zni \lmftCt;;(!)v olnw (ryvoE"lv. On the significance of "wonder" for Plato and
and for the later tradition. see LLEWEL YN 1988 ..
:us De E 385C: bri b tot q-J.oooqlv, i!q:t], to ;;tltE"Lv <UQ;(lJ. tot bE to
r..ni a:rogri:v. rir..6no; ta :roiJ ..a niJv :tEQi -rov Orov i!otzrv r..uwzExQtq:{}m [xui]
l .. orov nvct :ro\lotna bta ti xai btbnar..n).iuv cthin; ( = the text as offered by PATON -
POHLE:-.;z - S!E\'EKI:-.:G 19.29 .. FLACELIERE 1974b maintains the reading r..ui ),6yov nva
:roOEiv, which makes hardly any difference as to the meaning of this passage) .
l'fl Euseb. Praep .. e1. 1-1,4,15; Hesioci Op. et dies 42. Cf .. supra p .. 74 ..
80
CHAPTER 2
philosophy and manticism are therefore not enemies, but allies. Plutarch
may have argued further that the Academic suspension of judgment does not
entail doubt as to the truth of oracles, but that no;u1. being cognate to
promotes reverence towards the divine. In other treatises too
Plutarch considers "caution" as the Academic maxim par excellence:
entails the rejection of unjustified truth claims2
10
Theaetetus 1550 is referred to again in Quaestio Comimlis 5,7 (6SOD),
once more in a context of philosophy originating from aporia. The probkm
being assessed in this table conversation is the seemingly inexplicable
phenomenon of witchcraft, to put it more exactly. As the guests
discuss the topic in a light-hearted, playful manner, the host, Mcstrius Florus,
intervenes, declaring that actual facts lend astonishing support to the
common belief. "Yet the reports of such facts are commonly rejected
because of the want of an explanation (t(iJ b, ((LTLW; CCTOQELV cctton:io{}w ti)V
lotog[uv); but this is not right, in view of the thousands of other cases of
indisputable fact ti)v otoiuv i:xovtwv) in which the
explanation of the cause (6 nj; aLtiu.; AC>'(o;) escapes us"
211
Those looking
for plausibility (to c:t,/.oyov)2
12
everywhere destroy wonder (to Hut'!LC.WJOv) .
nut then. Florus continues, alluding to the Tlrcactctus, in a way philosophy is
destroyed along with it:
In general, he went on, the man who demands to see the IOJ.'.iC of each ant.! e\erv
thi;1g ({> i:;t)ni)v i:v i:x<'mt<i> T<'> rM.orov) destroys the (ti> il<n'!l<.HHm' ) i;1
all things. Whenever the logical exrlanation (i> Tfl; ({LTi<t; 1-<'>ro;) for anything
eludes us, we begin to be puzzkJ, ant.! therefore to be philosorhers (<'il);t,nw
til <'t.rrovri:v, HJl1Tl'OTl ttl rrt),onoq riv) . Consequently, in a way, who rl..'jl..'ct
marvels (oi wi; Hm'!l<Wint; <b:ton>t:vn:;) destroy philosophy. (t1SOCD)
'Ano(liu is thus vital to philosophy. The themes of "zctetics", aporctics".
philosophy, wonder, and the search for causes prove again to be inextricably
Also what follows is of interest: the "why" Un<'.t tl) is to be sought
out by reason (t<!J t.<)'(<!l), the facts themselves (the "that", on) arc to he
21
" Cf. De atiii.JWI.'t. l7DE, concerning cschatological mat!l.:rs: lJ bi: iTFQt Tttt't(( t'ti.'p1wc zni
toi; (()).o itfiTOll]fiEVot; fQ'{OV ij yv(i)OlV iWL w'd}r)!JlV TOl' OVTO; Fl' pc'ci.u Otolhh.Hcto;
(on zcti l;J; OflO).oyo0mv mhol. [ ... J %((L vi1 6ict n't I<J%QC<tot; (.1c. f<JTl!J
iTQ<.lf.Fl(.l(LJ t':;ofLVl.'pEVOl' ;wgu ni.C:LtltJVl TiJV itf(.ll TOl'T(I)V yvli'JOLV. De sera ll/1111. 5-NE: 5580:
De def. or. 431A; cf. BAnUT 1969a, p. lNGENKA:-.tP llJ76. p. 5-tS: llJS-t , p. RO : cf. p.
131.
211
Transl. H.B. HOFFLEIT, slightly adapted (CLE:\!ENT- HOFFLE!T 1969). Sec also 6SOEF:
to (J xrtl ;t(_10<J0t.ECf.'{}Evta; ubti<fl01'lm Ol'ft0CLtVEl flEV tiJO;tFQ ElQ'I%U. TIII bi: ti)V cdtiv rznv
btovr'Jgatov c'mtotEi:taL
212
Here not used as a technical term of the New Academics. Cf. BA 1TEG..\ZZORE 1992. note
15 p. 51: p. 25. On the cl:A.orov in the philosophy of Zeno and Arcesilaus. see IOPPOLO 1981.
p. 151-152: 1986, p. 121-131. On Arcesilaus, however, following treatments arc to be
preferred: LONG- SEDLEY I 1987, p. 457; VA:o.;OER WAERDT 1989, p. cf. infra : p. 163-164.
"'"'' .
1:--.JTERPRETATIONS OF THE TIIEAETETUS 81
inferred from lowgtn (here to be translated presumably as "observation" or
recorded cases"
21
-l). Accordingly Plutarch, as a participant in the conver-
sation, will look for a rational explanation, which he seeks in an emanationist
theory ( a;r6ggOLu). From the fact that Plutarch follows Mestrius'
admonition and starts examining the causes, and from the parallel in De E,
one may safely conclude that Mestrius Florus is here expressing Plutarch's
own
In Adlersus Colotem Plutarch takes up the defence of- among others-
Arcesilaus against the malignant attacks of the Epicurean Colotes. He
undertakes to show Colotes contradicting his own doctrines: Colotes, the
very advocate of the evidence of the senses, ignores the evident fact that
people in ecstasy or melancholy arc often deceived by their senses. It may
not be a coincidence that Plutarch's use of the expression to nngoguv 1wi.
;wgcrr..otnv appears to be an allusion to Theaetetus 157E. Indeed, we have -
already considered a sufficient amount of evidence, I believe, to realise the
crucial function of the Theactellls in the debates between Academics and,
among others, Epicureans regarding the criterion. According to the latter it
was situated in the evidence of the senses. It should he no cause for surprise
that precisely in Plutarch's treatment of these issues (or already in his
source) there can he found allusions to the Thcaetetus.
Plutarch' s single most important text on the Tlreaetetus is undoubtedly the
first Quaestio Platonica. Just as in the previous texts the epistemological
issue is central to this Quaestio. A comparison with the Anonymus in
Thcactetum and with the anonymous Prolegomena will reveal remarkable
parallels and will pro\'e to be highly relevant. 8oth the anonymous
commentator and the author of the Prolegomena opposed the contention
that Plato rejected all dogmata. According to the former Socratic ignorance
is a didactic tool or strategy. According to the Prolegomena the aporetic
must he considered a mere transient phase of philosophical development.
21
-' In sc..:m i ng con! radict ion stands a passage f rorn De a Ill!.: <) '(t<Q cpl.ooo(1 o; ).t',:o; n) flEv
; c'.t:roQict; xui c'tyvoi; Vl!l'fll! xcti v<'qt['lo; ;wQfL yvt;JOH x<Li lutoQi<.t tij; mgi fXUUtov
a! tin;. TO o t:i'xo).ov xi JlfTQlOV ;wi cpl.c'tv{}QttJ:rov 01'x c'.t:rt1D.tot ( 44BC). This assertion,
however. is to he seen in its own context. Plutarch holds that many misunderstand Pythagoras'
words when the latter claims that the advantage of philosophy lies in to !ll]Mv VCLL'!lCtsnv.
Plutarch actually stands up for Pythagoras. "To wonder at nothing" is not synonymous with
comm..:nding nothing ami showing respect for nothing. Some people wrongly think that
immunity from wonder lies in disdain and seek to attain dignity by means of contempt. But
Pythagoras' words mean something completely different: Pythagoras merely wants to do
away with wonder and amazement that spring from blindness and ignorance. Plutarch's words
thus fit in with his campaign against OElOlOat[lOVia: cf. PHILIPPON in KLAERR- PH!L!PPON -
S!R!:'\ELLI 1989. p. 52 note 3 (p. 268-269) . For similar contradictions in Plutarch, see
l':!KOLAID!S 1991 (csp. p. 163-167 on bnmbatftoviu and the conclusion p. 186).
214
Cf. Quaest. com. 6420; 66-tC; TEODORSSON II 1990, p.198.
215
Cf. BABt.JT 1969a. p. 283.
82
CHAPTER 2
Both authors invoke anamnesis to turn down radically "sceptical"' interpre-
tations (in doing so the commentator deals with the very text that ga\'c rise
to Plutarch's Quaestio). Both authors also express the idea that Socrates'
assertions are to be related to the contrast between human and di,ine
knowledge. In both texts one can discern the concern to offer an interpre-
tation of the history of the Academy that is consistent with the philosophical
stance of the author; this also implies that the authors hold specific \'iews as
to Socrates' and Plato's positions in this respect. These themes will emerge
as underlying many of the Plutarchean texts we will consider below. and
especially the first Quaestio Platonica, in which Plutarch will emphasise the
importance of the aporetic and elenctic elements in philosophy, uphold the
unity of the Academic tradition and expose the doctrine of anamnesis as the
culmination point of the Quaestio.
CHAPTER 3
SOCRATES ACADE!\IICUS
Having explained the significance of the Theaetetrts and its divergent
interpretations for the Middle Platonic epistemological debate, I shall now
examine Socrates' part in this issue. It is a sufficiently known fact that
Arcesilaus referred to Socrates' example in order to lend support to his own
philosophical method
1
Not only those calling themselves 'aporetics",
'zetetics" or .. ephectics" , however, but also many of their opponents laid
claim to the authority that comes with Socratic pedigree. The former
undertook to establish an' interpretation of Socrates as a proto-Academic,
the latter, mainly the Stoics and Antiochus. tried to minimise the aporetic
aspects and emphasised the importance of Socrates' contribution to ethics.
The Epicureans adopted an alternative strategy: they attacked the New
Academics by discrediting their alleged predecessors, especially Socrates. In
trying to achieve their goal they showed no hesitation in ridiculing ami
slandering Socrates.
For the Stoics, on the contrary, any criticism of Socrates was out of the
question. From the very beginnings of tiH.:ir school they had claimed to be
true followers of Socrates
2
They continued to relate their central ethical
doctrines to his name, as already their founding father Zeno
3
had done-1. At
any rate, the Stoics' favourable image of Socrates antedates the epistemo-
logical quarrels. It is unclear whether the same can be said of the hostile
Epicurean reception of Socrates. Already Epicurus appears to have shown
some antagonism towards Socrates
5
, but specific attacks on the latter's
1
Cf. Cic. De nut. dcor. 1,11; Acad. //1-l-15 (Lucullus, criticising Arcesilaus) ; De fin. 2,1; De
orat. 3,67; Tmc. Disp. 5,11. Cf. 00Rl:"G 1')7Y. p. 7-8: WOODRUff 1906. p. 23; LOL"G 1Y88a, p.
156-160; A:--;:--;As 19')2. p. 4-l-61. At the time of writing this. I did not have access to IOPPOLO
1995. However, it has not led to any fundamental changes in my own position, although it does
contain some useful pages (118-121) on Antiochus' view on Socrates (which is, she claims, a
"dogmatic" response to the sceptic interpretation of Socrates) .
2
Cf. Philodemus, De Stoic. col. 12-13, ed. GIM.;:--;ANTONI 11 1983 (Socraticomm reliquiae) V
B (Diogencs) 126. p. 466 I. 3-4; Diog. Laert. 7.31; DORI:-.JG 1979, p. 5.
3
Ci. Lo:--;c 1988a, p. 160-162. See also )OPPOLO 1986, p. 50: "Nell'interprctazione di Zenone,
dunque, l'elenchos era l'aspctto meno rilevante del pensiero socratico [ ... ]."
Cf. A:--;:-;As 1988. p. 105: "The Stoic-Sceptic debate was in part a dispute as to which school
was to be seen as the true practitioners of Socraks' methods and realizers of his aims." See
also Cic. De orat. 3.61; IOPPOLO 1986, p. 41-42; 50-54; FLADERER 1996, p. 26.
5
Cic. Brw. 292. Prior to this some appear to have shown a negative disposition
towards Socrates : cf. DORil"G 1979, p. 4.
,,.r-
84
CHAPTER 3
reputation may have originated only later, as a reaction against the New
Acadcmy
6
In the following pages I shall endeavour to reconstruct the Epicurean
anti-Socratic polemic, paying special attention to the censuring use of the
epithets dgwv and But first let us examine one of the principal
sources, viz. Plutarch's polemical treatise against the Epicurean Colotcs. In
doing so, we will at the same time have the opportunity to take a look at a
Middle Platonic defence of the Academic tradition.
l. PLUTARCH'S DEFENCE OF SOCRATES AND THE ACADD.!Y
IN ADVERSUS COLOTEM
A. Three charges against Socrates related to anti-Academic polemic
Colotcs, one of Epicurus' pupils, had composed a treatise in which he
polcmicised against several philosophers, claiming that their doctrines made
practical life impossible
7
Among his victims were Democritus, Empcdocks.
Parmenides, Plato, Socrates, Melissus, Stilpon, the Cyrcnaics and
Arcesilaus. In his Ad\ersus Colotem Plutarch takes up the defence of these
philosophers, deploying one of his favourite strategies: he turns the
defaming reproaches against his opponent. Plutarch replies to the title of
Colotes' treatise
11
by contending that the Epicureans destroy the possibility
of an honourable life". In his treatise Non posse he takes it one step further,
arguing that even a pleasant life is made impossible by Epicurean doctrine.
The Greek title of this treatise is: "On or\)[ t}<)iw; /aw r.ar'
';r[r.oPlJov
10
('That it is not even possible to lead a pleasant life according to
Epicurus').
" Cf. VA:-:DER WAERDT 19S9, p. 257-25S.
7
also Diog. OenoanJ. frg. 6 11 S-12 CIIILTO:-:.
x CRC):\ERT ( llJOo. p. 174) a priori that Plutarch haJ a firsthanJ knowkJg.: of
Coloks' book: "Nati.irlich hat Diogt.:nes dt.:n Kolotes cbensowenig gt.:ksen wie Plut:m:h."
Such a contention is unfortunatdy characto.:ristic of philology from the bo.:ginning of our
century (one may compare e.g. SCHROETER 1lJ11, p. 35; 39; 57). when it was simply
that Plutarch had almost never ro.:ad the works he discussed in their original form. However,
there is no reason to assume that Plutarch did not have Colotes' book at his di-;posal. Th.:
comprehensiveness and the fullness of detail of his account of Colotes' argumentation almost
exclude that he had not read his work. See also VANDER WAERDT 1989, p. 229 note 11. For
similar considerations regarding Plutarch's acquaintance with the \vorks of the Stoics. see
BABUT 1969a, p. 225; 237.
'1 llOSD: toT; yag ('t/J.m; q:t}.oo6q:m; y ..w).oumv ouwt [se. the Epicureans]. btct to
OO<fOV l;); to bvcugol:mv, b.fLVOl 6E tOUtot;, on Cl'{fVV{i); zui. OtbCtaZOl'Ol
(cdJ. EI:-<ARSON- DE LACY 1967).
w On the Worrlaw of the title see ZACHER 1982, p. 36. Sec also ADA:'-.1 1974, p. 11; ALBISI
1993, p. 15.
""
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 85
Colotes' treatise was essentially an attack on his contemporary
Arcesilaus. To say that the other philosophers were only criticised in
function of this attack on the Academic scholarch
11
- as Arcesilaus regarded
them as his predecessors- may be exaggerated
12
. But on the other hand, the
philosophers in question all have in common that they can be said to have
somehow rejected sensory perception as an absolute truth criterion. At any
rate. one may safely assume Arcesilaus to have been Colotes' prime target.
Already the title of Colotes' treatise, nEQL TOV on xara TU TWl' UAAWl'
qti.oaocrwv ooypara OtH5E ianv
13
("'On the point that conformity to the
doctrines of the other philosophers actually makes it impossible to live"),
could be an indication that the author sought to challenge the Academy.
Indeed, what is more obvious than the criticism that suspension of judgment
theoretically abolishes ordinary life? How can anyone who constantly
suspends judgment, including the "assent" to sensory perceptions, manage in
daily life? On what basis is such a person supposed to act?
J.P. HERSI!f3ELL has argued that Colotes' criticism of Socrates was aimed
at Socrates himself and is not to be regarded as an indirect attack on
Arcesilaus. According to him, Colotes' criticism of Socrates is not a reaction
to Arcesilaus' sceptical interpretation of Socrates, but is directly based on
the image of Socrates as found in Plato's dialogues; especially the Phaedo
(83A) and the Tlzeacrcws ( 151 E-186E) may have supplied the evidence for
Socrates' criticism of sensory perception
1
-1. HERSIIBELL's thesis is, I think,
11
Cf. EISARSO:\- DE LACY 1967, p. 156: "The hook is an attack on Arcesilai.is. The
philosophers singleJ out because the sco.:ptics of the AcaJemy regarJed them as
predecessors." One may compare GIGASTE llJS I. p. o6; fOWLER llJ04, p. 241.
Cicero
adds that Carneade.s sometimes - i.e. for dialectic purposes, I presume -
granted that the wise man sometimes assents and thus opines, which is
equally unacceptable according to Stoic
It is questionable whether the dialectical refutation of the cmgu;[a
argument as elaborated by Plutarch had already been developed in this form
by Arccsilaus
Cf. CI!ER:-<ISS !97ob. p. 601 note b.
Chrysippus maintained that every impulse is an assent: cf. Stoh. 2.RB.l2 = SVF Ill 171:
miou; oi:: Tct; OQJlU; 0l''(%((l'(LI')fon; fl\'((l, n't; Oi:: :t(ICtXtlXCt; xai t{) %lVlJtl%0V :tf(llfZfl\:
<'
1
Cf. VA:"DER WAERDT 1989, p. 2-l6; LEVY 1993a. p. 267-269.
He might have said somt:thing in the line of 1 t22F (tu; uvcu<_Jri) . The
reference to De Sto. rep. 1057A, adduced hy ZELLER (Ill.! 192J. p. 513 note 2).
(1905. p. 42 note 5), WEST:\It\N (1955, p. 29-l-295). and SrRtKEH ( 1%0. p.
6H). merely proves that the argument ultimately goes back to Arccsi!Jus, as admittetl by
WESTMAN (p. 295): "Somit hat uns Plutarch in dicscm Abschnitt seincr Schrift cin Ori!!inalar-
gument des Arkcsilaos in desscn Kampf m it der Stoa erhalten (von Wortlichkeit ist n;1tiirlich
nicht die Rede, und tibrig.:ns hat Arkesilaos ja nichts geschricbcn)." LONG- SEDLEY I 19S7.
p. 456 take the text as transparently referring to Arcesilaus' words, whereas Lo:-.;G - SEDLEY
Il 1987, p. 444 are more cautious. IOPPOLO 1986, p. 134-140, 1995. p. SS. and also
STRIKER 1980, p. 68-69, albeit with more circumspection, start from the assumption that the
argument is Arcesilaus'. The opposite error is committed by SCHROETER ( 1911, p. 21-23) and
DE LACY (1953, p. 80). who treat the passage as having nothing to do with Arcesilaus.
'
-..
-S-
?t,:
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS
93
Another question is that concerning the statute of the related views: did
the Academics accept these Stoic conceptions merely for the sake of
dialectical refutation, or did they constitute also to some extent a kind of
positive doctrine? Both G. STRIKER (1980, p. 65 note 29) and A.M. IOPPOLO
(1986, p. 134-146) think that the On CfatVETat formula in COmbination With
zgwvrm nj and n) would offer
Arcesilaus an alternative answer to the reasoning. IOPPOLO,
followed by J. ANN AS (1988, p. 110-111 ), even emphatically affirms that this
is a theory Arcesilaus may be held to have espoused in propria persona.
Even if one leaves Adv. Col. 11228-D out of the account one might indeed
infer from the broader context, and from other sources as well 5
1
, that
Arcesilaus refered to nature as an adequate basis for action. IOPPOLO argues
that Arcesilaus considered nature to be an adequate basis even for
intentional and moral action. for this of course was a problem to the
1986. p. 137: "[ .. . ]it problema de'! criteria di aziont: di Arcesilao in Sesto non c dialettico,
ma scaturisce da esigenze intrinseche alle posizione di colui che sospcnde il giudizio. Seguire
l'eulogon significa seguirt: cio che e appropriato a natura"; p. 139: ''Per Arcesilao e sufficiente
l'istinto a farci raggiungere il bene[ ... ]"; p. 140: "Arcesilao vuole indicare che le necessita
naturali ci spingono verso il bene e dunque noi siamo attratti naturalmente da esso"; p. 143:
ha cerea to di spi.:gare .che l'azione morale trova it suo fondamento nella natura."
94
CHAPTER 3
I think, however, that it is very unlikely that Arcesilaus' rejoinder to the
Stoic argument is anything more than a dialectical reply. There is no good
reason to ascribe any positive doctrine to him in these matters
56
a fortiori a
doctrine that would privilege an irrational capacity in the order of instinct
57
and promote it as a basis for moral behaviour; not only does this go against
the grain of Platonism; it was, as I shall argue, precisely one of the
reproaches the Academics directed against the Stoics
5
s. The Academics
actually refused to confound reason and nature.
There is sufficient evidence to assume safely that Arcesilaus .. held" the
thesis that intentional or moral action could be guided by nature; in other
words, that an appropriate mental image (to otxETov) induces
impulse without any intervention of assent
5
'1, but this very thesis I
take to be dialectical: Arcesilaus wanted to prove that even on the Stoic's
own assumptions it is possible to live morally without assent. For is this
reference to the otxEi:ov not an allusion to the Stoic theorv of
"appropriation" ( otxdwmc;), which was meant precisely to found justi-ce in
nature'? And, as can be gathered from the anonymous commentary on the
Theaetetus (5.3-7,20 cf. supra: p. 44-49), this very position was chalknged by
the AcademicsNl, who argued that natural appropriateness was an inappro-
priate basis for ethics. As we have seen, the commentator substitutes the
Platonic "assimilation to God'' t(i) {}EqJ) for the Stoic
"appropriation" (7, 14-19). This move towards a positiw acceptance of the
Platonic telos may be held to be charactl.!ristic only of the Fourth Academy
and Middle Platonism, but on the other hand I think it is plausible that the
New Academics at least never argued against the Platonic conception of
justice and always respected the Platonic opposition between reason and
nature61 It may have been the case that Arcesilaus never elaborated a
Platonic moral doctrine, but at any rate, as he saw himself as a true Platonist,
he is not likely to have been committed to defending in his own name a
theory contradicting central Platonic tenets. As far as I know. he never
upheld a theory that was in blatant contradiction with Platonism. And this
may be no coincidence. Therefore I think that Arcesilaus' argument was
meant purely as a rejoinder to the Stoics: from their own theory of oixdo)at;
it follows that one does not need assent for action, not even for voluntary or
moral action, and as universal suspension of judgment, which they also ought
to accept on their own premisses, only affects assent, bwzt'l does not
See also STRIKER 1980, p. 69; 1981, p. 163; 168; fREDE 1984, p. 258-259.
57 See on the (in)appropriateness of this term. however, STRIKER 1980, p. 69.
5X Cf. LEVY 1993a, p. 268-269.
59
Cf. LEVY 1993a, p. 267.
60 Sec also PI ut. De Sto. rep. eh. 9, 1035A-F; eh. 12, 1038A-C.
61 See also LEVY 1990, p. 302; 1993a, p. 269-270; 1993b, p. 43-147.
.,.-l
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 95
endanger either daily or moral life; therefore there is no reason at all to
blame the Academics for advocating bwx1i and even less for accusing them
of thus making life impossible. For anyone taking this dialectical stance,
there was no need to offer a positive theory of voluntary action
62
Outside
the Stoic context Arcesilaus could always say that he lived according to what
"appeared'' to him (on c.pa[vnm).
There is yet another textual indication that confirms my argument that the
refutation of is to be regarded as purely dialectical. Plutarch
introduces his rejoinder to the sophisticated argument with an Homeric
verse: "as you have spoken, so you will be answered" ( 6rmot6v x' ELrnJo{}a
bo;. toiov x' b:axouomc;, Iliad 20,250), which could be taken to mean that
the argument he will establish or report starts from Stoic premises. It is also
noteworthy that Diogenes Laertius (9,73) says that this very line was cited by
some to show that Homer was a sceptic, insofar as he refers to the
equipollence of opposite arguments ('t:llV l.ooo{}vELaV Hywv xal avt:WEOLV
n!Jv ).oywv). Diogenes continues to explain that the sceptics did not posit
doctrines of their own, but confined themselves to discuss and refute the
theories of the othl.!r schools (9,74). Apparently Homer's verse used to figure
in this context to denote this particular dialectical strategyi\J.
When Colotes and the Epicureans in general borrowed the
argument from the Stoics, they needed only to make small adaptations to the
formulation, the most significant change being that Colotes substitutes
"plain evid!.!nce" for .. cognitive impression", since as an Epicurean he is
committed to the position that all impressions arc trueM. Plutarch indeed
quotes his statement that it is impossible to refuse assent to plain evidence
(1122F: al.i: abtJ\'UtOV tO Pll ouyxatatWw{}m toi; EV(.(QYEOL). Plutarch's
reply is rhetorical and ad hominem: who does away with the consensus of
Cf. VASDER WAERDT 1989, p. 265: "Once one secs that the skcptic's rejoinder to the
apraxia argument in fact relies on his rejection of the Stoic and Epicurean claim that there are
certain impressions to which one cannot avoid giving rational assent. one understands why he
finds no need to account for voluntary or intentional action which the dogmatist claims must
be expbined in terms of rational assent."
63
One may compare Carneades' dictum d !Li] yag lJV oux U.v i:y(i) (Diog.
Laert. 4,62). itself a parody of the famous saying d [LiJ yag lJV Xguomrro;. o{x U.v 1jv LWa
(Diog. Laert. 7,183). Carneades is also known to have frequently uttered the aside "bat[tOVtE,
q:&ion OE TO oov [tEvo;" (1/ias 6.407), referring to Chrysippus (De Sto. rep. 10368). The Stoics
apparently held this verse to mean that Carneadcs, who said nothing of his own (oubv
).f:-.rnv tbtov). made use of the arguments Chrysippus himself developed against his
own theory by way of [;nzEiQl]at; [xcnEgov (cf. the Stoic complaint at Cic. Acad. /187-88:
"ab eo [se. Chrysippo] armatum esse Carneaden": Acad. 1175; CHERNISS 1976b, p. 438-439
note c; ZASATTA 1993, p. 211-212 notes 6-7). But maybe Carneades used to quote this verse
(also) to intimate that he was adopting Stoic premisses merely for the sake of his argument.
See also Colotes' reproach to Arcesilaus rnl''tEv yag attov i:Otov H:yovta cpJOLV (Ad\'. Col.
1121F); Cic. De nat. dear. 1,10; De di1in. 2,8; 2,150; lOPPOLO 1986, p. 193 note 1; SCHOFIELD
1986, p. 59; 61. But see also below: p. 156; 171 note 205.
&l Cf. V W AERDT 1989, p. 246-247.
96 CHAPTER 3
mankind and comes in conflict with the plainest facts? Those who reject
divination and divine providence and other commonly accepted
( ll23A). Plutarch means the Epicureans, of course. implying also that the
Academics are not liable to these accusations and that thev do not do awav
with accepted beliefs- a view dear to Plutarch (cf. infra: -eh. 4. III. B) bu"t
which may have well been so to New Academics as well. It seems that
Plutarch is refuting the accusation that the Academic suspension of assent
makes a moral life impossible. This is borne out by Adr. Col. ll24DE.
Quoting Colotes, who at the end of his book condemns those taking away
law and order and making man live the life of brutes and beasts. Plutarch
contends that Colotes is publicly proclaiming his own misdeeds, for it is the
Epicureans who nullify the laws and the religious beliefs of mankind.
Moreover. even if someone took away law but left us with the teachings of
Parmenides. Socrates, Heraclitus and Plato, one should not be afraid that we
would devour one another and live the life of wild beasts. words may
be hdd to imply that according to Plutarch the Academics respected the
fundamental moral tenets of Platonism. My hunch is that Plutarch's surmise
is not far from the truth.
It must be noted that besides the theoretical refutation of (.CTCJ<t;tct.
Plutarch in other works also illustrates with historical exampks the unfound-
edness of the charge. As Ph. DE LACY has remarked, perhaps the greatest
tribute that Plutarch pays to Arcesilaus is in connection with two of his
pupils, Ecdclus and D!..!mophanes, who by their heroic actions proved the
detractors of the Academy wrong: "It would seem that Arcesilaus. in spite
of his scepticism. was able to inspire useful and heroic action"h'.
(3) Colotcs last point of criticism brought against Socrates is to be situated
again in the "aporetical" or "zetetical" realm. as can be gatherl.!d equally
from Plutarch's rejoinder. In seeking to discover what man is. Socrates is
actually obeying the Delphic maxim yvw{h ocdrcov, and to do so is an
extremely laudable aspiration. This is in fact the starting point for Socrates'
aporetical quest:
We pass to the downright derision and scurrility (xoptblj bttt'{Fi.(t. xct.i
of his attack on Socrates for seeking to discover what
DE LACY 1953, p. 80. Cf. Philop. 1,3: ijbtJ bf: TOt! uni:rwoo; ono;
"Ezbq).o; zui Ot l\lqnAorro).inu btrbf:;uvw ti)V 'r\gzcot/.acp
otvt'p1n; h 'r\zui'ltUlEL\t yqov6n:;. xui cp).ooocriav ttiJv za\}' i:unoi:; bi :ro/.tTfinv
zai :tga:;n; :rgoarayovw; (which also had a faYourable influenct: on Philopot:men's
education: 1.5 : Ul'tOL '{E Ev wi; u)).ou; fQ'(OI; xui ti[V ci>t).o:rOl!lf\'O; f:rowi:-\"!0
1tCLt0Et.'OlV, l;J; ZOIVOV oqrl.o; tij 'E)).abt tov c"tvbga toi:tov t:to cp).ooocria; cbrg;aoupcvOI):
Arar. 5.1: 6 o "EzbtJ).o; 'Agxa; z l\lqai.tt; m)).(1);. aviJQ cp).6oorro; zni :rgnznz6;.
'Agzrm/iwt toi: 'Axabtuuaxou yqovo>; v ctoTEt otvt'p'}q; Cf. A.-\LDERS p. 6:
LACRSEN 1992, p. 25; 54; V ALGIGLIO 1992. p. 4017.
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS
man is and "flaunting" as Colotes puts it- the boast that he
did not even know himself. In all this we can see that Colotes for his part had
never given himself to the problem. Whereas Heracleitus said as of some great
and lofty achievement "I searched myself out"
60
; and "Know Thyself' {to
yvtu{h oaut6v) was held to be the most godlike of the Delphic inscriptions,
being moreover the command that set Socrates to wondering and inquiring so
( 0 bi] %Ct.i LlU%QCtTfl <tij;> Cl.irOQLC; %at taUt!]; agziJV v6wxEv), as
Aristotle
67
has said in his Platonic writings.
(I llSC, transl. EINARSO:-.:- DE LACY)
97
Never should one hope to attain any true knowledge if one does not first
undertake the search for oneself. The fools arc those who think otherwise,
says Plutarch. That Colotes is of the opinion that this is ridiculous, only
shows that he has never reached this stage of undcrstandingn!-l.
Colotes apparently mentioned Socrates' quest in the context of the
cctgct:;iu argument. He \vill have argued that Socrates' search for self-
knowledge was a sign of his refusal to acknowledge plain evidence, more
particularly of his rejection to believe what his senses told him about
himseJfh'
1
, which according to Colotes results in the impossibility of living.
70
To this Plutarch replies that not the reflections concerning the essence of
man. soul and body lead to the collapse of life. but rather the ddusions,
conceits and noisy boastings, of which Socrates attempted to free man hut
which Epicurus stimulated in his adherents. Whereas Socrates strove to extol
the divine clement in man. Epicurus tried to fight it, which makes man look
more like Typhon, a monster with a hundred serpent's heads. Plutarch is
referring to a passage from the Phacdrus which he has quoted somewhat
earlier: Socrates examines himself in order to find out "whether he is a beast
more intricate and puffed up than Typhon. or whether by nature he enjoys a
lot that is divine and free from the fumes of infatuation"71 According to
f<i rprontov = DK 22 (llcraclitus) l3 101.
67
'Agwtorf!.tJ; i:v toi; ni.<LH!l\'l%Oi; FlQlJXE = Aristotle frg. I ROSE = mvi. <p/.ooo<r iu;
frg. 1 Ross.
6S II!RF: Ot L(I)XQCttl); OL'V c't00.tr(lo;. oon; Ell] f(Lt.'tOV, u))-f.J. oi; E1tEllJL tl
tGv c(i).(J)\' :rgo TOl
1
T0l' on tij\' "{Vli>Ol\' ClVCt'{%(t.L(L\' zov OUt(!); rtgdhjwu zni.E:tOV
EOTtV_ Ol' '(C.<Q uv ri.:rionrv hiQOl! /.nBciv f1tlOTI'ullJV, 0\' bta:tE<fEt.''{E niJV fUVTOU 'tO
%t'Qtl;Hutov XutCL/.nBriv.
69
One may compare Tert . De an_ 17.11-12: .. Quid agis Acadcmia procacissima? [ ... J 12 Sed
enim Plato, ne quod testimonium sensibus signet. propterea et in Phaedro ex Socratis persona
negat se cognoscere posse semetipsum, ut monet Dclphica inscriptio, et in Thcaeteto adimit
sibi scire atquc sentire et in Phaedro post mortem differt sententiam vcritatis, postumam
scilicet." (the refen:nces are to Plwcdr. 229E- the passage also referred to by Plutarch -;
Theaer_ 150C er passim: Phaedr. 247DE, respectively)
70
V A:'-IDER \V AERDT 1989, p. 255.
71
Adl'. Col. 11198. transl. EI:-JARso:-; - DE LACY (rtrE Tvcrwv6; on 'frt]Qiov
=toi.v:r).O%<;JTEQOV Xui fltE {}fia; TlVO XUL un:<fOU <pUOEl
J.l!:trzov); cf. Phaedr. 230A.
, ..
98
CHAPTER 3
Plutarch this kind of self-scrutiny absolutely does not destroy life At De Is.
et Os. 351 F Plutarch speculates about the etymology of Typhon: '"For Is is is
a Greek word, and so also is Typhon, her enemy, who is
as his name implies, because of his ignorance and self-
deception (bt' ayvmav xal. arranlv)
73
." Here TU(f O)V is derived from
('to be crazy, demented' , from -rucr6w), whereas popular
etymology tended to relate the name to the more literal meanings of the
cognate n)<p(J) ('to smoke') The latter etymology has the
Phaedms quote, but it seems unlikely that Plutarch discerned any
between the two etymologies, which would have been quite an artificial
distinction anyhow (this is probably not the kind of "scholarly" approach
one would expect from him). Both Plato and Plutarch play on Typhon's
vanity (in attacking the gods) and on his vapourings. meanings which are
combined in the word nJ<f'0
75
Plutarch also links n\ t[o;.
conceit", with ottnta, self-opinion"
76
It is noteworthy that Typhon in De
Is. et Os. stands for the irrational part of soul: Tu<rwv 6 -rf]; 'I' L'Zt-1; to
rruuqnxov xai. n-ravtxiw xu\. uJ,oyov xui. (371 B).
B.
When explaining the meaning t:rrozt'J has for Arcesilaus. Plutarch unambig-
uously sides with the against his In his deknct: of the
Plutarch ofkrs some interesting regarding
sensation, which may be useful to determine Plutarch's own views on this
subject. Every sensory experience (m10o;) possesses within itself a manikst
character that is intrinsic to it and guarantees its truth. As long as opinion
does not go beyond sensory presentations (rrc'tOtl). plain evidence (h<.tl_l'/FW)
will guarantee that it remains free from error. I3ut as soon as mcddks
with judgments and pronouncements about what is exterior to the realm of
7Z A dl. Col. 111 9l3C: u.nu. TOt.I'[Ol; '(f wi:; l::n).o(lO[lOl; OL' "[QV Biov uvrj(_lfl. ritv 8
b. wu xui. TOV Tt'!fOV zui. Ttt; b:uzOri; zcti t':tF<_'I\\;zot ;
xuwtiton; Y.ui. [lE'(CLActuzin;. 1:auta yttQ 6 TuqtiJv l:anv. ov no).i.v i:w:wiqm:v 6
xu01t'(f[ll;J\' zai. HEOi:; no).qtuJv xui. Dcim; (tvbg(tm.
7
J Transl. BABBITI 1936b.
Cf. GRlFflTHS 1970, p. 259, whosl! treatment of this matter is to be prderrcJ lo II OI' FSER
111941. p. 55. For thl! interpretation of De Is. et Os. 351F, sec GRIFFITHS 1956; 1lJ70. p. 260.
Cf. El:-.:ARSON- DE LACY 1967, p. 261 note J . See also De gmio Socr. 5SOI3 : S..:xt. Emp.
Adr. math. 8,5 (M6vqtos; 0 XU(J)V, Tt'CfOV Elnt;JV TCl navw, O:tfQ oi:qoi; EOTl "[lt )\' Ot' Z l.ivtlJ\' l:);
Ovt:!JJV.).
76 E.g. De aud. 39D: 438 (m'iJ<; oir'utcno; Y.Cti. EQtlnwv "[f JI.(Ll crhngin; (t:r oi.d}Ei;
Et; unq-ov xai. tytnivovt:a xcnaon'tow; am1:6v) ; De prof in \ 'irt. 81 C; F. Sec al so Epict.
Diss. 1 ,8,6.
77 On the Cyrcnaics see also Scxt. Emp. Aclv. Math. 7,190-200; for Plutarch's familiarity with
the Cyrenaics, cf. L188 (fl<Qt KVQIJl'ai'r.cuv) and VAN DER STOCKT 1990a, p. 29-30.
SOCRATES ACADEI\II CUS 99
the :tcr0ll (XQLVELV r..cti. Uitocpat\'EO{}m rrEQL l<DV bnos;), confusion and
uncertainty arise
79
. The same objects when perceived by different persons
often give rise to divergent and even contradictory sensations and
impressions. It cannot be denied that each person's experience is authentic,
but this does not entitle her or him to make any inferences about '"things"
outside of sensation. Therefore it would be preferable, according to the
Cyrenaics, to describe one's sensations as "sweetened", "turned bitter",
'"chilled", ''heated'", "illumined", or ''darkened'' (yA.uxatvEo{}m, mxgai-
vca{}w, l}'l:,XEODat, rather than
to affirm positively that honey is sweet, the foliage of the olive bitter, hail
cold, wine hot, sunlight luminous and night airs
1
dark. To some honey is
disagreeable, and likewise it is possible that a counter-example might be
found for each sensation ( ll20EF).
Plutarch rebukes Colotes for not understanding that in fact the Epicurean
theory amounts to the sarne as the Cyrenaic-Sceptic view. He produces the
stock examples of the tower that, seen from a distance, appears round, but
square from nearby, or the oar that appears bent when seen in the water,
straight when seen outside the water ( 1121 Arc. Plutarch points out that the
Epicureans hold that in both cases the imprint is truly received by the scnse.
but also that thl.!y keep us from going further and affirming that the external
objects correspond to our impression. Therefore they ought to say that our
sight is "rounded or be-anglcd"(to orgoyyl't.oOoOm xnt-rb oxaAllvouoOm
-ri1v (hptv) rather than that the tower is round or the oar bent, for it is the
image producing the effect in thc eye that is rounded or bent. As in these
cases the effect differs from the external object, belief ought to be attached
only to the effect. If one proceeds to add ' 'it is" to "it appears", this belief
must be exposed as Plutarch rejects the procedures advocated by the
Epicureans to check and evcntually verify a sensation such as a distant view:
7
s In this context o6;u comprises the pre-rational realm as well (Ep[tEvovoa wT; :n'n'trm it
M;u btttn!Qrl TO UVU!lt(Qll]TOV). which makes that it has a larger extension than the o6;a of
ll22D (M;lt; '(ttQ, OL'Z. ovbi: q-nvmoiu; 0 ).oyor; U!f'LOTIIOlV). which is situated
exclusively in the realm of OU"{zmc!{}Em;.
1120F: o0EV TOt; ;rc't0fOl V l] b6;u btClTl]Qfl to UVClflClQll]TOV. I:Y.Bui \'Ol'OU b Y.Cti
:toi.t':tQCL'f!lO\'Ol'OCl "[q) Y.Ql\'fl\' xcti. U:t0CfULV0{}(Ll JtEQL "[tt)\' EY.Tor;, aun'tv lE noHttY.t;
wgc'wan zcti :tgor; hrQot; un(> tiiJv w'muv [vnvttn m!{h] xai q-ctvwoia;
).apBavovt:a;.
ti<J On the basis of the following list of adjectives, lj'tzwOm and 0EQ[tuivw{}m were added by
REISKE and included in the editions of POHLENZ- \VESTMAN 1959 and ElNARSON - DE LACY
1967.
81
Cf. De prim. frig. 9498.
Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. hyp. 1.118-119 (the fifth Aenesidemean mode); Cic. A cad. //19; 79;
Diog. Laert. 9,85 ; Luer. 4,353-468.
!ll 1121 B: btaq-ogU.v oiw wu ngo; 1:0 t':tozri[tEvov i:xn)r;, xovro; 1t [tivnv i:ni. wu
:tt'tOot; bri: 'tl]V :ttOTlv ij To dvm n;o EAEYXE00m.
,.
lOO
CHAPTER 3
"every sensation is equally trustworthy when it tcstifies'in its own behalf. but
none when it testifies in behalf of anything else, but all are on the same
The Epicureans ought to admit on their own principles that there
is no sensation that enables us to make assertions about external objects
rrEQL -cwv Er. -cos. 1121 D). Therefore when they tell us to
make statements about the external world. they in fact appoint opinion
to pass the verdict ' ' it is" and thus transfer the decision from the
supposedly infallible sensation to the highly fallible (1121
This position towards sensation ties in with Plutarch's account of
Socrates' criticism of the senses at 11188: "the inductive argument by which
we conclude that the senses are not accurate or trusthworthy does not deny
that an object presents to us a certain appearance, but forbids us. though we
continue to make use of the senses and take the appearance as our guide in
what we do, to trust them as entirely and infallibly truext>.'' In his ddence of
Arccsilaus Plutarch accordingly argues from the impossibility to distinguish
"normal' impressions from those of sleep, ecstasy or delirium- the so-called
and recommends that one suspend assent rather than take
the risk of granting assent when one should not ( 1123DE). for unccrtaintv
rules in the realm of sensation and makes every assent, judgment or
hazardousss. Who would trust "anything so discredited and incoherent as the
senses" or "appearances which arc so unreliable and
From these various remarks regarding sensation can be inferred a
consistent view that presumably was Plutarch's ivtoremcr. these
\ \21 D: tl) :tCHJllV fl\'!ll !( UVtHlll<LV (J!llll(l); u';n'):tlOtoV {:rig [mtft; . l.':Ti'<_l (()).Ol' 6
lllJ<'lqtt((V ii.)J: znv.
On and tlaws in Lose; - Sr: DLEY I llJS7. p. S5-S6;
ERLER 1\1')4, p. 132-133. For an attempt to ddcnd position l'lutarch's
ar):!Uilli.:lltS sec FOWLER p. 265-2(10.
Kh Transl. El:-<AHSO:"' - DE LACY 1967. One may compare Cic. ;\uul. /1103: "itaqu.: ait [se.
Cl itomachusj crrarc cos qui di(ant ab Acadcmia sensus a numquam
dictum sit aut colorcm aut saporcm aut sonum nullum esse. illud sit disputatum. non incsse in
iis propriam quae nusquam alibi essd veri et certi notam."
Cf. Scxt. Emp. At !I-. matlr. 7.402-411; 421; et passim. lOPI'OLO \9:)fi . p. 21 -2S; 70: 1993.
p. 199-200; 207.
... ll23F: ljb' EV ocrua)qtoT; CLVtll zni. uzoaT; zai. ZEQOLV Cl:tlOtl(l zai. (C(VOlCl i'.Ul wgctzil :TEQL
tU aloul]tU i'.ai. tu; cravtnoia;. Ett' UJ.l\UET; ELOlV Eltf 1VEU0E"l; , tlVCL ba;uv Ot' LHti.r tn : :toiav
b' oux U.vu> xai. Y.ttttt> nmd ouyY.ettt'dh:otv zni. r.gimv ;
H'l Cf. 11248 : the doctrine of suspension of assent is a i!;t:; uvbgG>V i'.Cti. bta 0E<Jt; cr ti.ltttOl'Oa
tO c't6tamunov Y.CLllll]ltQO.lf:!lEYIJ rai'; ow{h{j).r],llhw:; ovrw Y.({L Ot'OWWl., UW:; uioOijUEOI tl]\'
ZQlOlV !llJbE OUVE;et:tat(J>!lEVlJ tottat;, Ol tll CfUlVO!lEVCL tLi>V Ubl.Jl.l>V :ClOt\ V Ef.ttV !f ClO'l.Ol'Ol\',
d:rlOTLUV TOOUVTIJI' ;wi clO(trpEtal' h roi':; C(WI'O,llhot:;OQlil\'tE;.
w See also Quacst. cam. 626AB; 674C; 691 E: 7\SCD: Vltvli)v [se. TII.cnwv] rrtl)!tEtQiav w;_
arroorrGlOCLV lUtti; nj aioutjOEl ZCtl a:tOOtQECfOl'OCLV bi. tiJV \'Oljtl]V 'l.Ctl
a[btOV q-tOlV [ . .. J 0 '(UQ t'JbOVlj; Y.Cll a):(l]b6vo; TJI.o;. rrgo; tO Oli>!ta ti]V 'l'l'ZiJV rrQOOlj).Ol
[Phaedo 830] !lE'(tatov ;wY.ov l!znv i:'otzEv to tct aiout]tu rrmt::"lv t':vagrrotfQCl ni'>v votJ<W"
xu\. rrauEt !lUIJ.ov l] },O'(((l ZQlVElV titv btCrVotCLV. See also 7\SE: Marc. pJl;
SEIDE 198\, p. 21. with note 66 p. 127 ; p. 125 note 37 ; GEORGIADOU 1992.
,
__::.._.
:::.._! .
:(
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 101
reflections on sensation can be related to De primo frigido, where the
uncertainty concerning such questions as whether earth or air is the primor-
dially cold principle leads to the recommendation to suspend judgment
about the various physical theories examined. Criticism of sensory
perception is an important element, though not the only one, of the episte-
mology of this treatise
91
We should also adduce De E 392E, where
Ammonius concludes his expose of an Heraclitean-Academic flux theory
with the remark that our senses, through ignorance of reality, falsely tell us
that what appears to be actually is C'1'1 a[o{)lJOl ayvo[q tOU OVtO
dvm n) The reason why we should distrust the senses is not in
the first place that our sensory cognitive faculty is defective as such, but
rather that the world is not the sort of place which it is possible to know with
total clarity'J:!. Plutarch's criticism of Colotcs is that of a Platonist willing to
grant the senses but a limited epistemological value: they belong to the realm
of In order to attain the certainty that Colotes requires so as to live a
life of crraga;!a, one:: needs another criterion next to sensation
93
C. Colotcs slandcrotis attack on the "Academic" Socrates
We have considered a sufficient amount of evidence to be able effectively to
dispose of HERSIIBELL's view that Colotes' attacks on Socrates were not
fundamentally related to the polemic against the New Academy. Insofar ns
Colotes challenges Socrates' criticism of the senses he may hnvc referred to
Plato's dialogues. But the renson Socrates is subject to nttack is that his
philosophy allegedly leads to broz1'1 and that Arcesilaus claimed him to be
the predecessor of Academic philosophy. Colotes' target is the "proto-
Academic"
At Soplz. 268B the Stranger makes use of the word ELQWVEUEo{}m to refer
to the sophist who is afraid to be ignorant in the matters on which he
pretends to he a specialist, whilst hiding his actual ignorance
127
The sophistic
"irony" is thus the complete reversal of the Socratic: it is a case of insincerity
and simulation ; the sophist pretends, deliberately giving the false impression
of possessing a certain knowledge. Also at Ewhyd. 302B and Crat. 384A an
'' ironical'' attitude is attributed to others than Socrates. In both cases it
consists in the fact that one of the interlocutors deliberately remains silent
for a while : his hesitation is intended to emphasise the difficulty of the
subject, which ought to make his solution, when he finally comes out with it.
all the more impressive
The Apolog_v clearly shows ELQ(J)VELC! figuring in a context of reproach and
accusations : Socrates confesses to sometimes giving thought to the question
whether it would not be better to give up meddling in other people's
business. Explaining why it is impossible for him to renounce his activities is
Cf. BODER 1973, p. 15-17.
Cf. BODER 1973, p. 15.
Cf. Soplz. 268A (tov dg(uvtzov !ll!llll:IJV) ; C (see also Leg. I 908E) . On the role of
Elgomzo; for !he dialectical definition of the sophist, see BLUCK 1975, p. 57; LASSEGUE 1991 ,
p. 253.
11
It was defined as the trope consisting in the conveying of
meaning using language that normally expresses something else, very often
the opposite t.Jl_
Irony" appears to have a wide range of semantic values, which may seem
hard to reconcile or even to relate to one another; the meaning "to decein:",
e.g., contlicts with our notion of irony, for which it seems to be indispensable
that the interlocutors know that a certain attitude or conviction is hcing
simulated or dissimulated.
Recent linguistic studies of the modern notion of irony, however. looking
at the phenomenon from the point of view of linguistic pragmatics (P.
GRICE's
1
-l-' ''logic of conversation"), offer a better theoretical framework
than the traditional, purely semantic approach, which has not lead to any
satisfactory theory of irony. Some common misconceptions and ovcrsimpli-
fications have been discarded. many confusions have been clarified. e.g. the
intuition that irony necessarily involves oppositeness between conven-
tionally determined meaning and intended meaning (this is only charac-
teristic of one type of irony). What is more, it even becomes possible, I think.
to develop a comprehensive description for the various uses of Greek
DX 19-H, p. 340; BODER 1973. p. 12.
1
"
1
See e.g. Plato Soph. 2688.
BERGso;-.; 1971 : GOURINAT 1986. p. 34-L .. Tel nous parait bicn ctre en dfet k sens
origind et precis de l'ironie grecque : dissimulation. feinte. faux semblant. quclle que soit la
nature de ce qui est dissimule ."
In this view the rhetorical application of the term is derived from its general use. Cf.
BERGS0:--1 1971. p. 419 (more accurate than 1941, p. 346).
Rlw. ad A/ex. 21 : dgwvEla 6' EOtl. I.E'(ttV n !lll :rgoo:tOlOl'!tEvov ).E'(ttV ij tot; EWt\'tLm;
OVO!lCWl tct :TQU'(!lata :TQOOU'{OQEl'ElV. Quint. 8.6,45; 9,2,44 ; LAUSBERG 1990, p. 446-447,
902: LAPP 1992, p. 21-33.
w Cf. GRICE 1989. See also BROWN 1980.
A
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 111
ELQWVELC! and the meanings of its derivatives in modern languages. These
uses have in common that they have to do in some way with a kind of
"insincerity" (:rgoo:rob]at;). But whereas it is the point of deception that the
insincerity involved remains unnoticed as such, irony in the modern sense
and irony according to its ancient rhetorical definition are to be regarded as
the communication of this very insincerity. Relying on his knowledge of the
communication situation the interlocutor will understand that a certain
utterance cannot be intended to the conventionnally determined
propositional content or the attitude which conventionnally accompanies a
speech act of a certain type. He must then ask himself and decide for himself
which interpretation is asked for.
E. LAPP has pointed out irony's ambiguity, and explained its essential
double-edged and uncertain character. LAPP's model, which is based
partially on classical rhetoric, allows one to account for the misinterpreting
of irony (1992. p. 142-143; 169). In his terms, irony is the simulation of
insincerity, as opposed to the lie, which precisely simulates sincerity (p. 146).
This can be extended from assertive speech to other forms as promise,
demands, questions ("simulated dishonestness"), expression of gratitude,
greetings. congratulations ("simulated hypocrisy", p. 148). These types have
in common their being "second order simulation", i.e. the simulation of a
certain attitude towards an utterance. The difference from actual lying
(assertive). being dishonest (injunctive, the expression of one's will) or
hypocritical (expression of an emotion)
1
.w, is that the latter are all cases of
''Simulation als YorUiuschung", \vhcreas irony consists in "Simulation als
Scheinvollzug (p. 151 ), i.e. the ironist simulates a specific speech act
145
LAPP then discusses the close relation. and the distinctions, with other forms
of insincere or deceptive bchaviour
1
-l
6
It is not always easy to decide whether
an utterance is to be interpreted as ironic or not
147
Nor is the distinction with
For a definition of these terms see LAPP 1992. p. 136-139.
Cf. LAPP 1992. p. 154 (L.'s italic) : .. Wahrend der Ltigner vorgibt. zu glmtbcn, dal3 p, gibt
der ironischc Sprechcr vor. zu bdwupten, dal3 p. und hat dam it die sprachliche Handlung nicht
ernsthaf! (im Sinne des Scheinvollzugs) vollzogcn."
t.:<> LAPP 1992, p. 17; 140: 145 ( .. Ironic bczweckt gerade nicht die Tiiuschungsabsicht, untersc-
heidet sich insofern fundamental von der Uige, erfi.illt jedoch alle anderen Bcdingungen. die
fiir die Ltigc gelten: der Sprecher behauptct, dal3 p. obwohl er nicht glaubt, dal3 p.").
H: LAPP 1992. p. 147 (L.'s italic) : "Die Ironie ist also einc (bedingt) durchschaubar
vorgespiclte Liige. [ ... ]die lronie [ist] am ehesten erfolgreich, wenn sic evident gegen die von
den Gcsprachspartnern gcteilte Hintergrundinformation verst613t, wenn es offensichtlich ist,
die Aul3erung aufgrund des Kontextes unakzeptabel ist. Will man die betreffende
Aul3erung nicht als widerspriichlich, paradox oder unsinnig interpretieren, bleibt nur der
Ausweg. sie als simct!ierte Liige ( = Ironie) zu verstehen. DaB der Sprecher der Horer dabei im
wortlichen Sinne mehr oder l\'Cniger im Zweifel lal3t, ob es sich urn eine Liige handelt oder
nicht. reflektiert die Tatsache. dal3 lronie urn so subtiler ist, urn so mehr Interpretations-
aufwand sie erfordert. Das Risiko, als Liige interpretiert zu werden, ist also gr613er,je subtiler
die Ironie ist." ,,.
. .. .. .. . .J;;a
112
CHAPTER 3
mockery or scorn always clearl-ls. GRICE's logic of conversation prO\es
useful to explain how interlocutors decide in practical situations.
Starting from the logic of conversation it is possible to integrate the
different meanings of ELQ(J)Vtla into one description. It is a (chieOy linguistic)
behaviour of dissembling, of simulating a certain attitude towards an
utterance. The difference with the modern notion of irony is that the
additional condition is not always fulfilled. This condition entails that the
speaker must make sure that the hearer has enough contextual knowledge to
figure out that the speaker's attitude differs from the attitude conventionallv
connected with a specific speech act. The Greek dgu)vEiet maintains
ambiguity between irony and deception. It should, however, be noted that
our modern notion of irony too allows for those cases in which the speaker
seeks to differentiate between, for example, a privileged audience and those
directly addressed or concerned, when only the former are supposed to
notice the irony and to understand the speaker's real intent l-l<J. One may
conclude that the Greek ELQ(l)Vda, which is invariably a form of JTQOG=toiqm;
in speech or action, has a larger meaning than the modern.
Most studies of irony still start from an idealised model of communication
as the exchange of information between only two sides
150
If one takes into
account the complexity of most communication situations, the border
between deception and irony becomes vaguer, and it becomes clearer how
one term, cLQlt)VELa, may encompass both. To differentiate between the two
forms of insincerity by the transparency criterion may he a theoretically
sound distinction, but it is one that takes too little account of the
compkxeties of actual situations. Transparent to what degree," one must
ask; "hut a hove all: transparent to whom?" To the speaker. to her audience,
to a part of her audience, to her absent opponent, to her present opponent,
to an imagined audience, to future readers, etc.? I3cfore I bring to a finish
these theoretical reOections, I would like to add the reflection that irony in
the sense of second order simulation is not completely absent from the
portrait of Socrates in Plato's dialogues, for it is related. I think. to the
narratological subtlety of the composition of the dialogues: Socrates'
interlocutors arc mostly presented as engrossed by self-conceit. much too
full of themselves to notice the ironic quality of his behaviour, but those
more advanced in philosophy, including the readers of the dialogues (or so it
should be), ought to be able to understand that his attitude involves
simulation and that the author intends them to notice this
1
5t_
Cf. LAPP 1992. p. 12.
LAUSBERG ( 1990, p. 447-4-FJ, distinguish..:s bdw..:en two E1idm::.graden of ironia.
the political-tactical-diakctical and the rhetorical. This distinction may be compared to
LAPP's distinction between first and second order simulation.
1
5 K. BARBE's Irony in context (1995) is a major improvement in this matter.
SOCRATES ACADE1\11CUS 113
In order to evaluate ELQCuvEia as an aspect of the reception of Socrates in
the later tradition, one should also take into account Aristotle's definition of
EtgwvEiu in the Nicomachean Ethics, which has been extremely influential
for ancient reOection on this concept
152
Aristotle defines Etgwvda as the
counterpart of a/.ntovdn ("boasting"): in respect of truth, truthfulness is
the mean where virtue is situated, pretence in the form of exaggeration is
boastfulness, and in the form of understatement is Etgwvda ("self-
deprecation", "mock-modesty"). Both aA.atovda and ElQWVEia are forms of
pretending (rrgoorroil]m;)
15
\ and this explains the moral ambiguity of
ELQ(l)VELCL Noble though its motives may be
15
-l, it still includes insincerity in
some respect. The reason for the limitation to rrgoorrob1oL; l:rri. to Et.anov is
presumably that Aristotle had Socrates in mind
155
C. Socrates accused of tQ(rlvEia
Socrates figured prominently in Hellenistic polemics. As I have explained in
the introduction to this chapter, the general appreciation of his personality
was positive, as he was often presented as the incarnation of the
1
'
1
On!.! m;1y also comparl.! Quint. 9,2,45-46: "cum l.!tiam vita uniwrsa ironiam habl.!re
videatur. qualis est visa Socratis (nam itko dictus El(ll,JV, agens imperitum et admiratorc.:m
aliorum tamquam R<)LOFF 1975. p. 21-22 rl.!nects on tht.: kvels of oh\iousnl.!ss
of "ironv" in Plato. without hnwl.!ver dl.!arlv hdween thl.! "ironv" thl.! reader
discerns-in the dialogues. and !he ri0c'J\Ti(( ;{sa of in the dialogues.
Cf. Th..:ophrastus ddinition and portrait of the Ft(llllV (Char. 1 ): it)tiv dQoJvriu bo;ncv
U\' rl\'((1, (;); n::rr; t ).ujkiv. :T!_)Oll:TOLI!Ilt; C::ri <Tt' zrit_)OV JT!_)l't!;rwv xui l.ll'{(I)V ( 1.1 ). The
ensuing portrait is ;m attempt to combine the Aristotelian theory with thl.! ordinary usages of
rigc,vritt anJ the familiar 1.!\ampks of Ft!_loJvF;. The motive ofTheophrastus' Ft!_llllV is to avoid
trouble: cf. Bt :CI\:"'ER 1941. p. 34tJ: "Th!.!ophrasts Eiron will niemand schadt.:n. er will aber
auch niemaml ntitzl.!n und vor allem sich selbst vor St.:hadl.!n un'd hl.!wahren"
(confirmed by STEt:-; 1992, p. 61-62). SI.!!.! also 1971. p. Stein's n:jection of
the authenticit\' of the ddinition is ill-founded.
153
Cf. F..th. Nfc. 110Sa 19-23: ;rr0i !tiv oLv To l'ti.IJ11r; b 11i:v )troo; ul.l]ih']; n; xui i1 )tw6n];
(U_,,nnn i.qt'oOtl!. ,1 !)f. :rgon:ruitpll; l])ti:v bi TO prisov ttl.l!sovrict Xrtl 0 Ctt!Tl.]V ul.etsl;J\',
,1 bi:: bi TO fi .. UTTO\' riQ<!Vfilt X<ti fl!_l(l)\' <O [zu>V>. Cf. Eth. Ecul. 1121a2-l-25: 0 ;r),fl(J)
TW\' l':tUQZOVTll)\' :rgoo:rotOtl)lf\'0;. fl!_l(I)V oi: 6 O.uTTllland 1233h38-1234a2: 6 oi: c'ti.l]Oi]; r.eti
CL"Ti.ot:;. QV r.ui.Ot'Ol\' ettDbuoTOV, p(oo; TOll i'!_)(I)VO; %ltl 6 !lfV yug EJTl TCt XELQ(J)
zaO' ({t'TOL' 1j'ftbl'lprvo; )ll] uyvo(in ELQli!V, 6 b' EJTL TCt Br/..ti(l) 0 6' (;); i:zn, c'tl.l]Dt'];
[ ... ]. One may also compare Magn. Mor. 1186a25.
15
.: Cf. Eth. Nic. 1124h29-3l.
1
" Cf. BERGSO:-. 1971. p. 413:416. Aristotle's evaluation in the Rhetorica is less favourable:
th.: fli,)UJV provokt.:s anger: [ ... ) X((t Toi; ngb;
'-UTll<j !_lovqnr.uv yc'tg it rl0l11Vftl! ( 137%31 ). Ye\ "irony" is nobler than j)(l)po/.oziu (1419bi-i-
9): ron !)' ,, rtgoJvEiu Ti]; B(l)pol.oziu; O.nDrgtlinrgov 6 !lEV yug atTou EvExa :rotEi: To
'trl.oiov, 6 6 Bcllpol.6zo; higot'. See also Rh et. 1382b 18-20. One is not allowed to conclude
that Aristotle's vic.:ws on dgwvEict an; inconsistent. In different contexts he focuses on various
motives of "irony", that invariably is a form of ;rgoo;roil]at;. In the ethical works Socrates is
the paradigmatic Eigwv. in the Rhetorica he is not. Cf. BERGSON 1971, p. 412-413;
GOl' Rl:-.AT 1986. p. 347.
114
CHAPTER 3
philosophical life. This phenomenon has been examined for later Stoic
philosophy in K. DaRING's monograph Exemplum Socratis (1979). The
major exception to this general appreciation is formed by the Epicurean
school, which once again turns out to be /'enfant terrible of ancient
philosophy, as is clearly apparent from the evidence gathered and examined
by K.. KLEVE in his Scurra Auicus ( 1983).
For the Epicureans dgwvda, being closely linked with
became an important feature of their anti-Socratic polemic. This becomes
clear when we look at the evidence of Philodemus. He deals with EigwvEiet
in the final part of the tenth book of his De vitiis (ed. JENSEN 1911): this
section is partly inspired by, and partly transcribed from, a letter 0EQi. tou
by a certain Ariston (cf. 10,10-15 ), who
presumably is to be identified
156
with Ariston of Ceos. The ELQli>V is described
as one of the Untertypen des u;rEgqrravo;"t
57
In Philodemus'/Ariston's
text ''irony" is ddincd as one type of
l'Ol bi:. ELQlt)\' w; i:n:\. TO l[n:/.}doTOV (21,36-37).
The "ironist" is most often a kind of boaster.
This is followed by a vivid portrayal of the dg(J)v, for which Socrates clearly
serves as the model 15x. The Ei'Q(J)V does not openly state his opinion. but
''praises whom he wants to censure. at every possible moment disparages
and rebukes himself and the likes of him, giving a misleading representation
of his real intentions" 15'J. He exclaims: "What do I know, except for the fact
that I know nothing lW!" He never simply calls anyone hy his name. but
always says "beautiful Phaedrus", .. wise Lysias"
1
1i
1
,
Cf. JE:"SE:-l 1911. p. XVI; KN()GEL 1933, p. 40; 73-75; BUCHNER 19-H. p. 351 with not.: t;
TSEKOURAKIS p. 241: NAROELLI l9R-l. p. 531 with note 42: ERLER 19
1
)-l , p. RIETH
19311. p. 61X do.:s not excluJe the possibility that th.: Ariston mentioned by PhiloJ..:mus is not
Ariston Ccius, though he strongly affirms that this author is affiliated with th..: Ari-;totdians;
cf. OORE 1965, p. 36-37 note 37; KLEVE p. 245.
m Cf. Kr-;6GEL 1933, p. 25-26; 37. It should be notcJ that Plutarch too associates
-L:rE(ltJcrctviu with M.asovda: ;\(11-. Col. t 12-tC.
CL KLEVE 1983, p. 245: NARDELLI 198-l, p. 533-534 and 530 note 32. Sec also 10,23
(Socrates' {:rE(ltJrravia). The section on the r'lgo>v concludes with: r.cti. ti bE[i: t](t :ri.fill> ).rrnv;
I [u;t]av[w r](tQ t[U.] Iwr.ganr.U.I flVllflOVEt'fta[t]a [m!).]H[r]wv (th.: t.:xt breaks off: 23.35-
37). This leads KLEVE (p. 228) to conclude : "A voluminous corpus of critical
flVllflOVEt'ftm:a must have been produced throughout the history of the Garden." Cf. RILEY
1980, p. 61.
CL 22.3-7: wm:' f;IULVELV ov '\'EYE[l, ;mvouv b xai. '\.'E'(ElY EUIJ_t[6]v I tE r.ui to\:; d6;
[onv ovbt'j;tOtE zg6vov fl.E-1 ta rtUQEftffUOEW; wv Bovi .. r:rw. On the interpre-
tation of nagf:wramc;. cf. LSJ, 1336 s.v., Ill: "perversion of meaning. misrepresentation" (\\ith
reference to this very text).
160
22,20-22: "fy(;} yaQ I o't6a tl l1A[TJY yr] tOUtOU on [ou-] \OEV oioa."
lol Compare Anon./11 Arist. Artem rlzet. 190,3-5.
4
t::!
SOCRATES ACADD.11CUS 115
The author quotes the example of Socrates speaking about
Aspasia and Ischomachus (1. 33-35, an allusion to Xenophon Oec. 3,14 and
7,2-3). The dgwv continuously stresses his own ignorance and stupidity.
163
BDcH:-.:ER (1941, p. 352) rightfully remarks that Philodemus'/Ariston's
ELQWV takes after the Platonic Socrates to a large degree, but that he is a
"bosartige Karikatur", and further that this character is close to Plutarch's
portrait of the flatterer (xo).al;) in De adulatore et amico
1
M. At any rate, it
clearly appears that Eigwvda is used deprecatingly. Philodemus can be held
to follow Epicurus in this respect, who is said to have severely censured
Socratic dgwvELa (Cic. Brut. 292). In Philodemus' other works as well
Socrates is subject to criticism, the quarrel with the New Academics never
being far awaytlis.
It might seem strange that the Aristotelian Ariston considers dgwvda to
be a form of whereas Aristotle himself appears to have opposed
these two types of behaviour. But even Aristotle admits tli6 that
and dgwvcia can coincide, notahly when dgwvda is exaggerated, just as
when one shows off the simplicity of one's clothcs.
167
Therefore one should
not he surprised to . find the terms closely connected and even
interchangcabk- in the later
1
M tradition: they arc hoth used to charge
someone with the reproach of insincerity and hypocrisy
11
''J
Further evidence for the importance of the concept of dgwvda in the
Epicurean polemic with the new Academy can be derived from the treatise
De comempw
1711
by Polystratus. This pupil of Epicurus
171
strongly disap-
proves of those philosophers who arc "ironic" (16,28-29: dgwvEuovtm) in
22,27-32: %(1l llil \j'lJ.(iJ; t'woiHl I u)).it "<llutbQo:; 6 r.n).o;" I xui. "/\uoiu; 6 oo<ro:;"
xui Ql.lll<t-1 t' ('t[lth i!\oi.H nO[vw. ZQ[IJOtov,]l itbuv.itrrrHJ. yrvvuiov, c'tv[Ogri:-]1 ov. On the
relation between upcril1oi.ov and rl(lliJVFLU. sec Demetrius Phalereus De eluc. 291.
163
23.20-22: 1 [t]uzu otvitr.n:;. c'tH' urryfJ; 1 f.yw r.ut xut bl'oaioOt]to;'' and .
23.2R-32: "btllOU!fFltf flOl tU.; i::- I flCtc; Cl'((HlllPCttlCL; %cti. tc(; (t).- I [f.w;] uotazia; UIIEL;, Y.Cll I
[ltiJ] :tE(ltO(lCtt' Ul.Tf.llltovoi:v- I [tu"] .
IM Of course. for Plutarch Socrat..:s, exemplifying the JWQQl]otaott'];. is the opposite of a
flatterer. Cf. De ad. et till!. 6<JE; 70E; 71 F-72A.
165
In his anti-Academic treatis.: nrQi oixm'OJilCl:; Philod.:mus deploys the a:rgct!;iCt
argument against the Socrates of Xenophon's Oeconomiws. Cf. RILEY 1980, p. 62-64;
VASDER WAERDT 1989, p. 257 note 47.
IM Pace DORE 1965, p. 36-37 note 37.
167
Cf. Eth. Nic. 1127b27: r.ui. (se. t'] dgtrJVElCt) fvlOtE CfULVEtat, OLOV ti tWY
/\axt;)VO)V o{h't:; xai yctg t'l -l:rcgpol.it r.ui. lJ ),iuv f:)).nljt;
les But see already Aristophanes Nub. 445-451.
169
Cf. RILEY 1980. p. 61-62. Hence it is clear in d.:r allti:iglichen Verwendung des
\Vortes kein.: wesentliche Bedeutungscntwicklung anzunehmen ist und daB lediglich die
Verbindung dt.!r Eironeia mit der Personlichkeit des Sokrates Aristoteles dazu gebracht hat,
ein ziemlich sympathisches Bild des Eirons zu cntwerfen, ein Bild, das sich im praktischen
Lcb.:n nicht durchsetzen konnte" (BERGSO:"' 1971, p. 418).
The
Stoics too emphatically reject dQ<.llVELa: those who are decent and serious
ought to avoid this, and the related "sarcastic" behaviour as
In Cicero's works as well traces can be found of a polemic with regard to
Socratic ''irony". Cicero 's conception of ''irony" appears to be closer to
Aristotle's than to the Epicurean: the "ironist" is held to depreciate himself
in discussions and minimise his own capacities, exaggerating those of
others The reason for this is often a form of playful, jesting courtesy and
politeness or elegance is a type of behaviour that has become associated
with Socrates:
Among the Greeks, history tells us. Socrates was fascinating and witty. a genial
conversationalist ; he was what the Greeks call E'lg(l)v- in every conversation.
pretending to need information and professing admiration for the wisdom of
his companion (dlllccm et facewm fcstil'iqlle scmwnis atqw: in omni oratione
si11wlatorcm, (]liCIII ELlJWl'ct Graeci nominarwzt).
(De off l,lOS, transl. t-.tlLLER
Cicero expressly argues for a favourahk appreciation of Socrates' rloo>vEiet,
as it is courteous, elegant, civilised and suitable for the orator:
Upon the evidence of those who know these subjects better than I do. my
opinion is that Socrates far surpassed all others for accomplished wit in this
strain of irony or <issumcJ simp\i(ity (Socratem opinor inlwc ironia c/issillltllan-
I have copied this list from NARDELLI 19S4, p. 526. Sec also Timon Si/lui. 5!1 frg. 799:
Timon in ono.: anJ the same verse calls Socrates flCi'.tlJQ anJ EiQo>vetij;. Sec further Lucianus,
l'romethrus rs 1: Our.oi:v flQOflljOEU fl ELVUl rpj;: [ ... }d.() U:t:fQCHll\'0)\' toi:; ).tl'{Ot'; w;
bfp'}EY fl'flllf.UYOt'; ov-w; tOY OO<ft;)llllOV tliJV TltClVttJV bl<rlJillsfl; u\wi; . OQ<l !ll.l n;
EiQllJVElClV <ptj XUlfleY."tljQU OtOV 1:0V 'A l11Y.OV :t:QOOElVCll f:rtttYIIl
tK
3
Stab. 2,\0R,l2-15 = SVF Ill. 630: 1:0 b' EigoJvEuwOm <ruu}.wv dvui crumv. ot.6fvet '(UQ
i).n)OEQOV r.ui o:rotbai:ov ElQltlVEUEoOm. bi: Y.cti. 1:0 o hmv flQtJVft'EO{}Cll
fl1:. bmJt'QflOi! nvo:;.
Cf. Brullls 298: "nee in hoc lgo>vct me duxeris esse. quod cam orationcm mihi magistram
fuisse Jixerim." (cf. Brut us 2lJ6): Ep. ad Fa m. 4.4.1: "et ego ipse, quem tu per iocum (sic cnim
accipio) divitias orationis habere dicis. me non esse verborum admoJum inopcm agnosco
(Ei.Qt>VEt'EoOm enim non necesse est). sed tamen idem (nee hoc Eigo>VECO!lEYO;) facik cedo
tuorum scriptorum subtilitati et c\cgantiae.": Ep. ad Quirtt. fratr. 3,4.4: "simul et i\lud (sine
ulla mehercule ironia \oquor) : tibi istius generis in scribcndo priores part is tribuo quam mihi ...
Cf. Ep. ad Att. 16,11,2; Bruws 293; De off 1.108.
tso Cf. Brutus 299 (for Fannius on the "irony" of P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus. Africanus
Minor: cf. De orat. 2, 270 and A cad. //15). The context of Brullls 292-299 is the following: the
preceding paragraphs have enumerated the Latin orators that Cicero regarded as
examples; Atticus replies that Cicero is too modest : he is "ironic" in referring to them as hts
masters. for he is far superior to them. Cicero disputes the "ironic" vein of the preceding
laudatio of orators.
.. i
I
-
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 119
tiaque /onge lepore er humanitate omnibus praesririsse). This is a choice variety
of humour and blended with austerity, and suited to public speaking as well as
to the conversation of gentlemen (genus est perelegans er cum gravifate sa/sum
cumque oratoriis dicrionibus tum urbanis sermonibus accomodatum).
(De orat. 2,270, transl. SUTIO:-.l- RACKHAM 19.+2)
It is Socrates' strategy to affect ignorance in discussions on wisdom, initially
confirming the others' conviction that they possess wisdom, in order to
destroy their pretensions the more easily:
I grant. he continued, that that irony, which they say was found in Socrates
(ironiam illam q11am in Socrate dicunt fuissc), and which he uses in the
dialogues of Plato, Xenophon, and Aeschines. is a choice and clever way of
speaking (jaceram et elcgantem puto). It marks a man as free from conceit, and
at the same time witty, when discussing wisdom, to deny it to himself and to
attribute it playfully to those who make pretensions to it (est enim et minime
inepti lwminis et eiustlcm etiam faceti, cwn de sapienria disceptetur, hanc sibi
ipsum derrahere, eis tribuerc inlwlentem, qui eam sibi atfrogam). Thus Socrates
in the pages of Plato praises to the skies Protagoras, Hippias, Prodicus,
Gorgias, and the rest: while representing himself as without knowledge of
anything and a mere ignoramus (se autem omnium rcmm insc:ium fingit et
rudem). This somehow fits his character, and I cannot agree with Epicurus who
censures it (tfecet hoc ncscio quo modo ilium, nee Epicuro, qui id reprehendit,
adsentior).
(Brutus 292, transl. HENDRICKSON, in: HENDRICKSON- HUBBEL 1939)
Cicl!ro. through his mouthpiece Atticus. explicitly challenges the Epicurean
censure of Socratic ''irony". Under the inOul!nce of the definition of ''irony"
in rhetoric, where its meaning had been confined, as it were, to "saying the
opposite of what one means", Socratic "irony" for Cicero now implies that
Socrates' ignorance is feigned. which means that Socrates actually possesses
knowledge.
At !\cad. 11 15 Cicero makes Lucullus present the Antiochean view of
Socrates' "irony". Lucullus challenges the New Academy's interpretation of
the philosophical past, and more precisely its attempts to establish
philosophical precedents for its attitudes and activities: it invokes the
authority of Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Democritus, Parmenides,
Xenophanes, Plato and Socrates, among others (14). According to Lucullus
this is to be regarded as a failed attempt by Arcesilaus who wants to overturn
the established philosophy, and looks for support in the works of philos-
ophers of the past who in his opinion doubted the possibility of perception
and knowledge
1
s
7
Assessing Arcesilaus' view, Lucullus claims that none of
187
Cf. A cad. If 15: "non ne cum iaiT) phi\osophorum disciplinae gravissimae constitissent, turn
exortus est. ut in optima re publica Ti . Gracchus qui otium perturbaret, sic Arcesilas qui
philosophiam everterer; et in eorum auctoritate delitesceret qui negavissent
qutdquam sciri aut percipi posse?"Cf. LEVY 1993b, p. 146-147.
,_,..
120
CHAPTER 3
the authorities quoted by the scholarch denied the possibility of
for Plato left a perfectissima disciplina, which has been by the
Peripatctics as well as the Academics and indirectly also the Stoics ts.-;_ Also
Socrates cannot rightfully be considered a predecessor of Arcesilaus,
Lucullus asserts, for his profession of ignorance is .. ironic":
As for Socrates, he used to depreciate himself in discussion (ipse detrahens in
dispuwtionc) and to assign greater weight to those whom he wished to refute
(plus trihuebat is quos vohbat refellere); thus, as he said somdhing other than
what he thought (cum aliud diceret allfUC scwiret), he was fond of regularly
employing the practice of dissembling that the Greeks call irony (lihentcr wi
solitus est ea dissimulatione quam Gracci dgwvEiav vocant) [ ... ].
(Acad. /115, transl. RACKHAM 1933)
"Irony" for Lucullus and presumably Antiochus means that Socrates says
something other than he thinks (cum aliw/ tliceret atque scmiret) ts'-1; his
ignorance is mere pretence
1
'
10
Ciccro himself, in reply to this Antiochean
interpretation, will claim Socrates' profession of ignorance to be genuine,
and his self-depreciation to be a fundamental, lasting attitude (ironiam . . .
papetuam, ;\cad. 11 74) in stead of being a mask intended to hide his true
wisdom.
A text which has been ignored both in the studies on the sernantical
development of dgwvda ami in studies on the of Socrates is to he
found in Aspasius, the second-century commentator on Aristotle. Part of his
exposition of the Aristotelian on the relations between truthfulness,
and dg(l)vdu (In Eth. Nicom. 54J-lX) only makes sense. I
believe, when seen against the background of the old polemic against
Socrates
1
'
11
It is noteworthy that Aspasius marks as those
t\cacl. /115: [ ... ]quia disciplinam, et AcaJcmicos.
nominibus n.: a quihus Stoici ipsi magis quam scnkntiis
This text is crucial for our of Antiochus cf.
BAR:"'ES IW\9, p. (DI STEFA:SO 198-1 is rather superficial). Sec also n:r-.ion
at ;\cad. 115-IS (Antiochus position up by Varro).
1' '1 Sec also 1971.}, p. 9. This interpretation of Socrates is also to b..: founJ in
Quintilianus, where he deals with ironia as tropc and as figure. ln both cases "contraria ci
quod dicitur intcllcgcndum est" (9.2.4-1). Whereas the tropc consists of only a few words. the
figure presupposes a larger context (9.2.45--lo):" [ .. . ] brcvior est tgo;ro;. At in figura totius
voluntatis fictio est, apparcns magis quam conft:ssa. ut illic verba sint verbis vcris div..:rsa. hie
sensus scrmoni et voci et tota interim causae conformatio. cum etiam vita universa ironiam
habere vidcatur, qualis est visa Socratis (nam ideo dictus l'lgo>v. agcns impcritum et
admiratorcm aliorum tamquam sapicntium) [ .. . ]."Sec also Fronto Ad Caes. 3.16.
Cf. FLADERER 1996, p. 33: "[ .. . ] Antiochos. der ebcn diesc sokratische Aporctik als
ironische Maske vcrsteht, hinter dcr sich ein Socrates dogmaticm verbirgt"'. See also IOPPOLO
1995, p. 118.
13ECCHI 199-1. p. 537-1 emphasises the total absence in the commentary of references or
allusions to Epicureanism.
. :
SOCRATES ACADHIICUS 121
.. sophists" who claim to have mantic powers or to possess knowledge which
they in fact do not have IY::!. The commentator relates that dgwvda,
according to some, is not to be considered a vice, since Socrates is considered
an bozEt 6 not dvm zaz[a ll dgwvda n)v yag 2:wzgcntlv Ei:gwvcJ.
rfCIOL yEyovvm, In Arist. Etlz. Nicom. 54,18-19). Aspasius thinks it more
probable, however, that Socrates is not an Ei:gwv at all b oux. 1iv
Etgwv 6 2:wzgan1;, 54,19), since the only persons qualifying him thus, e.g.
.. fcnon and Thrasymachus, may be suspected of not really understanding
Socrates' intentions
1
Y
3
Aspasius' next remark is even more interesting:
Socrates' profession of ignorance is not motivated by an intent to be
untruthful, but by his true conviction, which he expresses in the Apology,
that human knowledge is insignificant when compared to the divine, and also
by his wish not to give offence and pass for
i.ti).' D.q, t;J; rotzrv, a{rov lllJbi:v Eibvm rragaBaHwv Ti]v U.vHgt,mivlJV
OOC{iav ;rgo; Ti]V TOU \}roD. wuw yctg xai EV nj TOll nA.anovo;
ELQl]TUl. row; bf. xai TO CfOQTLXOV q:.v).anowvo; X({l bax{);, ou btu ti]V rrgo;
Tt) lj'Etbo; cp).iav, f:rr' D.mTOV f.i.EyE mgi EUUTOl
1
, omg oux f.onv ELQtuVEl({.
(5-1.21-25)
But usi.!J to said. as it seems. that he knew nothing. comparing human
wisdom with that of God. This is also said in Plato's Apology. But as
well it was in order to avoid what is coarse and offensive, and not for love of
lying. that he spoke depreciatingly of himself- this is not irony.
Yet another possibility envisaged by Aspasius would be that one must
distinguish between two meanings of dgwvdn, a pejorative and a
meliorative one
1
'
1
5.
A late echo of the same controversy may be found in Themistius' twenty-
first oration. In Aristotelian fashion Themistius distinguishes between two
kinds of untruthfulness ('l'El'l'>o;) regarding oneself: dgt,Jvda and
t%. The former is tactful and polite and may sometimes he
which was
supposed to release the interpreter from the obligation to take them
Plutarch in some texts also connects "irony" with Socrates- but this does
not necessarily mean that he is referring to a type of "irony" that wou!J be
1'17 259[1: ti> pi:v oi1 i)J.d:TOv tou iWJl'l'ov tf: on xui. ai!tt).ov zui i:viorr o\_z
UXQlJOtuv t<i' <(t).ooo<f\'l' xui ()tu toi:to <a\m)> zui. LWZQUnJ; <t:v> toi:;
).O'{Ol;, o:totE (bfi:to btax(il1f'UL nva oo<rtatiJV tt'<fOV !lt::Otov zai. '{Epovta 1'CEQlOUO<fQOOt'VlJ;.
'{UQ aioOavovtm tij; i:attli)V oubrvrin;. OtaV U!ta0otf{?Ol bu:;r).E'(I,lll\'t((l to0
lllJCEV dbf:vm rtQOO:tOlOU!lEVOL'.
e.g. Dcm. 18,6, Fab. 11.1 (seH-deprcciation); Quaest. cum. 618E (opposition dge>vEia
- Arttn. 17,8; Afar. 43,3; Timol. 15.7; A g. et Cleom. 19.6; Alar. 2-l.5-6; Pomp. 30.6;
Dt! awl. 4-lD; ps.-Plut. Apoplzt. Lac. 236C (irony). Of special interest are those cases in which
the ambiguity of irony is exploited (cf. Pomp. 24,8) or where the interpretation of an utterance
probably does not match the speaker's intention (cf. A rat. 41,7). For a full account of riQt,JvEia
in Plutarch I refer to the paper I presented at the IVth International Congress of the Interna-
tional Plutarch Society, "Rhetorical Theory and Praxis in Plutarch'' (Leuven, July 36. 1996).
to be published in the proceedings.
1'19 Cf. Anon. In Arist. Artem rhet. 190,3-5: [ ... ] zni. ).f:ynv EigwvEia; :n:U'.'ta tct;
(i.e. having denounced someone as a traitor) "o za).o; o\nooi, o After
this fictilious example the commentator casually remarks: ot AO'(Ol toC foQtiou, ov
rtUQElOCt'{El 6 rn.anJ>V ELQl!)V(UtlXOl dmv
.t: .. I
i
I
I
I
t
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 123
exclusively Socratic. Apart from the Quaestiones Platonicae, which I shall
discuss in the next chapter, Socrates is mentioned along with "irony" in
Quaesr. com. 2,1, which tackles the question which matters according to
Xenophon are suitable for an agreeable and entertaining table conversation.
In other words, this Quaestio is about refinement and etiquette (629EFf'
01
.
The starting point for the discussion regarding is the premiss that
it is extremely difficult to jest without hurting people (631 C-F), as mockery
is even more hurtful than downright
Jesting is said to be admissible
only in the case of someone of unimpeachable reputation being teased for
disabilities which do not exist so that actually the merit which does is
(in stating this Plutarch has unknowingly formulated one of
the conditions for the functioning of irony). The examples given by Plutarch
can each be considered cases of ironical behaviour. He mentions two
anecdotes involving
( 1) Socrates chalh:nges the very handsome Critobulus to a beauty-contest- as
if he seriously believed. to be a match for Critobulus when it came to physical
beauty. This challenge is interpreted by Plutarch as an example of amiable
teasing. not of taunting derision: ('no xai Kgtt6Bou).ov 6 L(l)zgc'nq;
n'.:rgoow:rotatov ovw rrgoza).ot,ftrvo; d; OU'fZQlOtv ELlftOQ<ftet; or'%
:u' A striking is ofkrcd hy lulianus (lmperator). resisting perfidious melhods of
Pla!o. In order to prove Plato showed respect of the Gods,
lulianus (Or. 7.24) quotes a passage from the 1'/tilchus (12C). But merely quoting is not
sufficient. for Plato has put these words into Socrates' mouth. Therefore lulianus continues:
t((L'Ht fV <!>t).l')[l<ll ).1-rcnn zui. toiW)tu hrga ;n't).tv l:v Tqtetllll' ,iU(J'[(l1flV yi.t{? a';wi: i{((l
Xtl!Qi; u;m()Ei;n,>; i.qopt;\'01; OOlt t:tt\l ttiJV {}uiJV <fUOlV oi ITOllJHtl . t(tlTU bi: ITCLQE01]i'.U fliJ
:tOTE oot :trq..>c't<rf.lJ :tQt><fWJtV,tiJU:tfQ OlfltLt tliJv rD.m<>Vli'.UJV rro)J.o'l;. t> 2t,li'.QC.mJ; l:igwv uJv
cr'0on TlJV ni.({TlJJVl%lJV t'mtll.t<JCH bo;uv. fxfl y(tg oux 6 <'tU.' 6 Tiwuo; tuCtu i.iyn
ijztOT(( t7n EiQWV. %Ult0l toi:n) yi:: ronv oi..z lliJ n't ).E'(OflEV(( CtAAU tOt;
)iro\'t<L;. zai to :t(lo; tiva; ot ).oyOL yiyvovtat. Cf. OORRIE 1987. p. 399.
;:1!1 brings the Quaestio to a conclusion referring to a Platonic dictum: being able to
jest without off<.:nding is the hallmark of the well-educated (63-tF: ol bf: tov XCHQOV Eibotr; xai.
qviitTTOvtr; attl]'l t<) niitttllVl on tOL' m:tmbEl-'flEVOU xa).ti>; EQ'{OV fOTl to
f!l!lfhi>; zni XfZUQlO!lEVw;). HUBERT's ( 1938. p. 56) and ( 1972, p. 75,
note 5 p. 178) surmise that is referring specifically to Plato Leg. 654B, is to be
doubted. The allusion in question is more of a general remark pertaining to Plato's "playful"
approach to philosophy. Sec TEODORSSON I 1989, p. 20-l. On the relation between XatQ6; and
:tUQQl]Ota, see V ALLOZZA 1991, p. 329.
:Ol 631 0: Ol'V tu oxti>!qtma baxvn.
:OJ 632A: Ou o.na. :rt{?Ulta flOl bozri ta h:tOLlvtU tot; ho;:ou; oxci>flflUta toi;
otot tiE bwfio).ij; 1'Jbov11v nvu xai. xagtv rrmE'lv.- 632B: 'tCt yctQ ou rrgooovta qau).a
liro\'tE; E!tcfnivm.ot tu ngooovta XQTJOta. bE'l ?:i xai. ngoorivai n
XQTJOTOV' db tO tODVUvtlOV EXEt tlJV U:tOVOl((V.
l().l An allusion to Xenophon Symp. 4,19. Cf. TEODORSSO'-: I 1989, p. 185: "Socrates' proposal
of a beauty contest judged by the guests. was thus an act of self-irony rather than amiability,
as Plut. puts it here. The case is thus not entirely adequate as an example." See also
1972, p. 69, note 3 p. 172. '.
.&i.
124 CHAPTER 3
(2) Alcibiades teases Socrates for his jealousy about Agathon : xai LWXQclTIJV
rrcihv axwj'[n:v d; riJv mQi 'A ya{}tr>vo; ( 6328 ; cf.
Plato Symp. 213q:ws .
Those who jokingly apply depreciating terms to a praiseworthv
accomplishment, give greater pleasure than they would with straightforward
praise. And likewise those censuring through words of praise (used
ironically) are more bitingly effective
206
Illustrations of this last type would
be calling a rascal an Aristides, a coward an Achilles, or Oedipus calling
Creon an old, faithful friend (6320). Thereupon Plutarch asserts that there
is a corresponding form of irony for praise that was put to use by Socrates
when he applied the terms "pandering" and "pimping" to Antistht!nes'
talent to make friends and bring together people by inciting good-will
( c.t.vtimgocpov ouv otr.E yf.vor; dvm dg(t)vlar; to rrEgi. tou; b:nivov; c!> r.ni.
L(J)%Qcln]; zgt]oaw, ToO 'A vnoDf.vou; to <ftAOrrOLov r.ai ouvuytr>'{OV
<'tv{}gc.;J:t:(I}V Elr;, El'VOlCtV WWt(lO:t:ElCJ.V ( XCLL OUVU'((J)'(LUV) iWl rr(lO<.t.'(Ctl'/ ElUV
ovo
1
taaa;. 632DEr
07
Provisionally kaving out the evidence of the first Quaestio Platonica. ont!
is led to conclude that Plutarch does not mention a form of dgc!}VFL<t that
would be specific for Socrates or for the Socratic brand of philosophy. But
he does, of course, speak favourably of Socrates' manner. His defence of
Socrates against the allegations of moreover. belong to the same
controversy. for the relation between Colotes' attack on Socrates and
Epicurus' criticism of Socrates' dgwvEtCJ. is tindeniahtc
2
n''. This will be borne
out by my interpretation of the first Quaestio Platonica in chapter four.
The appreciation of Socrates' personality and the value of his profession
of ignorance arc at stake in the polemics between Academics and
211
1
Plutarch is mist akt.:n: it is not Socratt.:s. hut who is bt.:ing j.:alou-;. Cf.
TEODORSSON I I YSlJ, p. IX5 : "Maybe thl! lapse is simply Jut.: to the ambition to vary tht.: styk
by prt.:st.:nt ing a (rrc!).tv) case with Socrates as the objt.:ct."
2
'"' 632D: "En toivtv oi n't X{.l'!OT<i. ni)v :t(lCt'(ftC'tT<>v toi; /.mbogot'ftivm; ovt'>!LWH pnct
rrwi'lti!; %H).o0VtE;, lt\' fftpr).ti>; 1TOl(iJOlV. ((IJtliJV flUHov HiJ\' t t.:t' n'ilriH;
bwvouvnuv. xui. '(UQ buxvoum fl(t/).ov Ol bt('t niJV El'(p'uw>V ovnbit;ovtE; . Cf. Quint. S.ll.55 ;
lsid. Orig. 2.21.41.
2117
Plutarch has in minJ Xenophon Symp. 4,61-64. As to Qwzest. com. 632D. I follow
TEODORSS0:--1 I I 989, p. 18R for the word order rtvo; dvm dg(l)vcia;.
211
x Pace WESTMAN 1955, p. 67. WESTMAN sticks to the stereotyped translation
"Nichtwissen", ignoring the associations with a).a(;ovEia and the significance of dgr:>vriu for
the Epicurean anti-Socratic polemic. Cf. DE LACY 1956. p. 436. DE LACY, however. dt.:vdops
a strange argumentation: rejecting WEsntAN's view that "by professing to doubt at tht.: same
time that he was using his sense-perceptions in the everyday business of life he was ....
he suggests as an alternative explanation that refers to the Socratic "irony". I think
it is misleading to oppose both explanations. for it is the very attitude exposed by WEST\t.-\:--:
that was commonly designated as ELQ(J)VEtCL. Presumably DE LACY makes the same mistake
hy assuming that ELQ{I)Vfla means "ignorance", whereas it may often be translatt.:d as
"insincerity".
....
SOCRATES ACADEMICUS 125
Epicureans, and among Academics, as is evidenced by the texts already
cited, and especially by the fragments of Philodemus, the philosophical
writings of Cicero. and Plutarch's polemical treatises. The Epicureans linked
ELQ(I)Vflet with ctl.asovda, and considered it one of his censurable character-
istics. It is clear that the Epicureans undertook a fully-fledged assault on
Socrates. Cicero relates the habit of the Epicurean Zeno of Sidon (2nd half
2nd century B.C.) of inventing scoffing nicknames for Socrates, his biggest
hit being scurra Atticus, ''the Attic buffoon"
209
. Philodemus' description of
the ELQ(I)V clearly fits in with Socrates' alleged scurrilitas
210
V ANDER
\V AERDT
211
has convincingly argued that Colotes was at the origin of the
explicitly polemical attitude against Socrates and was the first to develop a
systematic attack. The reason for this appears to have been that the
Academics claimed Socrates to be one of their most important predecessors.
Although Epicurus is known to have condemned Socratic "irony" and to
have shown little respect for Socrates
212
, Colotes may be held the first
Epicurean to have developed an extensive and thorough criticism of Plato's
master.
The defence of Socrates against anti-Academic attacks continued to be an
important issue in Middle Platonic times. This should be clear from my
analysis of Plutarch's Ad\'(!rsus Colotem, and will be borne out by the texts
discussed in the following chapters.
Of course the Epicurean polemic cannot be separated from the
controversy over Socrates during his own lifetime, which ultimately led to his
trial and condemnation. There have always been widely divergent interpre-
tations and appreciations of Socrates as a thinker, and also as a person
213
. In
Attic comedy Socrates was presented as a sophist
214
and a bragger
21
5; the
same tendency may be discerned in one of Acschines orations (In Tim. 173,
345 B.C.). Possibly these accusations already figured in the Athenian orator
Polycrates anti-Socratic pamphlet, which was a fictitious prosecutor' s
oration put into Anytus' mouth and written a few years after Socrates'
:c"' Cic .. De nat. dt:or. 1.93 : "Zeno [ .. . ] Socraten ipsum parentem philosophiae Latino verbo
utens scurram Atticum fuisse dicebat. " Cf. KLEVE 1983. p. 229.
2111
Cf. KLEVE 1983. p. 2-l5-246.
ell 1989. p. 233; 254 ; 257-258.
Cf. Cic. Brw. 292 ; Dt? 1rat. dwr. 1.93.
m Cf. DbRI:--:G 1979. p. 1-17.
Cf. GnHRIE (III.b) 1971. p. 39-57.
Cf. Aristoph. Nub. 102-104: TOUS ai,CL1;6va:;.l TOt'; (;);(QlWvta; . tou; UVU:it00l]T01.; J...tyw;.
I 6 zetzobetif!Cr)\' L(J)ZQUtl]; zui. XmQE<[U)V. Also Nub. 449; 1492 .
------ ....&
126
CHAPTER 3
death
2
1
6
Philodemus appears to be well aware that his portrait of Socrates as
an ElQWV and an could be traced back to Old Comedy
217
.
Furthermore there appears to have existed a biographical tradition, starting
with Aristoxenus, condemning Socrates for his allegedly licentious way of
life2
1
R. Therefore it was not exclusively Plato's dialogues that determined
later views on Socrates, but also the interpretations of Socrates bv
Aristophanes, Xenophon
219
and other Socratics
220
-
Zlo This has been inferred by DbRl"G (1979, p. 3) from Xcnophon ,\/cm. 1.2.\2. where
Socrates is charged with the reprehensible behaviour of his pupils Critias and Alcihiadcs. It is
commonly assumed that Xenophon here treats the accusations from Polycratcs' K(f1Ji'OQLC!
J:oJ%Qrirou; (cf. lsocr. 11.5, and Lihanius Apol. Socr., 136 sqq .. which is a reply to Po\ycrates.
See also GUTHRIE 1II.b 1971, p. 11). However. in this passage of Xenophon there is no direct
mention of the accusation of sophistry (Alcibiades is called a%gcnonn6; 'tf %Ui
uBgun:cnmo;) . The cited text from Aeschines (In Tim. 173) suggests a relation between
Socrates being called a sophist and the fact that Critias was his pupil.
2! 7 De vitiis 10,24-25; cf. KLEVE 1983, p. 245.
2'H Cf. R!LEY 1980, p. 55; Lo:--:G 198Sa, p. 155.
m Philodemus, in his anti-Academic treatise Drqi oi%ovopiu;. undertakes a systematic
refutation of Socrates' words in Xenophon's Oeconomicus. Cf. RlLEY 1980, p. 62-M;
V AND ER W AERDT 1989, p. 257 note 74.
no Cf. KLEVE 1983, p. 238.
CHAPTER 4
THE 1,:\;TERPL\ Y BETWEE!'; ACADEJ\JIC AND PLATONIC TIIEJ\IES
1:-.1 PLUT ARCH
In order to study the way in which Plutarch incorporated Academic themes
in his brand of Platonism, I have chosen the first Quaestio Platonica as a
central text, as it is probably Plutarch's most explicit attempt to combine
harmoniously Academic and Platonic themes. In this text, focused on
Tlzem:r. 150C7-8, Plutarch tries to come to terms with the Academic legacy
within a truly Platonic framework. The text presents a cluster of various
themes, all in some way related to the epistemological polemic of the New
Academy!: Socrates (the incarnation of philosophy), his so-called divine
sign. the Tlzeaererus _(whose philosophical "pregnancy" I am confident to
have made clear by now) ... apore\ics", the search for truth ('zetetics"). and
anamnesis. Were this quaestio an isolated attempt to come to terms with the
Academic legacy, then its significance would be quite limited. But, as it
appears, this succinct text is firmly anchored in Plutarch's a:uvre: its themes
are inextricably linked to other important works within the corpus and
cannot he properly understood in isolation from it. Accordingly. in the
follmving pages this quaestio \vill be used as a guide and an introduction to
the corpus, so that this chapter actually orrers a comprehensive treatment or
Plutarch's Academic Platonism.
I. SOCRATIC ELENCTICS: t\ DIVINE 1\IISSION'? (999C-F)
A. ot yuQ yr zu.i
Starting point of the Quaestio is the question as to the meaning of Socrates'
account of his "midwifery": why did he say in the Theaetetus that God
compelled him to act as midwife, but never allowed him to bring forth?
(999C: d bli;roTE 1ov L(l)zgan1v 6 DEo zf.n.,oEv hgotl,
ahov bf: yEvva.v cmEZO)AUOEV, (0 Ev 8Emnin..o Hynm;) It may now seem
1
POHLENZ (1913, col. 1541) already drew attention to this text. I am much indebted to
CHER:-;tss's extremely rich notes (1976a, p. 18-29)- my paraphrases of the text draw mostly
on his translation; literal translations are his. FROIDEFOND in his survey "Piutarque et le
Platonisme (ANRW) mentions only in passing the Quaestio (1987, p. 188), whereas R.M.
JO:-.:Es ignores it completely in his r_nonograph The Platonism of Plutarch (1916).
128
CHAPTER 4
surprising that Plutarch, having quoted Tlzeaet. 150C, first and foremost
focuses attention not on Socrates' maieutic art, but on the element "God" in
Socrates' assertion:
ou '{CtQ yE xal. llQOOEXQt\om: ' O.v H!J lOL' {)wC ovowm
(9<J9C) .
Certainly he would not have used the name of god in irony or jest.
By denying that Socrates uses the name of God in irony or jest , Plutarch
wants to make clear that Socrates does not use the name lightly, as a
manner of speaking", but that he really means that he considers his maieutics
a divine mi ssion, in the full sense of the word. At the same time Plutarch
stresses that Socrates' claim does not in any way imply a lack of reverence
towards the divine.
The choice of the words and is certainly not
coincidental. On a surface level this refers to Alcibiades' famous words in the
Symposium (216E4-5; cf. supra: p. 1 OS). hut Plutarch 's contemporary public
must also have associated both terms with sceptical tendencies in and oubide
of Platonism. I am confident to have made clear the context which made
Socrates' dQo>vEiet a controversial issue. When Plutarch. immcdiatdy after
the formulation of the question, emphatically disavows the interprctat iun of
Socrates' words as dgu>vdu, this is not a rejection of our notion of "Socratic
irony". What he is rejecting is a notion of ELQ(!Jvdu that would imply that
Socrates is simulating a certain attitude. which would release the interpreter
from the obligation of interprding his words litterally and even of taking his
words seriously: these words, when intl.!rprcted "ironically", might mean
that Socrati.!S does not really believe his philosophy to be a divine mission
2
Someone interpreting Socrates' words in this way. if his attitude is
favourable towards Socrates, might have regarded thl.!m as amiable jest ...
Antiochus probably interpreted some of Socrates' contentions in this vein.
But those wanting to injure Socrates' reputation could interpret his words as
pretentious and irreverent mockery, for the meaning of EtQ<'>vn:own may he
closely linked to that of or It was the Epicureans that
accused Socrates of this kind of arrogance and pretentiousness, as is seen in
Plutarch's anti-Epicurean treatises and from many other texts. Plutarch
rejects the ''ironical" interpretation of Socrates' words at The{l(:t . I SOC. hut
apart from that he appears to have accepted ''ironical" interpretation as an
admissible exegetical tooP.
But not only ELQ(uVE\JOWH, too must have rung a bell. Sextus
Empiricus, discussing the question of whether Plato was a dogmatic. an
aporetic, or both, and relating this controversy to the classification of
CL SCHUSTER 1917, p. 4-t
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 129
dialogues, examines the affirmation that Plato in some dialogues presented
an aporetic Socrates. Sextus establishes a contrast between the "playful"
mode of philosophy (nuisw) and "dogmatic seriousness" ( onouoasw )
4
Numenius (frg. 24,67-79 DES PLACES = Eusebius Praep. ev. 14,5,8-9),
indicating his intention to restore the true, "Pythagorean" Plato, opposes
5
the Socratic component, characterised by refinement, playfulness and
"irony'' (to xui nmyvuWov and dgwvda)
6
, to Pythagorean
seriousness. This passage is taken from Numenius' book On the Academics '
defection from Plato (nrQt nj; nvv 'AxaO'Jitat'xwv lrQDs n}.arwva
Otaaraarw;, frg. 24,4), in which he contends that the Academy had distorted
the true meaning of Plato's philosophy (cf. 24,69).
The anonymous commentary on the Tlzeaetetus offers another indication
that the notion of "play'' had become an acknowledged strategy in
philosophical discussions and that it was closely related to dgwvEiu. The
relevant passage is Anon: in Tlzeaet. 14,34-42, a discussion of Theaet. 145C.
In Plato' s text Theactetus learns that Theodorus has bestowed extraordinary
praise upon him; Theaetetus suggests that Theodorus may very well have
been joking (u)J.' OQUJli] ;wis(J)v >-Eyc:v), to which Socrates replies that he
will not allow Theaetetus to "wriggle himself out of what he has agreed on
the pretext that Theodorus was joking, ( u),A.cJ.. ('tvUOl
1
0U tc't
:rtaisovtu Hynv tovoc) . This is precisely the lemma in the
commentary (14,1R-22) . The commentator explains naisw as "not wanting
to show one's true self" [!ti]] I ot:]t- I
which
actually amounts to the "ironical" strategy of dissembling.
The closest parallel to the use of in the first Quaestio Platonica is
found, I think, in Plutarch's dialogue De E apud Delplw.\, where it is used in
an explicitly Academic context
7
Having related (387E) that the
Pythagorean Eustrophus extolled the merits of the "great and sovereign
pcmpad" (i .e. to cl:= E' =five), the narrator of the dialogue- i.e., as it were,
3
Which is not unraralklcd : sec :-..laximus Tyrius 1H.5,98-99 and 38,4,81 -HJ (xui Tni:w !LEV
OOl' Tll rltE ouv ElQOJVn\ pmu rltf i<UL ttVOQiO!lUTU brumi), o;ttu; CtV n:; UttliJV cb:obE;(l]tUl).
Maximus. for that matter. does not espouse an extremist sceptical interpretation of Socrates;
cf. 38,4: f::non'nu1v tt!t(t; n:avro:; pft>J.ov, ItiJxgutE; (I. 73).
Pyrrlz. llyp. 1,221 : TOY TI/.c'nwvu Ol'V oi !lEV bO'{!lUtlXOV q:' aoav dvm, ol of: U;tOQl]tlXOV,
oi Of: %UHl !IEV n Ct:to\.)l]tl%0V, xcm't of. n oowunx6v EV !lEv yug wi:; Yl'!lVClOTliWL; }.oym;.
v0u 6 IwxQ<tn]; doc'tynm ijtoL n:go; nva; f] ngo; oocponi;.
TE xut Ct:'tOQl]Tl%0\' q:umv rznv autov xugaxnjgu, OE, v{)u
a:tO<futvETm ijwL Otu L(I)%Qcnou; f1 Ttpuiou ij nvo; twv TmoutoJv.
5
Compare Plut. Quaest. col!\'. 719B; Procl. In Plat. Tim. 1,7,24-8,1 ; Augustine Contra Acad.
3,37.
6
One may also compare Numenius frg. 26,68-70 DES PLACES ; Cic. Bmtus 292.
7
Another interesting passage on play and philosophy is Quaest. eo m. 613B; 613F-614A. See
also 611 D. where the fact that a brief reference to epistemology is immediately followed by Et
6 Oi] OOi<llJ may or may not be due to pure coincidence.
130
CHAPTER 4
the "mature" Plutarch, the author at the time of the composition of the
treatise - comments that Eustrophus had not been jesting (-wi::Otet bE :rgo;
fi'Aqt.v ou rwtswv 6 Euatgocro;, 387F). He had at least like-
minded listener: the young Plutarch. It is indeed remarkable that author
immediately relates his observation on the absence of jest in Eustrophus'
words to the information that - at the dramatic date of the dialogue - his
younger self was not yet fully imbued with the Academic spirit (on the
institutional implications of this passage: cf. supra: p. 21-25) and was still
carried away in fervent enthusiasm To'l;
only gradually did he learn to temper his youthful enthusiasm
and pay due honour to the Delphic and maxim tttctv". In
the dialogue the young Plutarch consequently takes up Eustrophus' number
speculation and holds a long expose in Pythagorean fashion.
The young Plutarch seems to have been very serious about the
speculations he develops, but at the kvel author-reader an ironic interpre-
tation is asked for, I believe, as much of chapters 8-16 (387E-391 E) seems to
have been written tongue in check (as may e.g. appear from the brief
exchange between "Plutarch" and Eustrophus at 3<.Jl8C concerning Plato's
alleged embarassment at discovering that someone must have anticipated his
speculations on the number five). Things arc put into perspective by
Ammonius, Plutarch's master, who himself acknowledges the value of
mathematics for philosophy, but mildly reprimands the young men Plutarch
and Eustrophus by dryly pointing out that many would lend
themselves to similar exultant praise and enthusiastic The text
shows, I think, that the Academic fashion is characterised by a playful
approach to such matters as Eustrophus and the young Plutarch discuss.
Plutarch, on the other hand, through his authorial comment at 391E,
intimates that mathematics must not be dismissed entirely, as Ammonius is
said "to have plainly held that in mathematics is contained not least part
of philosophy". When Ammonius subsequently develops his own -
theological - explanation of the Delphic E, no play or irony appears to
interfere with his account. Speaking about the Delphic God. Being and the
One, his tone is definitely revercntial
9
Indeed, Ammonius' speech that
concludes the treatise is commonly supposed to be an expression of
Plutarch 's deepest metaphysical and theological views
1
0. It is all the more
0 6' 'A!l!lWVtO;. Ut 6ij r.at atto<; ou to crad,6tatOV EV !tafrtHlCtnzij <p).oooq-iu;
ijoOq u to"l; ).E'(O!lEVOt; xat dmv "ouz ustOv ngo<; tai:ta Hav azgtBliJ; ci.vnhtEl" -roi:; v0t;.
n).ijV on niJV UQlO[l<JJV EZUOtO<; oux oHra Bou).O!lEVOt; zai ;t:(tg;n."
Compare Quaest. conv. 740AB.
9 E.g. 392A (l'J[lEi:; 6 rtc'.ti.Lv U[tHBO!lEVOl tOV frEOV "EL" CfClllEV, oJ; Ctt.TjOf] zcti zai
!lOVTJV !lOV(,ll rtQOOl,JXOUOUV tijV tOU ELVat rtQOOU'(OQEUOlV a;ro6t66vu;): 393A (o{}EV oN)'
OOLOV onv E1tl tOU ovto<; I.EyEtv, OJ<; lj EOtm); 3930 (omov); 394C; D.
_,...:.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 131
remarkable, therefore, that these metaphysical speculations appear to be
inextricably linked to Academic themes. Not only does the speech contain a
rather extensive expose of a Heraclitean-styled flux theory (eh. 18; 392A-
392E)
11
- which seems to have been an integrant part of Academic
philosophy
12
and which for Ammonius inspires the conclusion that our
senses tell us nothing about being behind appearances
13
- but Ammonius
twice, at the beginning and at the very end of his speech (392A; 394C), links
the Delphic d, interpreted as "Thou art", a ritual form of address to God, to
that other Delphic maxim and New Academic dictum yvw{h oatTov. Both
are related as greeting and response: the God welcomes the visitor with
Know thyself", which may be regarded as a recommendation of Academic
reverential caution (Eul.aBELa), to which we, the faithful, reply with ''Thou
art", which expresses both our awe and the limitation of our human
knowledge in respect to the unspeakable transcendence of God
1
-1. The two
maxims arc each other's counterpart; they form an antithesis but are at the.
same time in acconJ 1s.
In an outstanding. lucid article H.G. INGENKAI\IP has characterised
Plutarch's reverential attitude toward the divine with the term
l:-\GENKA:-.IP explains how oqtv6n]s; is linked to sceptical themes ( 1985, p.
29; 3S). Truth concerning the gods is a matter of truthfulness; it is not
objective truth in a correspondence model, but rather a subjective attitude.
Lf[lVOn]; - awe, reverence, piety, or "sublimcncss" one might sayl7 -
10 S.:.: e.g. DECI!AR:'>IE 1904. p. 414: 478; DEL RE 1950, p. 35; FLACELIERE 1974b, p. 10-11;
WHIHAKEH 1%9; VALGIGLIO 19S9, p. 260; LILLA 1992, p. 14-15.
11
Cf. HERSIIIIELL 1977. p. 1S4-1S5.
The similarity has been pointed out by CHERNISS ( 1976a, p. 19 note b).
Qcwest. Pial. 9990: .rroiJ.ot '{UQ bt"]. OutflUOlf. ng6; ottw war' CnExvw;
buxvnv, bnbc'tv ttVCt ).ijgov al-t<JJV xcti OUY. OlOVWL EUVOLQ. LOUlO J[OlElV,
:COQQl:J OVTE; tal! dbf:vm on oMEL buavot; cm'tgumot; oM' f.yw buavoig. tOLOUtoV
o{bi:v bgw, a/).u 'J'EtM; tE xat aAt]Oi:; arpaviaat {)f:fu;.
.liil!
134
CHAPTER 4
apparently also his own person to a God: "they do not believe that I am
doing this out of benevolence, for they are a long way from knowing that no
god is malevolent towards men and that neither do I any such deed out of
malevolence" (transl. CHERNISS) . Socrates calls it a divine decree (
prohibiting to admit falsehood and suppress truth.
As P\utarch points out, Socrates does not shun such language. I would like
to indicate three more examples from the Theactctus:
( l) 150DE: -rii; 6 {}6; tE xal yw a'lno; ('"delivery is God's
work and mine"). In affirming that 6 {}Eoc; is "eo-responsible" for his
maieutic practice, Socrates repeats his earlier words 6
{}Eo; clVCl'(Y.clSEl, '(EVVO.V b cliTEX<;>).UOEV ( 15QC: starting point of Quacst.
Plar. 1).
(2) At 151A2-5 Socrates tells us that his notorious ''divine sign" (which has
been assigned the purely negative role of non-opposition at Apol. 31 CD)
prevents him from accepting certain young men as his pupils, whereas it
does not interfere in the case of others (otav nahv D.OoHJt bft)!t rvm nj;
auvouoiac; x.al. bgti>Vt;, l:vi.m; to '{L'(\'O!l \'()v
arroX<I)J,t' El ouvEi:vm, i:vi.m; b l:(t, x.ul. m't).tv OL'tOl
bnbtboum) .
(3) 210C6-D 1: t11v b tnun1v t:yw tE x.al. 1'1 x. Oco0
11 to)v yuvmr.GlV, i:y<;> bi: ni>v v[o>v t x.al. ycvvui{l)v x.ai. (iom x.u).oi
("This midwife's art is a gift from heaven; my mother had it for women,
and I for young men of a generous spirit and for all in whom beauty
dwells", transl. CORNrORD 1935). This is the dialogue' s last sentence but
one. in which Socrates claims that his maieutic art is a gift from God.
It should cause no surprise that Socraks' fellow citizens were offended by
these and similar statements, which must have seemed irreverential and
blasphemous to them.
One can easily understand that all these contentions could rank as
impious. It would not be difficult to augment the list of similar Socratic
utterances from other dialogues. I shall add only one more passage. from the
Alcibiades Maiof23:
(4) Alcib. /1248-0. Alcibiades has asked to \vhat he should apply himself.
Socrates' answer implies that both he himself and Alcibiades must figure
out how they can improve themselves to the utmost. Between them
there is only one difference:
SOCR.: My guardian (ErtL1QOjtO) is better and wiser than your one, Pericks.
ALC.: Who is he, Socrates?
SOCR. : God, Alcibiades, who until this day would not let me converse with
you; and trusting in him I say that through no other man but me will you
attain to eminence. (OE6, w 'Al..xtBtabt), oorrEQ ooL ovx Eta j1QO ti)obE ni;
ACADHIIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 135
t'HtEga; btni.Eztltivw X.Ul motEUWV J....f.yw on mcpavELa bl' oubEVO
a.nou oot otw f1 bL'
ALC. : You are jesting, Socrates. (rratsEL;, w :LwxgmE.)
SOCR.: Perhaps (low;); I am right, however, in saying that we need to take
pains- all men rather badly, but we two very badly indeed.
(transl. LA\.IB 1927)
Socrates invokes the authority of his divine sign: in the past it had prevented
him from conversing with Alcibiades. Alcibiades' reaction is sceptical: "you
are jesting Socrates does not insist (tow:;) on his divine tutor, but
does emphasise that they are both in need of care.
There can be no doubt that the historical Socrates sincerely believed that his
mission was in accordance with God's intentions and that a ''divine sign"
interfered with his According to Euthyphro Socrates' claims
regarding the daimonion, among other things, had led to the charge of
impiety (Eurh_vphr. 38). This point has even more emphasis in Xenophon's
portrait of Socrates: "Indeed it had become notorious that Socrates claimed
to he guided by "the daimonion" : it was out of this claim, I think, that the
charge of introducing strange deities arose" (M em. 1,1 ,2)2). On this
particular issue Xenophons account - stressing the similarities with
commonly accepted man tic practices and oracles- is much more apologetic
than Admitting that already many had written on Socrates' trial
and death and had focused on his alleged Xcnophon at the
outset of his Apologia Sncraris declares that he will show that Socrates'
Ev.:r sine.: DT.E. cast doubt on till: authenticity of this uialogu.: (cf.
YI:"K 19:W. p. H-9) there has been an on-going discussion. I mention only YINK 1939 (pro
authenticity. sec csp. p. 126-131) : DE STRYCKER 1942 (sec csp. p. 151 : 11/cih. l is the work of
on.: of Plato's pupils at the time of the redaction of the Leges; it may have been revised by
Plato. Likewise CL\RK 1955) ; GUNDERT 1954, p. 530 note 16 (contra); FRI EDLANDER Il
1957, p. 213-225 ; 317-320 (pro): 1961 (pro) ; KRAMER 1964, p. 136-138 (contra); Bos
11}70, p. X2-112: 116-117 (contra); SEGO:-.IDS I! 19f;6, p. X, note 2; LEDGER l9S9, p. 144 (a
cautious "pro" ). What matters more for my present purpose is that Lhc ancients had no doubts
about its authenticity. Polybius considered it one of Plato's works (cf. FRIEDLANDER 1945, p.
as did Cic.:ro (cf. VI:"K 1939, p. 7). The dialogue was part of the Middle Platonic
canon and was quite popular (cf. DbRRIE- BALTES 1993, p. 194-195), especially with the
"aporctic' Platonists. I would add. It was even recommended as the first dialogue in a reading
programme for the freshman Platonist. Cf. A! bin. Pro!. 148,36; 149,35 (and for Neoplatonism:
cf. Procl. In Alcib. 16.4-10: 11.3-4; 01ymp. In 11/cib. 114,4).
Cf. GuTHRIE (lli.b) 1971. p. 84:" [ ... ]that it was something that Socrates himself took
seriousl y, and that therefore his educational activities were for him a matter of a genuine
vocation."
25
Cf. M cm. 4,8,1 ; STRA USS 1972, p. 4.
16
Cf. Mem. 1.1 ,3-9; GUTHRIE (III.b) 1971, p. 84; STRAUSS 1972, p. 4; 6; 130; GUNDERT 1954,
p. 513: "Xenophons apologetischer Versuch, die dtimonische Stimme, als Weisung des
generell verstandenen "Daimonion" im Sinn der Gottheit i.iberhaupt, in das traditionelle
Orake\wesen einzuordnen". But see also Plato Apol. 40A: l'J yag Eiwfrui:a wu
<'>at!toviov.
136
CHAPTER4
was appropriate (Ap. 1-2). Concerning the pronouncement of
the oracle27, Xenophon's Socrates argues that it does not imply that he is
likened to a god, but merely that he surpasses his fellow human beings (Ap.
15: 6 'frE<fl oux. dxaoEV, U.vitg<.imwv 6 n:oiJ.(o n:gozgtvEv
UJt:EQCpEQELV).
Socrates' alleged was obviously also an issue in the
Hellenistic polemic. His words reported by Plato at Tlzeaet. 150C gave rise to
criticism, not only because of the method of maieutics as such, but especially
in view of his claims to a divine inspiration. This is illustrated by a passage
from the anonymous commentary on the Theaetetlls. At the lemma Tlzenet .
151CD (58,12-23), the very words that Plutarch quotes as being
xai. ao0agc1, the author first gives a short paraphrase:
oi:-1 [b) Oco; oubEi.s; I avOgw-1 :wu;, oub' f.yc.J) t.:to I bl<;[v)oia;
ol.bi:v I m[ bgw, una I tOCfE).(i) CtfpCtLQWV I CJ.UTWY 'I'El'bobo- I ;[ay
No god is malevolent towards men. and neither do I do any such thing out of
malevolence, but l help men by taking away from them false opinion.
Then he comments:
bg(ts; I T[lj A.t:yn mgi. ECJ.U- I T<;ll\ ov CfCJ.I.JLV dow- I VEUt:oOm: on Eli'it- I \;n
i:uutC:>V OE<Il I to cuvor1v Tni; I xai.. to I toutov ovz t']nov, I
{)n ()l'tE 'I'Ei)bo; ovy-1 X,IJl[Q]rL oi:m: c'tA.qHi:; I (5R.39-4<J).
Do you set.: what he says about himself, he who is said to be "ironic"'? He
himself to a god in his benevolence towards men. and no less than this in thatc'
he neither admits falsehood nor suppresses truth.
For the commentator there is no doubt that Socrates likens himsdf to a
god !:auTov {}E<J))2'
1
, and Socrates is held to do so on two accounts:
(I) because he is kindly disposed towards men and (2) does not admit
untruth. This contention seems to be incompatible with his usual ELQl>vr[n3l
1
n Ap. (tVEU.EV 6 'Arr6D.(l)V ltl]bEVa dvm av\}g(;);'[U)V f!tOU lllltE V.n:{)fQtU>1fQOV llllTE
bLZCLlOTF(lOV lll]l:E OOHfQOVEOTEQOV.
zH Another possible interpretation is that the second on corresponds to the first: (he says)
that he likens himself to a god ... and also that he neither admits falsehood etc: Cf.
BASTIANI:"I - SEDLEY 1995, p. 425. Strictly speaking. in that case it is only on account of his
bl.!nevolcnce that Socrates is said to liken himself to a god.
Cf. BASTIANINI- SEDLEY 1995, p. 543-544: "il passo veniva inteso come se Socratl! dicl.!sse:
'Nessun dio a malevolo; dwzque (i.e. per imitare dio) neppure io sono malcvolo.''
JO The relative clause ov q;aolv dgwvn:EoOm has an adversative value. as appears from the
context: og(t; tl I.E'(fl mgi. f:auwu emphasises the unusual of his contention. given his
habitual modesty.
-'H .
:.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 137
-here dgwvE{'Eofrm is to be interpreted as an attitude of modesty
3
'. There
is no criticism implied in the commentator's treatment of this passage.
In that respect things are more complex in Proclus' commentary on Alcib.
I l05C6-D5. Proclus gives some consideration to the question whether
Socrates' pedagogical promises reveal overconfidence and even arrogance
or not:
But let us once more enquire into the former question, whether Socrates is not
engaging in a rash venture ({)gaou by promising that he is able to
provide such benefits (rmauw xmmayyrU .. 6pEVO buvaoOm nagaoxti:v);
for this promise is not in keeping with Socrates' character (mum yctg ou xma
To Lwxganzov 1){)o; To bc'.tnrl.
1
tct).
(155,17-20 SEGO:-.:os Il 1986, transl. O'NEILL 1971, slightly modified)
Proclus remarks that Socrates' rash promise does not fit his usual manner-
his modesty. one may presume - but he does not reprove him on that
account:
To this in turn we must reply that big talk is appropriate for the philosopher
wht.:n it is in season (on T<,t> cpi.ooocrcp rrgoOJ'Jxn TO omv lJ
-rot'tou xwoos;). ( 155.20-22)
.. Big talking" is permissible for the philosopher, provided that he picks the
opportune moment. This condition of respecting the xmg6; is identical to
Xcnophon's justification of Socrates' As an example of
admissible use of Proclus cites the very Theactetus text
( 151 CD) discussed by Plutarch and Anon. in The act. It is appropriate for the
whose duty it is to distinguish fertile ideas from mere images and
impostures. to use in the contacts with his pupils, in order to
obtain good Plato's Apology provides Proclus' second example
(notably 30CD). After these examples from other dialogues Proclus returns
to the text of Alcib. I and praises Socrates' circumspection and prudence in
this matter.
The passage which gave rise to this elaboration. Alcib. /105C6-D5, is also
treated in the commentary of Olympiodorus. The latter, clearly drawing on
Proclus' commentary33 (either directly or indirectly3
4
), asks himself how
Jl Cf. H. !983b, p. !66-167 note 56.
Procl . In Alcib. /155,25-28 (SEGO!'<DS II 1986): btQEltE '(UQ. tcp ILatEunxcJ>, tcJ> XQLtU twv
TE '(OVifLUJV I.O'fUJV xai tWV avquaiwv. 1tQO; tOV fla!El.!OflEVOV Oll"[Qc; OlQOrto; nj; btamjoEtu;,
tvu n xni bguolJ bta nj; 11au:in;.
33
CHER:-;Iss ( 1976a, p. 20 not I.! b), ignoring the Proclus passage, only mentions as parallels to
Plutarch's text the anonymous commentary on the Tlzeaetellls and the two Olympiodorus
texts.
>l Cf. SEGO:>:DS I 1985, p. LXXIV-LXXV. Olympiodorus' commentary is to be dated approx-
imately to 560 (SEGO:-;DS I 1985>p. LXX; WESTERINK - TROUILLARD - SEGONDS 1990, p.
XVII-XXI), Proclus between 440.and 480 (SEGONDS I 1985. p. XLII).
....
138
CHAPTER 4
Socrates' apparent haughtiness can be reconciled with his ElQCtJVElCJ. (here
understood as modesty)3
5
and equally justifies Socrates' behaviour bv
referring to the x.mg6; (53,9: o16Ev ouv 6 L(t)Y.Qci:rq; f.v
The first example Olympiodorus quotes is once again
Theaet. 151CD31i. That Socrates here appears to assume the role of God (H!J
{}0"J aut6v) is to be explained in relation to his maieutic task (In
Plat. Alcib. 52,21-53,17)3
7
Further in his commentary Olympiodorus returns
once again to the Tlzeaetetl/s passage, notably at lemma 124AS:
TE x.ai T0"J v to which 01ympiodorus remarks ( 173,22-174.1):
"he ranks himself with the god; he often does so" ( ouvn!nn !:uttov n .. o
{}E0">,3s ;ro).f..azoD 6 toOto rrou:i:). Subsequently the author cites, among
other texts, Tlzeaet. 151 D.
That the Tlzeaetetus was held to be a serious testimony to the di\ine
involvement with Socrates' philosophical practice appears also from one of
Epictetus' Dissertationes ab Arriano digestae (Epictetus' discourses
published by his pupil), notably Diss. 3,21, entitled rlgo.; tou; Etzt)).ttJ; bi
TO oocpon:unv ("To those who enter light-heartedly upon the
profession of lecturing"). It is a plea for true philosophical teaching as
opposed to the shallowness and uncaringness of sophistry. True
C?lymp. In 1'/aronis 52,21-SYi :V Kfti t'>
FV't!t\'l'lU flF(U).Ot.)(IIJ!lOVn, 0 :t<tVlU/.OlJ flt.)UIV, l'Tf(ll OL' fl(l'!tCLl, 'U\'tlJ br <Jlll 11 flt <J{ltta
Ft(lttJvriu. o i.i:toJv c'tri fll}l'llv dbt:vw. fll]l'lcvu bt.'lt'taznv. btil Zlli tl ilr\1:: b [v
L\rl.cro'l; ft[ I} .:tl'(ll ftlHOV on "lLVOQtiJV u:t<lVlUJV lJOtfl;Jtuto;'' on oc :ti.l]','(j p(nov
tnltlt n.r'{EV %((l 1fl!lVlj, uHit s<JtlZt7J; xrti SlJtlJtfO\' Ot'\' :ttiJ ; tOlOl'Hl; C.J\'
i:VlnOOu tmnOw <rgovd. ttovo; f.:t<t'{{f)J.otu:vo; btvuuOm :tf(H:tmr'lv tcJ'l v[t;J blv<t!nv.
.16 In !'far. 1\lcih. 53,10-17: o'lov t-v Grmn'tttil XQttiJV n't;((; rmtilV ttiJv 'fOVifti'J\' zui
(LVFJllltl(I)V l.c'rtWV IIIJillV lltl "llt:il; '{(t(l Ot!lJVOlJ; m'!bt:i; ILVO(>!;J:tliJ ovbi: lyl;) bt'tl\'lllC,l toitO
<'tD.<'t flOL 'l'rtbtl; TE lJt''(f.UJQitout zui M.tJl'lt':-; c'ttrnviout otb<l!tliJ; llqm:t)\:. il'loi '(llQ
ivctti:l'lu tt/J Ot:</J htutbv EL:toJv "0Ei>; yet(' Otovot; o{bri; c'tvH(lciJ:tt;J otbi.- f'/UJ
btovoi<,t otbqn(t toi:to bQtiJ".
-17 Olymp. does not expressly state that this constitutes the xmQo;. hut this is obvious given
the parallels with Proclus. The similarities the two commentaries regarding this item
arc
- the issu'C is Socrates' !lE'fu).lJ'(OQEi:v and i:rrnl{t)J.wOm (Prod.) or !LE'{<ti.OQQIJ!LOVt::tv and
i:rru:rtr).lta (Olymp.);
- Proclus opposes this to "Socrates' usual manner"(ou xcttc't TO i1l'lo; to
i:.rruytd-tta), Olympiodorus explicitly mentions "his irony we are with" (l'J fll<J0l'tCl
dQuJvttu, an allusion to I 337 A); the aporia is similar in both cases;
the r.mg6c; argument is supposed to justify Socrates (Olymp. offers two additional i.ton;
-cf. WESTERI;-o;K 1956. p. 35; SEGO;-.iDS Il 1986, p. 220 with note 2 p. 380):
besides the text under consideration (Alcih. I 105CD) both commentators adduce two
adJitional texts- the same: Apol. 30CD and Theaet. 151CD. Discussing the text both
authors refer to Socrates' duty to distinguish fertile ideas from mere images and
impostures. (Olympiodorus' treatment of Apol. 30CD is much more elaborate than
Proclus').
]X Compare the explanation at 174,2-6: ounoc; [v t{!l .:taQOVlt6ta).6yrp OUVE"tatt\' fctttO\' t(l
, Arr61J.oJVl wi:c; i\axEbaqwviot; 'tO cp/.ozgt'ntalOV ( lJV '{UQ 6 'l.Ql]OflO; boOEi; :tfQl
actGJV "u q:tAOZQIHIOcnJVa tUV L:tUQWV o).Ei:, &.no M x' ovbv").
- l
j
-- i
i
I
ACADD.I!C PLATONIC THHIES IN PLUTARCH 139
philosophical teaching is only possible with God as a guide (3,21,11: itEov
1)yqt6va- cf. 3,21,13). Philosophical instruction is not a common thing, it is
great, it is mystical, and not given to every man39. \Visdom alone is perhaps
not sufficient; above all things the teacher must have God to advise him to
occupy his office, as God advised Socrates to practise The words
OL'VEBOt!),nEV Tl]V V.Ey;{TlY.llV zwgav EXELV (''he advised him to take the
elenctic office") are reminiscent of Plutarch's account in Quaest. Plat. It
is probable that Epictetus is referring to Theaet. 150B-151D, or, at any rate,
to the idea of the elenctic Socrates inspired by his divine sign, which has been
determined to a large degree by the Theaetews. Elsewhere Epictetus cites
Plato's Apology as evidence for the daimonion-t
2
It is clear that Epictetus
truly admired Socrates - as most Stoics did-t:l - and that he displays a
sympathetic attitude to Socrates' declarations about his divine vocation.
Elcnctics is regarded by Epictetus to be one of the philosopher's most
important duties-t-t.
Obviously there existed a tradition countering the reproach of boasting in
respect to Socrates' words at Theaet. 151 D. In the evidence I have adduced
the advocates of Socrates were invariably confronted with the same aporia:
Anon. in Theaet. and Olympiodorus make the observation that Socrates'
words seemingly contrast with his usual Etgwvda (''modesty"), Proclus
rekrs to to L<I)Y.QCJ.nzov 1]Ho;. Plutarch too mentions dguJVEUEo\}m, albeit
in a different sense. In his first Quaesrio Platonica he disputes the "ironical"
>l 3.21.\7: !ti-'trt flltl til :t(ltl'{lltl.llt'lltlZl)V fllTIV, Ol'Z l;J; Etl'/.EV oub 't(l n.zoVlti'\C<')oftEVOV.
3.21.17-19: <'tiJ.' olbi; lJOift)v fl\'Cllll'/.lW r;nQZrll'T[lll; 'tO El'TifU).lp')i]VlLl VEl!JV' tlt'i: bE Y.cti .
:tQOZfliJllTIJTtt nvu fl\'CLI Y.rtl f:tltl]l'lrtl)TIJHL .:t(IO; TOl'TO. ViJ"tllV l\iu, Y.Ul OtiJflU llOlllV Xctl l'TQO
:tU\'ll:J\' tll\' \lr(lV llt'1'0llt').rtCIV tUl'tl]V ti]V /.liJI_lUV Y.llTlt<rf.ELV, cJJ; Ol
1
VE[)ot).H'EV
ti]V fi.f'[ZTIZi]V fl;J(l((V f/flV, l;l; tiJV [)wn).tziJV Y.lll f.:tt:t).lJZtlY.l.]V, 1;1; Zt'j\'(11\'l TiJV
Zftl bontuttzt.JV.
Jl Esp. 999EF and IOOOC (Fiz6tw; o Ot:b; u:tt:zr;Jhorv etl'tov Ul'TIJVfflla xni. 'I'El'l'llj xui.
<'t!)t'l)wn '{fVV(tV, b tol.; ("t)J,ot; tOIUUW There is yet
link between Epict. Diss. 3.21 and the Qrtacsr. Pial. 1, at least in the Wortlaur.
Compare Diss. 3,21 ,7 :rgouO!'Jo<J ttv rrou xui 'A VlL\c'ttQOl! xni 'AgzEi'll'J!lOU <fOQ<1v with
Quacsr. /'fat. 1 999E TOtE crogctv o1.vfJq yEvroOm oorponiJv. (note the Stoics Antipater
and Archedamus are called principcs dialecticorwn in Cic. A cad. 2. 143; sec also Diog. Laert.
7,61\: POI!LE;o.;z I 19-18. p. 180). Plutarch uses <fOQCt with the meaning "rich crop, profusion".
Sec p. 103 notl! 106. Epictetus uses the word in the sense of "flood of words, rhetorical
impetus" (cf. SCHWEIGHAlJSER II.2 1799, p. 718). If the text of Epictetus is dependent on the
same tradition. one must assume that one of the authors has either made an allusion with
deliberate distortion of meaning. or interpreted q;ogu inaccurately. That there is a tradition
behind Epictetus' discourse may appear from the intriguing similarity between 3,21,16 and
Olymp. In Plar. Alcib. 153.45. Likening the false philosopher to someone miming the manner
of the hierophant, Epictetus asks : lrgni Ei.mv eti q:wvctt at-Tat xa{)' ahu;; Olympiodorus, on
the other hand. in respect to the oracle proclaiming Socrates as the wisest of men, remarks:
oc :ri.ll'{l] UEQO; tal'lCl fi.E'{fV r.ni q-wvij. unct !;wnzw; xai. y{}wc;.
Diss. 3,1,19 (referring to Plato .Apo/. 28E, 29C and 30A).
J> Cf. DORI;o.;G 1979 (on Epictetus: p. 43-79); LO:-iG 1988a, p. 150.
-1-l Cf. DORI;-o;G 1979, p. 7-1.
140
CHAPTER 4
interpretation of Socrates' words at Theaet. 150C7-S. Taking into account
this fairly well-evidenced tradition one may safely posit that he is defending
Socrates against the allegation of It is plausible that this
reproach was felt to be mainly Epicurean. It is also noteworthy that the
Lamprias-catalogue, an ancient list of Plutarch's writings, contains the titles
of at least two apologetic works in defence of Socrates: Lt89 'A;w).O'{Let.
{m.i:g and Ll 90 TIEQL Tii; As to the
contents of these works we can only make conjectures, but their apologetic
nature cannot be doubted. It is also probable that the argumentation
Plutarch developed in these treatises - if indeed they were genuine
Plutarchean works- was similar to that of the first Quaestio Plaronica.
C. An internal or external stimulus? Socrates' daimonion
In asserting that Socrates did not use the name of God ironically or in jest
Plutarch is fundamentally right. The next question he deals with pertains to
the implications of the element in Socrates' Does it Jenotc
a part of his own nature, or rather an external inOuence, such as a goJ or a
daemon, a "truly" divine cause (l16ugov ouv 1:i1v l:mnou <f: l
1
0LV ( ... \ Ot:bv
J1QOOI.:ll1C, ij {)tTov n Y.etl 6aqtOVLOV <.;J; tt).l){)<.iJ;
In the first case would refer to an element of our nature that can be
called divine. Just like Menander, who declared that our intelligencl! (vov;)
is our god, and Heraclitus, who said that our character (1\0o;) is our
Socrates would mean that it is his own nature that makes him
assume the role of midwife and prevents him from himself bcgdting. The
reason for saying this would be that his nature is more discerning than fertile
(zgtnY.urt:EQCt.V 1) '{OVLWtrt:Egav ouoav- this antithesis.;'! is of course directly
related to that between wnoDoOm and The faculty to judge and to
apply distinctions (to zgtnz6v) is rational and is called divine in Platonism5,
whereas the faculty of "procreation" belongs to the utterly irrational part of
the souP'. Usually Plutarch integrates the Platonic bi- and tripartition of the
To the samt: context may have belongt:d L 70, 'Y:riQ rou n).urwlo:; Ehriyot:;. Cf.
0PSOMER l997a.
On Plato's views on the claimonion's nature see BUR::-\ET 1924, p. 96 ; 207-209;
1954, esp. p. 524-525 ; DE STRYCKER- SLii'GS 1994. p. 153-154.
999DE: ;rOtfQOV ouv ti]V ECI.UtOU cpUOl\' oJ; xgmzonEQCtV l] '(OYlllO)lfQClY Ot'OClY 00\'
;rgoo{L"tE, xuOarrEQ Mf.vuvbgo<; "o vou; yi.tQ l
0
HltlJV 6 {)6;" XCI.l 'Hgc'tx).mo; "l,oo; c'.r.v{}gw:tt,.t>
f1 {}L6v n r.ui. bctqtoVlOV lo; ctl.l]OU!; u'lnov UtfT]'(lJOCI.tO Llt JZQCttEl totto tij;
cpt),ooocpiu; to rf.vo; ( . .. J ;
Cf. Alex. Aphrod. (?) Mantissa 25. 185,23-24: J'rOo; ybg U.vOg<i.J:rwv xmu tov'Hgctzi.mov.
OCI.LllOlV, w{n:wu q-um;.
4
9 ROMANO's interpretation of 999D is obviously wrong. as is apparent from his paraphrase
"la stessa sua natura in quanta fornita di une superiore facolta cfi giudizio e di creativita - ,
xgmxwtf.guv r
1
..
so See e.g. Plut. De an. procr. 1029E.
......
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 141
soul with the Aristotelian division into five faculties
5
::!. If indeed such a
scheme is read into this passage, then refers to the lowest of the
five parts or faculties (the 0QEJ1nz6v or cpvnz6v), and Y.QLTLY.WTEgu.v to the
highest, rational faculty (the ).oytanzov). According to De an procr. 10248
the Y.QLnz6v5J is the faculty that brings men in contact with the noetic world.
In the composition of the soul vou; is the part of divine provenances
4
The
lowest Aristotelian faculty of the soul is called "completely. devoid of
reason" in De virtute morali ( 442BC), which means that it is utterly
unsubmissive and deaf to reason, whereas the so-called "affective" part (to
:ra0l]TL%6v), while having no reason of its own, is still usually capable of
listening to reason.
However, although Plutarch acknO\vledges that part of our na!ure is
divine in essence and originss, he is little inclined to endorse the interpre-
tation that Socrates is in this context referring to his own soul. The second
option, that Socrates is speaking about a truly external inOuence, is given
much more attention. Already the fact that Plutarch, in using the words
S..:..: tht: in CIIER:-.;IsS 1976a, p. 20 note.: a. To which may ht: aJJeJ, with rt:gard
tot(> X(lll!zov, Arius Didymus ap. Stub. 2,117.1 l -15.
Cf. D.:/: 3'X)f and De def or. 429E; De 1irt. mor. 442BC; Quae!it. l'fca. 9, 1007E-1009B;
DASSARITIS IXS9, p. 22; VERBEKE 1900, p. 239 ; Pt;-.;:-;oy 196Sa. p. 125-12X; CIIER:"ISS 1976a,
p. 20 note a (CIIER:"ISS's text suggests that Plu\arch callc.:J the part also tht: fifth- not
rightly so. as tht: hig.h..:st part is invariably consiJ..:rt:J to be tht: fifth); OI'SO\I ER 199-+b (more
accuratt: than 19lJ4a), p. 511-523 ; 542-546.
is not in his tt:rminology. Usually the r.c_>mxt'w is tht: cognit ivc.: faculty
as such. also to nut'lqnr.ov, as this has its own epistt:mological function: cf. De
an. procr. 1012F; 102:\0; 102-.tE. In Quacst. /'fat. 9lJ9DE it clt:arly rdc.:rs to vot:::; alont: .
Cf. Quacst. /'fat. 2. I 00 I B ( [vrunv f!Ot(lu no/J.i) \;wonJm::; xHi. OnonJto::;, t]V o Ot:o;
!:rr.mio:rn(lfV t'Hr' [uvtou tij i:).,J) ; 100 I C (il bi-: 'l't'i'J\. vou fLEwozouau zui l.orwpot: xni.
UC)J!OYLU;. Ol'Z f(l '(OV t:ati toU Drot: !10\'0\' unu %({t !lf(lO::;. o{:b' un' ut'.tou u)J. . .' u:r' uhou
r.ui t::;uctoi: yf-tovEv); Quac!it. l'fat. 4,1003A; Dean. procr. 1016C (oOEo; [ ... ] tt> voEgov [ . .. ]
l'tc( Cl.l'toU :rUQUU'f.l;l\') ; 10230 ; 1024C; 1026E (tot' OE VOt flEtfOZfV u:r(J nj; %QrlHOVOS
ugzij; fy'(EYO!lfVou) . Cf. Plato Tim. 36E-37A. Sec also Quae!it. /'fat. 3, 1002E with CHERNISS
1976a. p. 46-47 note b; De sera nt/111. 5590 ; Alcin. Didask. 169,18-32; THE\'ENAZ 1938, p. 71 ;
SCHOPPE 1994, p. 169-173; 0PSO:".IER l993a, p. 153-154; 199-lb, p. 270-276; 476.
Cf. Tim. 90A: to bi-: oil :rEgi wu r.ugttm'nou ;wg' ,ut'iv '(uzfJ; Ei:oou; OtuvoE'ioDm OE'i nj6E,
c'igu nino bcti1tovu 0o; i'xaotlll bowr.Ev, wuw o o,l <rurtEv otr.dv ltE:v iuujJV br c'izQ!ll t4l
O{;lflCtn, :rgo; OE tiJV v ouguvqJ Ol''({EVElCI.V c't:ro '(1]::; iutct; Cl.lQflV OJS ovm; tfUtOV oh f.yynov
uiJ.a Ol'QCL\'lOV. OQl'lomm ).yoVT::;. Compare Posidonius frg. 187 KIDD = Galen De pfac.
Hipp. et Pfat. 5,6,4 (to Oi] toJv nu{}wv u[nov, wtton nj; tE avoftoJ.oyiu::; zui. wu
ZU%00C1Lll0\'0; Biou, tO fliJ XCI.tCt ;r(iv bw{}m v uinql OCtlflOVL OlJ'('(f\'EllE ovn r.ut
OflOlU\' I:Vl
1
0l\' i'zovn tO\' o).ov XOOflOV OtOl%0UVn ztL), and SVF Ill 4 = Diog. Laert. 7,88
(Ehru o Cttto totta ti]V tOU docdltOVO; UQEll]V Y.Ctl El'Q0lC1V Biou, OlCI.V :ruvw :rgctHT]tCtl
%CI.tCt ti]Y Ot'WfWVLCtV tOU ;rug' EZUOt!ll OCI.lflOVo; :rgo; ti]V lOU lW\' o).wv OtolXT]lOU
Cf. KtoD II(ii) 1988, p. 676: "The Diogenes passage seems to stress the outside
agency and its will (Bo{l.lJOL;). the law of Zeus. Posidonius stresses the internal daimon"; p.
677: "It seems highly probable that Posidonius knew and had in mind the Timaeus passage. A
development of the Tim. passage is also seen in Plutarch 's myths in De Facie, De Sera and De
Genio, in the last of which OCI.tftWV is equated with vot:; as distinct from other aspects of the
soul."
142
CHAPTER4
{}ci:ov n r.ctl. w; aAl)11<.i); a'Lnov, is alluding to Plato's .Apology
(31 C8-D 1: {){i:ov n
In Simmias speech. that is (s..:<.: esp. SSSDE) . not in the mythical part : cf. t\R:"I\1 \921. p.
21-22 ; BECK 1953, p. (i'); BAillJT \9S3. p. 203.
This tn.:atise has b..:..:n th..: object of intcnsiv..: study. ror th..: Qucl!t-nforsdtllllg se.: !IEI:"ZE
UN2. p. 102-lOS. 19!0; \9:?.1; and the summary in BECK !95.\ (esp. p. 57-S:'i) . For
th.: Timarchus myth sec 1950; I 19.\..t: IIA:-<1 1975. Thcr.: is much
concerning th..: overall intcrpn.:tation of the Jialogue, notably about tht.: subject propt.:r.
IIIRZU. (11 \S1J5. p. !51) anJ ZIEGLFR (!951. col. X-H) d.:plore its lack of coherencl.! .
LA! J".,\IH!S ( 1920. p. 112) and VERNii:RE ( 1977, p. 93) claim th;ll the true subjt.:ct is to be found
in th.: historical narratinn. CoRLll ( 1970. p. iN), on the other hanJ. pushing the
ao;pL'CI into the background. fm:ust.:s on its dacmonology. Thert.: have also he.:n atl.:mp!s to
connect the historical and th<.: th..:ort.:tical constituents. POUIWAT (follow.:J hv S IOIKF \IJ75.
bv. p. 2-l3; IIANI 11):-\0, p. 61) claims that the thcmt.: of lih.:ration is central : tl;.; liberation of
Tht.:hcs is a svrnbol for the liberation of the soul. notably its liberation from rationalism
(l'Ol ' lmAT- DI'S Pt.,\CLS \950. p.9X-IO(J; 137; 212. Compare BECK 1953. p. 20-21. J.:..;crihing
the "Zwiesp;iltigkeit scin.:r Seek. in dcr der altcrcrbte Logos dcr gricchischen Aufkl:irung
mit Jcm gch.:imnisdurchwirkt.:n LchensgcfUhl eincr sp;it.:rcn Zcit ringt."; a pbusihl..: socio-
psychologic explanation for P<H!RRA'r's int.:rprctation is to he found in Rt:ssu.L 1992. p.
410) . AccorJing to Rll.EY ( 1977. esp. p. 26X-271) Plutarch tries to d.:monstratc that th.:
practical way of life can b..: reconciled with the theoreticaL Sec also r-.tL\l i fiS \950. p. 201 and
th.: bJlanccJ view of Lattanzi !93.\, p. o7-92. 1-IERSIIBFLL ( 19SX. p. 37X). following
RILEY. stresses the control of the passions. which appt.:ars to be importJnt as well for Theb.:s
liberation as for Socrates' susceptibility to the daemonic influence. BAUUT ( \lJS4. p. 72 : 7-t-75;
19SS). on the other hand. asserts that PlutJrch wants to show the superiority of th..: tht.:oretical
over the practical way of life, and their being irrt.:concilabk (this thesis is unconvincing: see
I3ARIGAZZI \988h. p. 412-413; HERSHBELL 1988. p. 378 and I3AUUT's reaction. \992, p. 187
not.: 2). r-.ton:over it is BAUUT's thesis that thl.! various dacmonological theories Jo not
exclud..: one another. but are to be seen as complementary ( 1983, p. 205; 1988. p. -tOt; ..t07; as
opposed to I-IIRZEL ll 1895, p. 157-160; SOURY 194:?.a. p. 115-139 and 15.1-170); sec also
DORING 1984; GEORGIADOU 1995, p. 192; 199; 1996. p. 121; 114-115 note 6; HARDIE !996,
p. 123-124. According to I3ARIGAZZI the unity of the work is incarnated in the charact.:r of
Epaminondas. whose conduct makes him. as it were, into a second Socrates (19SSb. p. 41-l ;
419-420). Finally I would like to point to BRENK's lucid studies (1991: 1996) focused on time
(historical vs. "daemonological" time, the relation time-eternity).
5'! E.g. L\TZARUS 1920, p. 117-118; SOURY 1942a. p. 122 note 1: CORLU 1970. p. 50 ;
1976a, p. 21 note e; HERSHBELL 1988, p. 379.
i
l
I
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 143
Socrates' that goes beyond the "orthodox" theory of the Apology,
where a merely negative role of non-opposition is assigned to the "divine
sign" (310)1\0. Also, Plutarch's use of (999E) apparently implies
an activity of the which surpasses the merely apotropaic. One way
to see this is to say that the context of the first Quaestio naturally suggested
the more positive role attributed to Socrates' sign: the fact that Plutarch uses
a verb such as in connection with Socrates' divine sign is the mere
consequence
6
' of the assumption he makes in the course of this Quaestio that
the word "Oc6; used by Socrates in the Theaetetus can be substituted with
( lOOOA) clearly marks the beginning of a new section. just like En toiwv ( !OOOC)
am.l (i gn bi: fll.l (10000) . !\!any quaestiones have a disjunctive structure, in that the different
solutions proposed are mutually exclusive, the solution preferred by the author often being
placed last. However in the first Quaestio Platonica the various sections are clearly intended
to be understood as complementary: as we will see. this quaestio has a climactical structure.
On the typical structural elements of quaestiones and esp. the formulas used to
demarcate sections. see GuDEMA:-l 1927; OPSO:'-IER 1996b.
Cf. Plato Sop/1. 230C: ta; tot; [tm'h'utaatv bobtol'; o6sa:; rsEt.<in. Cf. Albin. Prof. 150.20.
1m lOOOA: bnta tot xgivnv oVTo; U){pEJ.t[tOU to yEvvU.v Eftn60t6v [on. n cf).oQnu ;(tfY to
Cft).oDv mgi to cpi.ot[tfVOV" crt),Ettal OE tO)V i.btO)\' o\.ov OUtO>:; Q):; 06sn %(Ll i.O'(O; {::tO toD
tEZOVTO:; .
--...-
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 151
A. <phwtta and 7taQQllCJta in De adulatore et ami eo
It should be noted that <pt).auTta is the key concept in Plutarch's treatises on
Seelenheilrmg
104
; it is at the root of all moral corruption and is the main
obstacle to knowledge of oneself and knowledge as such. It gives rise to
flattery and insincerity (;w),ar.ELa and rrgoo:rtOLtlOL), rather than to
;caQQllOLa. These are structural semantic oppositions of Plutarch's De
adularore et amico, a treatise in the sign of the Platonic dictltm 'what loves is
blinded about the thing it loves", assessing the question how to distinguish a
flatterer from a friend (rrw; uv n; 6tar.QLVElE 1:ov r.o),ar.a 1:0D cpLA.ov, the
Greek title) but also dealing with the concept of :rtUQQllOLa. The Plutarchean
:retQQllOLa does not fundamentally differ from the Epicurean, as I have
already pointed out
111
5: both arc related to the so-called "concerned" or
.. provident admonition" (r.116qtovtr.i1 vovf}nlot)
106
In fact, Plutarch's
antithesis of the mLQQllotcmni; with the flatterer is analogous to the
Epicurean opposition of rlgu>v nnd mtQQllotcwni;. Plutarch proclaims
:rCLQQlJOLCt to he the true friend's duty
107
: a real friend ought to have the
courage to point out shortcomings to his friend. But the insiduous flatterer
will try to imitate this characteristic of friendship too, in order to get into the
other's grace. Therefore Plutarch's treatise offers several tips and tricks to
expose the flatterer, in other words, to tell the true from the false
:rctQQllOlWJn.l;
10
s. A true friend is not afraid to reprimand and correct his
friend (lp[yu>
1
m, vot0nE(Il
110
), pointing out his moral shortcomings and
I ll! 731 0-732A: ;{(L\'t(l)\' oi: !lC'{l!JtOV %Cl%!i)v c'tvl'l(l!iJ:tOl; rot; :roHnt; f!llfl'tOV i::v tcti; 'I'UX<tt:;
onv. ol. :rei; nh(i1 ot''({\'<iJ!llJV f.zu1v c't:rocll''(l]V oloi'>f!lLHV !lllzuvCnm touto b' f.onv o
i.t:>(ot'CJIV l;J; <fti.o; Hetc71 :tCt; ttVO!_)(I):tO; <[tiOFL n: fOllV XHL U(n'hiJ; EXFL tO brtv dvm tolOUtoV.
to bi: ' (E ;t(.!VT(I)\' <'qWQtl]!lt.Ltli)V Oll:t ti]V 0Cf<l6Qct f(ll'tOU crt}.iav utnov fztL!Jtc,l)
'ti,rvnw izctototr. n y }.Oli rw yuv :rrvi re) Cft).m'fiiT ov c) crtJ..ciH', C:imtE tC:t bizma xui tC:t ttyuOa
zui tc't zui.c't ;wxtiJ; zgivn. tll u{tou ;r!_lo tot <tJ.TjOoi; ut::i tl!t<tv bdv trtOtl!tEvoc;. outE yag
hwtilV Ot'tf tc"t iul'tol> zgi] tOV '(f pf'(uv tt\'Of.)<l EOtlpfVOV on\l'(ELV, c'ti,I.Ct tu CtY.Cll(l, M\.'tE
:r ctg' w:t( l i::c.tVTr :tHQ' c'il.l.c;J !tMJ.ov ;roctHO[tEvu H''(f.CtVIJ. i::z tuuwt: or CL!tagn'utmo:;
tottou zcti. to ti]v c't[t<tOiuv ti]v mtQ' n{rr(iJ bozriv ooq inv dvm yf.yow nftatv.
Sec also 92C. Plutarch asserts that we do better to profit from the words of our enemies,
as they- more than our friends- <He able to discern our shortcomings.
IO} CHER:-.'ISS ( 1976a, p. 22-23 note d) points out that Plutarch 's version of the saying is
slightly different from Plato's (who has 6 cptl.iuv) ; but see also Galen De propr. an. c. aff dign.
er cur. 5,6. On love for what is ones own. i.e. one's children, see also De amore pro/is 493E-
49-lF; 495A-497E (examples taken from the animal and human world).
1
0-l Cf. hGE:-;KA:'-IP 1971 , p. ljl-112.. ,'1 , . ! I.
105 Cf.p. l\7. t; ) " -
1c.; Cf. Philod. De lib. die. frg. 26,6-10 and Plut. De ad. et am. SOB; SSBC; 67B.
107
Cf. 51 C (;r. is the ioia nj; q-tl,[a;); 59B; 66E.
lf.;s Cf. 59 CO: t] u{nJnaQQlJO[a vs. 1'1 ui.T]{}i]; zcti. cpt).tziJnaQQlJOLCL
HJ9 Cf. 50B: S3E; 5SO; 56A; 59C; 60B; 66A-B; 69B; 70B; 70E; 71E; 720; 74C.
110
Cf. SOB (to votOnot:v [ .. . ] zai, :raQQTJOta\;6prvov) ; see also 59C; 61B; 66E; 67B; 68E;
69B; 70E; 70F; 71E; 71F; 72C; 72E; 73A; 740; 74E.
M..
152
CHAPTER 4
convincing him of his own mistakes (l:HyJ.<.u
111
). These are to
be considered diseases of the soul requiring a purgative medicine
1
1
2
, which is
the friend's frank speech. The medicine may often be unpleasant and
painful, but it is always sa\utary
1
D, for the vices must be expelled from the
soul. Ultimately, the only way to distinguish the flatterer from the friend is
by examining the goal he is trying to achieve (54E: i16il).ov on
xgda; The flatterer is eager to please, wanting merely to
gain someone's favourll-t, whereas the friend is concerned about the other's
moral well-being; he is acting for his patient's good
115
, not for his personal
satisfaction I 16 This indeed appears to coincide with Polystratus distinction
between the dgwv and the JWQQl]Olaon']; (cf. supra: p. 116)
117
. But whereas
for the Epicurean, Socrates is the paradigm or the Etgwv, Plutarch considers
Socrates to incarnate rWQQl]OLa
The most powerful impediment to rraggqoia is self-complacency and self-
love. <l>tA.ntTiu.l 1<J is the most fundamental malady
120
, being at the root of the
other diseases of the soul and blinding one to one's own shortcomin\!s; it
prevents well-meaning criticisms from achieving their objective. also
stimulating Llattery rather than n:uQQl]OLCI.: in fact it makes everybody his
own greatest flatterer. In this very context Plutarch uses the Leges quotation:
self-love is an extremely serious moral fault, which makes it impossible to be
an honest and unbiased judge of oneself ( 48E: xaxtu.v ( ... J {<( t];
ouz [onv u{q:oD Y.Ql1l]V blzwov ol.6' <'L6[xuoTov121 dvw). unless one
acquires the habit, through study (<'lv n;
of pursuing
what is honourable rather than what is one's own (n't Ol.!'{'{FVI-1 r..ui oir..E'ln,
4XEF). This indeed appears to be a faithful rendering of the context of
"' Cf. 5(JA; 61 B; 66A; 6713; (JlJF; 71C; 72A; 72F; 7-lC.
For the q <'tQ!I<lY.OVmdaphor. sec De ad. et tmr. 4lJE; 5-lE; 55C; 61 C; 62C; (J4t\: 6M3: 73A;
7-lO; for the purgation-metaphor. see 5-lE (tcl Y.ctOu'lvov); 5lJD (iJ :t<tl_!'!lJ<lin [ ... ]
Y.HillltQOl'IHt): 67E.
11.' Cf. 55C: 5lJB. The ml!laphor of hiting is a further similarity with the first Quant. Pltll. :
compare Qrwest. /'/at. 99lJO ( c'tn:zv<i>; bur.vr'lv = T/reaet. 151 Co) with De ad. et tllll. 5.513; 55C
(q<t(.l!H.tY.til b<'tr.vovn); )oA; 590; 6111; 620: 650; 673 (iJ.f.(f.<UV zuil'l<'tr.vt,Jv); 6SF-6lJ:\: 7-lO.
Cf. 51 E-52A; 540-55E; 6011.
Cf. 51 CO; 55AB; 550; 6oA; 700 ; 710.
llh Cf. 67E: tBQLV un:aoctv Y.ai. y[}.onu xai. Y.CLL Bu>!IOi.ozictv l'lbtO!tmCL :tOVljQU
J1UQQ1]aLU; C.HfalQtiJ!IEV.
1
1
7 Esp. De contemptll 16.28: EVEY.a tuJV n).l]Oiov ELQttJVEtovtCLL Compare Dt! ad. et am. 570:
tt7> 'I'E"{ELV rcntav; d; tO tn"l!; n)..qo[ov u:toQQfO\.'OIV.
Cf. De ad. et am. 69E; 70E; 71F-72A.
11'1 Cf. 48F; 65E; 66E.
loO Cf..Sieferll908, p. 15 note 6; HtRZEL 1912, p. 26; 1971, p. 131-132.
12
1
Compare Q11aest. Plat. I lOOOB: ohm6 Y.aOugol.; !IOVOL Y.cti. M>EY.(tatot; b).Jj0Eia;
;wgzoumv E:autou; 6t;wata;.
l2c On i:Ota!t6; as a technical term in "psychotherapy". see. De cur. 514E; B.-\Bt.:T l969a, P
321 with note 2; 1971, p. 99, 105-106.
AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 153
Plato's words. Our self-love makes us vulnerable to the flatterer, who
actually exploits this fault of ours (49A). Self-love leads to a dangerous
illusion, namely that one is endowed with all manner of good qualities; this
conceit is to be avoided with the utmost care ( 49A: ll 6' o'ltlOl l:macpaA.ti; xai.
;ro)J.li; n)).apcia;) m. The flatterer is therefore an enemy of truth
and an enemy of the gods, of Apollo in particular: indeed, the x6),as
continually thwarts the God's yvw{h oau16v precept t:!-t by always creating in
every man deception towards himself (c.man]V f:xaan ..u n:go au16v) and
ignorance both of himself and of the good and the evil that concern him
(ayvmav autoD r..aL ni'JV ;rEgi autov ayafrwv xai. xaxwv, 49B).
In order to free oneself from cpA.au1ia a n:agg11mcwni; is required. But
on the other hand, <fL).cntia makes one disinterested about recognising the
true ;rnQQl]O!etoni;. Therefore n:aQ(Jl]Oia constitutes a rift in one's
spontaneous disposition. towards
10
, Plutarch intended this to mean primarily
t 1.1 l!XlOAB: oi'n,>; i..>ltD.f.t,>V l:v ).tr(<.ll; t>(.n'hi>; t':ttm<tttjOrtV X<!L ol. l'liztm.>; tonv
UL'Tl'>; <(t).o<JtE<f<tVClV OtO' tOL; %(HVOflfVOL;.
1q This story too is related by I krodotus : after thl.!ir victory over the th..: Grl.!t:ks
wanteu to determine who amonl.! them had heen the bravest. but v0cti:tu :t(t:: n:: <t\n:J\'
i<,HH</> hiilno tiJv ,lfprov, cn:ro; 1'xamo; boxit,>v c'i.(.H<no; rrvtoOm 123,2). Plu-tarch rd..:rs
to this story in De /lcr. mal. H71D (this treatise's authenticity is now commonly accl.!pkd. cf.
LACII E:--;AUD in CUVIG:--;Y- LACII ENAUD p. 114-117) and Tllcm. 17,2.
Cf. UAOUT 1969a. p. 27lJ-2SO. 11ATIEG:\ZZORE (llJ92, p. 22) explicitly idt:ntifil.!s the
genaals with the dogmatic philosophers. without questioning. however. the term "dogmat ic".
which according to him correctly charaterises the Stoics. The texts adduced by
11ATIEGAZZORE fail to illustrate the fight against dogmatism, in the sense of blind faith in a
peremptory authority.
One may compare Cic. Acad. 11 10, where Lucullus claims to inaugurate a disintc:rested
search for truth. He is not ddending his own. but Antiochus' views. If thcv turn out to be
wrong. he would wish to be refuted ( -dicam enim nee mea nee ea, in qui bus si non fuerint
vinci me malim quam vincere"). Nevertheless he thinks that Antiochus is right.
1n Cf. De ad. et am. 678: 1'1 tou vouOwia xaOctgdouoa :tavro; tl:>iot :tc'd}Ot;
at6EOtOV EOtL %Ul OE!lYOV xai. avavri[)t.EJtTOV. Also compare Galaxidorus' words in De genio
Socr. 579F: tu; f.rnov odv Et'QEl\' avbgu xctOaQfl'Ovt(( ttq:ov %at6ttOLbat!l0\'l(t;.
Cf. De ad. et am. 48E: Oti< EOtLV ninoi: i<QltijV bixmov oub' abxamov Ehw. Compare
Longinus De mbl. 44,9.
; ,
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 157
that he adopted his opponents' premisses merely for the sake of examining
(and refuting) them, without positing anything as his own opinion. This is
fully consistent with the context of Quaest. Plat. 1.
C. Serenit)'
In order further to elucidate Socrates' impartiality Plutarch suggests the
following comparison : \VC cannot accurately perceive sounds when the air in
the ears is full of ringing and buzzing instead of still and free of sound of its
own. Likewise judgment of philosophical arguments requires freedom of
internal noise, for otherwise one will not even understand statements coming
from \vithout
1
ll. Simmias in De genio Socratis offers a similar explanation for
Socrates' susceptibility to the daimon ion' s voice I.J:! (which is not a physical
voice but rather a communication without sound, a kind of mind-to-mind
contact on the purely intelligible level ; cf. 588E): since Socrates' soul was
pure and free from passions (5880: xaOago; iov xaL cma{hi;), it lent itself
readily. without recalcitrance, to purely spiritual conversation. Messages
from the arc all around us ( bLct mivnov fPEQO[lEVOL, 5890), but only
exceptional peopk. who arc free of inner noise and confusion roT:;
ct0t)gt0ov n\ 1'p'}o; XC1l Vl.]Vqtov EXOt'OL TllV 1l'VXl.jY) l-13, arc capable of
1' '
1
Compare Cic. De di1. 2. 150: "Cum autem proprium sil Academiae iudicium suum nullum
intt.:rponere. ea prohare. quae simillima veri viJeantur. conferre causas et, quid in quamque
s..:ntt.:ntiarn dici possit . expromere. nulla adhibita sua auctoritate iuJicium audientium
rdinqut:rl.! integrum at: liberum. tenehimus hanc consuetudinem a Socrate traJitam caquc
int..:r n,h, si tibi. Quinte frater, placebit. quam saepissime utemur."
,.,, Cf. supra: p. 95 note fi:\; 105 note 115. Uul sec also below: p. 171 note 205.
! l l lOOOBC: <;HJ:t r Q 't<'<Qt> iv tOT; t;HJ[v c'o'JQ.(!v pi) omOr Qo; iJ lliJOr cruJVf); toiu; fQIJill>; c'tD:
tjzou 'l.Ut 0oil;.ot ftwn'>;. oix c.'tvrt).<tpjVtvnm ttiJv cpOcyyo!tEV(JJV, oi:n> TO tot;
i.orot'; h <[ ti.ooor ll,l X(.)lVOV, (tV rvoo0fV CtYtlltut<tylj <n> %Ul CtvtlJZlJ, Ouo;uvEtOV EOHll ni>V
ir ropivt, JV ;; ; (! n')rv. Plutarch is referring to features of a Peripatetic scientific theory of the
s.:nses. Cf. Theophr. De scnsihus l<J and 41 (DG 504,27-505.2 ; 511,4-8); CHER:--IISS 1976a. p.
2425 note b. Perhaps the theory may be traced back to Diogenes of Apollonia: cf. OK
64 A llJ. The iuea to use the theory metaphorically to illustrate the nature of Socrates'
daimonion may be Plutarch's own (for a similar use of the metaphor of noise sec Max. Tyr.
ll.lOg). Be that as it may. any such physical explanation of the functioning of the senses can
only limited value. according to Plutarch's conception of dual causality, which is derived
from Plato. CL esp. De def or. 436CD: li1omg apr ) ..n <xeti> m ,anl)v (Resp. 5070) ogav !lEv
l'JitCt; tij :tUQCt ttiJV ocp'leti.ftiiJV Ut'YIJ ouyr.EQClYVl'flEVIJ n:go; tO lOU CftiJ;, CtXOUflV b Tij
:ti.lj'(IJ tOL' ttl\ >a; c.'t:tOffalVOflEVO; oux CtVIJQEl TO xan't AO'(OV xui. n:g6votuv oganxoi.c; XCll
uzot'Ottzoi; yqovrvuL Cf. infra : p. 181-183.
As pointed out by CHER;>;ISS 1976a, p. 25 note c.
w Cf. 589E: TlJV [ .. . ) Xctl tclQUZl.JV, {j; a;ni)J.Ct%t0 LWX(ltltl)S. See also Cons. ad
A poll. 1 OSB: to b. E<rf.ClTO\' n:c'tvtwv, on i:c'tv n; t'HlLV xui oxo/.lj YEVlJHll arr' at'nou xat
1Qa:r0JpEua :rgo; to oxo:rEiv n, i:v tat; n:avrazoC n:agan:T.-nov \t6gvBov rraQEXEl
xai taguzilv %UL fr.:t).JittEl , liJOTE &'Lvao{}m {:r' atlOL' %Ultogav tctf.Tj{);. aD.a t<,u ovn
t'Utl\' 6bnXTCLl on EL !tDJ.OilEV :rotE xaOagtiJ; n low0m, a:taU.axtEOV Ut'tOU xai. autij n)
't' l'zij 0wtov aun1 TCt :rQCt'(!WTC!. Compare GEORGIADOU 1996, p. 121 ; HARDIE 1996, p.
124 .
158
CHAPTER 4
receiving them. Such people are called holy and "daemonic'' ( ol!; bi1 zai
LEQOUc; xal av{}g<.imouc; Most people can attain the
required tranquillity only during only exceptional peopk. like
Socrates, can come into contact with higher beings when awake (5SSDE;
5890). In this respect too the De genio is consistent with Quaesr. P!ar. 1.
One might object, however. that there actually is less consistencv than
appears at first sight. In De genio the tranquillity of Socrates' soul is ;elated
to the surmise that he commingled but little with the body (588DE). whereas
the emphasis in the first Quaestio is on the fact that Socrates has freed
himself from own opinions. Those following his example can show
themselves to be sound and incorruptible judgt!s of the truth, only because
they have no views of their own to ddcnd (10008). For he who ddcnds a
personal opinion is intolerant towards dissidence (lOOOC: t'] y<'tg ol.zc:tet 66;a
Y.Ul OUVOl%0 ou TO blWf(t)VOUV JtQO avn'jv).
The differences between the two texts must however not be overem-
phasised, as Plutarch is wont to associate the senses and the corporal with
bt'>:;<c Socrates frees himself and his pupils from 6o;u, so that they may
search for the truth togethert-t-t. This is also cvidcncc.:d by Alii-. Col. 112-lB,
where Plutarch specifics the significance of bwzt'] as a "settled state and
attitude of grown men that preserves them from error and rduses to
abandon judgement to anything so discredited and incoherent as the senses
or to be deluded as these people arc deluded who call the sec.:n the.: evidence
of things unseen althought they observe that appearances arc so untrust-
worthy and ambiguous"t-t)_ 'E;rozt'] is meant to free the.: faculty of judgment
(1] x(lim;) from the confusing inOuence of the senses. In other words. there
is no sharp distinction between the distrust of the confused information we
get through the senses, and the kind of ;rozt'l that spc.:cifically affects
"intellectual'' judgment t-tr, (nor is there, for that matter, any absolute
rejection of the senses: the insubstantiality of the physical world does simply
not allow a firm grasp) t-t
7
The aforementioned texts from De genio Socr. and
Qtwest. Plat. 999E and lOOOBC should be interpreted in this context: the
b6;m, derived from sensory perception, hinder the voD; to understand the
non-sensory messages from the and to reach a clear and
unencumbered judgment, the initiwn mali being the bond of the body
1
-tS.
I.W Cf. supra: De ad. et tun. 72A.
W Trans\. EI:"ARSON - DE LACY (102-lB : Est; uvbgwv xai bta0Eot; rrl').ctHOl'OU :o
ubtam{J)lOV xai. IT(lO.Lf!lEVll tat; btetBEB).TjflEVUL oihol Y.cti. bl'<TrUlOt'OW; etioOt'toEOl t1lV
XQlOLV !lltbi: OL <Cl TWV ubtV.wv :rionv i:'znv CfCt<JI.Ot'(J\V,
U:tlO<LClV 1:00Ut'1:1JV zai uoarrnav Ev wi:; OQWYH;). Cf. supra: P !00.
See also Quaest. com. 674C.
W Cf. supra: eh. 3. I, B; De E 392E; De Is. et Os. 382A; De facie 933A.
See also VAN DER STOCKT 1990b, p. 182-184; 1993, p. 137 note 66 (pertaining to QuMSL
com. 718E) and p. 138 with the reference to De genio Socr. 5880. See also 5910:5930.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 159
Socrates' soul was pure and free from bodily influence - in so far as this is
attainable for human beings- and his philosophy consisted in freeing others
as well from this bond.
If one relates the views expressed in Quaest. P!at. 1 and De genio Socr. to
Plutarch 's interpretation of Platonic psychology and, ultimately,
metaphysics 1-l
9
, it becomes clear that they fit in the same framework: both
cp).avTia and originate in the irrational part of the soul (to
:w{}t]nz6v), which itself is closely associated- though certainly not identical
- with the body
1
5. New Academic epistemological motives and Platonic
psychology and metaphysics are thus brought together in the same
perspective. In A{k Col. 11248 Plutarch also makes clear that EJtOXll is not
a refusal to examine the truth inspired by laziness, but rather the very
condition for the search for truth as it eliminates false presuppositions, thus
precluding some fundamental mistakestst.
Plutarch posits an ;malogy hdw.:en th.: composition of the cosmic and that of the human
soul : cf. De 1irt. mor. +tiF-442A; De an. procr. 1025CD; see Plato Tim. 67C; 41(). To
;wOqnzl)v is analognus to the precosmical soul, i.e. t't n't
(Tim. J5A, quoted at the heginning of De till. procr., 101213; see also on the human soul
10260: n]; l'lVljl:fj; ;wi :tf(ll n't mo'lqti"j; cr. CI!ER:-<ISS I!J76a, p. 25S note c).
Cf. De an. prvcr. I 02-lA: llvziJV ouvimqmv n]; < xgflnovo; ot'ota;
Y.Ctl (qtE!)llJTOl' :wi Tfj; ):flQO\'ll;, l]V JtfQl Tll Ol;lflUUl %l"X).1JZEV, Ol'Z hf(HLV Ol'OUV lj
TitV Oo:;aonXijV ZUl f[ll\'l:WntZljV Y.Ul Ol
1
fl7tCdhj Ttil uio{hjT!il Y.lVl]()lV, Oll c't/...),'
l'CfE<TrtilOU\' ci.ibtov u"JO:tf(.> lj hf!)Ct. Plularch resolutely opposes materialistic interpretations
of both the cosmic and prccosmic soul: cf. De an. procr. IOIJC: !022F-102JA. and also
1013EF: 101-lE; !Ot5n et passim. Sec also I!J93a, p. 152. On Plutarch's criticism of
any materialistic approach to "divine' realities: sec 13EAUJEU 1959, p. 208.
Cf. PI:":"OY 1 %Sh. p. 198. Sec also De 1irt. m or. 4-t:m: c't!J..U. nti:-ru Tt> uioihtnxov <o
{}gr:1nxov zrti q l'nxi>V -rft; 11tzf1; ftigo;J pEv ii).!J; itvt'tzou ).orou zui. z(l)rrc't -roo:rov nvit <fJ;
oagxo; xui :trQi. <t> miJfHt :ruvn-).tiJ; xrtw:rirruzr. l\1orl! important is that the
same is said of lhe irralional faculty. 1:0 mdhj<tZov (;t: the part cornplctl!ly devoid of reason):
at :rrgi <o uiftU xui <t> rrvrt'flet xai. <o btv(qu:u; <C:t; niJv mtOtiJv btwrogU.; :tOIOtmv,
_wa:tQ z wi: :rm1ttnzoi: <fJ; ougzo; xui. ouvuvurruono; n'1v
:tOtOTljHt zui <ijV Y.[Hi.OLV. 1:00 b' tLV0(lt;J;Wl' tui; rraOtjTIZCLL; ll!)flULS: 1:0 0\lfl:tm'louv
xai D.E'(f.Otmv t;JZQOnJn:; t'gvOt'Ht<LHL TQOfLOL mJbt'JoEL; zagbiu;, btuzl!on;
au ;tai.tv fv bimv l'jbovt'uv xui 1t(lOUbozim; (De rirt. Ill Or. 451 Al3 ). Compare Dl' libidine et
aegritudine 9: <C:L oi: :raOt] rrc'tvta zui <a; (wOcvEiet; womg EX nj; oagxo;
avaB/.ao<CtVEIV bi. TOY ctv{}gumov (BABUT, 1969b. p. 59 nole 2; note 36, p. 139-140, argues in
favour of the authenticity of De lib. et aegr. which is rejected, however, by most scholars. Cf.
1968h, p. 199-200 note 8 (contra authenticity); 1969a, p. 32-35 (cautiously
contra); 1969b (cautiously pro)). Sec also Mu!. virt. 243C; De 1irt. mor. 442A (<o pf:v uEi.
aww.m Bot).w{}m OU\'flVCLL zai. otiJflU {)f(.>UITE\JElV 11Hftzo;
xf'z).ll<W); 4-l2C;
def or. 437EF bi: <o (ruvraonxov mzE n]; '\f't'Xii; hco wu
Y.QU<EtoOm xai. UJ<; btj).6v EOHV cmo nov ovEigwv [ ... ) ah[a
0
T] xgam; wu Dio 2,4; Arat. 29,8; Demetr. 38,3-4; ps.-Piut. De vita et poesi
H?meri 131. For more parallels see BABUT 1969b, notes 220 and 221 p. 168-169. Cf. Plato
T!maeus 86B-87C, with TAYLOR 1928, p. 610-620, COR:-IFORD 1937, p. 343-349 and esp.
BABlJT 1969b, p. 58 note 3. ,
151
Cf. BABUT 1969a. p. 280. On ubtarrnowv cf. 11188; Sext. Emp. Adv. Alath. 7,110-111;
224; 409. ,.
160 CHAPTER 4
This reasoning is complementary to the view that Socrates .. brackets'' off
his own knowledge for didactics' sake: Socrates above all wishes to
safeguard the search for truth; he does not want his knowledge to interfere
with it. In order to prevent cptA.auda from hampering the search. he frees
himself and his pupils from the distracting and confusing influence of bo;a.
By not giving the impression of wanting to impose his own views, he
facilitates the pupils' acceptance of their being refuted.
The polemical context of the Quaestio is once again evidenced by the
reference to the other philosophical schools, which is meant to illustrate that
self-love is incompatible with love of the truth:
lJ yU.g otxda b6);n xai. ouvotxoc; ou To btarpwvouv :rgo; cd.n'Jv.
w; aigf:onuv TO O)V, &.v agtoTa rrg(tHlJ <fll.OOOCflCt.
xmogOouonv, b TCL a).).ac_; Ct:taoet; xai. fWZOflEVet; :rgo; Ti]V
a).t']OELav. ( lOOOC)
For personal opinion to which one is wedded will not accept what disagrees
with her, as the multitude of systems testifies, of which philosophy, if she is
faring her best, involves a single one being right and all the others guessing and
being in COn0ict \Vith the truth.
The multitude of philosophical aig[ons;
152
must be explained by the fact that
most do not so much seck to attain truth, but rather try to make their views
prcvaill5J. philosophical schools, failing to transcend the kvel of
opinions (oiort[vus;). actually fight the truth (rtazoru::va; nQb; Tt]\'
<tt.1'p'h:w.v) !5-l. Only one single philosophical school can be on the right
track 155, and this only in the best case. It is obvious that according to Plutarch
the one school on the right track will be Platonism. It should be noted,
however, that Plutarch does not affirm that Platonism has fully attained the
truth; he does suggest that it is the only a'lQEat that may be held to be
xu{}oQOouou. As a consequence, all the other schools, differing from
Platonism, err. Underlying Plutarch's reasoning is the conviction that the
truth is one. The very fact that there is more than one school is already an
On ul'grm; ( .. school of thought, persuasion"), sec GLUCKER 1978. p. 166192.
15J A somewhat similar reasoning is to be found in De 1irt. mar. bri Ott't TL toi;:
v OZEflfl((OlV Ol' TCQOOEOTL TO flE'tCt J.U:Tl]; v:ro t(r)\' EtEQCrJV c"trroOw xdi
ftrtmlOwum ;ro)J.uxl;. (tU: cttn6; t' 'Agtatat0.1]; tE xai Xgtm;r:ro; f\'l(t tt!)v
ITQOOUI'V uutoi; UQEOZOVHI)V xai u<'ll'pmJ); xai !ldf T]OOVlj; uqri:oav; As long as
their knowledge was not commingled with irrational passion, the older philosophers were
perfectly capable of admitting and correcting their own mistakes. Of course, cp).cwrin is such
an irrational impediment. One may notice that Plutarch's appreciation of other philosophers,
including the Stoics, is more favourable here than in the first Quaestio Platoniea, the reason
for this being that the context of De virt. mar. 44-17F-44SA is one of praise for the
philosophical life in general.
154 Compare BARIGAZZI 1981, p. 200. on the philosophers who are cpl.obo:;m (on love of
fame in general. see e.g. J:-;GENKAMP 1992, p. 4300-430-1; 4335-4344). On the rivalry between
philosophical schools see De Sto. rep. 1036AB: cf. infra: eh. 4, Ill, C.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 161
aberration. In an ideal situation a single, truthful philosophy would be
sufficient.
Ill. r.cnci).lpjH OR ar.aTat.lp!'La? (lOOOCD)
The third section of the Quaestio Platonica deals with the central question,
i.e. the meaning of Socrates' words at Theaet. 150C, from the perspective of
a dilemma: either man cannot attain certain, "cataleptic" knowledge (d [tEv
o{bfv on r.cnn).tptov r.ni yvttmtov, lOOOC), or knowledge of
the truth is possible and truth is one (d 6' anv man'nu1 TOD aA111>oi: v 6
TO c'ti.tl1>;. IOOOD). In the first case we are left with diversity of opinions, in
the second knowledge of the truth is possible. Plutarch is reformulating the
issue, explicitly relating it to the epistemological controvasies between
Academics, Stoics and Epicureans tsr.. As we have already seen, xan1A.tpl!l
according to the most strict Stoic definition is a self-certifying and therefore
infallible act of cognition, the assent to a "cognitive" or "cataleptic"
impression. i.e. an impression that warrants its own truth by presenting itself
with such clarity and distinctness as can only be produced by a real object
represented accurately. The Academics disputed that such xan:tl.1ppu; is
possible for man: true impressions have no characteristic mark allowing to
distinguish them with certainty from false ones.
Let us return to Plutarch's dilemma: in both cases, he argues
1
57, the
recommendation given by God to Socrates makes good sense. If it is
impossible for us to obtain cognitive knowledge, then it certainly is
reasonable for God to have prevented Socrates from begetting false notions
1
') Compare Lucianus 1/ermot. A YK. (n(tll rbr pm. Ill et n; M>(); unv ll lf t).ooo<riuv
Cl'{Ol'IJU 1,} Tlf)V Itw'ix<r)\' l'lllf)\'; c'ti.t}Ht-J f'{l;) ljr.Ol10\' (;); xui unm j[O)J.oi nvr; dmv; EPM.
fL(t).u ;ro)).oL- flrQt:TltTl}tlXOL zui 'Emxot'QflOl XCtl ol TtW [1/.c'mr>V<t fTCl'{QWfO!Lf\'01, xai Ut'
ll.LO'[E\'Ot; ui),Ol nvt'; zui 'A vnourvov; l;.qi.onui zui ol (t;ro taU n l'U<t'{OQOU xui Etl ;r).riov;.
A YK. (t).1JHfl mi:m ;ro)J.oi y<'tQ rimv. ;ron:Qov 01'1. tTJ 'EQflOTLftr. Ttt uin1 oi':tOL hrotmv fJ
btct<rocu; EP;\1. zai j[(tvu btc't<rogu. A YK. to or yr c't).tp'l; oipcu j[(tvn>; not v t'Jv aini>v,
wJ: Ot' ;T(lVtu. OLCL<{OQC't '{E 0\'Ht. EPM. nuw flt'Y Ot'V. Cic. De /Ill[. dear. 1.5; Plul. Quaest.
COil\', 732E: ui.1J0ft'El\' flEV '(ltQ u:ri.tiJ; 'J'I't'0E00UL 6' (t;tflQCt;(li:J; j[UQE;(El tit TCQU'(flCtHl
1
"' Cf. De Stn. rep. l036A: TOt; !lfv yctg boziJv uyotm :rrgi. j[Uvnuv [se. the Academics] \'S.
toi; 6' bLOt1.J!llJV ivqrru\;.oprvat; za{}' lJY OflOt.O'{Ol'flEVw; BtwOOfLEUct [se. the Stoics].
157
1000C: Eizonn; 0 uro; U:Tf%l;)).t
1
0fV Ul'TO\' Um]VCfllCl XC!l zcti uBrrwu '{EVVUV,
eiirt.ELV b tot; a)).ot; t:Oletlta bosc't\;.ovtu;. Ol' '(UQ fllZQOV lJV OCfE).o; una
PErLOTOV 6 Tal' flE'(lOTOU ttiJ\' %UX(iJV, U:TUT1]; zui Z\'O<fQOOt
1
Vl];, ann)J.c'ttt(UV A.oyo; ''o{8
'Aoz).rptubcu; TOl'TO'/ rbwxE u6;." (Theognis 1,432; cf. VAN GRONINGEN 1966, p. 172-173]
ov '{UQ owputo; 1'1 Iwzgc'not; imgEict, 't'l';(lj; 8 1.1" {;ro{l.ov Xctl OtHp{}C!QftEVl}; Y.etOUQflOS,
Cf. De all(/. 4-IA v:roti.ol'); compare also Lye. 4,3; Mar. 35,1; De ad. et am. 59D;
61E; F (TOI; boti.ot; zai cp).E'(flULVOl'at nj; 't'U;(1j;); De Is. et Os. 383B (oi'm OWfLaOLV oihr.
'ttzui; t:rot/.m; xai. voo<l>brm); De Pyth. or. 394E: De eo h. ira 456E; De sera 1111111. 565C;
567B; Quaest. COil\'. 715F and Plaio Gorg. 4SOB (to ut'nxiw; Uj[OU).ov ti]V 'tJUXllY
:TOLTJO!'l xai uviutov); 518E; Tim. 7:2D.
162
CHAPTER 4
and to compel him to refute those who were forming such opmtons.
Catharsis of the soul is even more imperative than healing the body. for
vanity and deception are the greatest of evils. On the other assumption
Socrates' practice is equally reasonable: as soon as one possesses knowledge,
he who has learned it from the discoverer possesses it no less than he who
discovered it ( oux EAattov EXEL ToD EUQOVTO 6 :rag a ToD
1000D)15H. But with a view to facilitating the acquisition of knowledge, it is
better not to be convinced of already possessing the truth tw, so as to be able
to examine the credentials of the views of others with an open mind and
choose the best b 6 znv, zni
TO r)EJ.LLOTOV cmavnuv, wa:rEQ 6 Jwi:ba ;[OlELTat TO\' CtQLOLOV,
10000).
A. Second and Third Academic epistemology
Who is Plutarch referring to when offering the dilemma about the possihilitv
of cataleptic knowledge? Let us first turn to Arcesilaus, the champion ;f
('tzaTat,tppiu. Arcesilaus is known to have attributed the inapprehcnsihility
thesis to Socrates. Indeed, at Adl. Col. ll21F-1122A Plutarch "thanks" the
Epicurean for having proven- unintentionally- that Arcesilaus' philnsophy
does not constitute a break with the Academic tradition; Colotes added the
information that Arcesilaus ascribed his views to Plato and Socrates. among
others (cf. supra: p. R5). That Arcesilaus did so is confirmed by e,idence
from various sources 1w.
J<x On the comhination r\.eior.nv/fLUVO<'tvnv see CIIERNISS 1 <J76a. p. 27 note c.: {to the
examples from Plato may he aJJeJ Leg. %SD).
'''1 CIIERNISS ( l <J76a, p. 27 note f) compares this to the situation of those mentioneJ in De
1/ttd. 47[): Ol b' ll;t(J 1ft).OTlfllUS <'t<ill_lOl' XHl Y.FVij; ;tQ(>; f'ri:(]Ol'S (qLi)J.q; o':;tnp;<t Zlll
n'tLcd)fiw; i::tt.\ClXVl'fLlVOl, 1'(\_ll V it ).CL[ktV Ef.l'lV tlfiOJ.O'(Oll\'l;, oi ).(LJlfl<'t\'Ol'OlV.I{<l\\ \.!\ <.:r, the
two c1ses Jifkr substantially: Dt: afl(/. 47D is about people \vho are afraid to aJrnit their lack
of comprehension of a particular matter. wherc:as Qttaest. !'fat. 10000 (also <J'NE) about
those who wrongly think that they possess knowkJge.
tw The most important testimonies have b..:en gathereJ by GOEDECKE:'.IEYER l')tl). p. 33-34
and OIERNISS 1<J76a, p. 25 note J . Cf. Lactantius Di1. Inst. 3.6,7: "Arcesilas [ ... ] auctore
Socrate suscepit hanc sententiam nihil sciri posse"; Cic. Acad. I 44-45 : "turn cum
Zenone', inquam 'ut accepimus Arcesilas sihi omne certamen instituit, non pertinacia aut
stullio vincenJi ut quidem mihi videtur, scd ea rum rerum obscuritatc quae ad
ignorationis adJuxerant Socratem, et iam ante Socratem Democritum
EmpeJoclem omnes paenc veteres, qui nihil cognosci nihil percipi nihil sciri posse: dix-erunt,
angustos sensus, imbccillos animos. brevia curricula vitae, et (ut Democritus) in profunda
veritatem esse denH.:rsam, opinionibus et institutis omnia teneri, nihil veritati r..:linqui,
deinceps omnia tenebris circumfusa esse dixerunt. itaque Arcesilas ncgahat esse quicquam
quod sciri possct, ne illud quidcm ipsum quod Socrates sibi reliquisset, ut nihil scire se sciret
[ ... ]"'; De orat. 3.67: "Arcesilas primum, qui Polcmonem audicrat, ex variis Platonis libris
sermonibusquc hoc maxi me arripuit, nihil esse certi, quod aut sensibus aut animo pcrcipi
possit.'' See also HIRZEL Ill 1883, p. 36-37; LEVY 1993b, p. 146-147. For Socratcs. Empedoc!es
and Xenophanes one may compare De aud. poet. 17DE (cf. infra: p. 181 ); for Ocmocritus see
GRAESER 1970, p. 300-301.
AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH
163
At the time of the Hellenistic polemic and also of Plutarch, Arcesilaus and
his followers were usually referred to as ot rrEQL rravnuv E:rrzovt:Es;
16
1. Sextus
Empiricus reserved ox.'l>t; and oxErrnx.il <pLAooocpLa for Pyrrhonism,
whereas Favorinus, followed by Aulus Gellius (11,5)
162
, applied it to
Pyrrhonians and Academics indiscriminatelyl
63
The latter use is now
common and is also adopted in the present study for convenience (in
defiance of the fact that the early New Academics did not see themselves in
such terms).
Our sources ascribe mainly two theses to Arcesilaus: (1) the ax.aHLAll'l'ia-
thesis; (2) the recommendation of universal suspension of judgment. It has
not yet been determined to what extent and in which sense these theses can
be said to be Arcesilaus' own: how can he have held these theses without
contradicting himself? For do these theses not compromise themselves and
each other? A.A. LO:\G and D.N. SEDLEY distinguish four types of answer
to these problemsiM:
( l) is Arccsilaus' own conclusion, and suspension is the only
proper solution to it;
(2) suspcnsion is a purely deknsive stratcgy conveying nothing of Arccsilaus'
real aims;
(3) inapprchensihility is a strictly ad hominem refutation of the Stoic
"cataleptic impression", and universal suspension of assent is the embarrassing
consequence which thc Stoic must accept on his own premisses;
(4) for evcry thesis Arccsilaus has hecn offercd he was able to advance a
counter-argument of equal wcight; is his responsc.
Answer (2) amounts to the allegation of crypto-dogmatism and is nowadays
commonly rejected (cf. supra: p. 63-66). Interpretations (3)
165
and (4) JM,
convey important aspects of Arcesilaus' anti-Stoic polemic, but do not offer
an adequate explanation when each is taken on its own. Answer (I) is only
self-contradictory when Arcesilaus cum suis would have claimed to have
cognitive, i.e. "cataleptic", knowledge of ax.cncrA111.I'lCL, which Arcesilaus
actually denies. As we have seen, must follow for the Stoic wise man,
to! Se.: e.g. Atlr. Col. 1120C.
16: Cf. in]ra: p. 236-238.
163
One may also compare Euscbius Pra.:p. cv. 14,18.1, citing a fragment of a work by
Aristocks niJn:; rot\:; Y.u.ru OY.E:rTlY.Ol;:; (the syntax suggests the existence of other
sccptics bcsid..:s the Pyrrhonians).
Thc present account is based primarily on Lo:-<G-SEDLEY 11 <JS7, p. 438-448, and esp. 446-
447.
165
Cf. Num. frg. 25,132-140 (DES PLACES) ap. Eus. Pra.:p. Ev. 14,6,12-13; Sext. Emp. Ad1.
Afath. 7,150-157. See also ANNAS 1988, p. 103.
166 Cf. Cic. Acad. 1,46; Cic. De fi'n. 2,2; 5,10; De oral. 3,80; Diog. Laert. 4,28.
16-t
CHAPTER 4
on his own premisses (cf. supra: eh. 3, I, A). I think it ls unlikelyl
11
7, hut not
impossible, that Arcesilaus considered rro;:1'1 as his own position. The hest
overall view of Arcesilaus' epistemological position will probably combine
elements of (1), (3), and (4):
If, on the one hand, you adopt a policy of Academic opcn-mindcdncss. gi\ing
due weight to the pros and cons of every thesis, you will ipso faciO suspend
judgement. If, on the other hand, you adopt a doctrinal stance like Stoicism, it
will follow from premises to which this stance commits you, in conjunction with
its inability to resist I [ = the ax.ma).tpl,[a-thesis] that you should suspend
judgement. Hence whatever philosophical positions you adopt or avoid
adopting, you will, if wise, suspend judgment. See for example Arcesilaus
argument at
But if in any other place we have recalled the Academy to our mind, let us do
so here as well, and divest ourselves of excessive credulity and, as if we were in
a slippery place in our discussion about infinity, let us merely keep a firm
footing."
(431A, transl. BABBITT 1936b)
Already in the course of his argumentation Lamprias had played on the
theme of the m{}awl>TEQOV ( 427B), and also the preceding intervention of
Philippos had developed this motive txJ. One passage of the latter's argumen-
tation may even seem a paro,dy on Carneades' lingo:
Its derivation from the number of elements, at which the Master hinted darkly
(u;nJvt;mo), is in every way hard to grasp (C'llOI..l]moc;) and gives no clear
intimation of the plausibility which must have drawn him on to assert that it is
likely that U:tO<pC1lVOUOa n); EXELVOV m0C1VOTI]TOs;
EL-u:: i:v uJ; Eir.oc; on) etc. ( 426F)
One is tempted to consider EJtEOfWOfLEVlr; an allusion to the Carneadcan
technical term a;rEgio:raow;, used in the definition of the "most
convincing" impression, i.e. the m{}nvil xai xai
c'.t:rEgio:rcwro; cpavnwiH
1
Xt. Be that as it may, on many other occasions
Plutarch indeed shows his familiarity with the terminology introduced by
Carneades.
1
'
1
E.g. Dt: an. procr. 1013E; 1015A; 1015E; 1024AI3; 1026C; Quncst. Plat. 1002AB;
1003AI3; Quaest. com. 7203. For Plutarch"s conception of matter see TI-!EVENAZ 1938, p.
10:-1-113; VERrlEKE 1945, p. 261; I3ALTES I 1976, p. 42; 199-lb, p. 258-260. Also
compare Alcin. Didask. 177,24-26.
This is one of the main passages invoked by ZELLER (111.2 1923, p. 181 note 5),
SCHROETER (1911, p. 23) and DE LACY (1953, p. 83) in order to demonstrate Plutarch's
scepticism"'; but see DONIN!1986a, p. 207-208; p. 222-223 note 11; BABUT 1992, p. 224-226.
lS.l Cf. 426E: TO [ ... } JtfQl lOUTWV xnv i'j OlJ"i(. O.v ywyE
See also 4233 and esp. 422E: "CLS b' av [ ... ) Ev JtQCtYflUOLV ELT)
;n0nv6nr;. o:rou %Ctl D).Ct"t(JJV oUbi:v dn:wv EiiA.oyov ol.b' dxo; o{hw xcnBaA.E TOV /.6yov;
The Academic approach to the problem appears to be in full accordance with the Platonic. Cf.
Tim. 55CD: a n; Ei m:i.vw Efl[lfAWS Ct:TOQOLJIOTEQOV CtJIELQOU; XQll %00[LOUS
dvm/.ynv l] :rga; l!zovw:;. TO flEV UJIELQ0\.1; tiYt]aatT" O.v an:dgou llVOS dvm My[ta
wv Ep:TEIQOV zgniJv dvm, JIOTEQOV Of va l]JtEVt:E auwu; CtAl]{}Eic;t 1tHftx6w; /.ynv ]tOTE
lt(i)J.ov O.v wunJ met; TO [tEv ouv Oi]n:ag' va al.nov
iW"[U "[QV dxow A.oyov 1tEcpux6w [ll]\-ln {}EOV, aA.A.o; b Ei.; a/).a 1t1J ETEQU oo!;c'.ton
(Plato gives preference to the hypothesis of one single world). See also De E 389F-390A.
t!l-1 See e.g. Sext. Emp. Pyrrlz.Hyp. 1.227; 229; KLEYER 1982, p. 55-59.
l
168 CHAPTER 4
To the non-specialist the difference between on the one hand Carneades'
sophisticated definition of the convincing impression, and on the other the
Stoic conception of the "cataleptic impression'' as it had been modified and
refined in the debate with the Academics, may have seemed a fine one tss.
This has led to the paradoxical situation that Carneades radicalised the
Academic criticism of Stoic epistemology, whereas by the subtle distinctions
added or provoked by him the Academic and Stoic positions came to bear a
closer resemblance - at least superficially, for the theoretical difference
remains fundamental. Carneades' mfruvov as a practical criterion ISo- and a
fallible criterion at that, since he did not exclude that in some instances one
would be persuaded of something which is actually false IS
7
- is undeniably
more sophisticated than Arcesilaus' (dialectical use of the) ij),orov, but at
the same time precludes any claim to knowledge txx. This may aud to the
explanation why Cicero is able to consider Carneadcs a more moderate
sceptic (Acad. /166-67; 77-78). relating on the other hand that Clitomachus
was wont to declare that he had never been able to find out what his teacher
Carneaues actually believed (Acad. 11 139)
1
S'J. Sextus Empiricus in A(/\>.
/t.latfl. 7,159-165 depicts him as the more radical sceptic than Arcesilaus,
which seems to conflict with the account in Pyrrfl. hyp. 1
from
which Arcesilaus emerges as being closer to the Pyrrhonian position than
Carneades. This ambiguity is constitutive, I think, for Carneades'
philosophy, and has been externalised in the further development of
Acauemic philosophyt<JI.
At any rate, the thinker associated with thet.Tut.lppia was Arcesilaus- who
is likely to have coined the term - rather than Carneades. If Plutarch had
wanted to attach one single name to the thesis d o{b[v un x<m<l.lpTov
c'<v11Q<;)jH,I) xuL yv<t>OTOV ( IOOOC). it would have been Arcesilaus' rather than
any other Academic's.
David (1711-1776) was of this opinion: cf. Bl:R:-IYEAT 19S4. p. 227 with note 6;
11JS5. p. 71 (it shou!J be noted, however. that Dumont's appn::ciation of the
Acad.:mics and th.: Pyrrhonians is itself tendentious); A:o-::--:AS 19S8, p. 112; LAURSEN 1992, p.
1o1-1o:!. The ht:lid that Academic "scepticism" is essentially dogmatic is, however, still quite
wic.kspr.:ad : sec e.g. 19S5, p. 71 ;76-78; S2-83; 89-IJO; 95-96 et passim; AMICO 11JIJ3,
p. 25 with not.: p. 52.
1.
1
Cf. Photius /Jihf. cod. 212. 16%36-170a41.
I'l-l l'yrrh. /lyp. 1,232-233; cf. STRIKER 1981, p. 154; LO:"G- SEDLEY 1 19S7, p. 447 (s.:c also
p. 457; 472-473); J)()RRIE 19S7, p. 427; ANNAS 1988, p. 103: 107; LEVY 1992, p. S0-81; 181;
274-275 note lJ7.
19
' Cf. SEDLEY 1WG. p. 11-12; LOSG- SEDLEY I 1987. p. 447; HANKINSON 1995, p. 17. Sec
also Cic. Acad. If 28-29; 110. Arccsilaus' ingenious argument did not prevent Colotes from
criticising him on this very point: cf. VANDER WAERDT 1989, p. 261-262. Not only regarding
hut also in respect of the "universal suspt:nsion of judgment" did Arcesilaus
avoid self-contradiction. Cf. IOI'I'OLO 1986, p. 145: "Allo stesso modo Arcesilao non assume
la posizione chc "bisogna" sospendere il giudizio. L'epoclze c il risultato che conseguc di volta
in voila all'ugual peso delle tesi contrappostc."
1
"" Cf. STOUGH 1987, p. 225; LEVY 1992. p. 268-269. Catulus, presenting at Cic. A cad. 11148
his father's views, which are said to be Carneadean, is less careful ("nihilesse quod percipi
possit vchementer adscntior"), but is immediately corrected by the author and by Hortensius :
"'hahco inquam 'scnkntiam tuam nee earn admodum aspernor. sed tihi quid tandem videtur
Hortensi?' turn ille ridens 'tollendum'. 'teneo te' inquam; 'nam ista Academiae est propria
sententia'." Cf. GUJCKER 1978, p. 396-397; LEVY 1992, p. 80-81; 181; 274-275 note 97; 1993a,
p. 270-273 (LEVY argues that the view expressed by Catulus is not Carneades', nor Philo's or
interpretation of the Carneadean view or their own position, but an attempt to
present a formulation to which all the participants of the conversation could more or less
reconcile themselves, that is. bot}l the advocates of universal suspension of judgment and
those believing that assent is obligatory for the wise; Catulus' words are in fact an attempt at
reformulating in Socratic terms theTarneadean position).
',
170 CHAPTER 4
He used to declare that this was so far from being consistent that it was actuallv
grossly inconsistent: for the man who said there was nothing that was perceived
made no exception (qui enim negaret quicquam esse quod perciperelllr, eum
nihil excipere), and so not even the impossibility of perception could itself be
grasped and perceived in any way, because it had not been excepted (ita
necesse esse ne id ipsum quidem quod excepwm 11011 esset conprendi et percipi
ullo modo posse).
(Acad. l/28, transl. RACKHAM 1933)
Cicero himself maintains that to the wise man inapprehensibility is nothing
more than a statement carrying persuasion: he holds this particular opinion,
that nothing can be perceived, in just the same ways as he holds all the other
"plausible" but not "perceived" views ("ut ilia habet probabilia non
perccpta, sic hoc ipsum, nihil posse percipi", Acad. //109-110).
Carncades is supposed to have introduced n) mDavov into Academic
philosophy. It is a concept Plutarch makes ample use of in various writings-
in Quaestiones Convivales
1
'
17
, and De defecru oraculorum, as we have hecn
able to sec, hut for instance also in De primo frigitfol'Js. However, Plutarch
and already Cicero
1
'J'J use the concept in a larger sense than that originally
attributed to Carneades by his more conservative followers2w. Although
Carneades is not known to have applied it to tenets such as the <'tiWTut.lpl'ict,
in introducing this concept he has none the less forged a very convenient
tool, that allows the expression of central sceptical tenets, or philosophical
views in general, in a non-dogmatic way- provisionally and not infallibly2nl
- thus avoiding the self-contradictions imputed to the Academics by their
opponents2
2
It was presumably Philo of Larissa who first endorsed this
interpretation of Carncades' concept of persuasivcncss2'.
1
'
17
See also Quae.11. cum. 62lJD; 6538: oKlJB; 6lJ5B: 6!J7D: A: 6lJlJD; 70 IF: 72513; 72SF et
passim.
Cf. infra: eh. 5. I. Sec also De an. procr. 10138; l013f-"-1014A; Quant. con1. 72KF.
See also Epist. ad 1\tt. 13,llJ.5. Cf. 1905, p. 145: GAWLICK. GORLER
19
1
J4. p. 10lJ2-10lJ3; GLUCKER 19lJ5, p. 134-135; HA DOT 1995, p. 221. Onr: may compare Anon.
in Thcact. 70,25.
2!Xl Clitomachus. and Philo in the first stage of his philosophical development.
See e.g. Cic. /\cad. lll2l ("modo hoc, modo illud probabilius videtur"'): 134.
2
2
Cf. GLUCKER 1978, p. 2SlJ: "Carneadcs established this concept mainly as a criterion to
guide the actions of the Academic sceptic in practical situations. Plutarch is employing it [se.
in De prim. [rig.] in a context where a whole philosophical system- or at least a large section
of it- is accepted as probable" by someone who confesses to be a sceptical Academic". 19lJ5.
p. 134-135; IOPPOLO l9lJ3, p. 197: In fact, to my knowledge. Carneades did not express his
point of view on the unknowability of all things in terms of the mOuvov. Consistent with
rigorous scepticism, Carneades held that it is not possible either to assert or to dr:ny
knowledge of the external world. whereas assertions or denials are possible as far as actions
arc concerned. None the less, Carneades had created an opening for the possibility of making
assertions or denials, provided they were not accompanied by the acknowledgment of truth:
one can affirm or deny something, by acknowledging this something to be not true but simply
convincing."; HANKINSON 1995, p. 142.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH
171
B. Plutarch on the Academic tradition: "scepticism" and religion
Plutarch's attitude towards Arcesilaus and Carneades may be regarded as
one of sympathy, or loyalty
2
o.t at the very least. Let us now proceed to
examine to what extent he can be said to share their views. As we have
already seen (supra: eh. 3, 1), he argues in favour of the principle of
for cases in which the truth is "obscure" in Adversus Co!otem, and even
explicitly recommends it in De prim. Jrig. 955C (cf. infra: eh. 5, 1).
The Lamprias-catalogue ascribes to Plutarch a treatise entitled flEQt rov
p[w Elat n)v ci:ro rov fl},arwvo;; 'AxacJJjptwv (L63). In this work Plutarch
probably claimed that the tradition from Plato to himself was doctrinally -
and perhaps also institutionally - unbroken, thus defending the Academy
against imputations implying that it had deviated from the true Platonic
philosophy during some important phases in its history. The "one-Academy-
thesis" is usually associated with the name of Philo of
who is
known to have upheld this position against the attacks of Antiochus of
1'\otably in the second ami third stages of his philosophical devdopment. Cf. supra, p. 71.
Cf. DE LACY llJ53. p. HO-RI; EINARSON- DE LACY 1%7, p. 185-1!\7; 8ABUT 196lJa. p. 2R2,
with note 3; DII.Lo;-.; llJS8b. p. 106.
IOI'POLO's criticism of TARRANT l9K5 regarding the one-Academy-thesis is unjustified.
She claims that T ARRANT incorrectly presents this thesis as exclusively Philon's: "Non e
dun4ue un tratto distintivo ddi"Accadcmia di Filone la convinzionc dcll'essistcnza di
un'unica Accademia. mac propria di tutta l"Accadcmia scettica a part ire da Arcesilao" ( 1989.
p. 141). But although the New Academy had always claimed to be the rightful philosophical
heir to Socrates and Plato. and thus spontaneously emphasised the unity of the Academy
(compare G6RLER 1994. p. 925), it only at the time of Philo that the need was felt for an
explicit defence of this unity, for the very reason that it had been disputed by Antiochus. The
evidence adduced by IOPPOLO is not valid: Plutarch 's ironical expression of gratitude towards
Colotcs in Ad1. Col. 1122A (cf. supra: p. 105) merely proves that Plutarch defended the thesis,
not that Arccsilaus already did. The second text quoted by IOPPOLO is if possible even less
De Sto. rep. 10368 (cf. supra: p. 156). Here Carneades is indeed said to assert
nothing of his own, but in the context this means that he made use of the arguments
Chrysippus himself developed against his own theory. The degree of originality of Carneades
words is here defined in relation not to Plato or the Academy, but to Chrysippus.
20ii Cf. Cicero Acad. I 13; Augustine Contra Acad. 3.41; GLUCKER 1978, p. 80-81; 84; 89.
:m Cf. supra: p. 59.
Num. frg. 24,4 (DES PLACES). 1975, p. 150.
172 CHAPTER 4
Platonic doctrine under Pyrrho's detrimental influence2tN. Numenius
himself, not unlike Antiochus, claimed to restore the Old Academy2to, but
nevertheless criticised Antiochus as sharply as any other Academic2tt.
Antiochus was also probably the only "Academic" philosopher whom
Plutarch did not regard as such. Evidence is provided, I believe, by the Life
of Cicero, where Plutarch relates that Cicero attended Antiochus' courses.
Cicero could appreciate his rhetorical talent, but disapproved of his doctrinal
innovations:
He was charmed by his [i.e. Antiochus'] fluency and grace of diction, although
he disapproved of his innovations in doctrine ea 6' EV wi:;
oux bmvwv). For Antiochus had already fallen away from what
was called the New Academy and abandoned the sect of Carneades (1](')11 '(CU.J
r:;[oww nj; va; hyO[lEVl]S 'Axabqrtda; 6 'AVl:LOXOS r.ai. l:l]V KnovcitOOl'
on'tmv i:yxmEAEL.iTfY), either moved thereto by the clear evidence of sense
perceptions (Ei:TE xarmn)[tEvo; u;ro nj; i:vagyda; xai. ni)V aio{}l'JoE(r)v). or. as
some say, led by a feeling of ambitious opposition to the disciples of Cleitom-
achus and Philon to changt.! his vit.!ws and cultivate in most cases the doctrine
of tht.! Stoics (t::tH'. ir'J; rrnmv i:vtm, CfLAOl:LftLr,t nvi. xai. btwroo(t .iT[lo; roi.;
K/.m:owizou xui. <I>D.wvo; ouvt'JHn; tov Ltwtxov l:x ww[\o).lj; Hroct:rn:(!)v
/.l.>:ov i::v toi; rrA.dotm;).
(Cic. 4,1-3, transl. PERR!N 1919)
According to this anti-Antiochean account of a crucial episo<..lc in the histor:-.
of Platonism. Antiochus deserted the Academy in order to become virtually
a Stoic2t2. This presumably is the version Plutarch agreed to. On two other
occasions (Luc. 42,3 and Brut. 2,3) he mentions the altcrrwtive,
"Antiochean", point of view on the event. According to this second point of
view Antiochus woul<..l have restored the Aca<..lemy and put it back on a true
Platonic track, thus adjusting the errors of Arccsilaus, Carneades an<..! Philo.
Yet I believe that in these texts Plutarch is merely reporting the views of
Brutus an<..! Lucullus. One may then safely assume that Plutarch's own
opinion correspon<..ls to the version of Cic. 4, 1-3, which is hostile to
Antiochusw. If Antiochus is to be considered a virtual Stoic, and not really
an Academic, he is less of a threat to the unity of the Academic tradition.
As one may infer from the Numenian polemic, the attacks on the one-
Academy-thesis were directed primarily against the New Academy. and
2m Cf. Num. frg. 25,15-32; 25,72-75 DES PLACES; DILLON 1982, p. 68. Numcnius was
convinced that Platonic doctine was to be traced back to the teaching of Pythagoras: cf. frg.
24,57-59. For the Neopythagorean attitudt! to Plato see DORRIE 1983, p. 95-96. St!t! also
MARTANO 1981.
21o Cf. 1964, p. 65 note 144; DORRIE- BALTES 1993, p. 243-24-+.
211 Num.frg. 28.12-15 DES PLACES; cf. DORRIE- BALTES 1993, p. 246.
m Compare DORRIE 1987, p. 458-465.
}: .,,
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH
173
much less so against Antiochus' attempts at restoration. The New
Academics were blamed for having abandoned the true Platonic spirit and
conceding too much to Pyrrhonism. It is by all means likely that Plutarch in
his defence of the fundamental unity of the Academic strove to
emphasise the differences between Academic and Pyrrhonian philosophy.
As a matter of fact, the Lamprias-catalogue lists a work llEQL n]s OLWfJOQCir;
Hvl' llVQQWl'cllVJ' %ai 'A%a01J.uaiY.ivv (L64). It is perhaps no that
this treatise and the one on the unity of the Academy make up two
consecutive entries in the Lamprias-catalogue. Their respective subject
matter was most probably closely related. If this treatise was indeed an
authentic work by Plutarch - which is a plausible hypothesis - one may
suppose that Plutarch drew a clear distinction between Pyrrhonian and
Academic
See also 8RENK 1977, p. 84; 0SORIO VIDAURRE 1994, p. 553; 556.
i
'!
1
i
.
j
1
l
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 185
One may safely conclude that Academic philosophy according to Plutarch
is characterised by reverential caution towards the divine:
cwq:a).ELa and TO o:yav. One should also keep in mind that this idea
was dear to Plato himself, as appears from the discussion in book 10 of the
Laws (esp. 88584-88806)27. The advice ayav" clearly is an
Academic principlem, the meaning of which is for Plutarch inextricably
bound up with that other famous Delphic maxim, yvwfrt aamovm. The duty
to pursue self-knowledge is a pre-eminently 'zetetic" principJe273, that could
easily be traced back to Plato's dialoguesm. The defense of the unity of the
Academy, and of the concord between divination and dialectic, has an
apologetic
cr. [)e F. 3X7F: (r).).' t':rl'i t1]\'l%Ctl
1
T({ :t:(lOOFXEifllj\' Tois; wdh'ulflmv Ffl:t:<dhiJ;. u!za bit
ftt")j_ciJV ri; :rc!VTu Tlfll'tnnv Tl'> fllJDEv (tyav v 'Axw'H]!tftc,t yt::vl'>ftEvos;. Dt! dcf or. 431A: rib'
c'cij.ui'/JOt :rot' xc'tVTetiHlu n-1; 'Axcll'llJflrLU; t':TOfllfl\'l.JOXOVTr; i:cwTov; TO c"tyuv Tf]; :ricJTru>;
llll lti(HiJflEV i(((L Ti]V uorr c'li.flltV WO:TE\_) i::v Y.UlQl\lJ orru).f(l</> :t:f(ll Ti"j; u:rngiu; ).O'fl,tJ 110\'0\'
Sec also Sept. sap. Will ' . 1630; 164U; Dt! Is. t!t Os. 3S5F (comhined with the
quotation of Thcaet. 155D); De: l'yth. or. 40SE; De garr. 511 n.
Cf. Cvm. ad Apv/1. 116D: bl.' hni. TliJv YQUilfHnwv T<lllC.tJ.lln' uvurzwoTmC!
:t:Qil; TUV Biov. Tl> yvri>lh ocwn)v %((L Tl> lll]bi:v tcr((v f:z TOUTo>v '(l!Q ll(lTlJTW ;wi n"t/.i.u :rc'tVTCL
TCll'T(( )'(.(\_) i:onv u>J.l"j/.ot; xui. m:fl!fUlVU, Y.Cll Olfll'lut[QOU OttTf(lOV f0l%f bq/.ouoOw
zcnit bl.vUfllV. [v Tr yuQ Tr/> '(L'(Y<;HlXflV i:-uuTov nt::(ltrznm TC:J pqblv c"eruv, xcd. i:v TOt'T<;> n)
'(l'{Vl;Joxnv Dt! F. 3H5D; De: cap. ex i11im. 89A; Sept. sap. C0/11'. 16413; De: E 392A;
3!J4C; Oe l'yth. or. 40SE; Dt! 51113; Ll77.
Cf. Atk Col. 111RC: [ ... ] TriJV i::v YQUpflUT(I)V OnomTO\' rbozn n) "'[VliJOL
ont'TlJ\,. o bi] i'.Cii. LCI)%(l(.LTfl <Tft;> (t:rogiu; xui. TCttlTt]; <'tQzitv f:v[bwzrv, l;>;
'AgtoTon::i.tt; v Toi; fli.cnuJvtzoi; fl(ll]ZF. Kw).omJ b yEAoTov boxri. [ = Aristotk frg. 1
(Rose); De phi/os. frg. l (Ross). Sec also GUTHRIE (lll .b) 1971, p. 85 note 2] . Dt! E 3S5D (ogu
bi: Y.Cll Tett'Tl TU :t:(lO'((ll.lflflCLTU, TO '"yvti>{h OCtt'TO\' .. i(((l TO "flltbi:v u:yuv", i.lou;
%f%tVl]%f rp).om'Hfot; zcti OOOV }/Jj'll)\' :r).fj0o; c'H( fidtoTO\.' xu{}c't:rfQ c'mo O:TEQflCLTOC::
U\'ll:TE<f tzrv); De ad. et am. 4'JAI3 Ut o Oll]at; f:moqnl.i]; XC!L Ol'OilEVl] :roHfr; El>l.uBEia;. d
bi: bij Oriov !'] c'ti.l)Onu Y.(tl "mtVTlJJV llfV ll'(U\'ltl>V {}roi; m:'tvnov 0' c'tv{)gc;)7{0lS";" ugzi] xmu
fli.c"ml)\'((, Y.tvOuvn:n 0Eoi; rzvgo; 6 z&a; rLVCll, tr,iJ OE nu{)ic,rJ OlU([fQOVT(tJS";. C:rvnTc'tTTET((L
;i.t(l UEl :rgo; TO "yvciJOL Oa\JTOV .. ' a:t:atl]V EzClOT\lJ :rgo; EaUtOV zcti. ayvOLav EUUTOU
zai TliJV :t:f(ll uyetOliJV i(((L xaxciJV, T<l f)..).t..nj xcti TU 8 Of.(J); UVE:ruvogOww
:t:OtliJv); 65E. Academic and Platonic themes were perhaps interwoven in the lost treatise
llr(!i roi' aatrov xai d cWal'aro; 'l'l'vx.'l {Ll77). See also Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. 2,22;
Ad1. Math. 7,264 ; Tert. De an. 17,11-12.
The discussion is merely about whether - or to what extent - truth is
attainable for man. This genuine Academic2
9
3 theme is clearly hinted at in
the first Quaestio
Cf. De gmio Socr. 5910 ('l'uzij :t:Ci.oa \'Ol' fl!'1E(Jf.V, aA.oyoc; of. xai. avouc; oh EOTlV, an
000\' (iv mhij; OU.Q%t !tlZ0Tj zai rru00tV, 1QEJ1Wl xa{)' TjOova; XCJ.L a).'(l]OOvac;
Et; 10 (ij.orov. !ltrvuwt o ou rraoa 10V Ul110V 1QOJ10V' X1A.); SCHOPPE 1994, p. 239; 266.
Cf. T ARRA:--T1983b, p. 173 notes 95-96; 1985, p. 133. On Plutarch's attitude to dogma see
also 1:-.;GE:"KA:<.tP's interesting approach (1984, Plutarch as a Pragmatist, p. 81): "In short, for
Plutarch, dogma represents deba"ie about practicality or applications, and not theorem in
itself." ,.
192 CHAPTER 4
It cannot be ascertained from which sources Plutarch got his information
on the New Academy. At any rate, we have seen that the likelihood that
there had been a continuous school tradition from Philo unto Ammonius
and Plutarch, is extremely remote
299
Possibly Plutarch had at his disposal
Clitomachus' - i.e. Carneades' pUpil's - \vorks
300
, or perhaps writings by
Philo (the notorious Roman Books)31 or by Eudorus32.
The hypothesis of Philo's Roman Books
303
is especially attractive, as
pointed out by GLUCKER (1978, p. 287): this work "conceded[ ... ) that in
themselves, things were xm:a),t1JtT<i, thus leaving room for accepting. with
caution, the more positive views of less sceptical philosophers. This would
allow Plutarch in his later years
304
to espouse the views of the sceptical
Academy without abandoning altogether the more positive aspects of his
Platonism." I would like to remark that I do not think that the '"sceptical''
tendencies were confined to Plutarch 's later years, or even that they were
then more prominent than earlier: Academic themes appear to be present in
his earlier and later works indiscriminately
305
- insofar as a more or less
reliable chronology can be estahlished-'
1
!0.
13e that as it may, innuence of Philo's Fourth Academy is certainly
plausiblc. This would explain Plutarch's somewhat ambiguous attitude with
regard to As I have already discussed (p. 71 ). \vhen Philo wrote
the Roman Books, it presumably was his view that the Stoic concept of
xu.n't).tppt:; is untenable, which should not exclude that a more modest form
of knowlcdge is within our reach
307
Possibly Philo did not even object to the
term %(tt<'tl.tppt:; taken in a weak sense :
[ ... ]if things are apprehensible to any kind of being or of any property
such as truth which they may possess, they have still declared to be non-
Cf. supra: eh. l, If!. See also GLUCKER 1978, p. 98-134.
'
1
M
1
Cf. SVF I (von ARN!M, 1905), p. XIV-XV; GLUCKER 1978, p. 287.
)tJI Cf. GLUCKER 197S, p. 2R7; TARRANT l9R5, p. 42 : .. It is easy to imagine th.: influence of
thesl.! hooks on Plutarch, who clearly considered himself 'Academic', wrote on the Philonian
one-Academy thesis. and retained Academic 'scepticism' as a tool rather than a-; a means of
expressing significant uncertainty" ; also p. 134.
Cf. TARRA:-.IT 1985, p. 134 (via Ammonius).
On this work, which gave rise to the so-called Sosus affair (the title of Antiochus' reply)
and which probably entailed the definite breakup with Antiochus, see Cic. Acari. If 11-12:
BARNES 1989, p. 70-76.
:ltl-1 Sec also GLUCKER 1978, p. 276.
Sec also DON!N! 1986a, p. 212; BABUT 1991, p. 6-10. I shall deal with the question of the
philosophical sources of Plutarch's scepticism in the next chapter, when discussing some
differences of opinion between OON!N! and BABUT (eh. 5, 1).
3<K> Cf. CP. ]ONES 196fi; BRENK 1977, p. 9-15.
307
Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. 1,235; Cic. A cad. /l18; T ARRANT 1985, p. 53-fi2: Br\R:"ES
1989, p. 73-74; LEVY 1993a, p. 271; G6RLER 1994, p. 922-924; cf. supra: eh. 2. Ill. See also
GLUCKER 1978, p. 80-88; W!SN!EWSKJ's account (1982, p. 27-37) is not to be trusted.
l
1
ACADB11C AND PLATONIC THE:\1ES IN PLUTARCH 193
apprehensible according to the requirements of the Stoic criterion, and some
other sense of apprehemion m11st apply.[ .. . ] If it is enough that we apprehend
things in a non-Stoic sense, and things are, in consequence, apprehensible, it
must surel y be the case that the nature of things is to this extent open to us to
grasp.
(T ARRAJ'.:T 1935, p. 59; his italics)30S
In any event, Philo appears to have been of the opinion that man's faculty of
knowledge is able to grasp reality to a certain extent, and almost certainly
denied that inapprehensibility was to be regarded as an Academic dognza:-
09
IV. ANAMNESIS (lOOODE)
In the fourth and last section of the Quaestio, Plutarch- like the anonymous
commentator on the Tlzeaetctus - relates the epistemological issue to the
doctrine of anamnesis. The \Veil-known Platonic theory of anamnesis implies
that knowledge of a noetic, divine nature is somehow present in the human
soul. but is obstructed and does not surface due to the embodiment of the
soul , for the soul suffers forgetfulness at the time of its incarnation. It was
part of the task Socrates set for himself to assist his pupils in recovering this
slumbering nodic knowlcdgeJ
10
Plutarch has relatively few references to the Platonic doctrine of
anamnesis, although it is beyond doubt that he was familiar with it, as he
clearly was acquainted \vith Plato' s dialogues containing this doctrincJtt.
:l<JS The concept of a .. general'', colll/lloll scii.H' x<n:!'ti.1J1IIt; may be derived from Photius Bihl.
cod. 212 (t1cnesidemus) . at least if one is prepared to assume along with TARRANT that
Photius here is rcOecting the debate between Philo and Aencsidemus: cf. Phot. Bihl. 212,
lfil)b42-4J (TO Ol' TE ur.mc'tl.l):tHt J1(LVTCt EiQlJY.EV oihE xcnu).ljl1Ttt) ; 170a2J-24
( ltVE:ril.l):t'!Ol TO :rw]u:wv); 170a30 (r.mvo); XU'Wl.lj:TtU); l70a36-37 (nuvno<; ur.mu}.lptav);
sec .TARRAl'<T 1%5, p. 57-62; p. 61-62 : .. Philonian doubts only implied the absence of
knowledge of knowledge, and its absence could not be said to entail the complete absence of
apprehension; [ . .. J The idea that things may be apprehensible 'in a general way' or 'in a
general sense' is interesting. The general sense would no doubt have been opposed to the
philosophical sense (determined of course by the Stoics).'' TARRANT's account is at any rate
more plausible than GLUCKER's (1978, p. 80-89).
m Cf. Augustine Contra A cad. 3,41; T ARRANT 1985, p. 54.
31o For references to the relevant Middle Platonic texts on anamnesis see LUSCHNAT 1962, p.
168-169; O!LL0:---1 1977, p. 291-292; WH!TTAKER 1987, p. 94-95; SCHRENK 1991. It should be
remarked that Cic. De fin. 5,43 and 5,59 present the Antiochean, "Stoicising" account,
whereas Cic. Tusc. Disp. 5,58-59, Anon. in Thcaet. and the theses ascribed to Plutarch in
Marcianus gr. 196 (ed. NORV!N 1913, often referred to as Olympiodorus in Plat. Plzaed. ) imply
a fundamental criticism of Stoic notions.
311 The key texts are J\.11.'110 85D-86B, Plzaedo 72E-76E, Plzaedms 249BC. A quick look at one
of the lists of Plutarch 's quotations should suffice to prove Plutarch 's acquaintance with these
dialogues: cf. R.M. ]ONES (1916, p, 114-117; 135-139; 142-144; 150) or HELMBOLD- O'NE!L
( 1959, p. 58-59). ' .
19-l CHAPTER 4
Before undertaking a detailed analysis of the account of anamnesis in the
first Quaestio, let us first take a look at the most important texts pertaining
to this matter in the rest of the Corpus
( 1) The subject of anamnesis is brought up by Cleombrotus in De def or.
422BC when he is discussing the number of worlds, a topic which. as we have
already seen, has a paradigmatic function in epistemological discussionsm.
Cleombrotus claims to relate the doctrine of a stranger, who asserted that
the worlds are 183 in number, arranged in the form of a triangk-'
1
-t. The area
in the middle is called the "Plain of Truth" (rr6lov a.l.t]{}da;, cf. Plwedr.
248B), in which "rest undisturbed the accounts, the forms, and the patterns
of all things that have come to pass and of all that shall come to pass" (tot;
).6youc; Y.ai. tCt. 1:611 zai. tCt. nov yqov6twv xeti Hr)V
yVlJoopvwv uz[vJFa). Once in ten thousand years the best human souls are
given the opportunity to contemplate these eternal realities. Even the hest of
our initiatory rites arc but a dim reflection - a dream - of that highest
initiation. Philosophic inquiry- so as not to he completely futile- should try
to recall these sights (zai. roue; A.6yotc; vzu ni>v hEt:
crtAooocp:.lm'}m %ctAci)v ij m:gctLVEO\'}cu).
Perhaps one should not take Cleomhrotus' account too seriously-'15:
If this is mt:ant to bt: sublime Platonic myth kaving the hearers gasping and
brt:athkss at the new vision opened up to them, it certainly fails in its purpose
among Clcombrotos' friends. Demetrios, in a litt.:rary allusion to Odysseus
among the suitors (Odyssey, 21.397). concludes that tht: man [se. Cleomhrotus'
"strangt:r''j is simply a fraud, \vho had bet:n around enough to make some good
plagiarisms. and that in fact he had stolen the idea from Petron of Himcra.
11: BOI.KF.STEIN (19-t6. p. 103-104) ami TEODORSSO:" (I liJS'J. p. 170-171) ri<,:htly douhtthat
the dedication of the second hook of the Quaestiones comil'lllcs {629DE) contain-; an allusion
to the doctrine of fllllllllllesis (othawisc FUIIRMA:":--1 llJ72, p. 63 note 1 ). But pcrh;1ps l.uc. 2A
alluucs to this doctrine.
11
1
Cf. .wpm: p. 166-167. Sec also Galcn De 1'/ac. 1/ipp. et /'/at. 9.6.20.
"
4
Sec on this theory 00RRIE 1983, p.lJlJ-102; RESCIGNO 1992.
m On the character Clcumbrutus see EISELE 1904, p. 41-46; FLACELIERE 197-lb. p. 88:
"Plutarque lui pn!tc done unc excessive crcdulitc. et il suggerc que lcs qualiks d"csprit de
Clcombrotc n'etaient pas a la hauteur de s::t bonne volontc, de son desintcrcsscmcnt et de son
ardcur pour !'etude."- BRENK 1977, p. Ill: "Even if Cleombrotus is not a bungling idiot in
the piece. he at least is no intellectu::tl genius, and the rest of the company ddight in
manifesting his incompetency in handling philosophical and religious problems.": OORRIE
1983, p. 96-97; 1987a, p. 291. BABUT (1992, p. 231-232. esp. note 157). however,
minimalises the said immaturity of Cleombrotus, considering him an exponent of a
"platonismc populaire" (compare OORRIE 1983, p. 102-105), whose contribution to the
discussion is essential: "Ainsi. des trois personnages princip::tux de cc dialogue, !t.:s deux
premiers, Cleombrote et Ammonios, sont charges. chacun a sa maniere et avec son style
propre, de plaider, pour ainsi dire, pour la 'cause superieure' ou le 'noble principe divin', c"est-
a-dire de mettrc en lumierc la part de la divinite dans le fonctionnement et la disposition des
oracles.'' (p. 223); 1994b, p. 537: "Cicombrote do it done et re pris au scrieux".
ACADEMIC A:--10 PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH
Probably only the astronomical mathematical part of the is meant
since the Idealist eschatological part is simply a Platonic hodge-podge.
1977, p. 98)'16
195
(2) The philosophical importance of the P/wedms-reminiscences in the
Amatorius, on the other hand, cannot be doubted. It is in the context of the
analogy between Eros and the sun that anamnesis is first mentioned (764D-
765F). Plutarch points out that the sun may be likened to Eros, but that they
remain essentially differentJt7, just as the body is not the same as the soul:
the sun belongs to the sensible realm, Eros to the intelligible (7640: ou yCt.g
\j-
1
L'zij taut6v, u).A' EtfQOV, WOJifQ ip.tov 6gat6v, "Egwta bE
VOt]t6v). The effect the sun has is even directly opposed to that of Eros, for
it is the sun that by the charm and brilliance of vision turns our attention
from intelligibles to sensibles, and produces forgetfulness of the realities of
which Eros is recollection (764E: Ali{}11v wv 6 "'Egwt; ottv). The
sun bewitches us and makes us look for truth in the sensible
it
dazzles our memory and drugs our minds31
9
: in the sensible realm our mind
is asleep, in the intelligible it is awake. Down in this world the soul may only
admire beauty as in the shadow of a dream (764F). Only Eros can make us
understand that worldly beauty is imperfect and that true beauty is to be
sought in a higher reality. Eros escorts the souls of lovers upward to the
"Plain ofTruth", where pure beauty resides (to CtAl]{}da; JIEblov, ou to noA.u
zcti. zcn')ugov zed c1lpa,6; l'bgutm zc'ti.A.ot;. 765A). Therefore Eros may be
held to be the faculty of recollection32o. This passage of the Amatorius is
reminiscent of the Plwcdms, as is the whole
Cf. CHERNISS 1976a, p. 46-47 note b, refuting 06RRIE 1959, p. 189 note 5; compare
WHITIAKER in \VHIITAKER- LOUIS 1990, note 163 p. 99. See also De virt. mor. 442A: EtEQOV
flfv rzn TO VOEQOV X{Ll ).O'(l0Tl%0V, xgaui:v TOll civ{)g(;JJtOl' xaTa cpuOLv xat c:igxnv
:tQOOij%OV EOTlV, EtEQOV of. TO ;ra-lh]n%0\' xal c:i/,orov xal rrOAUrrAaVE<; xai. aTaXTOV E:!;naowu
OEOflEVOV. De an. procr. 1016C. ,_.
\
19B
CHAPTER 4
epistemic faculty is the soul, and in particular vou; (in the soul) when it
comes to knowledge of intelligibles. Here Plutarch is referring not to our
lower cognitive faculties, but only to the intelligible zgrn'lQLOV. Since
according to Plutarch's metaphysics the noetic is present in the soul. the
latter- i.e. our faculty of cognition- is akin to the Ideas, so that a necessary
condition for the possibility of intelligible knowledge is met, according to the
principle that ''knowledge is of the like by the like"
3
35. The intelligible
element is originally external to the soul (f:rrdoaY.TOV, De mz. procr. 1026E),
but in the act of "creation", when the Demiurg harmonises the soul, he
imparts vou;, from his own being. to the souJ3
3
1i. It is therefore correct to say,
according to Plutarch, that vot:; (or to or also the noetic
principles tett'tov and {}(m:gov) is in the soul,
337
or, to put it differcntly. that
the soul participates in voO;J-'s- or in the Demiurgm- but also that a part of
the soul is nocticJ-lo. Plutarch takes these expressions as more or less
synonymous. The distinction between sensible and intelligible knowledge is
essential to Plutarch, as it depends on the fundamental ontological division
of reality- the basic division of the line, which is far more important than the
subsequent subdivisions. The same epistemological dichotomy is also
evidenced in De an. procr I 024EF. as we will sec below.
From the various arguments of Quacst. Plat. 3, for each of \vhich Plutarch
may have consulted various sources, can he inferred, however, a consistent
view as to the question whether it is possible in principle for the soul to attain
intelligible knowledge. At the end of the Qual'stio he explicitly says that our
intelligible faculty reaches as far as things divine {}dltJv
I 002E). In the first part of the Quaestio he had already asserted that
intelligible knowledge has the Ideas for objects, and even expounded a
method of acquiring this knowledge through an abstraction procedure
(I 00 I E-1 002A). Plutarch is clearly drawing on sources other than Plato for
the concrete elaboration of this procedurc3-l
1
, but nevertheless the
underlying conviction that this kind of knowledge is in principk possible
may be held to he also his own.
.1.1) Cf. 1\rist. A!t-tap!t. 8 !000b5 =OK 31 (Empcdocles) B 109: 1'1 yvtl>at; mi! opoiot tciJ
J-' 6 De an. procr. 1023D (vouv yU.Q at'mj zui VOl]TOV i1 voqti]; U.gztj;
EflitEJTOlllZf, ed. CHERNISS 1976a, p. 22-l notes 1 and 2); 1024C (6 bi:: tt}
'l't'Xl}); 10 16C: I 026E. On the status of the Demiurgc cf. Quaest. Plat. 3 I 0028 : 6 '{ClQ 0Eo; f:v
TOt<; VOllTOt;.
m Cf. Quaest. Plat. 1002F; 10018; De an procr. 1024E; 1026E; 1013A.
E.g. Quaest. Plat. 1001C; 1003A; De an. procr. 1026E; 1014E: 10168.
Quaest. Plat. 2 1001 C: Ot.'i< EQ'(OV i:oti tou {h:o[ b'A.'J....ct xai
34'' E.g. Quaest. Plat. 1001C: 1002E. Compare De facie 9438; 945A. It would be definitely
wrong to say, on the other hand, that the soul is an Idea: cf. De an. procr. 1023C.
341 See CHERNISS's notes (1976a, p. 37-41); 1994b, p. 443-467.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 199
( 4) The sixth Quaestio Platonica too contains a brief reference to the
doctrine of anamnesis, notably when Plutarch tentatively links the image of
the wings of the soul to anamnesis. The problem Plutarch seeks to elucidate
here, is why Plato asserts in Phaedrus 246D that the nature of the pinion,
among the things of the body, is most closely akin to the divine. The first
answer, which is later discarded, is based on the following reasoning: (1 ) this
/.oyo;- i.e. Socrates' discourse, or perhaps rather: this very utterance of his
-is about EQw;, (2) the object of gwc; is beauty in connection with the body,
and (3) this beauty by its similarity to things divine brings about anamnesis
in the soul (rrOTEQOV on ITEQL EQWTO 6 /..oyoc; EOTL, xat..A.ouc; CE TOU ITEQl TO
6 EQW;, TO CE xa/../..o; n} ngoc; TU frEta XlVEl xai
tilv '4'UXtiv; 1004CD). Here 1'1ToD JttEQOD q:n)mc; is equated
with gw;, contrary to the second answer, which carries away Plutarch's
preference, where it is identified with the faculty of reason and thought (1)
),oytonzil r.ai. CtavollnY.ti)3-l2. The object of gw; is beauty concerning the
body, but at the same time gw; participates in the divine and stirs the
recollection of the souP-H. Plutarch refers to the image of the winged soul in
connection with anamnesis in the Amatorius as well:
Those beautiful and sacred recollections (ta; xnf..a; mutct; xni
ctva!LVT]OEL;). summoning us up towards the divine and true, Olympian beauty
of the other world ( uvctzn).ou!tva; 1'utCt; rri to {)ETov Y.C(L al.tl{}tvov xai
'O).Uftl'Ttov xrTvo xc!Ho;), and furnishing the soul with wings (nt; 1puzi1
mgouwt). (766E)
(5) In Quaestio Con\'i\'{/lis 9,14 Ammonius is replying to the allegation
that Plato3-l-l unjustly assigned to Sirens instead of the Muses the presidence
over the revolution of the eight spheres (745CD). The Sirens' music,
Ammonius replies, reminds men of the heavenly music they once heardJ-15
( Ta; 'l'uzc1.; twv tOTE, 745E), creating in them a passionate
love for the heavenly and the divine, and forgetfulness of mortality (gwta
rrgo; Tct. o{tgcivta r.ai. {}ETa ),tiDllV ()f: nl>v {}v11n.l>v, 745E). The ears of most
Plutarch's discussion is quite superficial: by rigorously distinguishing the two answers, he
fails to sec that for Plato (cf. STEINER 1992, p. 90) the themes of and the soul (and its
parts) arc inextricably interwoven. MORESCHINI calls Plutarch's treatment "deludente", and
concludes (1990. p. J7) : "[ ... ] Plutarco banalizza l'immagine platonica, tanto piu che trova
inutile affaticarsi sui problcma se !'ala dcll'anima abbia, ono. attinenza con l'amore." See also
RO\IASO 1965. p. 37 : "[ .. . ] notiamo che un maggiore approfondimento del testo e dello
spirito pbtonici avrcbbcro dovuto condurre il Cheroncnse ad una sintesi dei due aspetti della
qucstione".
343
Plato in the Phaedms indeed elucidates the relation between and (249D-
250D), being described as the soul's regaining of its wings (249D; 250A; 251A). Through
anamnesis, i.e. recollection of Ideas, the soul approaches the divine (247C-248A; 249C-E).
Cf. Resp. 617C.
345
Cf. SOURY 1949, p. 3:26-327. ''
200
CHAPTER 4
men, however, are blocked, not with wax, as in Homer's story, but with
carnal obstructions and affections ("ra 6' Jrra nl>v ;r/.lotu)V
n:EgwA.tiA.Ln:tm r.at xanmrcA.aotm xai ;raOEmv, ou
XllQLVOL;); yet the souls of others are capable of anamnesis ( 1'1 6E 6t' El'Cf'L'Lav
alm1avncu r.eti 745E). This theme also figures in the first
Quaestio Platonica (cf. supra: see esp. eh. 4, I, D and II, C).
(6) SANDBACH's collection of fragments contains a series of utterances
related to anamnesis which are ascribed to Plutarch. In the manuscript
Marcianus gr. 1963-16 (from the ninth or tenth century), which along with
commentaries by Olympiodorus, also contains some heterogeneous notes on
the Plzaedo, presumably by Damascius3-1
7
, three sets of arguments are
ascribed to Plutarch.
(A) the first series, containing the header information 'Er. ni>v tau
XcttQlt)VE{J);, consists of thirteen separate theses confirming the doctrine
of mwmnesis (NORVlN 1913, 155,16-157,12 = SANDBACII 1969a frg. 215
=Dam asci us 11 275-287 \VESTERlNK);
(B) the second series, contiguous to the first, is entitkd nctgc't toi cu\wt)
(JLotuOElS ht:gw. and holds a numbt.:r of additional "proofs". But unfor-
tunately there is no indication as to where this second set is supposed to
end. Presumably it was the intention of Damascius or whoever collected
these theses to assign only the first five to Plutarch, although there may
be doubt about the sixth and the seventh (NORVlN 1913, 157.13-J0-
(15X,I2) = SANDBACII 1969a frg. 216 = Damascius 11 2XX-294)
1
-ls.
(C) Further on in the same manuscript there is a third set of utterances.
which contains material from the same origin presented in an abbreviat-
ed form. Here the title is : A collection of\'arious to sllfm that
acts of learning are acts of rcmemhering, from Plutarclz of Clwcmnea
('E::ttXElQll!lC'rru>V btwpog(l)v ouvuy<.l)'(i] bnr.vtvt<IJV uvufl\'l.Jnn; rlvw
tc.t.; flCdh']oEt; EX ni>v '!OU XCJ.tQ(I)\'f(l); n/,outc'tgzou, 191.3,
212,1-26 = S,\NDBACH 1969a frg. 217 = Damascius I 28).
D. Wyttenbach was the first to include this material in an edition of Plutarch.
E. ZELLER3-I'J, however, and R. VOLKMANN
350
supposed the extracts were
3-lt, Cf. WESTERI:--.;K ll 1977. p. 15.
3-l7 WESTERINK (11 1977, p. 15-17) has identified this material as two sets of notes st.:mming
from the same lecture by Damascius.
Cf. l"ORVIN 1913, p. 157. note at I. 30: "Hie rccte finem Plutarchci statuit f.[ == finck 's
edition of Olympiodorus, Heilbronn 1847]"; BEUTLER 1951, 970,36-43; SA:--.;DBACH lW1? . p.
133-134; SANDBACH 1969a, p. 388. According to WESTERINK (11 1977. p. 166-167) Dam. I 293-
297 cannot belong to the heading referring to Plutarch, although WESTERI;-.;K conknds that
the material is unmistakably Plutarchean.
ZELLER 111.2 1923, p. 80S( -809) note 3.
35o VOLK\!ANN I 1869, p. XII-XV; 105.
__
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 201
taken from the Neoplatonic Plutarch of Athens. This is emphatically denied
by R. BEUTLER, who nicely hands the three sets back to Plutarch of
Chaeronea35I_ BEUTLER's view is shared by 0. LUSCHNAT (1962, p.170) and
F.H. SANDBACH (1969a, p. 389), who is of the opinion that the theses may
have been taken from some lost works. L.G. WESTERINK (II 1977, p. 166-
167) believes that the notes do originally stem from a Plutarchean dialogue,
possibly the JlrQi tpvx,r];, and at some point had been inserted in the
Neoplatonic commentaries on the Phaedo. K. ZIEGLER (1951, 753,5-9) is
much more sceptical in this respect: "Bestenfalls konnte es sich urn Notizen
oder Materialien handeln, die aus P.s Nachlal3 herausgegeben warden sind,
wenn diese Stticke tiberhaupt etwas mit ihm zu tun haben."
The arguments for the ascription to Plutarch are indeed frail. SANDBACH
( 1967, p. 133; 1969a. p. 389) points out the coincidence between frg. 215k and
De in\'. et ad. 537 A. which is supposed to support the attribution. However,
the common feature of both texts is an anecdote about Germanicus, which
in my opinion does not prove much as to the fragments' genuineness, since
dissemination is the hallmark of anecdotes. SANDBACII could have invoked
an additional parallel in support of his argumentation, notably that between
frg. 215h and (ps.-Plut.)De lib. educ. 9D as well as Quaest. com. 7448
352
,
which he himself indicates in a note to frg. 215h ( 1969a, p. 392 note c). The
only link between these texts, however, is the mention of or the allusion to
Mnemosyncm.
The only argument remaining is the threefold ascription in codex
Marcimws gr. 196, which in my opinion is too weak a basis to conclude with
certainty that these theses were taken from Plutarch's (lost) works or even
from the Corpus Plutarcheum. Most theses arc stylistically (hiatus15-l is not
avoided) as well as content-wise quite remote from Plutarch's genuine
l<t BEUTLER 1951, 970.30-36: "Denn deren Inhalt sind Beweisc fUr die Bcrcchtigung der
Annahmc dcr Anamnesis aus dcr Beohachtung des Lebens bzw. aus historischcn Exempla,
einc Art die P. a us Chair. wohl zuzutraucn ist und die, wenn man das nicht will, dann doch so
allgemcin gehalt.:n sind, daB sie zum altcstcn Beweismalcrial gehort haben." BEUTLER offers
no further arguments in favour of the ascription to Plutarch of Chaeronea.
When in the same Q11aestio the issue of anamnesis comes up (745E), there is no reference
or allusion to rvlnemosvne.
3
'
1
Besides, frg. 215h bears a much more striking resemblance to Max. Tyr. 10,9,244-248:
wi:ro agu xui ot rronJmi TlJV MvrJ!tOOlJVlJV atv[novwt Movowv Mouow; Ta;
r'rtcil'tEOV zogov xai. gyov t.t6;, uno of:
xai ovYTetTTOfLEvet;. Compare frg. 215h: ''On xat ot 1:wv Mouowv l:lJV Mv'rutoouvrJV
fi_,ovn:; a{.,:o wnw f:vbEiXV1JYTal' ut ftv yag Mouom 1:6 nctgf:zovt:m, 11 bE
TO E{gioXELV and frg. 217j: Et ri l:WV Mouo(i)V MvllflOOUVTJ, we;
Ubtc'tg{}oww; TU)\' atTia. See also Themist. 24, 301C. A1 of this may have
been inspired by Theaet . 1910.
N But this may not be a strong argument , since the notes may merely be summaries of
arguments in a dialogue by Plutarch, which moreover underwent a double condensation
process, first by Damascius, then by the reportator. Cf. WESTERINK II 1977, p. 166.
.......
202 CHAPTER 4
writings
355
. I think it is unlikely- but on the other hand not impossible- that
they actually derive from Plutarch. However, the three sets of theses appear
to belong to a Middle Platonic context
356
, so that, at any rate, they fall within
the scope of the present study. Therefore I shall succinctly deal with the most
relevant among them. The central thesis entails that only anamnesis can
account for knowledge:
"On T0 IlAC(T(J)VL QQ.OTOV a:roboOvm TOY ),oyov, d; ).t'p'}l]V %Cll
CtVWflEQOVtl n'JV yYWOLV XGL Tl]V Ct'{VOLGV.
That a very easy explanation is open to Plato, and to him alone, when he traces
knowing and ignorance to forgetting and recollection.
(frg. 2l5c, transl. SANDDACH 1969a)
A number of arguments are offered in support of this thesis: it is absurd to
think that the origin of knowledge is purdy external; the seeds of knowledge
have to be already present in the soul, albeit in a latent form (frg. 215b: d;
217am; b35H); otherwise we would not even know what we are looking for,
nor would we realise, having made a discovery, that we actually had
discovered anything: coming across things we want to know, we woulu not
even recognise them- they coulu be anything (frg. 215c; f; 217h: k)WJ:
another indication is that when we are concentrating we look inwarus (frg.
216u); moreover our delight in our discoveries shows us to be actually
recognising truth that was ours but had been lost (frg. 216c); the epistemo-
logical doctrines of the other schools fail to explain the search anu the
acquisition of knowlcuge (frg. 215f; 216c)-'w.
Several arguments appeal to the use of ordinary language anu the
meaning of words: the name Mnemosync (frg. 215h; 217j), the common use
of EITlAEll.lJOl'}Ct.l and A.uvOc'tVElV to express "not knowing" ( uyvoEi:v, frg. 215i),
and further the ("Heideggcrian") etymology of ul,1'p'}aa (frg. 215g)
1
.t; 217i).
Then there arc the stories about memories stemming from our pre-existence
ApGrt from the fact that convincing parallels arc lacking, it should be noted that the first
thesis of the first set (frg. 215a) actually implies disavowal of Arcesilaus' position. This would
be the only instance of PlutGrch betraying his loyalty to an Academic. Cf. DE LACY 1953. p.
79: "Piutarch never attacks by name those Ac;-tdemic philosophers, Arcesibus,
and their followers, who turned the Academy to scepticism."
See also BEUTLER 1951,970,34-36.
.157 Ei up' hgou ETEQOV oux av Ei fli] :TQOE'{V(J)OTO. n) ErtlZElQIHlU nl.mttJ\'lZO\'.
Cf. Plwedo 730.
J5H Ei rrgomiOqtEV tO EMElJ[OV toi:c; ato&l]TOL; xai aUTO n/.at(!)Vl%0V. Cf. Plwedo 740.
m Compare Max. Tyr. 10,5,124-139.
3
6
Frg. 2171 is completely different from the arguments in the rest of the series and utterly
remote from the Plutarchean context, which is also the case for frg. 215a. The latter is, I think,
un-Piatonic, and presumably of Neopythagorean origin.
){)I "On xai aA.tj{}na tO Oljf.Ol Alj{}T]; ELVat tijV EJtlOtT.HlTJV, 0 EOllV
UVUflVT]Olt;.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH 203
or our previous lives, which allow to account for seemingly inexplicable and
unreasonable fears (frg. 215j; k; I; m; 217f). New-born babies have the
strongest recollections from a previous existence (216a; 217c), which can be
related to the \veil-known phenomenon that children are quicker to learn
(217c ). Anamnesis also explains how some are capable of learning certain
skills as autodidacts362 (frg. 217e ), as well as the fact that persons differ in
their capacity for different kinds of learning (frg. 217d).
Finally I mention a thesis from the same lecture-notes that does not
belong to the ones ascribed to Plutarch (it would have been the thirteenth of
the second set), but that is nevertheless close to the first Quaestio Platonica
in that it links maieutics to the doctrine of anarnnesis:
on t'j flWElnl%l] EQUrtllOL; rrgor.).l]OL; ouoa n]<; XUOl'flEVl]; E:monifuj;
avayr.aiw; bcizvtOLv atrrilv JTQOUJTclQXOUOUV, W bEt%VUOLV r.ai. 6
L(J)%(lclTlE: f:v T0 MEVW\'l.
(NORVI:--: 1913, 159,1-3)
That maieutic interrogation, being the elicitation of knowledge with which one
is pregnant, cogently shows this knowledge to be pre-existent. as Socrates
demonstrates by the experiment in the l\leno.
According to this text, the success of the maieutic method proves that
knowledge is already there in our souls before its discovery, as is
demonstrated in the examination of the slave in Mcno.
These theses from Damascius' lecture-notes in Marcianus gr. 196 may be
interesting parallels, but on account of their obscure origin they should not
be used as evidence for a reconstruction of Plutarch's views on anamnesis.
As these fragments (215-217) are to be dismissed as direct sources for
Plutarch's views, the first Quaestio Platonica remains as Plutarch's most
technical account preserved.
The focus of the last section of the Quaestio is on anamnesis. In Plutarch's
opinion this will be the most satisfying approach to the central of the
Quaestio. This appears not only from the fact that this solution is placed last,
as is often the case for the answer most favoured
3
1l3, but also from its
introductory clause, oga b (1000D), which is indicative of the author's
preference
3
fH. \Vithout in any way implying that the preceding sections of the
Quaestio lose anything of their value, Plutarch now transposes the epistemo-
logical issue into a genuine Platonic context: true knowledge comes through
CL Max. Tyr. 10,5,113-124 and LUSCHNAT 1962: Awodidaktos. Eine Begriffsgeschichte.
){,J Cf. KAHLE 1912, p. 63-64; ROMANO 1965, p. 127; STADTER 1965, p. 73.
3N Cf. ROSE 1924, p. 49; SANDBACH in : PEARSON- SANDBACH 1965, p. 175. For a similar
use of this formula, see Plut. Quaesi. cam. 6398; Quaest. nat. 9160; Quaest. Plat. 5 (1004B)
and Quaest. Plat. 10 (10110). ,
204
CHAPTER 4
anamnesis; knowledge of the divine and the intelligible3
6
5 is a matter not of
discovery, but of recollection. It is a passion for truth, an E:gwnxi1 TEZVl].
which Socrates held to be the only wisdom (i]v b llYEi:To :Lwxgcnq;
OO<ptav <tl]V> JtEQL tO {}Iov %(tl VOl]TOV, EQWTLY.l]V u;r' ahoD
Noetic knowledge does not come into our minds-
our souls, to stay closer to the Platonic expression -through generation or
discovery, but is already present and needs only be recollected ( ov yvwL;
[ ... J oub EUQEOli;3
67
aA.f..' Maieutic art does not import this
(noetic) knowledge into our minds from outside ( oux E:vn{}Loav
[ ... J vouv)3\ but shows that men have it already within themselves (a)).'
xovta; otx.Ei:ov f:v auroi:; [ ... J f:mbaxvuouoav).
As I have already argued, from the perspective of the composition of the
soul knowledge of the highest reality can only be accounted for by the
presence of the noetic within the human soul, as a constituent
Plutarch does not focus on this aspect in the first Quaestio, as he will in the
third and in treatises such as De an procr. and De virt. mar. (cf. supra: p. 159
note 149; p. 198), but merely suggests this ontological-psychological
dimension in the words oux f:vtdkroetv ( ... J vouv. The Platonic
theory of the composition of the soul is indeed consistent with Plutarch"s
argumentation in this last section of the Quaestio: knowledge of the divine
1
".1 Cf. Dt! Is. t.'t Os. 351 CD.
11
" A rderence to Symp. 1770 ( otTI:' y('tr,y t"iv rrou [yc;J t.'t:tO<flJ<H.tqu, 01\'u\ <flJ! tt iii./.o
binwo{)m ij n't f(l(I)Tlidt), but Tlzl'agl's 12HB ( otOi:v yr't!J wunuv i:rtimcqHtt niJv fl((i'.<(!_lt<JV Tl:'
xui ;m).riJV ft<dllJflCLTOJV- f:td i:j)ol'l.OfllJV uv- U.D.t't %(tl ).cyw Ol,J:TOl1 ud on irc;J Tl''(/.1.(\'(1) l;J;
lJror;. rl:rFiv ;r),t'Jv '(1:' OJll%LlOU nvo; Twv flJ(IJTl%riJv) or l.ysis
20-tBC (d!tl b" fyl;) Ttt (i).)..(( rrui).o; %Ut (izQlJ<HO;. TOLTo b[ Jl<ll :t(l); (% Hroi: t'l!l'lmw.
Tuzu o'(<iJ T. ftvm '(VliJvcH t\ltiJVT<L TC xui. i:QtDflfvov) may also have been in Plutarch's mind.
Plutarch never doubted the authenticity of the T!tcagt.'s (cf. L70) nor diu any of his
contemporaries: cf. PAVLU 1910, p. 14; lOYAL 1993, p. 97-91-l. The "1/tcagl's belongs to the
Thrasyllan canon (cf. Diog. Laert. 3,49-51) ; it figun:d in the classification system of lh:on
Smyrnaeus (cf. NOSSER Jl)l)J, p. 14R; TARRA:"o/T 1993, p. 60-61; l'vlAi'iSFELD 199-t, p. o-t-n) note
ll ). Diogenes Laertius (3,62) tells us that according to some it ought to be the first dialoguc;:
on the reading list of the students of Platonism. Sec also Albinus Pro/. 149,5; ps.-Plut. /Jc fa to
5748: SOURY 1942a, p. 118; 122; FRIEDLA:"<DER Il 1957, p. 301 note 15 ; Jl)<J7a. p.
114 note 2.
Ji>
7
Compare Plut. (?) frg. 215e; f; 217h: k.
Cf. Anon. in Theaet. 48,5-7 (mi% v{}[ono; fla{}T]-1 flcLTtOV, aUa ava-1 flYl.JOflJ;): 55,28-
30. Anon. Pro/. in Plat. pltil. 10,65-67.
JM See also De Is. et Os. 351 CD: nc'.tvm w KUu, bfi Taya{}a wt.; vouv [zovw; atTrioOcn
nagct ToJV {}rwv, ftc'.tf..wm M. n]; mgi. ai.ToJv moni!t!J; ooov cpx-r6v onv c'tv{}gtiJ;rm;
EU;(OJlE{}a l:U'(f.UVElV ;rag' a-lmiJv E%rlVO)V" UJ; otn'H:v awgtiJ:tQJ l.etBriv Ot'
zagiocw{}m {}f<Jl OEJIVOTfQOV a),JJ{}Eia;. Tuna flEv yag av{}gwrrot; 6 {}Eo; OJV b(oVTCtl
bibwmv, <YOU bf. Y.ai. flETabibwmv,> OL%ELU Y.fi<Tl]flEVO; l:UUTa %at ;(QtiJflEVO;.
Knowledge is the greatest gift the Gods have bestowed on man, or rather they Id us
participate in it, they give us a share. Man cannot attain full knowledge of the divine. as
appears from the words ooov E<ptxT6v onv awgtl!not;. See also De sera 1111111. 549F; cf. supra:
p. 179.
ACADEMIC PLATONIC THD.IES IN PLUTARCH 205
requires anamnesis and the presence of the noetic within our cognitive
faculty, the soul. But this also appears to imply that anamnesis/nollS is not the
only source of knowledge. In De animae procreatione Plutarch argues that
the composition of the souJ3
7
0 is reflected in our cognitive faculties:
Discernment U1 Y.Qim;) has two principles intelligence proceeding
from sameness to universals (n)v TE voDv a:ro wu tauwu n:go; TU xaft6A.ou)
and sense-perception from difference to particulars (Tt]V ato"1h1mv an:o wu
hQou :tQ6; TU %a0' i!r.aow); and reason is a blend of both, becoming
intellection in the case of intelligibles and opinion in the case of perceptibles
(v611at; E:v vot]TOi:; r.ai v wi:; atoftl']TOi:;). (1024EF)
The distinction between noetic knowledge and sensible impressions is in
perfect accordance with Platonism. The sensible world has a confounding
influence on the rational part of the soul and it is precisely Socrates' a
'"blessed"' person, standing closer to the divine than others- to counteract
this disconcerting force and to bring to the surface the rational in the souls of
others. This does not mean that Plutarch reverts to a position which he
earlier, in the first section of the Quaestio, implicitly disavowed, namely that
the instigation to practise maieutics was internal. It is true that the divine is
present in Socrates' soul, but this precisely makes him susceptible to the
divine command, which is essentially external. It is also the presence of the
noetic within our souls, that makes knowledge of intelligibles possible. In the
first section Plutarch, however, did not deny this presence of vou; in the soul
- on the contrary. He merely denied that Socrates' alleged "divine
command" was nothing more than vou; in his own souP
71
The catharsis that Socrates brings about restores the soul to its natural
state of wisdom372. On the other hand. sense perception is not entirely
dismissed, and is even used in the process of recollection. Both faculties
ought to intcract37J.
Actually Plutarch is speaking about the world soul, but this is isomorphic to the human
soul: cf. 1025C; De \'irt. mar. 441F. Cf. Plato Tim. 67C; 410.
m Cf. supra eh. 4, I; C.
Compare SEDLEY 1996. p. I 02: "Following the lead of the Plraedo, ancient Platonism secs
purgation (katharsis) as the restoration of the soul to its natural state of wisdom. The soul
already has the knowledge in it. Purge the obstacles which incarnation imposes, and the
knowledge will surface of its own accord."
m See ;lso De Is. er Os. 382A: rlJTEQ oi'v ot CO%lpWTal:Ot l:WV q'lAOOO!pl!JV oub' EV cniUzOt;
%Cti. aowpuTot; JrQcL'{flUOtV atvtyftU l:Ol! {}Eiou UflfAELV oubf.v oub'
UTlftc'.tl;nv, rn ohtat, n1; v ato{}avoft[vw; xai. '!JUXl'Jv xouow; xalnc'.t-&o; xui.
q:t'OEOlV lCtOTlJTa; ayanT]TEOV OU Tal
1
Ta a/.).a bta l:OUTWV n) {)fiov
f:vag'{EOTEQO>V oo:tTgwv xal. yEyov6Twv. See also supra: p. 101.
,,
206 CHAPTER 4
Also in the Amatorius ('Egurnxo;) Plutarch goes into the epistemological
1
"' f-urther ex;1mpks of the Academic use of this terminology may be founJ in
llJX:'i. p. !54 note 70; WIIIITAKEK llJH7. p. 115 and WIIITfAKEK in: W!!IITAKER -l.ot ls !')')0,
p. X..t note 5H. A parallel lacking in these surveys is Plut. ('!) frg. 215f. which I deal with in the
tt.:xt. Given this text and the way in which the terminology is used by Cicero and l'luLm:h. I
do not endorse WI!ITfAKER's remark: "Whether or not it retained any specific11ly Stoic
navour is hard to say" ( 1987, p. 115). Plut. Quat:st. !'fat. I 1001 E. De co111111. not. IOW,. \. and
Anon. in Theaet. (cf. TARRANT 19S5, p. 56) contain an tacit criticism of the Stoic cnnc .. rtions.
while in ( ps.- )Plutarch fragm. 215 f and in Ciccro Tmc. Disp. I ,57. WC have a trace of exrlicit
Academic pol.:mic. As far as Albinus and Alcinous are concerned, WHilTAKEK's remark is
justified: these texts more or less match the traditional view of 1\tiddle Platonism. i.e. a
syncretism of Platonism and Stoicism, for which the New Academic polemic seemed to belong
to the past.
3
X
7
In the same context: Alcin. Didask. 177,45-178.2; Max. Tyr.10.5,99-105; Atticus fr\.! . 7.19-
24. -
Ibid.: "Ex quo effici vult Socrates, ut discere nihil aliud sit nisi recordari."
Cf. Sext. Emp. Adr. Math. 7,248.
J<J(J Compare De fin. 3,21.
155,21-28: aht] [se. r'1 vorJot;] btttiJ EOLZV dvm. r'J rrgo ToC f.v niJb nT'
yvoum TiJv uEwgouvTO; atmjc; Tct vorp:ci., 1'1 M. To Ei; n)OE TO
TOUHJJV bf. 1i rrgo wD f.v yEv[o{}w TllV atno wDw VOlJm; i:zCti.EiTO,
bi: atnjc; Ev AYOfLEVlJ VOTJO<.S viiv f.A.zul] q't'Oli'.lJ iivvow, v6qoi; Tt;
otoa f.va:tozEqlEVl] Tlj lpt'Xl]. See also 178,8; DILLON 1993, p. 67-68. treatment
(1993, p. 346 note 13; p. 356-359) is rather superficial.
ACADEMIC AND PLATONIC THEMES IN PLUTARCH
209
in connection with anamnesis, in accordance with the Academic strategy
against Stoic epistemology39:?.: the commentator associates cpumzat wmm
with maieutics and anamnesis ( 46,43-48,35), just like Plutarch in Quaest. Plat.
1 (using the synonymous term vOliOEL). A similar treatment may be
found in Albinus Prologus (150,22; 33): first the soul has to be purified of
false opinions, and then one must proceed to arouse the cpt.mnwi. vvmm
( 150,21-23: 6 to zza{}ugm brYELQELV zat rrgoxnA.lo{}m 6d ta
CfL'Ol%Ct; Ev\'OL((;, %Cll TCL"lJta; E%%(l{}CltQELV Y..Cll ElJ%QlVEL cmocpetlVELV w;
agza;)393. This is \vhy the maieutic dialogues should be read right after the
"peirastic'' (150,33-35: t:va 6E n; ta; cpumxa vvota d; cpw
rrgozctf.Eom"To, toi; roD xagctztijgo; 6LaA.6ym; 6EliOEL
ruyt.c!vEtv toCto yag onv cdml>v 'l6LOv). That Albinus clearly distin-
guishes the clcnctic from the maicutic moments- more so than Plutarch- is
related to the fact that he. is designing a systematic curriculum, of which
eknctics and maieutics constitute the first two stages (cf. supra: 147-149).
tvty suggestion that Platonist use of Stoic terminology often reOects
underlying Academic pqlcmics receives support from one of the theses
ascribed to Plutarch in Damascius' lecture-notes in codex J\-farc.gr. 196,
notably the thesis knowri as frg. 215f. It states that only anamnesis can solve
the aporia of how search and discovery arc possible:
That the problem advanced in the Meno, namely whether search and discovery
arc possibk (d o!ov tE xai. Et'gioznv), leads to a real impasse (Cmogov
ovnu;). For we do not. on the one hand, try to find out things we know- a futile
proceeuing (oi:n: ytt!J (t llJ!lFY, fttm.Ltov 'tc'tg)- nor, on the other things we do
not know. since even if we come across them we do not recognize them: they
might be anything (Ol'TE u. fll)lUfiE\', XC!V '{CL() mgmEOtllflEV autotc; ayvoOUftEV,
t;J; Toi;
The Stoic "inbred notions" fail to explain the phenomenon of search and
discovery:
The Stoics make the "natural conceptions" (1ac; fpvmxac; vvoiw;) responsible.
If these are potential, we shall use the same argument as against the
Peripatetics: and if they are actual, why do we search for what we know (eta tt
Cf. supra: eh. 2, II, D; TARRA;o..;T 1985, p. 56. INVERNIZZI 1976, p. 231 admits that the
commentator is here transferring Stoic terminology into a genuine Platonic context, but holds
this to be an instance of the commentator's eclecticism, rather than Academic polemic.
The phrase zai TClUta; Er.za{}a[gnv i'.((L Et'i'.QlVELS a;rocpatvnv U); agxci.s; designates the
midwifes additional task of judging the value of what has been generated: cf. Thcaet. 157D,
from which also the expression Ei; crtiJ; is borrowed. See also Theaet. 150BC; 2108. The
parallels adduced by WHITI AKER (1987. p. 95: Resp. 527DS; 564C6; Soplr. 242C2) are purely
lexical. ,
m Cf. frg. 215e: "On zni. TO Y.ai TO n)gtor.nv btJ).oi TiJV o"lm yug l;l]clJOElEV
av n; Ol' fOllY UVEVVOT]'W; OllTE
Favorinus'
pupils arc supposed to judgc-1-1 but are not allo\ved to believe in the existence
of a criterion to judge by. These arc contradictory and thus ridiculous
requirements:
39
I.e. the rm'}uvi] xui xai U:tfQLO:TCLOTOs; ftUVWOlU (cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. flyp.
1.229).
40
LO:"G 1988b, p. 183. Cf. MANULI 1986, p. 249. See also BRU:'\SCHW!G 1911" p. 151 on
Scxtus Empiricus' use of xaTC1Al]1Vt:; in a weaken...:d sense.
41
Carneades is said even to have refused to assent to the proposition that two things equal
to a third are also equal to each other (also known as Euclid's first proposition): o yof.v
KaQVEUOl]; OLb TOUTO TO rrci.vnuv EvUQYfOTCLTOV OU'(/.trJQEL matfl:nv, on TCt T<!J m\n7J toa
xai. a)).J't/.ot:; 'loa yt'(VETUL (45). According to his own words Galen even prefers this
unambiguous attitude: wtvuv i-:n rrgoo:rmou yt'(Vti)OzELv n c't:rorrci.vat
arrobtOQUOXE Ti]V urro TWV rrgwBuTfQtoV 'AxaCl]fta'll<u)v ErrOzl'jv(47).
42 Cf. Cic. De nnt. dear. 2,4-5.
FAVORINUS, EP!CTETUS AND THE PLUTARCHEAN LEGACY
225
Favorinus is ridiculous (yEI.oi:o;), for he leaves it up to his pupils to judge, while
denying them belief in criteria (bmgnwv XQLVElV tai:; f.!U0lltai:; avEu ta\:1
Ol''(f.WQiiom Ttlv nionv taT; XQLTllQiOt;). (51)
It seems to me that Favorinus does something similar to one who says that
Dion is blind by nature, but that he is able nonetheless to judge (xgi:vm) which
of us is filthier or whiter, not realising that one has to be endowed with sight
before one may judge in these matters. (51)
He does something similar to a carpenter who demands his pupil to measure
and to \veigh and to straighten and to draw a circle, without giving him a rule
or a balance or straight-edge or a pair of compasses. (47)
Gakn considers Academic instruction in general to be sophistic and
and claims that his own philosophical teaching is the best kind,
after which he explains the basic principles of his own instruction methods
(48-51).
From Galen's text we may gather that Favorinus' main argument for his
denial of the reliability of the senses was cowgaJ.I.ctl;tet, i.e. the impossibility
to distinguish the impressions of the healthy from those of the sick, those
from the sane from those of the insane, those of sleep from those of
wakefulness-In. This is indeed an Academic stock argument against the Stoic
J.\ Sec also ft'Ol]i.o; OlY ionv o <t>u(1t1JQtvo; ni6ouftEvo; :rci.vTu xai
(L'{\'OliJV l':t<'tgznv OftO).oydv, 0 fll] urruQznv oi. rrQOO{h:v n.E'(OV 'AxuO!]flet'izot lE xui.
nt'(H.)I;)\'flOl, :t(lO\J:totOI:pt:vo; b' frrLT(.IErrl'lV Tl]V xgimv wi:; flU{hp:ui;. l]V oub' EUlltot;
oi :t(lo ((tltO[. Galcn confronts favorinus with the following dilemma (cf.
l!A:-;KI:-;so:--: 19!J5, p. 141J): how is he, as a dogmatist, meant to take favorinus' arguments? Is
he simply bcing proddct..! tn accept them or is he supposed to examine them to see if they arc
true? Thc first woult..! mean coercion. but for lht.: second he needs some natural criterion or
some method of jut..!ging truth and falsity in argumt.:nt, which an Academic will not grant him.
In his work on the Pyrrhonians, Favorinus appears to haw granted to them the ability to
judg...:, i.e. to make legal decisions, despite their "suspension of judgment". Cf. Philostr. Vit
soplr. 1.8 p. 491 (Test. 6): xni. rro/J.<7J ltc1D.ov [se. tot:; <flAOOO<fOU!lEYou; auT</l
HiJV ),O'{IJJV, 0)\' U(llOTOl oi nt(,l(l(l)Vl0l' tou; '(Ct(l nug(lWVElOL'S E<fE%Tl%0US ovm:; OL'%
urrmQEinu i'.((i. To buvaoHm
Cf. De opt. doctr. 43; 45 ( OO<fLOflUTCl Eioi.v ot )..oyOL rrci.vtE:; OUTOl): 46; 47 ( oM yag
btbcwzc'ti.ot TO '(f TOlOl'TOV fOllY, an abohozia n; l] ''lQO:; I btba;m OOIJ'lOTa;
lll]bv !'wiv t:tc'tgznv %QlTl]QlOV Ot'llf[UtoV); 48 (ou llOVOV oux EOTLV CtQlOll] TWV ci.Hwv, an
ol.() btbao;w).[a I oi. ooq:wmi.). Cf. DE LACY 1991, p. 286. MARQUARDT (MARQUARDT-
HEL:\.IRE!CH 188-l) atheticises several of tht.:se phrases on very weak grounds. He
is not followed by BARIGAZZ! 1966; cf. BAR!GAZZ! 1956, p. 24.
46
Gal. De opt. doctr. 42 (ErrELCl] yag EVlU l] axotElV l] ol.w;
ato\lci.vEO{)Ul, xaOci.:tEQ Ev OVELQot; xni. Evta 6' OUY. aHct xai. Xat'
ai.ip'}nav OQWilEV l] o).cJ); TU\!Tl TU OElJTEQU rrc'tVTES ci.v{}Q(JJj[Ol
'AzaOllflU'ixtiJV tE xai. nvgQtoVEL(I)V Ei; BEf}aiav '(VWOlV llY.ElV a 8 ovag l]
rraga:tULOVHll\' 1'1 'f'L'Zil ')EU0ll rrcJ.v{}' urrci.gznv) and 43 ([ ... ) TOU
TOV O{I)([QO\'Olh'la roD VOOOUVTOS TOV uywi.vovta toD TOY
E'{Ql]'{OQOTU :tlCJTOTEQOV urrci.gznv.Ei:; Tl]V tOJV yvwmv). Compare Plutarch Adv.
Col. 11238-F (cf. s11pra: p. 100).
226 CHAPTER 5
notion of the self-certifying, infallible and therefore cognitive impression.
Favorinus appears to have drawn the standard Academic conclusion:
is no such thing as self-evident perception (l:vagyELa) that can be distin-
guished with any certainty from non-evident
For an analysis of Galen opinions on instruction and learning. sec HAI"KINSO:"i !9<) l ( esp.
p. 294-299) . For Galen's views on epistemology: cf. LONG 1988b, p. 196-208 (esp. p. !99):
BARI"ES 1991; DE LACY 1991; DONI:'\! 1992c; IOPPOLO 1993, p. 206 with note 88 ;
HANKINSON 1995, p. 146-149.
5() HA;-.;KI:'\SON 1991, p. 277; cf. 1995, p. 147.
5t Cf. GLUCKER 1978, p. 286: "Galen, as much of his treatise shows, is far from being a
profound connoisseur of the doctrines of the sceptical Academy: indeed, whatever he knows
of their theory of knowledge in this treatise appears to be derived wholly from a superficial
reading of a few works of Favorinus, followed by a swift condemnation."
l
FAVORINUS, EPICrETUS AND THE PLUTARCHEAN LEGACY 227
vel potius probabiliores rationes sequendas esse censebat". It is indeed
consistent \Vith Academic practice not to lay down authoritative doctrine but
instead to leave others free to judge for themselves which arguments appear
to be most persuasive.
In some instances Galen's text may have preserved traces of Favorinus'
exact wording. This appears to be the case when he tells us that Favorinus
said it seemed persuasire or convincing to him that nothing is cognitive
(:rdJwov qaivEa(}w, dvm ;wtaAlFt:t6v, 41). Most probably
this was indeed Favorinus' position 53. Favorinus probably did not say that he
knew, in a "cataleptic" way, that nothing can be known, but only that this
proposition appeared persuasive to him. This way of expressing his point of
view allowed him to avoid the type of contradictions Galen accuses him of.
Similar imputations of self-contradiction were leveled at the Academics by
the Pyrrhonians as well (cf. supra: eh. 4, Ill, A).
Both A. I3AR!GAZZJ5
4
and J. GLUCKER5
5
have claimed that according to
Galen the philosophical position of Favorinus underwent an essential
change between the composition of his Plwarch and his later philosophical
work. In the work dedicated to Plutarch he is said to have taught the
possibility of cataleptic" knowledge, while espousing axataJ...lppta in his
later works. It is implied that Favorinus adopted a moderate position under
the innuence of Plutarch and that later he abandoned this half-hearted
attitude to espouse a fully-Oedgcd scepticism.
I think this is based partly on an implicit assumption concerning the
nature of Plutarch's Platonism, but above all on a misinterpretation of
Galcn's text. Galen does not want to point out an evolution, but rather a
contradiction in Favorinus' philosophy. A close reading of the text leads to
this conclusion. Galen hegins with the younger Academics, among whom
Favorinus: once (i':v[on: 40) they deny xcmil.lpf't; even of self-evident
things. such as the sun, then again (l:v[otE 6E:, 41) they expect their pupils to
judge and make a choice. This is exactly (ou6i: yag U.J...I.o 'tL l:on, 41) what
Favorinus does in his ni.ot1ra(}'f..O;. and like\'vise (J...E:yEL 6 tau16v, 41) in his
n(!o; 'E:r(Y.nJrol'. In his 'AJ.xt{3ul.OlJ;, too, written after the aforementioned
texts (zed. xciv tui:ta ygmrE:vn njJ '''AJ...xtBtaOlJ"), he
This is more in keeping with Galen's own vocabulary: cf. De Plac. Hipp. et Plat. 2,7, 14.
Compare Lucian Vit , auct. 27, v.-here the Pyrrhonist mentions tov M.tjOEotrgov (t..6yov), but
denies knowledge thereof.
5J See also IOPPOLO 1993, p. 196-197.
5.1 1966, p. 176 ("si mette in rilievo il progressive scetticismo dell'ultimo opera [se. Alcibiades]
rispelto a\le due preccdenti [se. Plutarclws and Ad Epictetwn]".); p. 193 ("In esso [se.
Alcibiades] compariva il grado piu avanzato de\lo scetticismo di Favorino").
55
1978, p. 290: 'This [se ;a{}avov [aunp cpaivw{}m fllJOEv dvm xawt..1Fn6v], as Galen
notes, is a more extreme sceptical stance than the one adopted during his earlier, Plutarchean
period.''
228 CHAPTER 5
invites his pupils to choose the proposition that is closest to the truth. But,
Galen continues, in Alcibiades Favorinus affirms, with caution. the principle
of axm:af..l]ltJLa, whereas in his Plutarch he appears to concede that assured
knowledge of certain things is possible ( ouyJ.WQEi:v EOLY.EV dvai n 0c0etiw;
yvwm6v, 4l). But these words, in my opinion, do not imply that Favorinus
in his Plutarclz actually stated that some things might be xcrni).q;rra5fl_ This
is rather a mere inference made by Galen
57
. He reasons that Favorinus'
demand to make a judgment presupposes the existence of a criterions/\.
Galen finds the same didactic method depicted in the three aforementioned
works of Favorinus: the Academic teacher should invite his pupils first to
argue in favour of two opposed propositions and then to judge between
them. According to Galen's line of reasoning, this inevitably brings the
Academic in contradiction with his own sceptical tenets. Other passages
confirm that Galen wants to point out a contradiction in Favorinus' position,
rather than an evolution (5l; 52). This receives confirmation from the
concluding paragraph of De optima doctrina. After a brief exposition of his
own teaching principles, Galen concludes with a last sneer at Favorinus:
I have shown how, starting from the elements and principles inherent in each
subject, one may prove very well everything that can be proved, unlike our
wonuerful Favorinus, who has written a whole book in which he shows th:H not
even the sun is apprehensible (fV o).ov yg(up((; BtBI.iov, (:v <!l bfl%\'VOL TO\'
ij).tov rivw ;wtu).tpttt>V), anu then in another work speaks to us as if we had
forgotten (<iJ; l:ml.t'JOftomv lJ!tTv) his pn.:vious statcml!nt and aumits that thal!
is something which can he known with certainty (OU'(/.lll(.ltiJv n Bf0C1ttl; r(wu
rvuHnov), and this he commands his pupils to choose (Tott' btt(.lt:n"v
ui(.lrTo0wToT; (52)
Ir arc to believe Galcn, Favorinus had first written (ygu1
1
a;) a hook in
which he professed himself an adherent of the inapprchcnsibility thesis,
whereas in another work as if hoping that one would have
forgotten what he had said earlier, he acknowledged that some things admit
of infallible knowledge and consequently required his pupils to choose in
One may also compare the explanation offered hy SEDL.EY 1996. p. R2 noli: i:
conjectural explanation would be that the apparent concession appeared in the: mouth of
Plutarch, as a speaker in an eponymous dialogue, and that what he said thc:re was no more
than he: says at De Stoicomm repugnantiis that 'those who suspend judgement' argue
on both sidc:s on the ground that, if anything is katah;pton ('knowable'), that would be the best
way of knowing it."
5
7
Cf. IOPPOLO 1993, p.191 note 32: "[ ... ]it seems to me that the words oi.'br '(UQ ul).o TL
i:onv, refc:r to an intcrprdation by Galen of Favorinus' position[ ... ] rather than to a simpk
account ."
Cf. De opt. cloctr. 40-41: Et; wooi:wv (;rgoct'(OL'OL) Ti]\' ywiJOtv, t:J; Z(li wi; p(lOqwi;
bngbELV aun']V UVEt! to\:! btbaz{hjvm 1'CQOTEQOV fJHOT!JrlOVLZOV ZQLTl,]QlO\'. See also De opt.
doctr. 51.
FAVORINUS. EPICfETUS AND THE PLUTARCHEAN LEGACY
229
favour of these cognitive objects (xaL 1:o'ln:' nugbrwv aigLo{}m 1:oi:s;
If it were at all possible to conclude on the basis of these words
that Favorinus' philosophical position changed fundamentally, one would
observe exactly the opposite evolution to that which BARIGAZZI and
GLUCKER read into the earlier paragraphs. Instead of a progression towards
a more extreme form of scepticism, we now would have an evolution from
extreme scepticism to a more ambiguous position. This contrast is again an
indication that Galen wanted to show above all that Favorinus' philosophical
position is full of contradictions, and not that Favorinus' opinions on
cognition would have changed in the course of time.
There can be no doubt concerning Galen 's purpose: he wanted to
reproach Favorinus for having entangled himself in self-contradiction.
Galen's portrayal of Favorinus' educational methods can hardly be called
impartial, and it seems very unlikely that Favorinus would actually have
defended ur.ata).lpp[a and the xatu),lptn'Xll cpav-rao[a at the same time.
Gakn's De optima doctrina is not to be seen as an objective and disinterested
presentation of Favorinus' philosophical position5
9
There are, then, good
reasons to assume that Favorinus' scepticism is more subtle and less contra-
dictory than Galen would have it
00
V. EPlCfETUS AGAINST Tl lE ACADEMICS
Another thing we have learned from the evidence of Galen is that Epictetus
was somehow involved in the epistemological debate. Through Epictetus,
Galcn's remarks about Favorinus can be linked once more to Plutarch. Not
only do we know that Favorinus wrote a book against Epictetus in which
Plutarch's slave is a characterf>
1
; from Galcn's survey of his own works we
also know that he himself took up this polemical debate and defended the
Stoic against Favorinus' attacks ('Y.iTEQ 'EmY.n/rov .iT{}i)c; (/>u.(JwQLVOl', De s11is
lihris = 19,44 K.)
6
:1.
BARIG:\ZZI (1966, p. 565) takes it for granted that Galen represents Favorinus' position
corrcctlv.
NJ Com.p:m HA:"'KI:"'SON 1991. p. 276-277.
61 On the possibility that Favorinus himself took part in the discussion as a character in his
dialogue and, more specifically, that he fulfilled the role of arbiter: see also infra p. 243; 245;
H!RZEL 111895, p. 123; 8AEHRENS 1915, p. 459; BARIGAZZI1966, p. 192; BEAUJEU 1964, p.
XXI-XXII and p. LXXXVII.
Most probably not to be identified with nr(!t nj; (De optima
doctrina) : cf. MARQUARDT- MUELLER- HELMREICH 1891, p .. LXXXVIII.
6 ) See al so nr(}i Ki.nro,uU.xou Y.((l T<.Ul' nj; a;wbE[!;rw; at'rov ). vaECVV (De suis libris 11 =
19,44 K.); JhQi nj:; nuv owq-wvovvrwl' EV rot; ooy;watv (De suis libris 11 =
19,45 K): cf. BARIGAZZI 1966, p. 178.
230
CHAPTER 5
The Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano digestae provide us with sufficient
clues to ascertain the connection between Epictetus and FavorinusM. and
most probably between Epictetus and Plutarch as well (Plutarch was after all
Favorinus' mentor). The Dissertationes contain several passages which are
directed against anonymous Academic sceptics.
M. CUVIGNY, in a paper presented to the VII le congres of the Association
Guil!awne Bude in 1968 (published in 1969)
6
5, already suggested that
Epictetus' attacks were actually directed against Plutarch and his circle.
However, the evidence he adduced for this is meagre and his argument
requires some qualification. It is based primarily on the conviction that
Academic scepticism undermines traditional moral and religious values and,
more specifically, constitutes a threat to the belief in divine Providence and
divinational practices. Now this is indeed the very charge Epictetus. like
many other Stoics, brings against the AcademicsM. But CUVIGNY. following
a long-held communis vpinio, took scepticism to be actually guilty of this
charge, believing that scepticism as such inevitably undermined the
foundations of traditional belief. As I have already shown, this is certainly
not the way the Academics used to regard their own philosophy. Our new
understanding of the dialectical and poll.!mical character of the Hdknistic
dchatl.!s has led to serious doubts about the alleged anti-religious ami anti-
prophetic tendencies in Academic philosophy. In any event, the Academics
themselves claimed that their brand of philosophy only challenged the
unjustifiable truth claims of their adversaries and that it in fact protected
traditional bclicf"
7
Academic caution actually warned against the
assumption that man could obtain knowkdgc reserved for the gods.
If we examine Epictctus' anti-Academic polemics, it will become clear
that Epictctus' attacks indeed directed against Plutarch and that
favorinus. who espoused the same Academic principles as his friend and
Both at one stage enjoyed a close n:lationship with Hac.lrian. Cf. Scriptures 1/istoriac
1\ugustac. lladr .. 16,10-11. and 130WIE I9<J7, p. 4. with note 15; p. 11:
CUVIGNY 1969, p. 563-564: "L'accusation s'expliquc [acilcmcnt. Epictl!te a jugC: Plutarque
sur son etiquette de 11 est pour lui l'hommc d'une secte qui croit
impossible d'aboutir a aucune science certaine sur aucun probll!mt::, y compris sur le probll!me
tk Dieu; il est le disciple de Carneade, le dialecticien subtil qui secoua jusqu'a la base
l'cnorme edifice du Portique, qui soutenait avec un egal bonheur le pour et le
contre sur tous les problcmes et qui avait lance de tcrribles attaques contre la Providence
sto'lcienne, lcs croyances populain.:s et la mythologic. Et Plutarqut.:. pour sa part, est un fidcle
partisan de l'epoclu! et des methodes dialcctiques de la Nouvelle et illui est arrive:
de prendre a partie lcs theologiens de Delphcs et de se gausscr de certaines croyances
delphiques dans son De defectu oraculomm."
06
See also Augustine Contra Acad. 3,35-36.
6
7
One may als'O compare Cic. De div. 1,8-9 (the Stoic accusation) , 1,7 and 2.148-150; De Jllll.
dear. 3,5-6. Cf. supra (eh. 4, Ill, B) and infra (eh. 6).
FAYORINUS, EPICTETUS AND THE PLUTARCHEAN LEGACY 231
teacher, naturally defended him against Epictetus' imputations, whereas
Galen, reporting this polemic, obviously chose the Stoic's side.
So let us take a look at Dissertatio 2,201\.\ where both the Academics and
the Epicureans are Epictetus' targets. The Stoic claims that the sceptic
arguments are self-refuting ( 2-5) and that the Academics invalidate their
philosophy through their own behaviour in daily life, which conflicts with
their professed uncertainty about the world around them. This is a variant of
the well-known cmga;[a-argument, according to which suspension of
judgment would make practical life impossible. Epictetus gives some stock
examples in order to prove the untenability of the sceptical position:
Man, what are you doing? are you confuting your own self every day (auTo;
ocauTov xn{}' l'J!LEgav), and are you unwilling to give up these frigid
attempts of yours? When you eat, where do you bring your hand? To your
mouth, or to your eye? When you take a bath, into what do you step? When
did you ever call the pot a plate, or the ladle a spit?
(2,20,28, transl. 0LDFATIIER 1925)
Similar expamples can be found in Diss. 1.27,18-19:
When I want to swallow anything. I never take the morsel to that place but to
this: when I \vish to take bread I never take sweepings, but I always go after the
bread as to a mark. And do you yourself. who take away the evidence of the
senses b' auwi. ol. Tct; atoOl'jOEL uvmgouvn:;), do anything else? Who
among you when he wishes to go to a bath goes to a mill instead?
From Plutarch's Ad\erstts Colotemm it appears that the Epicurean
philosopher Colotes brought the same charges against Arcesilaus, even
using the same examples:
How comes it that the man who suspcnus judgment does not go dashing off to
a mountain instead of to the bath, or why does he not get up and walk to the
wall insteau of the uoor when he wishes to go out to the market-place?
(li22E. transl. EINARSON- DE LACY 1967)1
11
And, as one could expect, Colotes would like Socrates, the alleged proto-
Academic, to be regarded as equally inconsistent:
Colotes has a way of presenting Socrates \Vith grass and asking how comes it
that he puts food in his mouth and not in his ear.
(1108B, transl. EINARSON- DE LACY 1967)
68
Entitled: flQo; 'EmY.otQdov; Y.ai 'AY.aorzuaiY.ov;. Diss. 1,5 is entitled fleoc; rov;
'AY.whuwiY.ov;.
69
Sec also BA BUT 1994c, p. 568-569 note 115. Cf. supra: p. 88.
70 Cf. supra, p. 88 note 25." -
, ..
232 CHAf'TER 5
So both Epicureans and Stoics use the against everyone
associated with the New Academy or any brand of scepticism". As we have
already seen, the Stoics first came up with the argument ; only later was it
adopted by the Epicureans, at least if we are to believe Plutarch
7
1.
Another charge Epictetus brings against the Academics is that their
principles undermine traditional piety. He asks them about their opinion of
piety and sanctity (2,20,22: d HyEL;, cpL),ooocpE; to nJoEBi:; xai to oOLov
rroT6v tL am cpaivnm;) and then goes on to show what an Academic would
answer to such a question. First he would demonstrate that piety and sanctity
are good (av frEAlJ, xataoxEuaow on ayafrov), only to prove the opposite
afterwards :
you are quite with all this, hear the contrary n't
vuvt:lct): the gods do not exist, and, even if they do, they pay no attention to
men, nor have we any fellowship with them. and hence this piety and sanctity
which the multitude talk about is a lie tolJ hy impostors and sophists
(<'t).ustW(I)V <'LvH(Him(I)V xui ao(poniJv), or, I swear, by legislators to frighten
and restrain evilJoers.
(IJi.1s. 2.20.2J, transl. Ot.DFATIIER 1925)
After an ironical reply hy Epictctus, the Acauemic continues:
What then, does not all this satisfy you? Learn now how righteousness is
nothing. how reverence is folly, how a fathl.!r is nothing. how a son is nothing.
(l)iss. 2,20,25)
Epictctus' allegations concerning the Acauemics' lack of piety anu justice
coincide with the traditional criticism of Epicurean philosophy. Although
the Acaucmics themselves were wont to hring the same accusations against
the Epicureans. one should not really be surprised to find a Stoic censuring
the Academics on the same account : as we have seen, in these and similar
polemics opponents often hurl identical reproaches at each other. and after
all, Epictetus in one and the same Dissertatio is reported attacking both
Epicureans and Academics.
According to our Stoic philosopher, the Academics are guilty of contempt
of things divine (25: xatmpQOVl]OLV tG1V {)d(t)v) but also of contempt of
traditional family values and ethical principles in generaJ72. But the
principles they boast of are contradicted by their acts in daily life : they
marry, beget children, fulfil! their duties as citizens and even get themselves
appointed as priests and prophets (LEQEL xafrwtaoLv ahoi.; xetl
rrgocpl']ta;). "But prophets and priests of whom?" Epictetus wonders. 'Of
7! Cf. Adl'. Col. 1122AB: Ex LToa; [ .. . )l;JO;[fQ rogyovct TijV (t;rga;inv b(tronr; (the
Gorgon-metaphor is also alluded to in Epict . Diss. 1,5,2-3). Cf. supra: p. 88.
n Cf. JAGU 1946, p. 81.
-..,.
1
fAVORINUS, EP!CfETUS AND THE PLUTARCHEAN LEGACY
233
gods that do not exist? (ttvwv; twv oux ovtwv;)" And do they consult the
Pythia in order to hear lies (n1v Dufrtav Ct.vaXQlVOUOlV au-rot, tva ta '\.j.IEUOf}
;nj{}wvtm)? Epictetus sharply condemns their impudence and imposture: w
Ct.vmozuvtia; xal. yoT]tdw; (Diss. 2,20,27). It seems to me fairly
plausible that Epictetus, with his references to priests
7
3, prophets and the
Pythia, is alluding to Plutarch 74, also given the fact that through Favorinus
there is at least an indirect link between the two philosophers.
Other elements of his polemic also square perfectly with what we know
about Plutarch's philosophical affiliations from his own writings : he always
remains loyal to the New Academics7s, professes Academic caution, uses the
strategy of arguing both sides of a question in his polemics against Stoics and
Epicureans, endeavours to refute the disputes the
accusations of impiety.
However, there is possibly a stronger indication that Favorinus
understood the argumentation of this particular Dissertatio, which itself is
based ultimately on Epictetus' lcctures
76
, as being actually directed against
Plutarch. Epictetus' attacks on Academic scepticism provoked, as has
already been noted, a book by Favorinus defending the Academy. This
book. entitled Against Epictetus, took the form of a dialogue between
Epictetus and a slave of Plutarch called Onesimus. Wondering what the
meaning could be of the curious detail that it was a slave of Plutarch whom
Favorinus made engage in the dispute with Epictetus, J. GLUCKER
77
suggests
that Favorinus perhaps wanted to remind Epictetus that he, too, had been a
slave. To this GLUCKER adds another consideration:
It is as if Favorinus were saying: "Piutarch himself would regard it beneath his
dignity to refute your uncouth criticism- any of his slaves could do that."
(GLUCKER 197X, p. 294)
A.M. 10PPOL0
7
X is of the opinion that the fact that Favorinus chose
Plutarch's slave as the interlocutor of Epictetus is symptomatic for the
bitterly controversial tone of the debate. One may also take into account the
73 Favorinus as well was appointed UQ;(lfQE1JS: according to Philostr. Vir sopfr. 1,8 p. 490 (Test.
6) , just like Pyrrho much earlier (Diog. Laert. 9,64) ; the Ciceronian Cotta was pontifex
maximus (De nat. dear. 1.61 ; 3,5).
See also CUVIGNY 1969, p. 563-564; PUECH 1992, p. 4850; BABUT 1994c, p. 568-570.
CUVIGNY and BABUT take the reference in Plut. Quaest. conv. 692B to "a famous
philosopher", teacher of the Stoic Nigros, to be an allusion to Epictetus.
75 Cf. DE LACY 1953, p. 80-81; BABUT 1994c, p. 553; 562; 580.
76 We do not know where Favorinus got his knowledge of Epictetus'lectures. The indication
in Gellius 17,19.1 remains vague ("Favorinum ego audivi dicere Epictetum philosophum
dixisse [ .. .)"). Cf. ME:-<SCHING 1963, p. 56.
77 1978, p. 294. ' .
iS 1993, p. 199; 202. ,.'
234 CHAPTER 5
fact that avbgcmobov is frequently used by Epictetus as a playful or
disdainful mode of address.
However, I think there might be another, more telling explanation. In
order to exemplify the absurdity of the Academic position, Epictetus had
mockingly expressed the wish to become an Academic's slave. Were he a
slave to an Academic, he says, he would find pleasure in carrying out his
master's orders in a rather "perverse" way. Instead of throwing oil in the
bath, he would throw in a little fish sauce and pour it down his master's head.
He would explain his behaviour by saying that he had "a presentation that
could not be distinghuished from oil''. If his master would ask for grud, he
would bring vinegar and fish sauce and resolutely affirm that it was gruel.
One simply cannot decide whether it is vinegar and fish sauce any more than
gruel (tt
HlRZEL (II 1895. p. 177) nevertheless thinks that it goes against the essence of true
dialogue : ":-.lit dem Wesen des echten Dialogs. der es den Theilnehmern gerade erkichtern
sollte, selbstanuig und unbeeinflusst durch aussen: sich eine eigene Uebcrzl'ugung
zu bilden. wan: dergleichcn unvereinbar gcwesen. "
: 1 As for the setting in Ostia: cf. HOLFORD-STREVENS 1988. p. 48-49. However. HOLFORD-
STREVE:-..:5 thinks that Gellius' mise en scene provided the inspiration for Minucius: d.
HOLFORD-STREVENS 1997, p. 206, note 75; GLO\'ER- REi'iDALL- KERR 1931. p. 307.
:2 See also BEAUJEU 1964, p. XX.
:J Cf. Tacitus Dialogus 4, Plutarch Quaest. Com. 1,2,2 (615E), 9,15,1 (74713) , Non posse
1096F, A mat. 750A.
MINUCIUS FELIX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM" 245
for but by invoking the influence of
Therefore I
do not think that there ar(f solid proofs that Minucius' prime target was
indeed the philosophy of Favorinus.
On the other hand, it would be unwise to rule out the possibility that
l\tinucius had Favorinus and his pupils in mind. It remains likely that
Minucius challenged a -philosophical tradition that still had some actual
significance in his intellectual environment and was not yet totally extinct. In
this perspective, Favorinus remains a good candidate to represent this
particular philosophical ''persuasion''. However, I think that the likelihood
that Academic philosophy as such was Minucius' prime target is quite
remote. It is obvious that the Octavius was in the first place a response to
attacks against the Christians, a fact which has been somewhat obscured by
the eagerness of (Christian) scholars to interpret the dialogue as an
exemplary combat between faith and "scepticism". Minucius does explicitly
mention the name of a notorious opponent of Christianity: Fronto. One may
presume that he is Minucius' main target
2
Y. Caecilius' persona combines
characteristics pertaining to an adversary of Christianity (esp. in 8,3-12,7)
with, as I \vill show, "sceptical'' or rather Academic features (esp. in 5,2-8,2
Influence of the bucolic genre. where an umpire often figures in the context of a singing
contest. is equally possible. Cf. CARVER 1974, p. 357.
zs See also Cic. De di1. 2,150.
Cf. 13EAUJEU 1964, p. XXXV.
Z
7
Cf. Ciccro De nat. dear. 2.1 ; 2.168; Epict. Diss. 2,20,35 (with 2,20,10; 19); Sext. Emp. Adv.
Math. 2.28; Pyrrh. flyp. 1,146; 152; 159; 3,209; Diog. Laert. 7,131 (= SVF III 728).
:x Apol. 46,10: "audio et qucndam Speusippum de Platonis schola in adulterio perisse." Cf.
AXELSO:" 1941, p. 97-100; BEAUJEU 1964, p. LXIV and 161.
Cf. DE LABRIOLLE 1948, p. 90-94; Vor-; ALBRECHT 1987, p. 160-161. One may compare
BEAliJEli 1964, p. LII. VER\IA:-.IDER 1971 has suggested that Celsus was Minucius' most
dangerous opponent (p. 24) : "Car le paganisme du jour, c'est, en verite, celui de Celse, le
maitrc a penser des intellectuels pa'iens de l'epoque et le plus dangereux ad versa ire du
christianisme de ce temps-la." ,
...
246 CHAPTER 6
and 13). Only in his capacity of Academic can the character Caecilius have
been intended as a reference to Favorinus and his circle.
In the following pages I shall only examine Caecilius' '"sceptical" or rather
Academic side. Although there seems to be a general agreement among
scholars to consider the Octavius an attack on "scepticism", it is not alwavs
clear what is exactly meant by this description. A closer look at the conten"ts
of the dialogue may clarify the issue.
Ill. A MODERATED DEBATE- CAECILIUS'
It should be remarked that Minucius has chosen the form- much favoured
by the Academics as a polemical tooP
0
- of the displllatio in lllrmnque
partem. in which, as I have already mentioned, the author introJuces himself
<1s the arbiter, thereby promising impartiality
31
Caecilius having concluded
his speech, Minucius gently warns him against premature exultation,
"especially as the purpose of the argument is not praise, but He
deplores this as a tendency of dispute in general, which threatens to obscure
truth itself (I 4,5-6) . An auJicnce is easily misled by rhetorical display: it
cannot distinguish false from true and succumbs to the cleverness of the
rhetorician. It fails to recognise that the incredible contains an clement of
truth and the probable an clement of falsehood. Being thus deceived, the
auJience imputes the incompentence of the judge on the score of uncertainty
and prefers universal uncertainty to the fallibility of conclusions (14.5:
"culpam iudicis transfcrunt ad inccrti qucrcllam ut [ .. . ] malint universa
suspendere quam de fallacibus iudicare"). That is why an umpire should
intervene. Because truth is often obscure and mere subtlety "sometimes
usurps the credit of admitted proof", we need someone capable enough to
select and approve what is correct, and who carefully weighs all arguments
( 14,7). The whole passage is modelled on Socrates' warnings against
"misology" in Plato's Phacdo
3
1
: as misanthropy is induced by believing in
somebody quite uncritically and eventually being deceived, misology might
arise when one uncritically accepts a particular argument as true: if one finds
out later that the argument is not sound, one might end by believing that
nothing is stable or dependable in facts or in arguments. thus
"' Cf. Vo:--< ALBRECHT 1987, p. 162: "Minucius chose the main Jitt:rarv form of academic
skepticism in order to combat skepticism." See also QuiSPEL 1951. p. 167.
-'
1
Oct. 4,6: "[ ... ] ut arbiter et utrisque proximus aures darem et di sceptantes duos medius
segregarem." Caecilius confirms the expectations (5.1) : "[ .. . ] ut libram teneas aequissimi
iudici s nee in alteram partem propensus incumbas."
Oct. 14.2 : maxime cum non laudi. sed ueritati disceptatio vestra nitatur: Also 1-1.3 : .. [ ... ]
pro disserentium viribus et eloqucntiac potcstate etiam pcrspicuae veritatis condicio
mutctur."
}..fiNUCIUS FELIX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM" 247
insidiously turns the Phaedo passage against the Academics and intimates
that those who fall into the sceptic's trap are uncritical and naive3-t.
It is clear that in his supposedly neutral comments Minucius does not
quite prove himself unbiased35. His remarks already discredit Caecilius'
speech. \Vhy else does he warn against the power of eloquence? But there is
more to it. His evaluative comment on the words of Caecilius contains
precisely those elements which the Academics and Pyrrhonians use to accuse
their opponents of. Indeed, according to Minucius, Caecilius endeavours to
entice his audience into rash assent to his point of view
36
. The accusation that
Caecilius is looking for praise rather than for the truth, as common an
accusation as it may be, is a frontal assault on the core of Academic
"zetetics"
37
Should this indeed be the case, then Academic claims would be
disingenuous and their search for truth perverted. Minucius' words are thus
a subtle reversaPs of sceptic discourse.
Caecilius does notice this and he reproves Minucius for making improper
use of his position: "You arc abandoning[ . .. ] the role of a conscientious
judge".N. Minucius should not try to weaken Caecilius' position before
Octavius has even begun his reply. It is not his, but Octavius' task to come
up with arguments against Caecilius. To this Minucius answers that his
intervention was only meant to prevent our final judgment to depend on
rhetorical qualities, and not on the content of the speeches (15,2). At any
rate, it seems that, through Minucius' intervention, "the way has been
prepared for an easy victory"
10
After Octavius' speach tv1inucius and Caecilius arc both struck \Vith
admiration. Minucius is silently delighted to sec how Octavius has beaten the
malevolent with their own weapon: philosophical argument-t
1
- another
-' -' (llJX6. p. 237 [= 1947. p. 148]), BEAUJEU (1964, p. 96-97) and BECKER (1967,
p. 6- 10:71 note 21) refer to l'lwcdo SSC (ftiJ oubno; EtflEV XQttcti IJ xui -ru rrg<'tyftuw
ut'n 't <"t:ttow lJ) and 90D (bi wt; I.O'{Ot.'; tt<p' l:umoii -ri1v uhiu v urr<;lOULLO) . One may also
compare Oct . 14.6 ("ne odio [ . . . ] sermonum omnium 1aboremus ita ut in cxsccrationcm et
odium hominum plcriquc simpliciores effcrantur") with l'lwedo 89D (fli] YEVWflE{}((,lj b' o;.
fllOOl.O'{Ol. (;>O:Tf(? OL fllOttv{}gtrl:TOl '{l'{YOflEVOl) .
.>-1 Cf. GART:-;ER 1995. p. 147: .. Dicse Formulicrung ist nun aber doch einc deutliche
des platonischcn Gedankes. [ . .. ] Gemcint sind jetzt die allzu einfaltigcn
die sich durch die Enttiiuschung infolgc widcrlcgter Leichtglaubigkcit in e ine
univcrsale skcptischc Haltung drangen lassen. Also hat die Skepsis auch den Geruch dcr allzu
grol3en Leichtglaubigkeit."
Cf. ALBRECHT 1987. p. 166: GARTNER 1995, p. 141.
-;.;, Oct. 14.4 ("sine dilcctu adsentiuntur dictis omnibus") ; 14,5 (" temeritate decepti"); 14.6
("incautc .. ). Compare Oct. 5.3-6: 7,1; 13,3-5.
37
Compare Plut. De Sto. rep. 1036AB ; De tranq. an. 471D; Adv. Col. 1115C. Cf. supra : eh. 4,
Ill. c.
3.'S This aspect has been overlooked : e.g. FERRARINO 1986, p. 234-235 (= 1947, p. 145-146].
39
15, 1 (transl. GLOVER- KERR 1931) : "decedis [ . .. ]officio iudicis religiosi .' '
40
RENDALL. in GLO\'ER- RE:\DALL - KERR 1931, p. 309.
41
Oct. 39: "quod malevolos isdem illis. quibus armantur, philosophorum telis retudisset".
248 CHAITER 6
strategy that seems borrowed from the sceptics. Caecilius does not wait for
the ruling (40,1: "nee expecto sententiam"). He "spontaneously" avows to
be totally persuaded by the speech he has just heard. But at the same time he
paradoxically claims victory: not over Octavius but over error! He has finally
found truth (40,1-2). In so confessing, he relieves Minucius of the invidious
task of passing judgment ( 40,3).
Having reached the ultimate goal of "zetetics", Caccilius, according to his
own confession, has surpassed the search and is now able to abandon
scepticism altogether. We are here confronted with a shift of paradigm: this
is no longer the point of view of the true SllTlll:txo;. according to whom
absolute truth is never conquered and the very search for truth is the goal of
philosophy. Truth is the limit of sceptic philosophy, but at the hearth of
Christian belicf
4
2. There has been a fundamental shift in the meaning and use
of the concept of truth: truth for Octavius is no longer in the first place the
truth of perceptions, of particular statements, convictions and bdicfs.- the
concept discussed by the Ciceronian Stoics and Academics
43
- but truth in an
absolute sense. \'critas as a kind of timeless and "supra-contextual" entity
4
-'-
it is the light of God, which has been revealed and has come into the world
45
In a sense Caccilius' (i .e. before his miraculous conversion) and Octavius'
4
! St.:t.: aho Octavius' paoratio (:'S,h) : "gloriamur nos quml ill i summ;t intentione
invenire potuerunt. " Cf. VAtJiiGLIO 11J7.1. p. 253: "[ . .. ] Ottavio
contrappone al Juhbio Ji Cecilio la ri\'dazione della verit;'l cristiana. fonJ;tmentn Jdla vera
religion.: ."
41
l'lutarch has the statement that tiJ c/.i.1p'lt:; can only he one. hut "truth" there.: i-; not taken
in an absolute rib' i'onv t:;nott'gll] tou cl.l.l]Oou; (v bi til c'ti.lp'l[; ( 100DD). St.:e for this
of til c'tt.l]Hi- ;. Arist. 1\na/. pr. 47a8-9: O<L 'tc't!! :tilv t(J c't).lp'li:; ni.r(J i:-mtc!> i>JlOJ.O'iOt'!lE\'OV
r tvw :rc'n<lJ. See also Cic. /\cad. 11115: " ' Nostra inquies 'sola vera sunt' . Certe sola. si \'era;
plura enim vera Jiscrcpantia esse non possunt" ; 115: "potius Lie dissensinnihus tantis
summorurn virorum disseramus <de> ohscuritate naturae. Jeque errore tot philosophorum
qui de hf1nis contrariisqttc rcbus tanto opere discrepant ut . cum plus uno rcmm cs.Hnon pnssir,
iacere necesse sit tot lam nohiles disciplinas [ . .. J" (although Cicero is using "\'erum" in the
singular form, he is referring to a multituJe of obscure matters: the same applies to !Je oral.
2.30: "cum plus uno vcrum esse non possit"). Nevertheless. Plutarch's attituJe is already
different from that of Cicero's Academics, hut this may be a matter of emphasis. Cf. mpra
p. lhO; 1R6-190; 203-212 ; INGE!"KA:'--IP 1935. As follows from his Platonist metaphysics,
intelligible truth is in principle attainable for the human soul - but not fully. due to
incarnation. It is a gift from God. But by presenting us with riddles God st imulates our search
for the truth. Truth concerning the gods is a matter of truthfulness; it is not objective truth in
a correspondence model, but rather a subjective attitude.
This way of putting the difference is more correct than GARTNER' s. who merely states that
the Academic's criticism is directed against singular acts of cognition (1995, p. 142. \vith note
8) , and continues to deny the universal scope of boz!J. Even more unfortunate is his
conviction that universal brox,l would not have been satisfactory to the Academics. and that
they inskaJ opted for a probabilist position.
4
5 Sec e.g. Oct. 1,4: "cum discussa ca1igine de tenebrarum profundo in lucem sapientiae et
veritatis emergerem." There is an interesting comparison in Lactantius' condemnation of
Academic philosophy : "una veritas" (Di1. inst. 3,15) .
MINUCIUS FELIX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM" 249
discourses are incompatible and even incommensurable. To these different
conceptions of truth correspond different views of philosophy, notably
regarding its scope, aim and character. Caecilius' conversion had to be
sudden, as it implies a complete reversal of perspective. His conversion and
the surrender of Academic philosophy had been prepared on the literary
level of the dialogue, but not on the level of philosophical argument.
Caecilius opts for another model of philosophy and truth, giving up his
position, although his opponent's arguments, strictly speaking, fail to prove
that it is actually inconsistent.
IV. TRACES OF ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM"
Having discussed the dialogical frame, let us now brieOy study both
speeches: does (aecilius' speech contain "sceptical" or "Academic"
elements and, if so, is it essentially of a sceptical nature? Can his position be
considered coherent? And does Octavius' discourse exhibit traces of an anti-
sceptical polemic?
From the stiirt Caecilius makes clear his philosophical allegiance: if
Minucius \vill prove himself to be an impartial judge,
it will be easy to make it clear. that in human affairs everything is doubtful ,
uncertain. and in suspense, everything a matter of probability rather than truth
(omnia in rdms lwmanis dubia, incerta, suspensa magisque omnia verisimilia
lflllll11 \-ef{l) . (5.2)
Nevertheless, many people get tired of investigating truth deeply (''taedio
investigandac penitus veritatis") and yield hastily to some opinion ("cuilibet
opinioni temcre succumberc"). Instead they should have kept searching
unremittingly ("in explorando pcrtinaci diligcntia perseverare", 5,3).
Indeed, for an ancient ' 'sceptic" this is the only valuable activity from the
philosophical point of view. Caecilius is indignant about those people who
claim pretentiously to possess knowledge in matters for which centuries of
philosophical investigation have not found a solution, especially as those
matters appear to be of the utmost importance and majesty
4
6. Caecilius
appeals to the famous btaqxuvta: the "sceptics", in their plea for suspension
of judgment, are indeed wont to invoke the factual dissension and
46
Oct. 5,4: "Itaque indignandum omnibus, indolescendum est audere quosdam, et hoc
studiorum rudes, litterarum profanes, expertes artium etiam sordidarum, certum aliquid de
summa rerum ac maiestate decernere, de qua tot omnibus saeculis sectarum plurimarum
usque adhuc ipsa philosophia deliberat." One may also compare Plutarch' s emphasis on
o:rodnj : cf. De Sro. rep. 1033B (6 yU..g AO'{O<; TOU (p)..oo6cpou a\r(}a[gno; xat t6t6t;
mw, EL yE OiJ natbtU..v xai EVQT]Ot).oyiav how M;t); an' iigyov onou011; n1;
wo:tEQ EOTLV, ti'foi:::rm (p).ooocp[av); Quaest. Pial. 110000; cf. supra : p. 211
250 CHAPTER 6
interminable conflicts among philosophical schools (see also 13,5: "tot ac
tantis viris deliberantibus'')"n.
Several times Caecilius warns against rashness in In good sceptic
and Academic tradition he opposes the weakness of the human cognitive
faculty to divine wisdomN. Self-knowledge is something one should care
about. But the wise man is always aware that it is never to be considered an
accomplishment; on the contrary, it is an ideal one should continue to strive
for. In this context Caecilius refers to ''that famous ancient oracle"5u, by
which of course he is alluding to the yvw{h OEaun)v precept of the
shrine5
1
BEAUJEU in his commentary (1964, p. 77) mentions Thales, whose
name is indeed associated with this maxim
52
. But in the "zetetic'' context,
this Delphic precept, bound up with that other famous expression,
U.yav53, provides above all the principle of Socrates' search for knowledge.
This appears clearly from such a text as Plutarch Adv. Col. lll8C, where tt)
yvGn1t oautov is extolled as the most divine precept, having inspired
Socrates' arrog[a and
See also DE LABRIOLLE 1948. p. 117; 153.
Cf. BEAUJEU 1964, p. 132: "Dcpuis Xenocrate. tousles Platoniciens interpretaient comme
un etn! surnaturel, nettcment individualise, le fameux buqtovLOv de Socrate: This is
incorrect, as Plutarch's discussion in the first Quaest. Plea. 9990 shows that alternative
interpretations must have existed: cf. supra, p. 140. See also Apuleius De dco Socr. 150: "nam
quodam significatu et animus humanus etiam nunc in corpore situs daemon nuncupatur [ ... ].
unde nonnulli arbitrantur, ut iam prius dictum est, dici beatos. quorum daemon
bonus, id est animus virtute perfectus est''; cf. CHERl"ISS 1976a, p. 21 note d.
MINUCIUS FELIX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTlCISM" 257
In his final denunciation of scepticism, Octavius brings together the familiar
sneers: Socrates boasting ("gloriosus") of his daemon in order to justify the
ignorance he claims, the whole host of sceptics endlessly arguing, Simonides
endlessly procrastinating (i.e. avoiding rash assent; "Simonides in
perpetuum conpcrendinet"), the haughtiness ("supercilia") of the philos-
ophers, who should be exposed as corrupters of youth. adulterers and
tyrants, ss but are very eloquent in denying their vices. It is obvious that these
words amount to the classical reproaches of ("gloriosus",
supercilia") and sophistry ("adversus sua vitia facundos"S
6
). But the
dgwvEia-motive is present as well in the scornful characterisation of
Socrates as "the Attic buffoon" ("scurra Atticus"), who confessed that he
knew nothing, while boasting of the promptings of his daemon. Socrates'
insincerity is clearly implied in this description. Octavius borrows the last
term of ahuses
7
from the first book of Cicero's De natura deorum, where
Cotta relates how the Epicureans made it a practice to insult other philos-
ophers. Zeno of Sidon aimed the shaft of his abuse not only at his con tempo-
Oct. 2o.H-9: "Spiritus sunt insinceri, vagi, a c:1elesti vigore terennis labibus et cupiditatibus
<kgravati . [ ... ]cos spiritus daemonas esse poetae sciunt. philosophi disserunt, Socrates novit,
qui ad nutum et arbitrium adsidentis sibi daemonis vel declinabat negotia vel petebat." The
role assigned to thl! famous b({qt<)vtov in this text clearly surpasses the purely dissuasive
function it has according to the account in Plato's Apology (31 D),pacc BEAUJEU 1964, p. 133.
In this respect Minucius' :1ccount is in accordance with Plut:Jrch's trcatml!nt of the bCttft<)vtov
(e.g. De genio Socr. 5XlAB; Quacst. Plat. /99<JE: IOOOC). One m:1y also compare Epict. Diss.
3.21,19.
One may compare text with Tertullian Apol. 22,1: "atque adeo dicimus esse
substantias quasdam spiritales. nee novum nomen est: sciunt 'daemon as' philosophi, Socrate
ipso ad daemonis arbitrium expectante.'' See also Apol. 46,5-6: "nomen hoc philosophorum
daemonia non fug,iunt. quidni'? cum secundum deos philosophi daemonas dl!putcnt. Socratis
vox est 'si dacmonium permittat'. Idem et qui aliquid de veritate sapiehat deos negans,
Aesculapio tamen gallinaceum prosecari iam in fine mandabat, credo, ob honorem patris
cius. quia Socratem Apollo sapicntissimum omnium cccinit. o Apollincm inconsidcratum!
sapientiae testimonium rcddidit ei viro, qui negabat deos esse." Minucius appears to have
made use of Tl!rtullian's Apologeticum (sec also AXELSON 1941, p. 92-94), but the latter does
not appear to make allusions to the Academic context.
Oct. 27,1: "oracula cfficiunt falsis pluribus involuta". See also Tert. Apol. 22,7 ("ut
hominem a recogitatu verae divinitatis avertant praestigiis falsae divinationis"); 22.10 ("in
oraculis autem quo ingenio ambiguitates temperent in eventum, sciunt Crocsi, sciunt
Pyrrhi"); 12 ("dum oracula profitetur"). Cf. Cic:Dediv. 2,116; BEAUJEU 1964, p.134.
Cf. BEAUJEU 1964, p. LXIV and 161. Minucius is drawing on Tertullian A pal. 46,10 and
46,13: "ceterum si de pudicitia provocemur, !ego parte m sententiae Atticae in Socratem:
corruptor adulcscentium pronuntiatur. [ ... ]audio et quendam Speusippum de Platonis schola
in adulterio perisse. [ ... ] ecce Pythagoras apud Thurios, Zen on apud Prienenses tyrannidem
affectant."
;:(, The parallel (Seneca Exhort. frg. 18 Haase, ap. Lact. Dil. inst. 3,15,11) cited by BAEHRENS
(1964, p. 161) is less convincing. just like the parallel quoted for "supercilia" (Sen. Ep. 94,9).
CARVER's (1978, p. 28) remarks on these words are irrelevant.
87 Cf. KLEVE 1983, p. 229.
258 CHAPTER 6
raries, but even scoffed at Socrates himself, the father of all philosophy,
calling him an Attic equivalent of the Roman buffoonsss.
Central to Octavius' invective is the imputation that the Academics'
deeds do not match their words, which is related to the accusation of moral
perversion he is trying to charge them with. Their philosophical discourses
only serve the purpose of disguising and justifying their immoral conduct.
Octavius contrasts the philosophers' insincere outward display of pretended
wisdom with the Christians' attitude, who, according to him, while
possessing inner wisdom, prefer not to boast about it:
As for us, the wisdom we display lies not in outward dress, but in the mind (nos
non hahitll sapil'lltiam sed mente praeferimlls): we do not preach great things,
but we live them (non eloqllimur magna sed \ivimlls): our boast is that we have
won what they with the utmost strain have sought, yet could not find
(gloriamur nos consecl/los qllod illi summa intentione qllaesinnull nee inl'l:nire
pOtll!!rllllt).
(Jg,6, transl. RENDALL- KERR)
Octavius' peroration is a direct to Caecilius' words at 13,1-5 (cf.
supra, p. 25 I), as appears from the literal repetition of phrases and key
words. Caecilius had asserted that Socrates was the source from which
flowed Arccsilaus', Carncades', and the whole Academics' philosophy of
doubt (''hoc fonte defluxit Arccsilae et multo post Carneadis et Academ-
icorum plurimorum in summis quaestionihus duhitatio", 13,3). This he had
said to be the kind of philosophy in which the unlearned may indulge with
caution (cawe), the learned with distinction (g/oriose). It becomes obvious
why Minucius has made Caecilius use the word g/oriose in the first place:
Octavius can now turn the g/oriose against Caccilius and use it to designate
the alleged boastfulness and haughtiness or the Academics. This
is certainly no coincidence: it becomes clear that Minucius has designed
Caecilius' speech in such a way as to make it liable to criticism and thus easy
to ''refute" for Octavius'X
1
Octavius' claim that the Christians have obtained what the Academy has
always sought without being able to find it , i.e. the truth. once more confirms
the Christian's incapability to understand what "zetetic" philosophy really is
about- it is the zctetic' s conviction that the search for truth itself is the goal
of philosophy
91
The fact that they argue from incompatible conceptions of
Nat. dear. 1,93: '"Socraten ipsum parentem philosophiae Latino vcrbo ut ens scurram
Atticum fuisse dice bat.
X'l Cf. BEAUJEU 1964, p. XIII.
9ol Cf. V ALGIGLIO 1973, p. 249-250; 255.
9L This also applies to Plutarch (supra : eh. 4. I. A). according to whom the unattainability of
the truth is related, however, to the incarnation of the soul (supra: eh. 4. IV).
M!NUCIUS FELJX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM" 259
truth, has led almost inevitably to this fundamental and fatal misunder-
standing. Ending the quest for knowledge is not even a conceivable option
or goal from the Academic point of viewn.
According to J. BEAUJEU Octavius added Pyrrho to the list of sceptics at
38,5- he is lacking completely from De natura deonmz
93
and above all from
the list Caecilius had dressed at 13,1-3- to make it clear that he challenges
"scepticism" in general and not only Academic scepticism
9
-l. It is clear,
however, that the focus of the text remains on Academism. The mention of
Pyrrho is to be seen rather in the context of the fact that most sources tend
to attribute Arcesilaus' scepticism mainly to the influence of Pyrrho
9
5.
According to Hippolytus' doxography Pyrrho was even the founder of the
sceptical Academy%. What in my opinion underlies BEAUJEU's assertion,
hmvcver, is the a priori conviction that "scepticism" in general was the
"natural opponent" of Christianity.
V. (ACADEMIC) "SCEPTICISM" AND BELIEF
rvtinucius' Caccilius is to a large degree modelled on the Ciceronian Cotta.
Of course, the Academism inherited from Cotta cannot account for the
whole of Caecilius' personality; what has been added is his outspokcnly anti -
Christian attitude (esp. in 8,3-12,7), the portrayal of which appears to be
based chiefly on Tcrtullian's presentation of anti-Christian polemic and on
Fronto's oration against the Christiansn, and possibly also on Celsus'
'A).lJ{}iJ; ).oyo;'JS. The question which concerns us now, however, is to know
whether Caecilius' opinions, as far as they belong to his Academic pedigree,
may be evaluated as consistent.
In Cotta's own opinion, his Academic convictions arc not really in contra-
diction with his function as pontifex maximus and his traditional beliefs. As
an Academic he refutes the Stoic arguments in favour of ( 1) the existence of
In this respect the anonymous commentator on the Theactetus seems to differ from the
1\"cw Academics, subscribing to the '"zctetic" ideal but also considering the possibility of being
able to end the quest successfully: cf. 3.19-21.
93
Neither does he figure in Plut. Adl'. Col.; cf. LEVY 1992. p. 368-369.
'1-l Cf. BEAUJEU 1964, p. 161: '"["addition de ce nom a la liste des Sceptiqucs academiciens,
dressee par Cecilius en 13,1-3, revele nettemcnt le but et les adversaires que l'autcur a en
vuc.' See also BECKER 1967, p. 61: "er fUgt Pyrrhon, den reinen Skeptiker, ein".
9
5 Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. hyp. 1.23-l; Diog. Laert. 4,32-33; Numeniusfrg. 25 DES PLACES 1973,
apud Eus. Pracp. ev. 14,5,12-14; IOPPOLO 1986, p. 3-l-40; LEVY 1992, p. 22-31.
% Phi/os. 23,1 (= DG 572,20-23) : unl] b UlQEOL; <plAOooq:wv ExAJj{)ll 'Axabrv-l(llXl] bta TO
fv nj 'Azubtuti<;t ta; btUTQtBa; (LDtot; rroti:o{)w, (ov ug!;a; 6 OtQQWV, CHp' 01.! 01.!QQOJVElOl
f:r.).ij{)l]OUV q:u.oooq:OL, ti]V CtXCLTClAlJlt'LctV U.rrci.vtwv rrgunoc; ElOlJYUYEV, w; ETrl;(EtQELV de;
EzclTEQa, c'morrat\'fo{}m Cf. GLUCKER 1978, p. 216.
97 Cf. BEAUJEU 1964. p. XXXV.
98 Cf. 1971.
260 CHAPTER 6
gods (De nat. dear. 3,7-19), on (2) the nature of the gods (3,20-64), on (3)
providential intervention in the government of the world'/9, on (4) divine
solicitude for man (3,66-93), and also on divination
100
(3,14-15). but at the
same time, as a pontifex, he admits the existence of gods and their
providence, as it can be seen at work in divination (3,5; 14)tot. There is,
however, no real contradiction involved:
I am considerably influenced by your authority, Balbus, and by the plea that
you put forward at the conclusion of your discourse, when you exhorted me to
remember that I am both a Cotta and a pontiff. This no doubt meant that I
ought to uphold the beliefs about the immortal gods which have come down to
us from our ancestors, and the rites and ceremonies and duties of religion
(quod eo credo wrlebat, w opiniones, quas a nwioribus accepimus de dis immor-
talihus, sacra caerimonias religio111:sque defent!erem). For my part I always shall
uphold them and always have done so (ego 1-ero cas defendam semper
semperque t!efe!llli), and no eloquc:nce of anybody, learned or unlearned, shall
ever dislodgt: me from the bdid as to the worship of the immortal gods which
I have inherited from our forefathers (nee me ex ea opinione, quam a maiaribus
accepi de cu!tu deorum inmortaliwn, ullius unutuam omtio aut docti aut indocti
mmehit). nut on any question of religion (cum de religione agitur) I am guided
hy the high pontiffs, Titus Coruncanius, Puhlius Scipio and Puhlius Scaevola,
not hy Zeno or Ckanthes or Chrysippus: and I have Gaius Laelius, who was
both an augur and a philosopher (augurem ewrdemque sapientem). to whose
discourse upon religion, in his famous oration, I would rather listen than to any
leader of the Stoics.
(/)c nat. dcor. transl. RM"Kif,\\1 llJJJ
Colla's argument can be basically paraphrased as follows: "I believe in the
gods, and always have, as I \vas taught hy my forefathers, based on time-
honoured traditions of the nation to \vhich I belong. Tradition is sufficient
for my belief. Philosophical doctrines, on the other hand, such as the Stoics',
fail to convince me. given also the orientation of my own philosophy, which
distrusts the hubris of reason tm. It is not so that I do not believe in the
existence and providence of the gods, I just don't believe what you Stoics
have to say about them. You adduce a lot of arguments in order to prove that
Lost in a large lacuna at 3.115: cf. MACKENDRICK- LEE SI:"G 1989, p. 179 with note 39 (p.
348-349).
HXJ Sec also Cic. De faro 31-33.
Ill! Cf. V ALGIGLIO 1973, p. 236.
Sec also De nat. dcor. 1,61-62: "itaque ego ipse pontifex, qui caerimonias rdigionesque
publicas sanctissime tuendas arbitror, is hoc quod primum est. esse dcos. persuaderi mihi non
opinione solum sed ctiam ad veritatcm plane velim. [ ... ] quae communia sunt vobis cum
ceteris philosophis non attingam. ut hoc ipsum; placet enim omnibus fere mihique ipsi in
primis deos esse. itaque non pugno: rationem tamen earn quae ate adfertur non satis firmam
puto."
MlNUCIUS fELIX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM"
261
the gods exist, but instead of convincing, your arguing renders doubtful a
matter which in my opinion admits of no doubt at all"
As a matter of fact, the Academics regard their own philosophy as charac-
terised by reverential caution towards the divine and as the only acceptable
attitude, since it is held to protect traditional belief against the exaggerated
rationalistic claims of, among others, the Stoics. The Academic could
perfectly doubt the value of theodicy without being an atheist !Os. Academic
caution allows man to ward off intrusions into the domain of religion, thus
guaranteeing the autonomy of religion Ioo .The Academic could argue that he
escaped the imputations of impiety that every dogmatist was properly bound
to incuri
07
Insofar as Caecilius is a straight heir of Cotta's philosophical stance, his
position has the same consistency. But Minucius has not just let him borrow
arguments from the Academics; by omission of some arguments, selection of
others, and exagg'eration of certain aspects, he has deliberately weakened
Caccilius' position, so that it could be more easily refuted by Octavius- or
so he thought.
Essentially Caccilius' position has remained that of Cotta, and as such
theoretically avoids contradictions. Caecilius challenges (allegedly)
Christian, but often Stoic- and Epicurean-flavoured opinions concerning (1)
the existence and (2) the nature of gods, (3) divine providence on a cosmic
kvel and (4) solicitude for man, and advises caution, while explicitly
accepting the rdigiones traditae, but only as far as ( l) the existence of gods is
concerned as well as (4) their solicitude for man
10
s. The latter two points he
1
" ' Yt\UiiCil.IO ttJ7J. p. 2:.7: 2JS-2Jl) (on Colla's diffen:nt attitudes towards resp. the
existence of gods- "I believe for reasons of tradition"- and divination -"I believe, but
philosophy has to teach me how to interpret given phenomena .. ; cf. De nat. tlcor. 3,14): p. 240-
241 : "Che per Colla (e gli scettici) non foss!.! provvidenza quella voluta dagli stoici [ ... ]. e che
d"altra parte si potessl.! riconosccre la cura d!.!gli dei per certi aspetti dclla vita di un popolo
diligcntc ne! culto degli dei[ ... ] c cosa possibilc e probabilc. Che la divinazione. a sua volta,
ncgata a livcllo filosofico, come prova dc\l"csistcnza e della provvidcnza dcgli dei, quale e
intcsa dagli stoici, polessc, per un'altra via, esserc ammcssa come strumcnto dclla
henC\"Olcnza divina, quale c intcsa da Colla[ ... ]. e cosa altrettanto possibile e probabile."; p.
244: "Cotta. di fronte a\l"agnosticismo religioso della sua filosofia, il quale non gli permetteva
di adcrirc al dogmatismo stoico. coltiva la religione antica del popolo romano. Del res to, il suo
credo religioso non contrasta col suo credo filosofico."
1
').1 Cf. nat. deor. 3,10 (" Adfcrs haec omnia argumenta cur dii sint, rem que mea sentcntia
minime duhiam argumcntando dubiam facis."); 3,15 ("Non igitur adhuc, quantum quidem in
te est. Balbe. intelkgo deos esse; quos equidem credo esse, sed nil docent Stoici."')
1115
Cf. fESTUGIERE li 1949, p. 373; MACKENDRICK- LEE SING 1989, p. 181; BRUNT 1989, p.
192. Sec De nat. dear. 3.44: "haec Carneades aicbat, non ut deos tolleret (quid enim
philosopho minus conveniens). sed ut Stoicos nihil de dis explicare convinceret." It was the
Academics' view that one must not try to prol'e the obvious. Cf. Anon. in Theaet. 70,12-26.
lOt. See, on Plutarch, 1985, p. 39; BABUT 1994c, p. 578-579.
107 Cf. BRU!\"T 1989, p. 194.
ll\'l Cf. YALGIGLJO 1973, p_ .. 246-248. Cf. supra: p. 178.
----.-:'> .. ,; ...
.. . _
. . '"t:"'!::-'
-
'
..
262
CHAPTER 6
-_-:'i-;:}: __
.:: (I
reaffirms on the level of traditional religious practice after h . : :_::J
challenged them in the form in which they had been b . __ :_..._:-.::
. . . . ) l()l(
theology. Academic caution thus protects traditional religion ag the -;,->
absurdities impiously upheld by dogmatic philosophers ( in
) IO<) I c . . -CtStte --
or a superstitious sense . n essence, aec1hus' arguments are suffi
1
-
subtle to be contradiction-free 1 w. Ietent } _
This not Octavius from his opponent's
as "_wavenng and errati_c, and \16,1:. "errantem .;!
lubncam nutassc ) and from accusmg h1m of mconsistency: .. Fof :-}_i.':i:.
he wavered, from m th_e at one moment, to keeping the
open at another ( .. nam m ten m dcos credere, interim se dclih<:rarc{ -
variavit", 16,2). Caecilius is said to find himself again and again "tossed
and fro amid the waves and eddies of conflicting contradictions .. _
According to Minucius, Caecilius' position is thus full of contradictions an-d
untcnable, whereas in fact it is analogous to Cotta'sii2. VALGIGLIO (1973, p.
249-250) has argued that any Christian (of Minucius' time) would inevitably .:->
have regarded Caecilius' (and Cotta's) argumentation as
whereas the Academics argue for the autonomy of the domain of -;:
and fence it off from "rat ionalistic" speculation, the Christian considers ;..; :,. ,,,
religion and philosophy to occupy the same space. To this one may <,.
considerations I have developed concerning the divergent conceptions
- truth and Minucius' incapacity to understand the nature of "zetetics". To this ;'t;r;
also corresponds a different conception of philosophy
1
I
4
: whereas it was
Academics' concern to fence off the domain of religion from rationalistic
intrusions, and to protect religion by affirming its autonomy, stressing
limits of human knowledge, Octavius proclaims the supremacy of
and, more in particular, divine revelation, but implicitly rejects autonomy
Jm Cf. Oct . S.l : "itaquc cum omnium gentium de dis inmortalibus, quamvis incerta sit \-cl :. ;,
ratio vel origo, mane at !amen firma consensio. neminem fero tanta audacia tamquc
inreligiosa qua prudentia tumescentem. qui hanc rcligionem tarn vetustam. tam
tarn salubrem dissolvere aut infirmare nitatur."
110
Pace VoN ALBRECHT p. lfi3: "Ob,iously, the pagan's ideas oscillate_
a_theism an_d practical accepta_ncc of the cults. It is true that thts ___:: __ ._{_t, :.:_--.:_:. ,_:_' .... __: __
1s psychologically probable and even typ1cal of !he mentality of educated people of that _. ,;:;. . .
but nevertheless Octavius needs only to point out this manifest inconsistency in to :c
sure of winning the game." See also BECKER 1967, p. 28: "\Vie Cotta [ ... ] vertntt
Caecilius zwei die im Grunde nicht zu vereinbaren sind.' ' _ . .:
111
16.4 (transl. RENDALL- KERR) : "identidem in contrariis ac repugnantlbus
aestuct, fluctuetur".
112
I consider the Academic point of view to be quite consistent and believe_ that a
understood "scepticism" allows to avoid both superstition and the destructiOn of fa1th,
leave it to the reader to pass a final judgment_ on. the position. _ _ . -
113
See also BECKER 1967. p. 23-25 on an? treat'?ent of
\V1th thanks to Prof. W. EVENEPOEL for h1s enhghtemng suggestions.
MINUCIUS FELIX AND ACADEMIC "SCEPTICISM" 263
philosophy- which, as a matter of fact, had never been claimed by Caecilius
(as an Academic he had no need to claim it). The confusion is this: the
philosopher searches for the truth; Minucius' Christian professes to be the
true philosopher since he possesses truth - through revelation. Revelation
entails that philosophy is ousted from its own domain, that of the search for
truth.
On the other hand, Minucius cannot be completely absolved from the
charge of unfairness towards the Academics. In some instances he
deliberately twists their arguments
115
The author's mauvaise foi not only
shows in the setting and the construction of the dialogue- Minucius' dubious
role as arbiter and the fact that Caecilius has to expound his views first, after
which Octavius gets the opportunity to refute Caecilius' arguments in a
speech approximately three times as long - but also in the portrayal of
Caecilius and the way' his arguments are presented. Caecilius' style appears
to be more rhetorical and more prone to exaggeration than Cotta'sll6. The
course of his arguments is fairly disjointed and marked by abrupt transitions
-in order to suggest a lack of consistency, as may be presumed (or, at least,
it has this eFfect)
117
Also, when Minucius has Caecilius explicitly deny the
possibility of divine providence, he makes him expound a sort of Epicurean
theory, which can indeed be related to the theory of the Epicurean Velleieus
in De natura deorwnlls. This of course makes it more difficult to keep
avoiding contradictions. Furthermore, Caecilius' arguments are sometimes
presented in such a way as to prepare already their refutation. I have already
discussed the addition of gloriose at 13,3, and C. BECK ER ( 1967, p. 37-38) has
shO\vn that Caecilius is already on the defensive with his account of Roman
piety (6,2). As a further example one may point out li'J the way in which the
115
CL VALGIGL!p 1973, p. 249: "In realta Minucio colorisce un po' la tinta scettica del
pensiero ceciliano. piu di faccia Cicerone per Cotta. e cosf aggrava la sua posizione
contradditoria, rcndendola piu difficilmente sanabile. [ .. . ] Minucio non pote o non volle
credere nella conciliabilita dello scetticismo con la rcligione."; p. 250: "Non sembra percio
essere del tutto in buona fede. Per facilitnre il suo compito, si potrcbbe dire che sottnce, con
una certa tendenziosita. le possibili argomenlazioni degli avversari ." V ALGIGLIO is
convinced, however. that the sceptic arguments do not convince either: cf. p. 241 note 18; p.
251. But his balanced judgment is extremely favourable in compnrison with RENDALL's (in
GLOVER - REND ALL- KERR 193 I, p. 307) : "Caecilius in 13 associates himself with the later
school, agnostic in outlook, acquiescing in the superstitions of the illiterate
mul_lltude, while professing polite but sceptical interest in the speculntions and contradictions
of philosophies." See also his evaluation of the tradition defended by the Academics (p.
30:>-306) : "Religion. alike in mythology and ritual , had more and more become a rubbish or
refuse heap of waste products, a store-house for discarded relics of barbarism and of
superstition."
116
Cf. V ALGIGLIO 1973, p. 249 note 31.
117
Cf. BECKER 1967, p. 64. '-. _
118
Cf. BEAUJEU 1964, p. 90; VERMANDER 1971, p. 16 with note 23.
119
Cf. GARTNER 1995, p. 142'note 6.
264
CHAPTER 6
author has Caecilius portray the scepticism of Simonides and compare this
to Cicero's account of the anecdote (De nat. dear. 1,60): Cicero comments
that Simonides was a man of wisdom and learning who had so manv acute
and subtle ideas that he just could not decide which of them \vas truest.
Caecilius (Oct. 13,4), on the other hand, merely says that things became
more and more obscure to Simonidcs as he went on searching for the truth.
The latter brand of scepticism seems to lead to anxiety rather than to
ataraxia. By leaving out Cicero's quite appreciative comment. Caecilius/
Minucius has presented the scepticism of Simonides as totally undesirable.
Minucius clearly wanted to convince his audience or reader that Caecilius'
position was indeed contradictory and that his philosophy has nothing
valuable to offerl2o.
Minucius at the end of his dialogue has Caecilius betray his zctetic" ideal.
The way Caecilius is cast, and his conversion staged, testifies to Minucius'
incapacity to understand what Academic philosophy is about. Philosophy"
has acquired a new meaning and its relation to religion has drastically
changed. On the other hand, the very existence of the Octarius shows that an
Academic-fashioned philosophy still made sense to some of Minucius'
contemporarics
1
2
1
lt is certainly plausible that the author was acquainted
with philosophers who were wont to call themselves Academics. like
Plutarch and Favorinus presumably did some generations earlier.
Jcn Cf. BECKER 1967, p. 69 note 17: "im Gcgcnsatz zu Cotta /eider Caccilius untcr dcm
Zwiespalt zwischen Skepsis und traditioneller Religiositat."
12
1
GARTNER 1995, p. 144-145 believes that Academic philosophy had long disappeared from
the intellectual scene, and accordingly relates attacks to the Pyrrhonists. He also
thinks that Caecilius' arguments are distorted by the fact that they are essentially no longer
Academic but Pyrrhonian. This follows from GARTNER's interpretation of i\ew Academic
philosophy as a form of probabilism (p. 142-144; 146).
CHAPTER 7
AFTER WORD
When studying Platonic philosophy of the Early Empire one must keep in
mind that there is no such thing as a unitarian, monolithic Middle Platonism.
In the absence of a central authoritative institution different types of
Platonism were free to develop. There was no official course which
Platonists were supposed to adopt. This period saw attempts to study Plato's
philosophy systematically, to structure the corpus of his texts . in various
ways, to write commentaries on dialogues, to gather doxographic accounts,
to develop some kind of educational programme for students, and hence to
compile handbooks such as the Didaskalikos. Attempts to free Platonism
from extraneous innuences- Stoic, Aristotelian (cf. Atticus) or sceptic (cf.
Numenius) - coexiskd and interfered with the practice to discuss Platonic
philosophy in terms of the then existent philosophical koine or to explain it
in a Stoic or Peripatetic theoretical framework. In this diversified
philosophical landscape diversity
1
the need to define and legitimate one's
own position was strongly felt. Contrary to the long-held received opinion,
the New Academic legacy was still of some importance in this context of
connicting self-images. New Academic innuence appears to have been
prominent especially in those cases in which Platonists had to define their
position in opposition to Stoics and Epicureans. In order to emphasise their
loyalty to this tradition several Platonists apparently chose to call themselves
Academics: t!Jis was the case for the line Ammonius-Plutarch-Favorinus,
and probably for the philosophers implicitly addressed in the anonymous
commentary on the Tlzcatellts, and perhaps also for some of Minucius Felix's
con tern porarics.
There is no reason to deny the overall "doctrinal" outlook of the phase in
the history of Platonism conventionally designated as Middle Platonism. But
it is another thing to say that it is "dogmatic". Heterogeneous as its traditions
may be, Middle Platonism is generally characterised by attempts to
determine the doctrines of Plato on the basis of a scholarly approach that
combines the systematic use of texts belonging to the Platonic corpus with
the discussion of previous and contemporaneous interpretations2. As we
1
In words ( 1990. p. 89): "la varieta e la diversificazione delle forme assunte dalla
filosofia platonica nei tre .secoli che intercorsero fra la fine dell'Academia e la comparsa dell a
filosofia di Plotino."
266 CH.-\PTER 7
have seen. the nature of this endeavour does not necessarily rule out nor
even conflict with the incorporation of Academic themes and strategies. If
Academism were to be understood unqualifiedly as "scepticism", then there
would indeed be little room for it in Middle Platonism. It should be charac-
terised more properly, however, as an aporetic" or "zetetic" philosophy,
which functioned in an essentially polemical context. As Academic
philosophy did not object to dogmata as such, and moreover insisted on
Platonic themes such as the difference between human and divine cognition
and that between knowledge and opinion, it can no longer be ruled out on a
priori grounds that it exerted some innuencc in later Platonism.
In order to detect traces of New Academism in Platonism after
Antiochus, I have first examined the treatment of two controversial issues in
different authors and texts, \'LZ. the debate about the overall interpretation
of the Theaetetlls and the different views and appreciations of Socrates'
aporetic approach to philosophy. Middle Platonic references to the
Thcaetetus appear to be very often related to the Academic epistemological
debate, and arc closely linked to the problem of the labdling of Plato's
dialogues and their diaeretic classification. The classification system
originated in the context of the epistemological debate and as a reaction
against radically sceptical interpretations of Plato. Not only do these early
classificatory attempts presuppose these controversies, the authors referring
to it (Aibinus, Diogenes Laertius, the author of the Prolcgomma) appear to
be fully aware of this context. Different readings of the Thcaetetus
corresponded to the divergent positions in the debates raised by the New
Academics. This is evidenced in the anonymous Commentary. which clearly
contains traces of competing interpretations of the Tlzeaetctus. and is itself
one of the major texts testifying to the topicality of the Academic
controversy for Middle Platonists. The much later anonymous Prolegomena,
the sources of which presumably date back to the Early Empire. may also be
held to contain evidence of Middle Platonic debates on the interpretation of
the Theactetus and, more generally, of Middle Platonic interest in the
Academic debate.
Socrates is at the center of a second cluster of themes related to New
Academic philosophy: his zetetic, elenctic. and aporetic approach to
philosophy had been the model for Hellenistic Academics. Plutarch's
treatise against Colotes proves that (some) Platonists of his time still felt the
need to defend Socratic-Academic philosophy against its detractors; there is
some plausibility to the thesis that Favorinus as well shared the same
concern. Both the interpretation of the Theaetetus and the appreciation of
Socrates' zetetic conception of philosophy are main concerns of the
I do not claim, of course, that Middle Platonism is unique in this respect.
l
I
1
1
1
1
AFTER WORD 261
anonymous commentary, but also of Plutarch 's first Quaestio Platonica,
which has served as our guideline through Plutarch 's Academism.
The search for truth, with aporia and elenclzos are essential moments, was
central to Plutarch's philosophical enterprise, as has amply been shown by
the references to various texts of his, such as De sera nwninis vindicta, De
!side et Osiride, De genio Socratis , the Pythian dialogues, the polemical
tracts, the essays on Scelenlzeilwzg and many other passages in the corpus.
Plutarch fully espoused the zetetic ideal and combined the Academic and
Platonic awareness of the limits of human knowledge with Platonist
psychology and metaphysics: in order to do so, he made use of the
conception of dual causality and the related antitheses sensible-intelligible
and opinion-knowledge3. Plutarch's references to the Platonic concept of
recollection are inextricably linked to his conviction that the human soul_, by
its very nature, in principle has the aptitude to attain noetic knowledge and
ought to aspire to it.
In the theses ascribed to Plutarch in Damascius' notes on the Plzacdo as
found in codex Marcianus gr. 196 ( = Plutarch, fragments 215-217) anamnesis
was linked in . like fashion to New Academic themes. Traces of a similar
approach, though much less elaborated, may be discerned in the discourses
of his near-contemporary Maximus of Tyre, as can be gathered from the
passages I have referred to in text and notes.
Plutarch's brand of Platonism presumably owes much to the philosophy
of the so-called fourth Academy; this may be inferred from his insistence on
the one-Academy-thesis. his somewhat ambivalent utterances on
and the extensive use he makes of the plausibility concept to accept doctrines
and theories provisionally. Plutarch was also convinced that the Academics
were not- as their detractors would have it- opposed to traditional religion,
but actually protected the faith handed down by the forefathers. For the
Academic thinkers warned against exaggerated (Stoic) claims to knowledge
in the domain of religion, recommended caution and called to mind the
limits of human cognition.
The evidence regarding Favorinus (who was a very prolific author), Galcn
and Epictetus shows that the epistemological debate had not yet lost its
significance for Platonists of the second century A.D. Indeed, Academic
philosophy could still be fashionable in Plutarch's day, and even one or two
generations after him. If Minucius Felix's Octavius may not reveal much
about contemporaneous pagan philosophy, it seems at least to suggest that
Academism was not yet quite outmoded. A topic worth of further study
would certainly be the treatment of Academic philosophy by Christian
3
In this respect, and probably in others as well, Taurus appears to have been quit e close to
Plutarch. OPSG:\IER 1997c. Cf. supra, p. 18.
268 CHAPTER 7
authors- one need only be reminded of St Augustine's Contra Academicos.
However, this would inevitably result in a study of a different nature, and
although the subject matter is quite close to that of the present monograph,
I have decided to reserve this for another occasion.
I have not exhausted the evidence on (New) Academic tendencies in
Middle Platonism. Other interesting information may still be found, more
particularly in some Neoplatonic treatises and commentaries. It may be
worth the effort to examine, for instance, the evidence on some prc-Plotinian
interpretations of the Parmenides-' offered by Proclus in the introductory
paragraphs to his commentary on this dialogue
5
We have seen that the
commentaries on the first Alcibiades contain references to Middk Platonic
discussions which cannot be properly understood if isolated from the
Academic background. In much the same way the Parmcnidcs commentary
seems to me to refer to discussions on the doctrinal and epistemological
value to he attributed to this dialogue. Their context is ckarly the diaeretic
classification. What appears to have been at stake. I think. was the general
interpretation of Platonic philosophy in the aftermath of the epistemological
debate.
Surely Academic tendencies were not omnipresent in 1\l iddk Platonism,
nor were all the Middle Platonists sympathetic to the New Academy and its
legacy. Many Platonists of this period undeniably belong to distinctly
different traditions - some of them hostile to the New Academy. But the
type of Middle Platonism most scholars arc familiar with - H. DORRIE's
Mittc!p!atonisnl/ls one might say - is not just the only type. With this
monograph I have merely reacted against the extremist but still commonly
held thesis that New Academism was totally extinct in ivliddle Platonism.
What I believe to have shown is that there is at kast one Middle Platonic
tradition, represented most prominently by Plutarch, that still attached great
value to the zetetic and aporctic approach. and most probably even claimed
the epithet Academic to stress its adherence to the ideals of the New
Academy, which it considered to belong truly to the genuine Platonic
tradition. These Academic tendencies were not insignificant either. Issues
raised by the New Academy have left clearly detectable traces in the
anonymous commentary on the Theaetetus and in various other texts such as
the Prolegomena and even the Didnskalikos
0
But above all one should refer
4
Cf. GbRLER 199-l, p. 841.
5 Cf. Proclus In farm. I 630,37-635,27; 992.29-994,12; Tlreol. Plat. 1.8-9: In Alcib. 18.9-21:
9,19-10,2. See also Philop. In Anal. pr. 6.19-9.20 ; Galen De Plac. llipp. et Plat. 9.5-7. See C.
STEEL's article Procltts et /'interpretation logiqtte dtt Parmbride, forthcoming in the
proceedings of the International Symposium " Neoplatonism in the ~ i d d l e Ages .. , Corfu 6-
8.10.95.
6 Cf.. e.g .. p. 39.
AITERWORD
269
to Plutarch. Not only is he the best-known Greek author of his age, but by
the standards of his own time
7
he is also a major Platonist philosopher, w.ith
considerable influence on some of his contemporaries. His philosophical
works show that the New Academic zetetic ideal and strategies are not
naturally opposed to more "traditional" metaphysical Platonist themes.
Plutarch continued the tradition of his master Ammonius and passed it on to
the next generation, as his ideal of philosophy could still inspire others. The
"Academic movement" was apparently sufficiently strong and significant to
provoke fierce reactions from the leading Stoic philosopher of the era and
from the philosophically educated physician Galen.
I have shown that it was a viable option for Middle Platonists to
incorporate Academic themes in their interpretation of Platonism, and that
it certainly made sense to determine one's position relative to Academic
views and issues. Middle Platonic doctrine appears not irreconcilable with
Academism. The resulting philosophy is not dogmatic nor sceptic in an
absolute sense, but truly zetetic. Hopefully the present monograph. through
its focus on the significance of the zetctic approach for some Middle
Platonists, will contribute to our search for truth about Middle Pl atonic
philosophy and correct the view that New Academism \vas completely
forgotten. Fortun<ltely, unlike ancient Platonists, we arc not under the
compulsion to establish a unitarian, monolithic interpretation of the history
of Platonism.
7
And why should we aliVays prefer others? Moreover, not to search for historical standards
takes place at the risk ~ f unquestioningly assuming one's own standards to be universal.
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