Fortifications and Settlement Organization: An Example from Pre-Roman Italy Author(s): Maurizio Gualtieri Source: World Archaeology, Vol.

19, No. 1, Urbanization (Jun., 1987), pp. 30-46 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124497 . Accessed: 31/03/2014 12:27
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Archaeology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

and organization: an

Fortifications

settlement

example

from

pre-Roman Italy
Maurizio Gualtieri

Introduction Until very recently the later Iron Age of central and southern Italy has been characterized by an almost complete lack of settlement studies. This is all the more remarkable when one thinks of the growth of interest in the pre-Roman populations of the hinterland of the Italian peninsula (e.g. Salmon 1967) and the study of native culture change under the influence of the Greek colonial cities, on one hand (e.g. Atti Taranto 1961; 1971) and the Etruscans on the other (Mansuelli 1979; Pallottino 1971). Among possible explanations for this state of affairs, one may consider the scholarly emphasis on cemetery archaeology and the typological study of the artefacts recovered, strongly rooted in Italian Iron Age studies (Ridgway and Ridgway 1979) together with the priority which has been traditionally given to the study of Greek and Roman cities. A second, fundamental reason may have been an excessive reliance on written texts, both historical/geographical, (occasionally including some ethnographic remarks) and epigraphical (Champion and Megaw 1985: 2), with no corresponding efforts, on the archaeological side, to verify types of settlement, economic organization and landscape reconstruction. When such a situation is compared with the study of the same period in central and western Europe (late Hallstatt/early La Tene), not surprisingly outside of the academic boundaries of Classical Archaeology, inevitably the disparity in both availability of data and theoretical elaborations is outstanding (Collis 1981; Crumley 1974; Cunliffe 1976b). At the same time, it is rather discouraging to see that, with rare exceptions (Peroni 1982; 1983; Sereni 1970: 121; Studi sulla cittd antica 1971: 319-99), no structural comparisons are ever made with the better documented and more broadly studied process of settlement change which affects various areas of central and western Europe in the later Iron Age. Yet, it would seem natural to discern structural principles in this transformation that may be used in a comparative sense, if one does not underestimate the undeniable geographical and cultural differences existing between the two areas. However, it would not be difficult to find exceptions to this simplified picture. Indeed, topographic studies on a regional scale, attempting to verify models of settlement organization are not missing (La Regina 1968). As a result, the generalized view of empty hill-forts, serving a sparse rural population based on Livy's accounts (IX, 13, 7; X, World Archaeology Volume 19 No. 1 Urbanization $1.50/1

R.K.P. 1987 0043-8243/87/1901/30

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

and settlement an examplefrom pre-RomanItaly 31 organization: Fortifications 45, 14; XXI, 33, 11; Cristofani1978:93-94; Salmon1967:50-53 and 79), in manycases strengthenedby the traditionalpostulateof a pastoraleconomy for many of the inland areas, has been questioned and become the stimulusfor specificanalysesof individual sites or micro-regions(Colonna 1955; 1962: 87-99; De Benedittis 1977; 1980; Van Wonterghem, 1981; 1984). Most often, however, the main focus has been on the fortifications themselvesand theirtopographic for the centralItalian setting,particularly areas(ContaHaller 1978;Cremonesi1966;Mattiocco1981),whilstfor the Lucanianand Bruttian territories greater emphasis has been put on chronology and construction techniques (Adamesteanu 1971; 1983; Holloway 1970; Treziny 1983). Occasionally, attentionhas been paid to the relationship betweenthe fortifiedsites themselvesand the in theirvicinity,with meagreevidence of habitationareasor cemeteriesand sanctuaries an attempt at outlining a picture of the regional landscape(Angle, Gianni and Guidi 1982; Guzzo and Luppino 1980;La Regina 1975). Undoubtedly, within the fourth century BC native world of central/southern Italy, noticeable differencesin levels of economic and social organizationdid exist (Torelli 1978: 76). Most scholarsworkingon the Italic territories(Figure 1) would seem to be aware that a unified explanationof what can be labelled as a fourth century 'hillfort For many inland areas, the phenomenon' may represent a gross over-simplification. function of the hilltop fortificationsas mere refuge areas can be convincinglyargued (Conta Haller 1978) and the absence of any relatedstable settlementin them is simply proven by the mere topographicsetting of quite a few (La Regina 1971: 195-6). For Lucaniaand Bruttium,on the other hand, the very proximityof such fortifiedcircuitsto importanturbancentres (the Greek colonialpoleis) (Figure2), justifiesin many cases looking at them within the context of the widely discussedproblem of Greek/native culturecontact. In the absenceof adequatedata on habitationareas, an incidental,and somewhat digressive, result of this approach,has been the discussionon the possible ethnic derivation of the builders of the fortifications(Adamesteanu 1975; Holloway 1970: 12-13; Treziny 1983), and even on the specificmilitaryevents which may have accountedfor their construction(Holloway 1970:13-14; Lepore 1975:54). It may have been the very focus on problemsof acculturation, oddly enough, that causes occasional shiftsof attentionfrom externalto internalfactorsof changeunderlying the widespread of fortifications 1982: It is in 151; appearance (Pontrandolfo 1986). Acquasparta particularly the latter case that the scarcityof systematicallycollected archaeologicaldata on the natureof the settlementsrelatedto the fortifiedcircuitsor on the economicorganization of the areas which they served (Cunliffe 1971) becomes most evident.
Hillforts in southern Italy

The only well documentedaspectof the fourthcenturyBC 'hillfort' phenomenon- used in the rathergeneralsense of a fortifiedplace (Duval 1981:163) consistsof a number of wall circuits of that period in different parts of Samnium,Lucania, and Bruttium which highlighta period of transformations and instability.For Samnium,where the historicaldocumentationis more detailed and a large numberof epigraphictexts exist (Morandi1982;Poccetti 1979) it has been possible to formulatea system of settlement

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

32

Maurizio Gualtieri

Figure1 Map of the populationsof the Italianpeninsulaat the end of the 5th centuryBC (after Pallottino1981). organization which tends to underline the non-urban character of such sites (La Regina 1978: 401-2; 1975; 1971). Described in a simplified manner, the fortified circuits would represent refuge or garrison spaces, at strategic points in the territory, for the pagi or vici (agglomerations of rural population) settled in the surrounding areas. Even when some form of stable settlement exists inside of the fortified circuit, it would be rather in the form of simple groupings of houses, exceptionally including a 'public building' (La

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy 33 Regina 1976: 219-24), whilst religious foci, redistribution points and seats of some form of political activity would be located at open sites or sanctuaries (La Regina 1984: 168; Torelli 1977: 56-58). Although such a model of territorial organization may constitute, with some approximation, a valid framework for a large number of settlements in Samnium and central Lucania, there has been a tendency to use it indiscriminately, in the face of fragmentary archaeological evidence. As a result, systematic explorations of

1. Anzi 2. Atena Lucana 3. Baragiano ,::i~ '7/7\

4. Buccino 5. Castelgrande 6. Cersosimo ^7.Cozzo Presepe

8. 9. 10. 11.

CrocciaCognato Gallicchio Garaguso Marcellina

12. MarsicoNuovo 13. Moiodella Civitella 14. MonteCoppolo 15. MuroLucano 16. OppidoLucano 17. Pomarico 18. Potenza 19. Roccanova 20. Rotondella 21. Satriano 22. Serradi Vaglio 23. TempaCortaglia 24. Tempadei Casaleni 25. Timmari 26. TorreMordillo 27. Torettadi Pietragalla 28. Tortora 29. Tricarico

:J I/_

FortifiedSettlement E! Greek Colony

Elevation (m)

LI

less than 100 100-500

LO ll
-.l _ 2g

500-1000 more than 1000

Figure2 Map of the fortifiedsites in Lucania.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

34 Maurizio Gualtieri

settlement sites have seldom been undertakenand data on lay-out and function of individualsites are much scarcerthan those on cemeteries and sanctuaries. To remain within the borders of our discussion case, Lucania, I have already mentioned an evident tendency there to explore settlement sites within a different conceptual frameworksuch as Greek/nativeinteraction, phenomena of acculturation (Lepore 1981;Torelli 1977). Attempts to ask specificquestionsabout the organization, functionand natureof these fortifiedsites, however,have been made only in very recent years. Admittedly, in spite of the similarity in construction of many circuits, relevant differences exist among them, size being the most visible and objective one. Furthermore,as more evidence is made available, it is becomingincreasinglyobvious that not all of them would have servedthe same function(D'Agostino 1974:225-26; La Geniere 1983: 185) as happensfor centraland western Europe (Filip 1981). In the case of Cozzo Presepe, for example, there is an undeniableconnectionwith of this hilltop fortifiedsite as a garrisonpost nearbyMetaponto and the interpretation has been convincinglyargued in the recent publicationof the British and Canadian excavations(Ward-Perkins and Macnamara 1983:383-88). Equallytrue is the fact that
some may have served a similar function - the castella of the Roman writers - for areas

of particularly intensivenative habitation,such as the micro-region between the Cavone and Salandrellarivers where at least four fortificationshave been identifiedwithin a radius of six km. (Croccia Cognato, Tempa dei Casaleni, Tempa Cortaglia and Garaguso)(Cremonesi 1966: 139-43; Fracchia1985; Tramonti1984). The latter case, however,would seem to representthe exceptionratherthanthe rule, when one looks at the geographical when one analysesin greater setting of many of them, and particularly the detail wider aspect of settlement organization in the areas surrounding the fortified site. Serradi Vaglio, one of the better exploredfortifiedcentresin CentralLucania,for which there is clear archaeologicalevidence from both the fortificationand enclosed settlementdatingfrom the VI to the IV c. BC (Greco, G. 1982) has often been singled out as an emergingurban-likesettlement (Adamesteanu1975:264-66; Pallottino1971: 12) possiblyunderGreek influence,not unlikewhat has been suggestedfor some central Europeanoppida (Gersbach1976:25-30). In the course of the last decade or so, it has become increasingly clear that: of the type of organizationand level of complexityof such sites can (i) generalization be made only if we take into accounta great rangeof variability amongthe individual settlements and regional differencesin factors influencingtheir development(Greco and Schnapp1983: 384-6; Torelli 1984:28-30). of the organizationof such settlements (ii) the answerfor a thoroughunderstanding
lies:

(a) in a more carefulstudyof individualsites with regardto the developmentof the fortificationsystem, the use of the walled area and its relationshipwith the space immediatelyoutside of it, where, in many cases remainsof settlementnuclei exist or can be suspected (Gualtieri1978: 405; La Regina 1984: 168). area',in orderto placethe fortified (b) in a systematicexplorationof the 'catchment settlement in its wider economic setting (Barker 1977; Fracchia1985), as has been

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy 35 done in the more recent exploration of central and western European defended sites (Collis 1984: 34-36; Cunliffe 1983: 118-35).

Roccagloriosa and its region Against this background, the fortified site of Roccagloriosa in W. Lucania (Figure 3) would appear to be a privileged case, since it was chosen in 1982 as a test case for the systematic study of an Italic fortified settlement and the organization of a native community in the period preceding the Romanization of the area, within a clearly formulated theoretical framework. Previous work on a massive fourth century BC wall had clarified the major topographic elements of the circuit and the surrounding area and had located a major cemetery area at La Scala, the south edge of the hilltop. Although only a very small section of the latter has so far been explored, there seems to be a clear organization of the cemetery area in clusters, with chamber tombs and large cremation pyres set in two major enclosures and naiskoi (funerary shrines) placed on top of the richer trench-graves. All such elements point to the existence of a well-structured

..*' *. *..'*..** :?.:-i::.a " .............:.. "'"\''"'" ..........

0-V ..-~

-~:i::
::i8:

Figure 3 Detailed map of the Mingardo/

Bussento catchment (SW Lucania).

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

36 Maurizio Gualtieri resident elite, showing a notable degree of material wealth (to judge from the grave goods) and the acquisition of Greek tastes in the display of prestige items such as bronze vessels, jewellery and elaborate specimens of painted pottery (Gualtieri 1982; 1983). Indeed, the recently explored complex of buildings on the Central Plateau inside the wall (Figure 4), includes a major 'aristocratic' residence centred around a paved courtyard

DE

100m

* ____

Early Iron Age Habitation

A--.^ raveu reas

0 4th - 3rd c. B.C. Settlement Nuclei

ROCCAGI LORKOSA
-

Fortification Wall

La Scala

Cemetery Area

Figure4 Generalplan of nucleatedsettlementat Roccagloriosa.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy 37

surroundedby a portico on at least two sides (originallythree) (Gualtieri1985b:258). The ceremonialand religiousfunctionsof the large paved court are highlightedby the presenceof a shrine(Figure5: Fll) with culticterracottastatuettesand votive offerings, remains,and a possiblesmallaltar,c. 2m west of it (Figure5, F305). includingsacrificial These featuresundoubtedlyqualifythe enclosed area as a religiousfocus (Guzzo 1983: 210-11) and leave room for considerationson the socio-politicalrole of the fortified settlement.It is possiblethat the areaperformednot only religiousfunctionsbut also the andpoliticalactivity,underthe relatedone of exchangeand some formof administrative controlof a local 'oligarchy'(Lepore 1975:54). Thus, in the CentralPlateausettlement centre(Torelli at Roccagloriosa we maybe able to see, in the contextof a 'pseudo-urban' 1978: 83), the counterpartof the cantonalor territorialsanctuarywhich, in the fourth world, generallyperformedsuch functions(supra,p. 33). centuryBC Osco-Lucanian The above considerationson the role of the fortified enclosure are all the more so far excavated: meaningfulwhen set againsttwo other majoraspectsof the structures (a) Previousevidence of manufacturing activityfound near the northgate in the form of large quantitiesof bronzeslag, has been recentlystrengthened by the excavationof a late fourth centuryBC pottery kiln (Figure5, F54) set in the context of a working area immediatelyto the northof the porticopavedareacomplex.We may have either a case of an artisan workshop dependent on the elite household or of an artisan complex. workshopbuilt at a major settlementarea, within a partiallyrestructured (b) Widespreadterracing,includinga well-laid drainagesystem, and intersticesor betweendifferent'blocks'(Figure5, A andB) on the Central rudimental passage-ways Plateau, may provide evidence for the regularity of lay-out and complexity of of a majornucleuswithinthe fortifiedcircuit.In one case, a 1.20 m. wide organization paved road, runningalong the east side of complexA and continuing,unpaved,along the east side of complex B, is clearlydocumented(Figure5, F271). In many such fortifiedsites the walled area representsjust one part of the nucleated settlement. At Roccagloriosaother habitationnuclei have been identifiedin naturally in some cases includingan open defendedareas, immediatelyoutsideof the fortification, wall as the main architectural feature of the house area bordered an ashlar by paved layout. The degree of nucleation which characterizesthe two major areas so far excavated (Central Plateau and DB area) points to the large size of the resident population- in very genericterms(Wells 1984:164-66), andwiththe provisothatit is a very dangerousyardstickof development(Alexander1972:844). Clearly,however, the extent of the naturallyfortifiednucleatedsettlement(above the 400 m. contour),which one can inferfromthe topographic workso far carriedout (c. 15 + 20 hectares),confirms the suspicionthat empty spaces must have existed between the variousnuclei (Py 1982: underlinesthe much less 106). In fact, the presence of vast tractswithout construction of the overallsettlement,when compared, as it has generally rigorous type of organization been done, with the commonlyused reference model of the Greek colonial city. The absence of actual 'public' buildings, for example, is outstanding. However, if the referenceparadigmis shifted to the better documentedmodels of pre- or proto-urban settlementsof central and western Europe (Collis 1984; Cunliffe 1978: 136-41; Harke

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Roccagloriosa 1986

I
0

i
5m

=-

-*:= Paved Areas Drainage Canal Later Wall 1-3: 4th c. B.C. Wall Tile Wall =

Figure 5 Sketch plan of excavated structures on the Central Plateau.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

an examplefrom pre-RomanItaly 39 and settlement Fortifications organization: 1977)it would not be hardto identifytypical'centreplace' featuresin the evidencefrom Roccagloriosapreviouslyanalysed. The surrounding region The 'centrality'of the fortifiedsettlementhas been furtherclarifiedby the study of the surrounding territorywhere an intensive surfacesurveystartedin 1982 (Fracchiaet al. has on the terracesslopingtowards been able to plot a dense patternof farmsteads 1983) the Mingardoand Bussentorivervalleys(Figure6), whichincludethe best arablelandin the area. Preliminaryinformationon the pottery indicatesthat a large numberof the sites discoveredbelong to the fourth and third centuriesBC on the basis of securely dated black glaze forms which can also find good parallels in the pottery from the fortifiedsettlement and cemetery area. Although a hierarchical rankingof the sites has been so far outlined only in a very tentativemanner(Gualtieri1985a), the density and the extent of the scatterof some of them suggeststhat, in a few cases, we are dealingwith somethingmore than individual'farmsteads'.Hamlet, ambiguousas the term may be definitionfor sites like Mai (on a (Wells 1984:171), would appearas a more appropriate vast terrace overlooking the Mingardo river valley) and Scudiere (on a similarly the presenceof small commanding positionover the Bussentorivervalley). Furthermore groupsof tombs, often associatedwith these sites, makesit clearthatwe are dealingwith residential clusters. The preliminaryanalysis of the survey data shows an evident reductionin the numberof sites belonging to the late third and second centuriesBC. How sharp such a reduction is, however, is still unclear because of the well known of identifyingsites of this periodon the basisof ceramicevidencealone and the difficulty lack of clearlyidentifiablefine wares (Fracchia1985:255). By considering only the black we or wares a whole level of as be sites, glaze may overlooking recentlypointed period out by scholarsworkingon surveyprojectsin nearbyareas(Dyson 1978:259; Wightman 1981:284). Economicsystems Whatkindof economycan we envisagefor the territorial organization just outlined?The results from the archaeobotanical so far preliminary sample analysed(Fitt 1986)make it to for the fourth a of possible infer, centuryBC, system polyculturewith olive, vine and various fruit trees - ficus carica and prunus sp. also documented - although quantitativedata are not yet available. Particularlythe use of vine and olive, first introducedaroundthis time in many inland areas of centraland southernItaly, would have meant a more rationalutilizationof land resourcesand the productionfor 'regional markets'on whichthe new agricultural systemwouldbe based (Barker1983:217-18). In a differentcontext, and exclusivelyon the basisof indirectevidence, a similarchangehas been postulatedfor the countrysideof Paestum duringthe fourth centuryBC (Greco 1979:23-25). Associated data from the faunal remainsare equally eloquent on a related aspect of the fourth centuryBC land use. The preliminary analysisof c. 1,300 identifiablebones

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Figure 6 Map of surveye sites around the nucleated settlement.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

an examplefrom pre-RomanItaly 41 and settlement organization: Fortifications from the two major areasexcavated(CentralPlateauand DB), has found the following percentagesfor the fourth centuryBC site (Bok6nyi 1986): Caprovines cattle pigs 40% 37% 14%

Altogether, in spite of the tentative characterof the analysesmentioned,the economic data so far extractedwould not seem to agree with either a type of animalhusbandry based on pastoralismor a system of subsistenceagriculture, traditionally postulatedfor of of the inland areas many pre-RomanItaly.

Conclusions of the developmentof Italicsettlementshad been achievedin the A basic understanding 1960sand early 1970sthrougha generalchronologicaland topographical study of some and southern areas of central inland in of the fortifications Italy during sprawling many the fourth century BC. The more recent systematic exploration of habitation areas and increasingrelianceon surfacesurveyand economic connectedwith the fortifications studies are addingquite a few qualifyingelements to the pictureof settlementpatterns and communityorganizationin pre-RomanItaly. By avoidingthe simplisticdichotomy of GreekversusItalic (Coarelli1971:330-31) and in partalso of urbanversusnon-urban studyof individualsites would seem (Alexander1972:849), the on-goingarchaeological to strengthenthe view that in quite a few cases the fortified settlements represent a materialexpressionof important economic,social, and perhapspolitical,transformations BC in the Italian hinterland.In fact, some of the the fourth century occurringduring of a 'central more developed sites appearto have exhibitedmany of the characteristics Sereni 1970: of 1976a: urbanization in direction to the and 140-41; (Cunliffe point place' 122). evidenceso far available,however,wouldnot seem to suggesthow The archaeological far they would have been from an 'urban threshold'or, indeed, whether an 'urban threshold'in the sense of the Graeco-Roman city model would have been in the logic of such developments(Collis 1979: 130-131). 22.ix.1986 of Classics Department The University of Alberta Edmonton, Canada

Acknowledgments Partsof an earlierversion of this paper were presentedat a Colloquiumon 'Settlement Patternsin Ancient Italy: two decades of research'organizedin Dec. 1985 at the 87th General Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, Washington, D.C. Subsequentdiscussionwith M. Torelli(Universityof Perugia)greatlyhelpedin clarifying

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

42 Maurizio Gualtieri different aspects of the organization of the Roccagloriosa site. The excavations at Roccagloriosa, undertaken in the 1970s by the Department of Antiquities of Salerno (Italy) have been supported since 1982 by grants of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Central Research Fund of the University of Alberta. The pottery from the surface survey and from the Central Plateau excavation has been processed for publication by Dr. H. Fracchia of the University of Alberta, to whom I owe advice on the dating of the structures and the sites in the surrounding territory. Figure 1 was drawn by S. Saunders, Figures 2, 3 and 6 by the author with the assistance of the Graphics Dept. at the U. of A. and Figures 4 and 5 were produced by Graphics at the U. of A., after the site plans of architects J. Rougetet (CNRS, Paris) and L. Scarpa (Istituto di Urbanistica, University of Naples).

References Acquasparta. 1986. L'emergenzadel politico nel mondo osco-lucano. Atti IV Convegno di Acquasparta(Universitadi Padova e Universitadi Perugia:28-31 maggio 1986). Dialoghi di Archeologia(forthcoming). Adamesteanu,D. 1971. Originee sviluppodei centriabitatiin Basilicata.Atti del Convegnosulla cittaanticain Italia (Atti CeSDIR, 3): 115-56. Milan. Adamesteanu,D. 1975. Tipi di insediamentiumani in Puglia e Basilicata. In Agglomerations Fortifiees Illyriennes (PozebnaIzdanja,Akad. Nuakai Umjetn. Bosne i Hercegovine,24): 259-69. Sarajevo. in Italiameridionale e Sicilia.In Modesde contactet Adamesteanu,D. 1983. Tipi di fortificazioni dansles societesanciennes(CollectionPcole Franqaise de Rome, 67): processusde transformation 957-60. Rome. and Urbanism: Alexander,J. 1972. The beginningsof urbanlife in Europe. In Man, Settlement (eds. P. J. Ucko, R. Tringhamand G. B. Dimbleby):842-50. London:Duckworth. Angle, M., Gianni, A. and Guidi, A. 1982. Gli insediamentimontani di sommita nell'Italia Centrale. In Economia e organizzazionedel territorionelle societdprotostoriche.Dialoghi di Archeologia,n.s.4: 80-91. Atti, Taranto. 1961. Grecie indigeniin MagnaGrecia.Atti del I Convegnodi Studisulla Magna Grecia.Taranto. Atti, Taranto. 1971. Le genti non greche della Magna Grecia.Atti XI Convegnodi Studisulla MagnaGrecia.Taranto. Barker,G. 1977. The archaeologyof Samnitesettlementin Molise. Antiquity.51: 20-24. Barker,G. 1982. Landscapeand Society:the Prehistory Italy. New York and London: of Central AcademicPress. B6k6nyi, S. 1986. Preliminary Reporton the Faunal Remainsfrom Roccagloriosa.Report for Social Sciencesand HumanitiesResearchCouncilof Canada,Ottawa. (unpublished). Champion,T. C. and Megaw,J. V. S. 1985.Approachesto the studyof Iron Age settlementand and Society:Aspects of WestEuropeanPrehistory in the FirstMillennium society. In Settlement B.C. (eds T. C. Championand J. V. S. Megaw): 1-8. LeicesterUniversityPress. 1971 (supra):330-3. Taranto. Coarelli,F. 1971. Dibattito. In Atti Taranto in the pre-RomanIron Age. In Space,Hierarchy Collis, J. 1979.Urbanstructure and Society(eds

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy 43 129-36. BAR S.59. Oxford. B. C. Burnhamand J. Kingsbury): Collis, J. 1981. A theoreticalstudy of hill-forts.In Hill-FortStudies(ed. G. Guilbert):66-76. LeicesterUniversityPress. Collis, J. 1984. Oppida:EarliestTownsNorthof the Alps. Universityof Sheffield. Colonna, G. 1955. Pallanum.Una citta dei Frentani.ArcheologiaClassica.7: 164-68. e medioevale.Archeologia sannitica Classica. Colonna,G. 1962.Saepinum.Ricerchedi topografia 14: 80-107. Conta Haller, G. 1978. Ricerchesu alcuni centrifortificatiin operapoligonalein area campanosannitica.Accademiadi Archeologia,Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli. MonumentiIII. Naples. Cremonesi,G. 1966. Note sulle cinte murarieesistentiin Lucania.Atti della Societa Toscanadi ScienzeNaturali73: 133-47. Pisa. Cristofani,M. 1978. Citta e pagus nell'Italiapeninsulare.Popoli e Civiltadell'ItaliaAntica, 7: 88-102. Rome: Societa di StoriaPatria. testablehypotheses Crumley,C. 1974. Celtic social structure:the generationof archaeologically from literaryevidence. Anthropological Papers,No. 54. Ann Arbor:Museumof Anthropology, Universityof Michigan. In TheIronAge and Cunliffe,B. 1971. Some aspectsof hillfortsand their culturalenvironments. MillbrookPress. its Hillforts(eds D. Hill and M. Jesson): 53-69. Southampton: Cunliffe, B. 1976a. The origins of urbanizationin Britain. In Oppida: the Beginnings of in Barbarian Urbanization Europe(eds B. Cunliffeand T. Rowley): 135-61. BAR S.11. Oxford. Cunliffe, B. 1976b. Hillforts and oppida in Britain. In Problems in Economic and Social Archaeology(eds I. H. Longworth,G. de G. Sievekingand K. E. Wilson):345-57. London. in Britain(2nd ed.). London:Routledge& KeganPaul. Cunliffe,B. 1978.IronAge Communities Cunliffe,B. 1983. Danebury:Anatomyof an Iron Age Hillfort.London:Batsford. Antica, D'Agostino, B. 1974. I1mondo perifericodella MagnaGrecia. Popoli e Civiltddell'Italia 2: 177-271. Rome: Societa di StoriaPatria. In Modes de contactet Daubigny, A. 1983. Rapportsde dependenceen Gaule Protohistorique. lcole Franqaisede Collection anciennes: les societes 658-77. dans de transformation processus Rome 67. Rome. De Benedittis, G. 1977. Bovianume il suo territorio.Documentidi AntichitaItalichee Romane VII. Rome. dal VI al I sec. di Monte Vairano.In Sannio:Pentrie Frentani De Benedittis,G. 1980. L'oppidum A.C. (CatalogoMostra,IserniaMuseo Nazionale;ed. Soprintendenza Archeologicadel Molise): 321-7. Rome: De Luca. dansla vie economiqueet sociale de la Gaule Duval, A. 1981. Place des oppidumet places-fortes d'habitata l'Age du Fer en Europe temperee(ed. O. au Iersiecle avant J.C. In Les structures 163-4. Paris:Editions de la maisondes sciencesde l'homme. Buchsenschutz): Dyson, S. L. 1978. Settlementpatterpsin the Ager Cosanus.Journalof Field Archaeology5: 257-68. Filip, J. 1981. Die geschichtlicheBedeutung der spatkeltischenOppida. 150 Jahre Deutsches Institut,Kolloquium:176-87. Mainz. Archaologisches Fitt, J. 1986. (unpublished). A PreliminaryAnalysis of ArchaeobotanicalRemains from 1984-85. Report for Social Sciencesand HumanitiesResearchCouncilof Canada. Roccagloriosa Ottawa. 29: 243-56. Fracchia,H. 1985. The Tempa Cortagliasurveyproject. ClassicalViewslEMC.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

44

Maurizio Gualtieri

Fracchia, H., Gualtieri, M. and Polignac, F. 1983. Il territorio di Roccagloriosa in Lucania. Melanges ?cole Franfaise Rome, Antiquite, 95: 345-80. Gersbach, E. 1976. Das Osttor (Donautor) der Heuneburg bei Hundersingen (Donau). Germania. 54: 17-42. Greco, E. 1979. Poseidonia entre le VIe et le IVe siecle avant J.C.: quelques problemes de topographie historique. Revue Archeologique: 219-34. Greco, E. and Schnapp, A. 1983. Moio della Civitella et le territoire de Velia. Melanges tcole Franfaise Rome, Antiquite. 95: 381-415. Greco, G. 1982. Lo sviluppo di Serra di Vaglio nel V e IV secolo a.C. Melanges lcole Francaise Rome, Antiquite. 94: 69-89. Gualtieri, M. 1978. Roccagloriosa: relazione preliminare sulla campagna di scavo 1976-77. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichita, 32: 383-421. Gualtieri, M. 1982. Cremation among the Lucanians. American Journal of Archaeology, 86: 475-81. Gualtieri, M. 1983. Two Lucanian burials from Roccagloriosa. In Crossroads of the Mediterranean (eds T. Hackens and R. R. Holloway): 301-32. Louvain-la-neuve: Universite Catholique de Louvain. Gualtieri, M. 1985a. (unpublished). Settlement Hierarchy in Pre-Roman S. Italy: the Contribution of Archaeological Survey. Paper prepared for a Symposium on Archaeological Survey in Europe: achievements and prospectives. Fiftieth annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology. Denver, Colorado. Gualtieri, M. 1985b. Fourth century B.C. architecture from Roccagloriosa. Classical ViewslEMC, 29: 257-66. Guzzo, P. G. 1983. Lucanians, Brettians and Italiote Greeks in the fourth and third centuries B.C. In Crossroads of the Mediterranean (eds T. Hackens and R. R. Holloway): 191-246. Louvain-laneuve: Universit6 Catholique de Louvain. Guzzo, P. G. and Luppino, S. 1980. Per un'archeologia dei Brezi. Melanges IEcole Franfaise Rome, Antiquite, 92: 821-914. Harke, H. 1979. Settlement Types and Settlement Patterns in the West Halstatt Province. BAR S.57. Oxford. Holloway, R. R. 1970. Satrianum. Providence: Brown University Press. La Geniere, J. de. 1983. Contribution to a typology of ancient settlements in South Italy. In Crossroads of the Mediterranean (eds T. Hackens and R. R. Holloway): 163-89. Louvain-laneuve: Universit6 Catholique de Louvain. La Regina, A. 1968. Ricerche sugli insediamenti vestini. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Memorie. Ser. 8. 13: 362-446. La Regina, A. 1970. Note sulla formazione dei centri urbani in area sabellica. Studi sulla citta antica (Atti Convegno di Studi sulla citta Etrusca e Italica pre-Romana): 191-207. Bologna: Societa di Storia Patria. La Regina, A. 1975. Centri fortificati pre-Romani nei territori sabellici dell'Italia centrale adriatica. In Agglomerations fortifies Illyriennes (Pozebna Izdanja Akad. Nauka i Umjetn. Bosne i Hercegovine, 24): 271-82. Sarajevo. La Regina, A. 1976. I1 Sannio. In Hellenismus in Mittelitalitalien (ed. P. Zanker): 219-48. Gottingen. La Regina, A. 1978. Centri fortificati sannitici. In Culture adriatiche antiche di Abruzzo e Molise (eds V. Cianfarani, L. Franchi dell'Orto, A. La Regina): 401-47. Rome: De Luca.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy

45

La Regina, A. 1984. Sanniti e Frentani: forme dell'insediamento. In Abruzzo e Molise (eds. F. Coarelli and A. La Regina): 164-72. Bari: Laterza. Lepore, E. 1975. La tradizione antica sui Lucani e le origini dell'entita regionale. In Antiche Civiltt Lucane (Atti Convegno Oppido Lucano, 1970): 52-7. Galatina. Lepore, E. 1981. L"ellenizzazione' nell'Italia pre-Romana. In Storia della Societa Italiana, I: 261-8. Milan: Teti. Mansuelli, G. 1979. The Etruscan city. In Italy before the Romans (eds D. Ridgway and F. R. Ridgway): 353-71. London: Academic Press. Mattiocco, E. 1981. Centrifortificati pre-Romani nella conca di Sulmona. Chieti: Soprintendenza archeologica dell'Abruzzo. Morandi, A. 1982. Epigrafia Italica. Rome: G. Bretschneider. Pallottino, M. 1971. La citta Etrusco-Italica come premessa alla citta Romana. In Atti del Convegno sulla cittt antica in Italia (Atti CeSDIR, 3): 11-22. Milan. Pallottino, M. 1981. Genti e culture dell'Italia pre-Romana. Rome: Jouvence. Peroni, R. 1982. L'Eta del Ferro. In Preistoria del Caput Adriae. Trieste: Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia. Peroni, R. 1983. La problematica dell'insediamento dell'Eta del Bronzo e della prima Eta del Ferro: ipotesi di lavoro e impostazione della ricerca. In Ricerche sulla Protostoria della Sibaritide (Cahiers du Centre Jean B6rard, 7): 10-18. Naples. Poccetti, P. 1979. Nuovi documenti Italici. Pisa: Giardini. Pontrandolfo Greco, A. 1982. I Lucani: etnografia e archeologia di una regione antica. Milan: Longanesi. Py, M. 1982. Indigenes et urbanisation protohistorique en Languedoc-Roussillon. Ktema 7: 109-19. Ridgway, D. and Ridgway, F. R. (eds) 1979. Italy before the Romans. London: Academic Press. Salmon, E. T. 1967. Samnium and the Samnites. Cambridge University Press. Sereni, E. 1970. Citta e campagna nell'Italia pre-Romana. In Studi sulla citta antica (Atti Convegno di studi sulla citta Etrusca e Italica pre-Romana): 109-28. Bologna: Societa di Storia Patria. Studi sulla citta antica. 1970. Atti del convegno di studi sulla citta Etrusca e Italica pre-Romana, Bologna 1966. Bologna: Societa di Storia Patria. Torelli, M. 1977. Greci e indigeni in Magna Grecia: ideologia religiosa e rapporti di classe. Studi Storici, 18: 45-61. Torelli, M. 1978. La romanizzazione dei territori Italici: il contributo della documentazione archeologica. In La cultura Italica (Atti del Convegno della Societa Italiana di Glottologia, Pisa 1977): 75-89. Pisa: Giardini. Torelli, M. 1984. Il Sannio fra IV e I secolo a.C.: note di archeologia. In Sannio: Pentri e Frentani dal VI al I secolo a. C. (Atti Convegno di Campobasso 1980; ed. Soprintendenza Archeologica del Molise): 27-34. Campobasso. Tramonti, A. 1984. Croccia Cognato - Garaguso. In Scavi e Scoperte (ed. G. Colonna). Studi Etruschi, 52: 469-72. Treziny, H. 1983. Main d'oeuvre indigene et Hellenisation: le probleme des fortifications Lucaniennes. In Architecture et Societ: de l'archaisme Grec a la fin de la Republique Romaine (Collection lcole Francaise de Rome, 66): 105-18. Rome. Van Wonterghem, F. 1981. I Peligni ed il loro territorio prima della conquista romana. In Centri fortificati pre-Romani nel territorio dei Peligni (ed. Museo Civico di Sulmona): 25-29. Sulmona.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

46 Maurizio Gualtieri
Van Wonterghem, F. 1984. Superaequum, Corfinium, Sulmo. (Forma Italiae, Regio IV, vol. I.) Florence: Olschkio Ward-Perkins, G. B. and Macnamara, E. 1983. Conclusions. In The excavations at Cozzo Presepe (1969-72) (Notizie degli Scavi 31, Supplement): 383-9. Rome. Wells, P. 1984. Farms Villages and Cities. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Wightman, E. 1981. The lower Liri valley: problems, trends and peculiarities. In Archaeology and Italian Society (eds G. Barker and R. Hodges): 275-88. BAR S.102. Oxford.

Abstract Gualtieri, M. Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy Although providing a general discussion of recent studies on the settlement system of the Italic communities of the later Iron Age (V and IV centuries B.C.), the paper addresses the specific problem of the Lucanian fortified sites (in the hinterland of South Italy) and their meaning in the context of the rapid' developments which those communities underwent during the period immediately preceding the Romanization of Italy. The recent archaeological exploration of individual settlement sites is producing clear evidence on the degree of 'centrality' of many such fortified sites and the complexity of their functions within the settlement patterns of pre-Roman Italy.

This content downloaded from 147.251.100.227 on Mon, 31 Mar 2014 12:27:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions