History Research, ISSN 2159-550X June 2013, Vol. 3, No.

6,423-440

DA VID

PUBLISHING

The Recompositions of Buus(1547)RicercariFrom His Libro primoin Manuscript P-Cug MM 242 and the Didactic Processes of the Friars of the Santa Cruz Monastery in Coimbra.
Filipe Mesquita de Oliveira
Universidade de vora, vora, Portugal

The purpose of this articleis to address the presence of seven recomposed ricercari by Jacques Buus in the Music Manuscript 242 from the Library of the University of Coimbra in Portugal (P-Cug MM 242). These recompositions, probably copied in the third quarter of the 16th century, were made after the previously copied Buuss ricercari in Music Manuscript 48 (P-Cug MM 48) of the same library, which were based on the Libro primo de ricercari a quattrovoci, published in Venice in 1547 by Antonio Gardane. In this paper, the author intend to focus in two main aspects of the research done on this subject. The first topic concerns the score-format of both manuscripts 48 & 242, which testify the instrumental activity in mid-sixteenth century Portugal. The author will demonstrate that this format served once, in the Santa Cruz Monastery in Coimbra, as a didactic tool in the teaching of counterpoint through the music of a northern European master such as Jacques Buus. The copies in the manuscripts were never intended to be used as a performing supportthey contain many errors of vertical coordination between the voices that make the performance impossible. The second topic focuses on Buus recomposed ricercari, which were the object of many cuts, brief recomposed bridges, newly inserted sections, and written glosa figurations. Through these recompositions, the author will describe the theoretic assimilation of formal processes, of style, mode, counterpoint and performing practice. The achievement of this paper is to offer historic musicology researchers a new perspective about the enormous influence that Buus ricercari from his Libro primo had in the learning processes of music composition and in the development of didactic and performing practices in the Santa Cruz Monastery in Coimbra, during the mid-sixteenth century. Keywords: Jacques Buus, P-Cug MM 242, Ricercare, Portuguese instrumental music from the 16h century, Scoreformat manuscripts

Introduction
The music manuscripts 48 & 242 of the Coimbra University Library (P-Cug MM 48 and 242) illustrate the reality of instrumental music in Portugal in the mid-1500s. Comprising copies of motets, songs, madrigals and instrumental pieces drawn from some of the most important Flemish and north-Italian prints of the mid-16th century, both are in score format. One of the most significant aspects of these manuscripts is the fact that they include the ricercarifrom the Libro primo of the Flemish composer Jacques Buus, published in Venice in 1547 by Antonio Gardane. In MM 48, which was copied during the 1550s and 1560s, are copies all ten
Filipe Mesquita de Oliveira, Ph.D., Universidade de vora, vora, Portugal

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ricercariincluded in the print. In MM 242, clearly copied later, already in the third quarter of the 16th century, there is a series of recompositions of seven of these ricercari, made from the copies that appear in MM 48. It was Santiago Kastner who drew attention to the importance of these two twin manuscripts from Coimbra, in the preliminary source study that he made during the 1950s (Kastner, 1950). Not only were there identified Buusricercari, but also a series of works by the Portuguese composer AntnioCarreira, which Kastner called tentos and fantasias. Later on, in the 1990s, British musicologist Owen Rees in his study of the Coimbra polyphonic sources from ca. 1530 to ca. 1620 analysed and reviewed Kastners inventories of music manuscripts 48 and 242, identifying new works and also revising the notes and doing the concordance study of all the works they contain (Rees, 1995). Rees Coimbra source study is still today the reference work in what concerns Portuguese polyphonic practice during the 16th and the early 17th centuries. Two decades later, in the 2010s, the present author in his Phd. Thesis (Oliveira, 2011), identified in the first part of manuscript 242 seven recompositions of Buus ricercari from his Libro primo This important fact was the main topic of the thesis, which focused in the influence of Buus instrumental works in the didactic processes of music composition and performance practice in mid-sixteenth century Portugal. In what concerns the study of Buusricerari, the main source used as a work tool in this paper was the 16th century print of Antonio Gardane:
Recercaridi M. IacquesBuus Organista VenetiaapressodiAntonioGardane, M.D. XLVII. di Santo Marco diVenetia[], Libro Primo, In

Also important as bibliographical references for this study were the works of the various scholars that, in late 19th century and in modern times,started to overview Buus instrumental production. In this respect, it deserves mention the preliminary studies of Wasiliewski (1878) and Riemann (Riemann, 1921). As for the composers biographical data, Hedwig Krauss made the first attempt to summarize it (Krauss, 1926). But it was Gordon Sutherland that, in the 1940s, wrote a paper with a systematic analysis of all of the composers ricercari and its resulting theoretical relevance (Sutherland, 1945). This study is still today a reference in what regards this subject and its results have been summarized later on by WilliApel in his main work on the History of Keyboard Music (Apel, 1972). In what concerns performing practice, Buus Libro primo have been edited in modern notation in open score format by Beecher and Gillingham (Beecher&Gillingham, 1984). It is also important to quote one of the first transcriptions and critical studies of Buus ricercari, namely, Santiago Kastners modern transcription of ricercari 3rd and 4th based in an original organ tablature (Kastner, 1957). Finally, in what regards the study of the Iberian instrumental genres tento and fantasiain relation with the keyboard, it was precisely Santiago Kastner that started its discussion in the two main studies he made, the first in the 1940s (Kastner, 1941) and the second one in the 1970s (Kastner, 1976). Both of them were fundamental working tools in the research process of the present paper. In the Contribuicin al estudio de la msicaespaola y portuguesa, Kastner treated early keyboard music in the Iberian peninsula. This topic was later on circumscribed to the keyboard tentoin the Origenesy Evolucin del Tiento para Instrumentos de Tecla, a study which presented the historical development of the genre in what concerns, both its composers and its structural, formal and stylistic characteristics. It was Kastner who also drew attention to the importance of AntnioCarreira, the leading 16th century Portuguese organ composer, in the first discussion of the two twin Coimbra sources (Kastner, 1950). As he pointed out when he analysed and published some of this composers

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tentos and fantasias(Kastner, 1969), it is not known what organ music in Portugal was like before Carreira, and which composers had influenced him and in what terms. This two Kastners main studies together with another one focussing in three Portuguese composers (AntnioCarreira, Manuel Rodrigues Coelho and Pedro de Arajo) (Kastner, 1979), were our bibliographic basis in what regards the study of Carreirastentos and fantasias. Following Kastners research on this subject, the present author wrote recently an article focussing on Carreirastentos and fantasias(Oliveira, 2013). The purpose of this paper is to address the presence of seven recomposed ricercari by Jacques Buus in the Music Manuscript 242, to study the didactic processes of the friars of the Santa Cruz Monastery in Coimbra, and to relate the Flemish composers ricercari with AntnioCarreiras keyboard music. Focussing on two topics, the score-format of both manuscripts 48 & 242and Buus recomposed ricercari, which were the object of many cuts, brief recomposed bridges, newly inserted sections, and written glosa figurations, the main objective of this paper is to offer historic musicology researchers a new perspective about the enormous influence that Jacques Buushad in the musical learning processes and performing practices of the Coimbra crzios in mid-sixteenth century Portugal.

Instrumental Music Practicein Portugal During the 16th Century

During the 1500s, the practice of instrumental music in Portugal was centred on the liturgy, whether doubling polyphonic vocal repertoire, or acquiring autonomy little by little within the same liturgy.The Monastery of Santa Cruz (the Holy Cross) in Coimbra was in this respect an important centre for instrumental performance.There survive various written references to the participation of musical instruments in the liturgical ceremonies, above all the organ.Ernesto Gonalves de Pinho, in his study on the musical activity of the Monastery (Pinho, 1981), cites a number of chroniclers who opined on instrumental practice.One of them is the recorder of the visit made by King John III in 1550 to the Monastery of Santa Cruz, who notes the following with regard to the four organs that were played simultaneously at the Kings entrance, The great organ, the regal, another royal instrument and the claviorgan... all made an agreeable music and harmony(Pinho, 1981).The Iberian organ verso for psalms and canticles in the mid-16th century already testifies to the practice of instrumental music within the liturgy.In discussing Iberian instrumental practice in the 16th century, Klaus Speer mentions the role of the organ in alternatim practice as part of the liturgy, specifically the verset, referring to the Obras de msica by Antnio de Cabezn, published by his son Hernando in 1578 as proof of this fact(Speer, 1958).In a later study, in discussing musical practices current in the context of liturgy in Spain in the 17th century, and based on a number of sources of the time (CeroneEl melopeo y maestro and NasarreEscuelamsica,amongst others), Bernadette Nelson continued research into the integration of the verso for organ into psalms and canticles by means of alternatim performance (Nelson, 1994).The longer moments during which the clergy moved from one place to another were also accompanied by instrumental music.In discussing the particularities of the situation in Spain in the 15th and 16th centuries, Kenneth Kreitner emphasized, apart from the organ, the presence of groups of instrumentalists in the performance of sacred music, whether in processions or inside the cathedral. During the course of the 16th century various instrumental ensembles were established in some of the main Spanish cathedrals (Seville, Toledo, Huesca and others).In many cases in his study, Kreitner stresses the important roles of the winds (shawms, sackbuts, recorders, curtails,and other instruments)(Kreitner, 1992).

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Music Manuscripts 48 & 242-The Instrumental Works of Jacques Buus and AntnioCarreira
In what regards the research on music manuscripts 48 and 242 from Coimbra Library, through the study of concordances and copying processes, Owen Rees has been able, in many cases, to locate the prints that were used for many of the pieces that were copied in both of them (Rees, 1995).The Table 1 gives a list of the chief prints used by the copyists in manuscripts 48 and 242, based on Rees(1995)work (see Table 1). Table1 List of Some of the Main Prints Used in the Copying of MM 48 and MM 242
Netherlandish publications Publisher Date MM 48 Susato 1546 1546 1554 1554 1555 1555 1547 1547 [1556] [1556] Italian publications Publisher Date 1539 Gardane 1547 Scotto 1543 Spanish publications Publisher Date

MM 242

Phalse Susato Waelrant &Laet

Dorico

1553 1553

Juan de Len

1555

In what concerns music manuscript 242, the recomposed versions of Buusricercari from his Libro primoare interspersed with tentos and fantasias by the Portuguese composer AntnioCarreira and tientos by Antnio de Cabezn.As regards MM 242, it was Kastner who chose and applied both terms to the several pieces attributed to Carreira transcribed and published in his Antologia de organistas. The reasons for this terminological difference are underlined in this edition, in which he explains his method of transcription, noting that, for a period of time, he believed in the difference between the two genres, pointing out that the tento was a polythematic genre and the fantasia a monothematic one. However, later, as a result of further research on 16th century iberian instrumental sources, he rejected this distinction, arguing that, as regards keyboard music: the Fantasia and the Tento are nearly always the same thing (Kastner, 1969).Later, in discussing this same subject, Almonte Howell Jr. raised the question of performance, arguing that:
There is in fact no essential structural difference between the works called fantasia by Sancta Maria and tiento by other keyboard composers: perhaps the difference in terminology arose from whether the work was a model for improvisation or a composition to be played as written. (Howell, 1967)

It should also be borne in mind that there are no stylistic and formal differences between the tiento and the fantasia in the instrumental works included in VenegassLibro de Cifra. In fact, this distinction is only made in the titles of the works, given that in Venegass book the term fantasia is always associated with the term vihuela (fantasia de vihuela) (Angls, 1984).It should be noted the attribution of some of the works in MM 242to specific composers is problematic, given the abbreviated forms of the authors names found at the beginning of them. That is to say, in only four cases in which the name Carreira,or its convincing abbreviated form, is given (A car; carreira; Acarreira) do we know that these pieces are by the Portuguese composer (see Table 2). The others have merely ca or A. c., which couldapply to either AntnioCarreiraor Antonio de Cabezn. Only once, through concordance, is it certainly known that a work is by Cabezn(piece n 13see

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Table 2), since it appears also in HenestrosasLibro de Cifra Nueva attributed to Antonio (Antonio de Cabezn). All the instrumental pieces in the initial part of MM 242 associated with the abbreviations ca or ac therefore deserve further analytical study.As a result of his analytical studies of the music, Kastner suggested that, with the exception mentioned above, all the works with the inscription ca were very probably by AntnioCarreira. In his study and edition of the music he even attributed some of them to this composer (Kastner, 1969).In 1992, through the study of Carreiras family genealogy Rui Vieira Nery established the difference between three composers with the name AntnioCarreira. In the first place there is AntnioCarreira, O Velho, supposedly the composer under discussion. Then there is Frey AntnioCarreira, his son, and AntnioCarreiraMouro, O Moo, supposedly O Velhos nephew (Nery, 1992).Finally, Joo Pedro dAlvarenga has discussed the attributions to the two Carreiras, father and son, based on a set of sacred vocal polyphonic works in the manuscript source Livro de S.Vicente (P-Lf FSVL 1P/H-6)(Alvarenga, 2005).Further comparative analysis of these works could throw much light on the question of authorship. Table 2 Works by AntnioCarreirasWith the InscriptionCa/A.cin MM 242 and Authorship Attributions by Rees and Kastner1
Folios 5v-6 6-7v 7v-8v 8v 9-9v 9v-10 10-11v 11v-12v 12v-3 13-13v 14-14v 15-6 16-18 28v-9 29-29v 29v-30v 30v-31v 31v 39v-40v 40v N* 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 23 24 25 26 27 34 35 Ca. Ca. Ca Ca. Ca Ca Segunda Fantasia a Quatro de 8 Tom Fantasia a Quatro em L-R Quarto Tento a Quatro em Sol Outro Tento a Quatro de 8 Tom sobre um Tema de Cano Fantasia a Quatro em R Terceira Fantasia a Quatro de 8 Tom Fantasia a Quatro de 1 Tom Inscription in ms. A. car. Ca. Ca. A. c. sobrec que la lavarej Work title given by Kastner Authorship attribution by Rees AntnioCarreira attrib. Carreira attrib. Carreira Authorship attribution by Kastner AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira docego(Cabezn?) AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira Antnio de Cabezn Carreira? AntnioCarreira Carreira? Carreira? attrib. Carreira attrib. Carreira attrib. Carreira attrib. Carreira attrib. Carreira attrib. Carreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira

Tento a Quatro em F Primeiro Tento a Quatro em Sol Segundo Tento a Quatro em Sol Tento a Quatro sobre o Vilancico attrib. Carreira Conqu la lavar Primeira Fantasia a Quatro de 8 Carreira AntnioCarreira Tom secunda pars da salve docego(Cabezn?) Ca. Tento a Quatro em R attrib. Carreira Ca Terceiro Tento a Quatro em Sol attrib. Carreira Ca Tento a Quatro de 2 Tom attrib. Carreira Ca. Tiento a cuatro de primero tono Antnio de Cabezn Cano Cano a Quatroglosada Tento a Quatro sobre um Tema de Ca. attrib. Carreira Cano

1 The numbering (*) and authorship attributions (Rees) are from the Inventory by Owen ReesRees, Polyphony in Portugal 326-337; the authorship attributions (Kastner) and title attributed are from the Inventory by Santiago KastnerKastner, Los Manuscritos Musicales ns 48 y 242 de la Biblioteca General de la Universidad de Coimbra in Anuario Musical V (1950), 87-93.

428 (Table 2 continued) Folios 111v 112 112v-3 113-4 114v-5 131-4 135-6v 139v 140 140-40v No. 117 118 119 120 121 140 141 147 148 149

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Inscription in ms. A. carreira Ave Maria Sextitoni. A. car. Ca Quartus tonus. ca.

Authorship attribution Authorship attribution by Rees by Kastner Fantasia a Quatro de 4 Tom Carreira? Tento com CantusFirmus a Cinco AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira Ave Maria, a Quatro Carreira? Work title given by Kastner Sexti Toni, Fantasia a Quatro Tento a Quatro de 7 Tom atrib. Carreira QuartusTonus, Fantasia a Quatro atrib. Carreira AntnioCarreira AntnioCarreira Carreira? AntnioCarreira Carreira? AntnioCarreira Carreira? Carreira?

The Score-Format and the Function of Music Manuscripts 48 & 242

The function of these two Coimbra manuscripts in score format is one of their most intriguing aspects.Both Kastner and Rees, in their respective studies, and also Bernadette Nelson, have made suggestions in this regard(Kastner, 2005). The opinions of Kastner and Rees are different, in that the former erroneously took into account the possibility of performing the music from the manuscripts, while the latter rejects this, considering instead that they were made for the purpose of study.Although they do not refer specifically to musical performance, Kastners words on this subject imply a practical purpose for the score:The whole book is in organ score format, with four or more staves, in accordance with Spanish and Portuguese use. Both this book and the other one contain works already known from their printed tablature versions, which leads one to suppose that the musicians at Santa Cruz preferred, perhaps for ease of reading, the music to be in organ score rather than tablature. It is a merely practical question as to whether one finds the simultaneous reading of four or five different clefs easier than that of tablature with its dots and dashes2. For his part, Owen Rees points out the imprecision in the copying of both manuscripts, a fact that makes the instrumental performance of these works unviable: Study of the vocal transcriptions in MM 242 and MM 48 suggests, however, that the scribes who copied them did not have performance in mind. Quite simply, a great deal of the music in the two books is copied in so inaccurate a fashion as to make the copies all but useless to a player. Very often the scribes committed rhythmic errors, as a result of which the parts are unsynchronised, often for substantial sections of a piece. Further than this, the way in which the principal scribe reacted to such errors when he noticed them provides clear evidence regarding his concerns-which were certainly not those of a keyboard player-while compiling the books(Rees, 1995). For her part, following Rees path and as a result of her study on the chansons of Crecquillon and Clemens non Papa, Nelson reinforced even more the study aspect of these two sources, based on the importance that Franco-Flemish models had in the formal and stylistic assimilation of the music by the friars.As I will show further on, the didactic conception of Rees and Nelson are complemented by the possibilities I will suggest, arising from the fact that a large part of this study of form and language is based
Kastner, Los Manuscritos Musicales, 80 Todo el libro est en partitura de rgano a cuatro o ms pautados, segnusanzaespaola y portuguesa. Tanto este tomo como el otrocontienen obras que yaconocemos de suversinen cifra impresa, lo que nos hacesuponer que los taedores de Santa Cruz preferan, quiz para mayor comodidad de lectura, la solfa en partitura corriente de rgano a la tabladura de cifra. Es una mera cuestin de prctica encontrar ms fcil la lecturasimultnea de cuatro o cinco claves distintas que la de la cifra con sus puntos y rasguillos.
2

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onthericercari of BuusLibro primo. It is first necessary to consider the relationship between score format and the idea of the study of counterpoint in the 16th century.One of the musicologists who worked most on this subject was Edward Lowinsky, especially in his two essays On the Use of Scores by Sixteenth-Century Musicians(Lowinsky, 1948)and Early Scores in Manuscript (Lowinsky, 1960).Beginning from the research carried out by Otto Kinkeldey(1968), Lowinsky points out the fact that the use of score format was a relatively usual practice during the 16th century, intended principally for study (Lowinsky, 1948). To this may also be added the fact that the gradual freeing of musical composition from the use of a cantus priusfactus, allowing the use of free counterpoint, made the task of the composer, while usingcartelle (erasable tablets), much more difficult (Owens, 1997) 3 , indispensable for the composition of polyphony as they had been.In fact, imitative counterpoint in the absence of a cantus priusfactus is not so obvious a procedure, in that a reference melody as a basis is lacking.If, on the other hand, the voices are arranged in score format, it is much easier for the composer to relate vertically the imitative points.As Lowinsky pointed out, this method was also used, both as a means for the exercise of compositional techniques, or as a transitional phase, preceding the intavolatura, or as a help in musical direction (Lowinsky, 1948). Its function was, thus, similar to that of a study score.Nevertheless, all the copies in both the manuscripts from Coimbra contain numerous errors of all kinds, most of them arising from the incorrect vertical alignment of the voices, which makes performance from them impossible. As we observed, many copies are truncated or contain indications that the copyists include as they continue their work.The fact that they were intended for study and the desire to intervene directly in the compositions being copied is clear.From our research, this occurs above all in the seven ricercari by Buus, which are recomposed in the first part of MM 242.

The Recompositions of Seven RicercariFrom the libro primoby Jacques Buus in Music Manuscript 242
It is important to note, as aone of our research results, that not all the ricercari from the Libro primo are recomposed in MM 242.Of the ten extant in MM 48 and which make up the entirety of Gardanes original publication, only seven appear in the second source, namely ricercari nos. I, II, IV, VI, VIII, IX, and X, there being no obvious reason for only these having been copied.Indeed, whether motivically or modally, there are no real differences between the three ricercari, nos. III, V, and VII, which are not recomposed, and the other seven which are. The positioning of these seven ricercari is another matter of note.It should be borne in mind that these works are found amongst the first 21 copied in MM 242, a source that, according to Reess inventory (Rees, 1995), includes 266 pieces.As we observed, there isa didactic character in these copies and recompositions, found at the beginning of the manuscript. In reality, MM 242 is a kind of laboratory of musical experiments, especially as regards the learning of counterpoint and the theoretical assimilation of the stylistic rules concerning instrumental performance.
3

Jessie Ann Owens, Composers at Work-The Craft of Musical Composition 1450-1600 (New York-Oxford, 1997), 75-77: A working definition of a tablet is an object with a smooth surface on which something can be written and then erased. The terms for the tablets give valuable clues about their appearance While some are simply called tablets (tablets, tabella, tavola, tabula), others are known by their substance (ardoyse, schiffer stein, slate) or by the property of erasability. Lippius term (later used also by Walther) was palimpsestuscompositorius; a palimpsest is a surface from which the original writing has been erased and new writing added. In fact, all of the surviving tablets with either blank staves or musical notation are made of stone, specifically slate.

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Another important result arising from this investigation has to do with the possibility of knowing which source was used in order to make the copies of the ricercari in MM 242.It is very probable that it was MM 48, through certain data that may be further refined, especially a particularity of the copy of the RicercareOttavo.In MM 242, in the first system of f.23v in the first bars of the piece, recomposing the music and preparing for a cut of 10 bars which occurs already in bar 9, the copyist transferred the beginning of the Tenorvoice to the Altus(see Figures 1 and 2, pp. 10-11).

Figure 1.MM 48, f.70r (beginning of Ricercareottavo).

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Figures 2.MM 242, f.23v (beginning of the recomposition of Ricercareottavo).

This is, therefore a piece whose recompositionoccurs right from the beginning, with a section cut from bar 9 (see Figures 1 and 2).

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Figure 1.Ricercareottavo: MM 48, original version, bb. 1-19 (beginning, with excised section between bold bar lines)

Figure 2.Ricercareottavo: MM 242, recomposed version, bb. 1-9 (beginning, with the point of excision indicated by a bold bar line)

A similar process, related to the recomposition of the opening part of the ricercareterzo, occurs in MM 48. This fact reinforces the argument that MM 242 was very probably copied from MM48 and not from the print, in separate parts.Owen Rees analysed it in detail. Ricercareterzo being found at ff. 77r-79v of MM 48, it is curious to note that it was at the end of this last folio that the copyist proceeded to attempt his recomposition of the beginning of the work.It would seem, to judge by similar facts, that he did so on the basis of its previous copy in score format. This reinforces the argument that MM 48 was with great probability the source for the

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recompositions of Buusricercari extant in MM 242 (Rees, 1995). As occurs in the remaining six ricercari by Buus in MM 242, the version of the Ricercareottavo is a truncated variant, abbreviated and with recomposed sections, as may be seen by comparison with the original version found in MM 48.We may thereforesuggest that the versions found in MM 242 arose from copies made on the basis of MM 48 that were in the meantime cut and recomposed so as to shorten them.This hypothesiscan also be supportedby the didactic function associated with both manuscripts. Let us now look at the recompositions of the ricercari in MM 242, which, in different ways, are the object of two kinds of alterations with regard to the originals copied in MM 48.It should be noted immediately that none of these seven pieces is found in MM 242 in exactly the same version as in MM 48, all of them being modified essentially in order to shorten their duration.The two kinds of changes are added written glosas, and cuts and recomposed small sections.As far as glosas are concerned, the instrumental character of the manuscript is immediately confirmed by them.However, this is not a performing manuscript, taking into account the occasional vertical misalignment of the parts, which obviously precludes their performance from the manuscript.But the glosa, which is written and is in itself an essential point worthy of analysis, does not attempt to cover the entire musical discourse, but occurs occasionally as an instruction to counterpoint students concerning the stylistic nature of a hypothetical instrumental performance of the music.In spite of the impossibility of instrumental performance directly from these manuscripts, one cannot ignore the fact that the art of the glosa is, essentially, evidence of the complementary nature of composition/study and performance4. Stylistically, the written glosa follows the theoretical-practical precepts of some of the main 16th-century Iberian musicians and theoreticians, such as Fray Juan Bermudo (1555), LuysVenegas de Henestrosa (1557), Fray Thomas de Sancta Maria (1565), and Diego Ortiz (1553). In general terms, according to this theoretical corpus, in an instrumental performance the glosa should be distributed in a measured fashion, without exaggeration, in order not to alter excessively the original musical text.And in the specific case of Bermudo, the practice of glossing is expounded in theory with several restrictions, such as it only being able to gloss old works as a way of lightening their antiquity.
El taedor sobre todas las cosastengaunaviso: y es, que al poner la Musica no heche glosas, sino de la manera que esta puntado: se ha de poner. Si la Musica de la leyvieja por supesadumbre avia menester glosar: la de estos tiempos no tienenecessidad.(Ortiz, 1553)

The author even adds that glossing works by composers of his time, such as Morales or Figueroa, would be the daring act of an ignorant or mediocre person wishing to correct that which it is not possible to correct.
No se yo como puede escapar untaedor (poniendo obras de excelentes hombres) de mal criado, ygnorante, y atrevido: si las glosa. VieneunChristobal de Morales, que es luz de Espaaen la Musica, y un Bernardino de Figueroa, que es nico enabilidades, y sobre estudiogastanmuchotiempoencomponerun motete, y uno que no sabe canto llano (porque un dia supo poner las manosen el organo) se lo quiereenmendar.
5

As we observed, MM 242 provides us, then, with written instructions that allow the scribe to exercise
4

Nelson, The Chansons of Thomas Crecquillon and Clemens non Papa, 176: This process of intabulation and ornamented adaptation would have continued to have existed as an essential part of the keyboard players training schedule, influencing both his compositional and his improvisatory practices. 5 I do not know how a performer, playing the works of excellent men, could not be called rude, ignorant and daring if he varies them. There is Cristobal de Morales, who is the light of Spain, or Bernardino de Figueroa, who stands alone in skill, and they work for a long time on the composition of a motet, and someone comes along not knowing chant (because one day he decided to play the organ) and decides to amend them.[RISM, 1555] f. Lxxxiiii v.

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himself in the secrets of musical composition.On the other hand, these instructions suggest what the stylistic processes in instrumental performance would have been. In particular, in the context of these ricercari by Buus, the occurrence of examples of written glosas is tiny if we take into account the huge length of the works.One might, without stretching very far, interpret this restraint on the part of the scribe as the slow blossoming of a course of study in strict observance of the precepts put forward by the theoreticians.In analysing the various stylistic types of glosa over the course of these works, one stands out,the most common (see Figure 3).It is a rhythmic figuration in smaller note values (quarter-notes) which is variation on a melodic progression by conjunct steps.

Figure 3.Ricercareottavo: system from the left: MM 48, original version, b. 57; system from the right: MM 242, recomposed version, b. 47 (glosavariation by conjunct steps)

This is one of the most basic glosa formulas proposed by Sancta Maria (1565).It is also found repeatedly, whether in the glosados and other works of the Libro de cifranueva, or in the style of writing in the pieces in the Obras de msicaby Antonio de Cabezn(1578).Another glosatype that occurs in these copies is the ascending melodic progression to join two notes at the distance of a perfect fourth or a perfect fifth (see Figure 4, p. 13).

Figure 4.Ricercareottavo: system from the left: MM 48, original version, bb. 607-608; system from the right: MM 242, recomposed version, bb. 360-361 (glosaperfect 5th in an ascending melodic progression) There occur at times in the copies of the ricercari, though far less, examples of glosas of greater extension, covering two, three or even more bars. This is always an exception to the rule which nonetheless shows how aware the scribe was of extended glosa formulas as a basic principal of instrumental performance (see Figure 5, p. 17).

Many of the examples of glosas in these recompositions are found within cadences, once again with the same stylistic formats proposed by Sancta Maria in his Arte de taer fantasia(see Figure 6, p. 17). With regard to the cuts made in the versions of Buusricercariin MM 242, we noticed that they increase as the pieces are copied from MM 48 (see Table3, p. 18).

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Figure 5.Ricercaredecimo: upper system: MM 48, original version, bb. 112-114; lower system: MM 242, recomposed version, bb. 105-106 (glosa)

Figure 6.Ricercarenono: upper system: MM 48, bb. 37-9; lower system: MM 242, bb. 37-39 (glosa within a cadence)

Table3 Position of the Copies in MM 242, Cuts and Composed and Recomposed Bars
Ricercare Nono Decimo Primo Secondo Quarto Ottavo Sexto Number (in Rees Inventory) 3 16 17 18 19 20 21 folios ff. 3r-5r ff. 16r-18r ff. 18v-20r ff. 20r-21v ff. 21v-23v ff. 23v-25r ff. 25r-26v n. bb. MM 48 381 497 454 517 437 639 645 n. bb. MM 242 387 463 348 380 334 392 339 n. cuts 0 2 1 5 4 12 11 Total of bb. cut 0 50 115 143 111 258 314 Total of bb. composed & recomposed 6 16 9 6 8 11 8

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THE RECOMPOSITIONS OF BUUSSRICERCARI FROM HIS LIBRO PRIMO

There are two types of changes which were undertaken.First of all, the bars cut (with the exception of ricercarenono, all the remaining ricercarihavebars cutsee Table 3). On the second hand, there is the smaller number of bars composed and recomposed during the course of these seven copies (see Table 3). If we look at the column with the total number of bars of the versions in MM 242, we may see that there is a relative uniformity amongst the five final ricercari(Primo, Secondo, Quarto, Ottavo, &Sexto), which average 359 bars in length (see Table 3).Now this fact shows that from the third copy made onwards, the copyist had already assimilated a more or less standard size of come 350 bars, which he would maintain as a guide to the resizing of the remaining works. It is also important to remember that the number of bars cut is greater in the copies of longer pieces, such as, for example, the Ricercariottavo and sexto(see Table 3). In four ricercari(Quarto, Ottavo, Nono andDecimo)the copyist respected its original structural divisionsas far as the number of sections is concerned, as can be seen, for example, in the comparison between the version ofRicercareOttavoin MM 48 and itsrecomposition in MM 242 (see Tables 4 and5). Table 4 Cercareottavo, MM 48, ff. 70r-73v Tonal type: -c1-F
Section I II Bars 142 232 Motives A A inv. Cadences C(C, c) F (F, f) C(C, c) D(D) F (F, f) C( c) D(d) F (F) C(C, c) F (F) C(C) D(D) F (F) G (g)

III IV

328 469

BeC C augm., D e E

639

FeG

Table 5 cercareottavo, MM 242, ff. 23v-25r Tonal type: -c1-F

Section I II III IV Bars 102 172 235 290 Motives A A inv. BeC E Cadences C(C, c) F (F, f) C(C, c) F (F) C( c) F (F) C(C) F (F) C(C) D(D) F (F) G (g)

392

FeG

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Finally, as one of our last research data, one must also take into account the smaller number of bars that were composed during the course of the making of these seven copies, in comparison with the rather large number of bars that were cut (see Table 3).The nature of these recomposed passages is very clear.They are short bridges placed in a cut point, joiningtwo excerpts of music.They also merit analytical attention.In the first place it is important to note their clearly instrumental quality, an undeniable characteristic, already present in the only composed section of the Ricercaredecimo(see Figure 7).

Figure 7.Ricercaredecimo, MM 242: recomposed version, bb. 65-80 (composed section).

One notes the figurative rhythmic articulation in crotchets,which contrasts with a musical discourse that develops uniformly on the basis of a minim-based tempo. The semibreve tactuswith a rhythmic movement regulated by the minim is, moreover, a characteristic common to the 10 ricercari of BuusLibro primo.If one takes into account the stylistic question, one notes that this section is a bridge of notably instrumental characteristics, originating from someone who, in composing it, was thinking of the practical aspect of its performance, leaving implicit a rhythmic articulation prefiguring the glossed style.One may also state that, as Rees noted in relation to the greater part of the compositional processes of the copyists of MM 48 and 242, the grasp of counterpoint displayed is poor, resulting in some serious errors (Rees, 1995).For example, in the first two beats of bar 31 of the recomposed version of the Ricercaresexto, there are parallel fifths between the Superius and the Altus.This error in counterpoint in the small recomposed bridge passage of only three bars bb. 30-32 is the more serious in that the two lower voices stop in bar 31, resulting in greater prominence for the parallel fifths (see Figure 8). Others amongst the basic characteristics of the compositional stance of the copyist have to do with his position as a student with regards to the pieces by Buus.In this regard, he does not only insert original material, but also recomposes and repeats certain bars which are, therefore, used again.Such a situation occurs, for

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THE RECOMPOSITIONS OF BUUSSRICERCARI FROM HIS LIBRO PRIMO

example, in the only addition to the final part of the Ricercarenono(see Figure 9).

Figure 8.Riceraresexto, MM 242: recomposed version, bb. 30-32 (parallel fifths).

Figure 9.Ricercarenono: MM 242: recomposed version, bb. 369-376 (composition, recomposition and repetition).

Note that the sub-section between bars 375 and 377 of the insertion between bars 372 and 377 is a repeated version with a recomposed bar (375) of the three bars immediately preceding the cut, that is, bars 369-371 (see Figure 9).

Conclusions
Music Manuscripts 48 & 242 are living testimonies of instrumental practice in Portugal during the mid-sixteenth century. All the aspects considered in this analysis of the compositional processes reinforce the very particular identity of these manuscripts, i.e., its functions as written records of the consolidation of instrumental formal models on the basis of the intensive copying of polyphonicworks.The ricercariof theLibro primo(1547) of Jacques Buusare precisely at the centre of this process. Copied all ten ricercari in manuscript 48, and seven of them recomposed in the first part of manuscript 242, they served as models for both, the music composition learning processes and performing practice didactic, of the friars of the Santa Cruz Monastery in Coimbra.Buus recomposed ricercari are also related to the development of the Portuguese keyboard tento and fantasia(as Kastnerwould christen these works) testified by the instrumental works of AntnioCarreira, the leading Portuguese organ composer of the 16th century. In particular, manuscript 242 is also a living witness to the use of score format as a didactic tool, by means

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of which sections were cut from works, small excerpts recomposed and written variations added. In this sense, MM 242 reinforces the knowledge we have today about the use of the score format during the 16th century as a study support for composition, music theory and instrumental performing models, and not a written tool which could be used as a direct instrumental performing support. The vertical unsynchronised alignment of the parts of several pieces in these manuscripts testifies to this idea, given the fact that, as a result,keyboard performance would be practically impossible to achieve. Finally, the seven recomposed versions of Buusricercari from his Libro primo in the first part of MM 242, served as a kind of experimental composition laboratory. Following the theorists precepts, principally Bermudo and Sancta Maria, the friar(s) applied glosa patterns to these recomposed sections, as well as reduced the gigantic size of the original ricercari, turning them more close to the keyboard tentodimensions. The short bridges they composed are stylistic exercises in bringing together different sections of music and examples of the use of pre-existent music material. Continued research into the content and specificity of the function of music manuscripts 48 &242 will certainly bring to light in the future new facts, essential for the study of instrumental music in Portugal during the 16th century.

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