Feudalism in Malaysian society : A study in historical continuity / FEODALITE DANS LA SOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUE Author(s): Syed

Hussein Alatas Reviewed work(s): Source: Civilisations, Vol. 18, No. 4 (1968), pp. 579-592 Published by: Institut de Sociologie de l'Universit de Bruxelles Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41231157 . Accessed: 25/02/2013 11:04
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Feudalismin Malaysiansociety: A study in historical continuity

SyedHusseinAlatas of attitudes The aim of this paper is to discussthe historical continuity of and values fromthe feudalperiodto the present time. The recognition and explaining thiscontinuity is important forthe purposeof understanding those pertainingto its certain events in Malaysian society,particularly characterized The has of been politicalhistory. by the history Malaysia absence of mass uprisingsor any attemptthereto. What had happened was the frequent of conflicts betweenhostile and contending emergence colonial of chiefs and princes, each otheror againstEuropean between groups in the case involved as The of the had never mass been powers. people fromthe 14th of a civil war or a generaluprising. The Malaysianrecords had confirmed the above. onwards century for which of phenomena in is a cluster we are interested The continuity it from to differentiate the termpsychological feudalism is here suggested which of those and order its previous economic phenomena political, judicial as a histoelements.The termfeudalism, werethe constituent psychological orderis not easy to define. Historically rical,social,politicaland economic characterized it has been a method of government by the following speaking traits: (a) The presenceof a big gulf betweenthe poor usuallypeasants in the economic, and chiefs, and the rich usuallynoblemen social,political orderwas dominated and judicialfield,(b) the political by hereditary groups of the manorial havingat theirdisposalslarge estates,(c) the prevalence estatewas cultivated whereina large,self-sufficient of economy by system oftena royal personagewho rewardedthem the peasantsfor the master, of which were in the main part retainable, with stripsof land the fruits was the feudallord,immunefrom (d) at thehead of the manorial hierarchy fiscal of higher the supervision authorities, judicial,economic, yetpossessing the lord and the relation between his and administrative (e) depenrights, of the unpaidlabour the lordhavingtheright dentswas one of enfeoffment, was not to be of land forcultivation of his dependents, and services (f) grants the feudal class dominated at will by the lord, (g) the warrior withdrawn division and favoured order,and (h) the feudal order lacked functional of power and administration. decentralization 579

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SYED HUSSEIN

ALATAS

The feudal societies of the Malays, the Chinese and the Indians contained all the above characteristics. There were also numerous differencesbetween feudal societies. Without going into furtherdetails, suffice it to say that the institutionaland judicial systemof feudalism in Malaysia had gradually disappeared over since the beginningof modernizationduring the latter part of the 19th century. Despite this, however, the psychological traits remain. It is these traits that constitutepsychological feudalism. In the context of psychological feudalism,the relationshipbetween those in power and those dependent on them is characterisedby personal attachmentto the leader or man in authority ratherthan to the principles he stands for. The leader or the man in authority, whetterhe is a bureaucrat,a political celebrity,a teacher or a business boss, expects the subordinate to be loyal and faithfulin a manner that sometimescomes into conflictwith the norms and ethics of the work or profession. He is supposed to be loyal under almost all circumstanceseven if these circumstancesviolate the present values and philosophyof Malaysian society. Before we isolate the historicallycontinuous traits, it may be desirable to raise certain questions of approach and conceptualization. It has long been recognized by social scientists that we should not view the state of society as an overall equilibrium, an overall harmonious integration. In every society there are the elements of conflict and strain. There is the in the value systemof the society. The dominant process of differentiation and subjugated classes do not share entirelya common value system. As Wertheim puts is, " We should not primarilylook for the inherentstructure of a given society,but for the value systemsadopted in differentlayers of society. We have, in the first place, to learn how members of different segmentsof society view society as a whole. The division of society might even be based upon a distinction according to the value systemsaccepted. Instead of searching exclusively for integrativeexpedients, we should with equal intellectual forces try to detect strains and conflicts in society, as possible agents in futurechange" (1). The initial step in tracing elements of continuityis to differentiate the attitudesand value systemsprevalent in the different sections of society. We have also to make the distinctionbetween theory and practice. The absence of the above considerations has caused a misleading interpretation of the Malay system of values and attitudes towards kingship and all that it entails such as loyaltyand obedience to the ruler. Scholars on Malay historyand society are generallyinclined to regard the Sejarah Melayu, a Malay text of probably the 16th century,as the oldest writtensource on Malay life and thought. Unfortunately until now the predominant interestsin the Sejarah Melayu have been literaryand historical. A further enquiry cannot fail to reveal the conflict and protest elements in the Sejarah Melayu. The work was deliberatelywrittenon royal command
(1) W. F. Wertheim,Society as a composite of conflictingvalue system,p. 35, in his East-West Parallels, van Hoeve, the Hague, 1964.

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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY with the intention of recording and transmitting to future generations the account of the deeds and customs of the Malay rulers (2). The identityof the author is unknown but he appears to be a pious and cultured Muslim. His restrainttowards passing a moral judgment on the cruel deeds of some of his royalcharacters would gain the approval of Ranke. Though no eulogist of Malay royalty,he did suggest the justice, humaneness and mobility of characterof some of the Malay rulers. He was preoccupied with the history of Malacca. The incident relevant to our theme was the murder of Bendahara Seri Maharaja by order of Sultan Mahmud Shah. According to the S ejarah Melayu, the Bendahara was murdered because of the intrigues and slander of Laksamana Khoja Husain. It was suggested to the Sultan that the Bendahara intended to usurp the throne. Without furtherinvestigation he ordered the Bendahara and his family to be put to death. The attitude of the Bendahara is of interest here. He accepted the command without a murmur. His retainersand his familywere preventedby him from resisting. His son, Tun Hasan, was on the point of attacking the two messengerssent to the house for the execution with the royal kris. The Bendahara exclaimed. " What, Hasan, would you commit treason? Would you spoil the name " of your ancestors? Never was there any disloyaltyin Malay tradition (3). " He furthersaid, If any of you resists,I shall take him to account in the Hereafter". As apparent from the above, the Bendahara accepted his fate and refused to condemn the misdeed of his sovereign even when he himself, his own life, was the object. The author of the S erajah Melayu gave a dispassionate account of the killing without a single comment. However, he did portray the innocence of the Bendahara (4). The problem which arises here is namely the attitude of the Bendahara. Was it the perfectexpression of the Malay conception of loyaltyto the rule ? Was he the embodiment of the Malay system of values ? Was the attitude of the Sultan likewise an expression of the Malay systemof values ? What about the attitude of the Bendahara's son ? Was it not the expression of the Malay systemof values to honour and defend one's father, to prevent injustice, to defend one's and to condemn it at least in one's conscience? family against tyranny, In another incident the opposite took place. Another Sultan by the name of Mahmud was killed at Kota Tinggi in August 1699. Mahmud was said
(2) For the Malay text see R.O. Winstedt, The Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu (Raffles MS. no. 18), JMBRAS, vol. XVI, part III, Singapore, 1938. The second English translationis by C. C. Brown, JMBRAS, vol. XXV, parts 2 and 3, Singapore, 1952. The translationcontains some serious errors but it can be used to understand what happened. Though inaccuratein certain parts, the historicalevents are reliably portrayedby the translation. (3) R. O. winstedt,op. at., p. 187. The translationis mine. (4) Josselinde Jong suggeststhat the Sejarab Melayu was writtenwith a pervasive bias in favour of the Bendahara family. See P. E. de Josselin de Jong, Who's Who in the Malay nnals, p. 1. JMBRAS, vol. XXXIV, part 2, Kuala Lumpur, 1961.

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SYED HUSSEINALATAS to be a capricious and neurotic ruler. Hamiltonwho saw him in 1695, thathe was fond of the male sex. One day when the youthful suggested SultanMahmudwas asleep, someonebrought a ripe jack-fruit.The wife of an influential a sectionof the fruitas craved for captain (hulubalang) a child. When Mahmud noticed the damaged she was then confining he was wild withangerand ordered the womanto rippedopen. Her fruit, husband,Megat Seri Rama, resolvedto avenge her death and thereupon with some leading dignitaries to executehis plan. The Sultan conspired was killedwhile he was carried We may on his way to the mosque (5). also ask herewhether of the attitude of Megat Seri Rama is an expression the Malay system of values,the rejection of tyranny, of absolutedespotism unbridledby moral scruples. Before executinghis revengehe declared thathe was going to commit to make the Dato Bentreason. He offered dahara Sultan. The Dato Bendaharaand some other influential persons approvedMegat Seri Rama's design. The whole affairappearedto be an to get rid of an unbearable and youthful (6). attempt tyrant thatthe attitude It is apparent of Megat Seri Rama is in sharpcontrast to thatof the Bendahara of Malacca. Both were Malayslivingin a similar cultural and politicalorder. The social scientists have made the distinction of values and the deviationtherefrom. betweenthe system As far as the of rulersis concerned, behaviour the continuous domination of the powerful deviating fromthe collective the system of values,has shaded norms, line betweenwhat is permissible the demarcation and what is prohibited. Objectionableactions became acceptablethroughsuccessiverepetition by the powerful. Throughthe mechanism of conditioned reflexthey were assimilated into the intellectual and emotionalmake up of the observer to such actions. The clearest instance is perhapsthe continuously exposed in Asian countries.Though the systems of perenially prevalent corruption valuesin thesecountries it becameacceptedby many prohibited corruption, too deeprooted to combat(7). peopleas an unavoidable practice A clearinstance of theMalay system of valueswhichopposedmisrule and corrupt practicesis the Undang Sungai Ujong, the Digest of Customary Law of Sungai Ujong. Its conceptionof right and wrong is basically identical with the commandments of the greatworldreligions. The digest
(5) According to Raja Haji Ali of Riau who wrote in the 19th century,in his Tuhfat al-Nafis1, pp. 33-34, Malaysia Publication, Singapore, 1965, Megat Seri Rama was in turn killed by the Sultan who defended himself with his kris. The Batavian version of Sejarah Melayu declares that Megat Seri Rama lived 4 years in agony, with grass growing in the wound of his foot. See R.O. Winstedt, A History of Johore (1365-1895 A.D.), p. 50, JMBRAS, vol. X, part 3, Singapore, 1932. For some information on the different versionsof the Sejarah Melayu scattered in different places, see R. Roolvink, The Variant Verrions of the Malay Annals, BKI, deel 123, afl. 3, the Hague, 1967. For complete reference see bibliography. the event in this light. The undertaking (6) Raja Haji Ali portrayed gained popular support. The Dato Bendahara was acclaimed Sultan and life went on as usual. in is treated a elaborately (7) The point forthcomingpublication entitled The Sociology of Corruption,on the nature,function,causes and preventionof corruption, Donald Moore Press, Singapore.

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FEUDALISM SOCIETY IN MALAYSIAN itselfis Islamic in tone and principles. The king is exhorted to be fair, and protective his subjects. He towards patient, courageous just,generous, will be ruinedif he is unjustto his subjects(8). Fromthisand manyother thatthe Malaysdo not all sharethe same values it is apparent Malay texts, and attitudes eventsand issues. This is not something towardsparticular to the Malays. It is a phenomenon whichhas long been recognized peculiar and anthropologists. by sociologists We may here note some general observations on the problem of valuation, (a) The system of values are originally set by groups, (b) The standardof different groups reflectto a great extent their respective social structures, needs and functions, (c) Valuation as an organizations, act is not performed in psychological isolationand cannotbe sufficiently explainedin termsof subjectiveintentions,(d) A conflictin valuations or superimposed groups are co-ordinated usuallyemergedwhen different the other, The different standardsof each relation between (e) upon valuationdependson theirrelationas social groups. If thereis no comwill be separated, as munication betweenthe groups then their standard which has reacheda in a society based on caste, (f) " In a staticsociety, certain balance,therewill alwaysbe some classesof leadinggroups(elites) the standards of which will be silentlyaccepted even by those groups " frustrated which are subjugatedand essentially by these valuations(9). (g) When societybecomes dynamicwith rapid changes of stratification, in the social scale,only then the the rise and fall of individuals involving social prestige of the leadinggroupswill be challenged, (h) Though social conditionthe valuationprocess,it would be wrong to classes decisively the neighbourto theirinfluence. The family, relateall values exclusively all the secretsociety, hood, the workingteam, the club, the playground, influence on valuation. of them,have each its particular In termsof the above general observations, the dominantstandardof from the 16thcentury to theturnof the 19thcentury, Malaysociety glancing fromavailable records, was that of the warriorkingship. The values of in combat, to the prince, absoluteloyalty skillfulness bravery, aggressiveness, and pillage were stressed. From the 15th century, if not earlier,the of the Malayswas dottedby pettyas well as more seriouswarfare history betweencontending chiefsand princess, rightup to the end of the 19th Within there value century. Malay society developed two contradictory usaha (labour), and the one stressing systems, gotong-royong, co-operation, the other stressing conformity, courage, power, initiative,individualism, absolute loyaltyto the ruler,and pillage. The formervalue adventure, was to be foundamong the agrariansubjugatedsectionof Malay system value system was upheldby the rulersand theircourts, society. The latter
Law from Sungai (8) R. Winstedt,P. E. de Josselinde Jong,A Digest of Customary Ujong, JMBRAS, vol. XXVII, part 3, 1954. The translationis not always accurate. (9) Karl Mannheim, A few concrete examples concerning the soctologtcal nature of human valuations,in Essays in Sociology and Social Psychology, p. 237, Routledge Kegan Paul, London, 1953.

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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS their dependents and hirelings. The larger section of Malay society was dominated by the latter. From the history of the Malays we obtain the picture that two value systems existed side by side, at some points in conflictwith each other,at others not. here we mean those which actuallyinfluencedbehaviour,not By value systems the ideal theoreticalsystems. An instance of the conflict in value systems was furnishedby Maxwell. He said, " Forced labour is naturallyhated by Malays and is evaded as much as possible. Travelling in the interior of Kedah I have seen the Malay peasant runningfrom his fields into the jungle at the sight of the Raja's elephants,lest he should be called upon to formone of the train. In Perak the establishmentof British influence has led to a " " general strike on the part of the peasantryagainst the system to which submittedpeacefully. A Malay Raja in Perak, who in 1876 they formerly was able to supply me with the men of two or three villages in order to convey the baggage and stores of a detachment of troops from Blanja to Kinta, now finds it difficultto procure men to pole his own boat without paying them. Men required to performwork for the Government of the State, as at present constituted,are scrupulously paid, or provided faith ample rations" (10). In the traditional feudal Malay society, the cultivator or tenant of the soil was expected to perform compulsory services in return for his right to cultivate the soil and live on it, in addition to the proportion of the yield claimed by the chief or ruler. There seems to be no codified definition of the nature and extent of the compulsory labour (kerah) which the " In a superior can deimand. To quote Maxwell again, Malay state, the exaction of personal service from the ra'iyat is limited only by the powers of endurance of the latter. The superior authorityis obliged, from selfinterest,to stop short of the point at which oppression will compel the cultivator to abandon his land and emigrate. But within this limit, the cultivator may be required to give his labour in making roads, bridges, drains,and other works of public utility,to tend elephants,to pole boats, to carrylettersand messages, to attend his Chief when travelling,to cultivate his Chiefs fields as well as his own, and to serve as a soldier when required. Local custom often regulates the kind of service exacted from the cultivator in a particular district. Thus in Perak one district used to supply the Raja with timber for building purposes, while rattans and other materials came from others; the people of one locality used to furnishthe musicians for the Raja's band, while another had to provide nurses and attendants for his children" (11). The Malay peasant who ran away from his fields into the jungle to avoid the Raja's party, acted in conformitywith his value system. The manner of avoidance, escape rather than defiance, was the institutionally to the (10) W. R Maxwell,The Law and Customs of the Malayswith Reference Tenureof Land,p. 113, JSBRAS, No. 13, 1884. (11) Op. cit.,pp. 108-109.

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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY established mode to cope with such a situation. We shall consider this as one of the continuities. However let us now describe some of these continuities. The first we can discuss is the lack of a clear and consciously upheld distinction between what is private and what is official. In its modern form,it assumes the fusion between the interestof the individual and that of the state. The group in power ignores the distinctionbetween private and official,as in traditionalfeudal society where such a distinction was often not drawn. The illustrationsused here should not be confused with malpractices or criminal behaviour. They were considered proper and legal by the participants. The following is one instance from the State of Pahang in 1965. " Members travellingon Legislative Assembly business are entitled to mileage allowances. It has been the practice for members of the Legislative Assembly to make travelling claims among other things, in respect of attendance at political meetings, civics courses, opening of mosque and public buildings, funeral of Assemblyman, Bulan Bahasa meetings, Koran Readings and election work. Recently, the AttorneyGeneral has expressed the opinion that Legislative Assembly business must be restrictedto mean only business directly connected with meetings of the Assemblyor a Committee thereofor with business specificallyinstructed The by the Assembly or a Committee thereof to be taken by a member. attentionof the State Governmenthas been drawn to this legal opinion " (12). Another instance of the lack of distinction between private and official business concerns the use of telephones. In the State of Trengganu in 1963, the telephone account of the State Secretariatamounted to $ 12,918.16. This is more than $ 1,000 per month. The charges included telephone calls made from government quarters on official telephones. "Proper records of the trunk calls do not appear to have been kept and it is noteworthy that no collection was made for any private trunk call. " (13) Similarly in Kota Bahru, the State of Kelantan, charges for private calls from certain officersat Police Contingent Headquarters had not been collected for up to four years. The amount outstanding in 1961 was $ 1,544 of which $ 861 was then still uncollected (14). The above instances are two of the numerous examples in the differentsectors of administrativeactivity. This phenomenon is to be distinguished from criminal practices. Those who made use of government facilities for private ends often felt that they were entitled to do so. In the feudal period the distinction between the two was often hazy. Perhaps the most significantcontinuityof attitude is to be found in the relationshipbetween the political leader and his followers,or between the subordinateofficial and his superior. In the Malay feudal society,the most
(12) Report of the Auditor-Generalon the Accounts of the State of Pahang for the Year 1965, p. 5, Govt. PrintingDepartment,Kuala Lumpur, 1967. (Abbreviation RAGAS Panane.) (13) RAGAS Trengganu for the year 1963, p. 3, Govt. Printing Dept, Kuala Lumpur, 1964. (14) RAGAFM 1961, p. 29, Govt. Printing Dept., Kuala Lumpur, 1962.

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SYED HUSSEINALATAS in the relationship and his supeseriousdisturbance betweena subordinate rior was a challenge or a defiance. A challenge or defiancemightlead to of hostility an outbreak or it mightnot. Even if the challenge or defiance it outside the struggle forpolitical could to conoccurred lead serious power, of his superior's mightchallengethe soundness sequences. A subordinate decision,or a follower mightreject the leader'sviews. The adoptionof would be met with determined resistance. One instance such an attitude a few years ago was the expulsionof a party memberby the central concerned without givenbecausethemember leadership anyreason challenged for a particular the leadership for not agreeingwith his candidacy constiThe of the had state division nominated him as tuency. party(UMNO) a candidatefor the generalelection. On the otherhand partymembers who negatively affected the image of the partyby theirbehaviour were earnestly protected. The best instance of this sort is the case of the previousMinisterof Education. He sued for libel an oppositionMember of Parliament who made the allegation that he, the Minister, was involvedin corruption.The Ministerlost the case and resigned.The Cabinetsubmitted forhis legal fees88,323Malaysian dollars. There were severecriticisms againstthis by the Oppositionmembers. They claimedthat public fund should not be spent on a Minister who went to courton his own initiative and thereafter failed to vindicate that the Ministerwas his name. They deploredthe Cabinet'sstatement innocent before the judge pronouncedhis decision (15). This case the continuity with the feudal past. In the feudal society illustrates the subordinate could relyon the assistance of his mastereven thoughhe had been granted was wrong. As a matter of factroyal to criminal protection and servitude. and murderers as evidenced concerning slavery by the practice If a personwas guilty of a seriouscrime, one way to avoid punishment was to runto theruler himself and declared no one would as his slave. Thereafter dareto touchhim (16). The important to obtain protection conditions from feudal rulersand chiefswere unflinching and subservience the master. In towards loyalty returnfor these protection was grantedirrespective of the nature and is foundin degreeof the crime. The modernversionof this relationship thepolitical as the individual As is and to the subservient party. long loyal he can relyon his protection in the hourof need. His misdemeanour leader, and excessesmay be tolerated, but never a challengeor defianceto the leader. This idea of challengeis ofteninclusiveof mere disagreement on for leadership. The leader issueswhichdo not enterinto a powerstruggle his party unit withhim as head of the as thoughit is a manorial managed manor. In his set up, statusseniority and age prevailsover youthand initia.tive.He keeps his party colleagues around him as though they
Debates, Vols. Il, nos. 18, 19, 1965, (15) For the debate on this see Parliamentary Govt. PrintingOffice,Kuala Lumpur 1967. details see Aminuddin bin Baki, The Institutionof Debt Slavery (16) For further in Perak, Peninjau Sejarah, Vol. 1, Kuala Lumpur, July,1966.

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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY were manorial attendants who by sheer devotion and proximity to him remain in their positions. In the party structureand the Cabinet hierarchy there is very little mobility. This again reflectsthe manorial outlook and condition. Another continuity which can easily be identified is the tendency to spend on festivals, ceremonies, entertainments,and recreational projects, beyond what can be rationallyjustified within the context of the situation. The feudal value of pomp and grandeur prevails upon the intentionto save and economize. We may note some instances here. In March 1966, the Prime Minister requested an additional sum of $ 203,323 on $ 200,000 for the purchase of stars, badges, ribbons, and so forth,for 2 new orders of chivalry which the government introduced then. Thus the sum required totalled $ 403,323 (17). In 1964 the State of Trengganu purchased $ 43,300 worth of medals (18). The State of Kedah purchased $ 75,246.09 's worth of medals (117) in the same year (19). In February 1968, 109 persons received the decorationsof Kedah (20). Trengganu conferred92 decorations in the same year (21). Perlis, the smallest state of Malaysia, honoured 45 persons in 1968 (22). The Yang di-Pertuan Agong, as Head of the Federal State decorated 555 persons this year on the occasion of his birthday. Selangor conferred45 honours in 1967 (23). It may safely be estimated that more than 1,000 persons receive decorations each year throughoutMalaysia. In the last 10 years since Merdeka, Malaysia must have spent millions in medals and ribbons. Judging from the price of the Kedah purchase, $ 75,246.09 for 117 stars and medals, the average cost is about 655. If we consider 1,000 pieces at $ 300 each (average) for the whole of Malaysia, it will come to about $ 300,000 (0.3 million) a year. In addition to recurrent expenditure as buying medals stars and ribbons, there is the ceremonial send off and welcome for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. On 20th and 21st September 1965, the Malaysian governmentspent $ 28,000 on the ceremonial send-off for the Raja of Perlis, and the welcome of the Sultan of Trengganu as Yang diPertuan Agong (24). The state visits of the Prime Minister of Korea in September 1965 and the Prime Minister of South Vietnam cost $ 30,000 and $ 19,000 respectively. Each visit lasted about 3 days (25). The Auditor-General's report of 1964 included a total expenditure of $ 1,038,711 for the purchase of cutlery,crockeryand glass for Parliament Kuala Lum(17) Cmd. 8 of 1966, p. 11, March 14, 1966, Govt. Printing Office, pur. See bibliography. (18) RAGAS Trengganu 1964, p. 3. (19) RAGAS Kedah 1964, p. 4. (20) WartaKerajaanNegriKedah,Jil.II, no. 4, 1968. Til. 21, no. 13, 1968. (21) WartaKeraiaanNegertTrengganu, (22) WartaKeraiaanNegeriPerlis,Til. 11, No. 11, 1968. (23) WartaKerajaanNegeriSelangor, Jil. 20, no. 6, 1967. (24) Cmd. 8 of 1966, Dewan Rakyat, Malaysia,14 March 1966. {1) Loc. en.

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SYED HUSSEINALATAS houses. They were proHouse, overseasmissionsand some government for Parliament, overseas missionsand for bably for 2,000 place-settings Parliament House Canteen. The reportdid not mentionthe total. It of 500 placesaid, "In October1963, the Treasury approvedthe ordering of cutlery, and glass for Parliament House and of supplies settings crockery forsix FederalGovernment Houses up to a limitof $ 406,400, subjectto in the firstinstance. However,orderswere quotationsbeing submitted and the quantities to the Treasury, apparently placedwithout priorreference orderedexceeded those approved by 400 place-settings for Parliament, 100 places of cutlery and 200 crockery for Parliament House Canteenand 600 places for OverseasMissions. The Treasurylimit was exceeded by were varied withoutprior $ 632,311 and the stores-purchasing regulations comments on Treasury approval. I have not yet receivedthe Treasury's in OverseasMissions how previous thismatter or been informed equipment will be utilised. Funds were voted to pay the whole order under three headsof expenditure in the FirstSupplementary Estimates 1965 " (26). It than that one cost more $ 500. appears place-setting may Anotheritem of expenditure worthnoting is the construction of the of Kuala Lumpur. The cost was SungaiWay Golf Course in the outskirt estimated at $ 4.1 million(27). Smaller in the golf coursesare constructed states. This has now becomea fashion. The state of Pahang mighthave spent $ 100,000 to extendthe Kuantan Golf Course (28). In 1963 the of a golf State of Malacca spent $ 396,325.84 for the construction course (29). There are numerousother expenditures on entertainments, statevisits, and golfcourses whichneed not be recounted festivals, banquets, it to saythatthemoodand desireto spendon suchobjectshave here. Suffice with the feudalpast wherethe rulingpower put a high been continuous entertainment and recreation. There is an apparent premiumon luxury, in the professed contradiction aims of the government and its propensity to spendin projects whichit considers as non-essential (30). It is not the intention here to construct a typology of continuities or and significance of certain continuities (31). For analysedeeperthe effect
on the Accounts (26) Reportof the Auditor-General, Malaysia, of the FederalGovernment for the Year ended31st December1964, pp. 47-48, Government Printing Kuala Lumpur, 1966. Office, (27) Dewan Rakvat. 23 Tanuarv 1968. Government Printine Office. Kuala Lumour. (28) RAGAS Pahang1963,p. 5. (29) RAGAS Malacca1963,p. 6. on its partwill do everything it can to economise, we (30) The Government will have to continue to cut out the frills, we will have to keep on reducing nonessential if not eliminate it altogether, and last but by no means least, expenditure, we mustcontinue to cut out waste,as it is also clear thattaxation exercises of the " in thisBudgetcannotbe imposed magnitude every proposed year. p. 67, Tan Siew of Finance, The 1967 Budget, FederalDepartment of Information, Sin, The Minister Kuala Lumpur, 1967. to the (31) A studyof a more elaboratenaturehas been made with reference the Malays in Malaysia,See Syed Hussein of occupational grading prestige amongst The Grading theMalaysin Malaysia, Alatas, of Occupational amongst JMBRAS, Prestige vol. XLI, Part1, July 1968. 588

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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY this purpose it would be best to select a single topic and treat it in both its synchronie and diachronic dimensions. It is also necessaryhere to correct any possible one sided impression of the Malaysian development owing to the fact that only the elements of psychological feudalism have been prominently emphasized. This emphasis is necessary to show its existence ratherthan the degree of its dominance in the Malaysian scene. The degree of influence exerted by psychological feudalism has yet to be studied. No suggestion at the moment can be reliable or is worth offering on the influence of psychological feudalism in Malaysia. The presence of historicalcontinuitiesidentifiedas psychologicalfeudalism cannot be denied. Their overt manifestations are obvious. It would require an enormous amount of time to gather disconnected and scattered facts here and there to illustratethe continuities in the differentsectors of social life. Recently Inche Tahar bin Haji Kamin,, 70 years of age, a witchdoctor (bomoh) was flown from West Malaysia to East Malaysia on the occasion of the state visit of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, the King to East Malaysia. His assignmentwas to stop the rains from falling which he was believed to have accomplished in a royal wedding some time ago in the capital. In Sabah he was believed to have succeeded in preventing rain for more than 3 days, the period of the state visit (32). In the various sectors of social life we find continuities from the feudal period in the realms of beliefs, attitudes and reaction patterns in crisis situations (33). BIBLIOGRAPHY
2. W.E. Maxwell, The History of Perak from Native Sources, JSBRAS, no. 9,

1. RJ. Wilkinson, Government Kuala Lumpur, 1908. Paperson MalaySubjects, Press,

June,1882. to the 3. W.E. Maxwell,The Law and Customsof the Malays with Reference Tenureof Land,JSBRAS,no. 13, June1964. 4. C.C. Brown,(tr.),SejarahMelayu, JMBRAS,vol. XXV, parts2 and 3, October, 1952. A Digest of Customary 5. R. Windstedt, P.E. de Josselin de Jong, Law fromSungai vol. XXVII, part 3, July, 1954. Ujong,JMBRAS, 6. RJ. Wilkinson, and Beliefs, vol. XXX, part4, Nov. 1957. MalayCustoms The Kedah Annals, vol. XVI, part2, December1938. 7. R.O. Windstedt, JMBRAS, 8. R.O. Windstedt, vol. XVI, JMBRAS, (ed), The MalayAnnalsor SejarahMelayu, part 3, December1938. vol. XXXIV, de Jong, Who's Who in theMalayAnnals, 9. P.E. de Josselin JMBRAS, part2, 1961. visitto Sabah is $ 938,000. 24 July 1968. The costof thisstate Hartan, (32) Berita whichwill a new yachtforsuch occasionin future is buying The Sabah government cost$ 1,500,000. Straits Times,30 July1968. on present economic behaviour theinfluence of traditional thought (33) Concerning and Economic see SyedHusseinAlatas,Collective theMalays, Representations amongst vol. 2, no. 1, Kuala Lumpur, Kaiian Ekonomi 1965. Malaysia, Development, 1 US $. notedis in Malaysian $. 3 Malaysian $ is approximately (*) All currency

589

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SYED HUSSEIN

ALATAS

10. R.O. Windstedt,P.E. de Jo.iselinde Jong, (eds., and trs.), The Maritime Laws of Malacca, JMBRAS, vol. XXIX, part 3, August 1956. 11. W.F. Wertheim, Society as a composite of conflictingvalue systems,in W.F. Wertheim, East-West Parallels, van Hoeve, The Hague, 1964. 12. R. Roolvink, The Variant Versions of the Malay Annals, Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land, en Volkenkunde,deel, 123, Nijhoff,the Hague, 1967. A.H. 13. Hill, (ed., tr.), Hikayat Raja-Raja Vasai, JMBRAS, vol. XXXIII, part 2, June I960. (Malay text and English translation.) 14. A.M. will (ed., tr.) l he ttikayat Abetunan, jmka, voi. jllviii, part :>, June, 1955. (English translation.) 15. R.O. Windstedt,A History of Classical Malay Literature,JMBRAS, vol. XXXI, Part 3, June, 1958. 16. Raja Haji Ali Riau, Tuhfat al-Nafis, Malaysia Publications, Singapura, 1965. 17. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, L.A. Manyon, (tr.), Routledge-Kegan Paul, London, 18. F.L. Ganshof, Feudalism, P. Grievson, (tr.), Longmans, Green, London, 1952. 19. R. Coulborn, (ed.), Feudalism in History, Archon Books, Hamden, Connecticut, 1965. 20. Karl Mannheim, A few concrete examples concerningthe sociological nature of human valuations,in Karl Mannheim, Essays in Sociology and Social Psychology, Routledge-Kegan Paul, London, 1953. 21. Dewan Rakyat, Cmd. 8 of 1966, Malaysia, Treasury Memorandum on the 3rd SupplementaryEstimates of Expenditure for 1965 of the Government of Malaysia, GovernmentPrinting Office, Kuala Lumpur. 22. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Kedah, Jil. 11, 21 February 1968, no. 4, Government Printing Office, Alor Star. 23. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, Jil. 20, 23 March, 1967, no. 6, Govt. Printing Office,Kuala Lumpur. 24. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Trengganu,Jil. 21, 26 June 1968, no. 13, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Trengganu. 25. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Perlis, Jil. 11, 30 May 1968, no. 11, Govt. Printing Office,Alor Star. 26. Warta Kerajaan Malaysia, Jil. 12, 5 June 1968, no. 12, Tambahan 1, Govt. PrintingOffice. Kuala Lumour. 27. Tan Siew Sin, The 1967 Budget, Federal Department of Information,Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1967. 28. Tan Siew Sin, The 1968 Budget, Federal Department of Information,Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1968. 29. Aminuddin bin Baki, The Institution of Debt Slavery in Perak, Peninjau Sejarah, vol. 1, Kuala Lumpur,July 1966. 30. Parliamentary Debates, vol. II, nos. 18, 19, 1965, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1967. 31. Dewan Rakyat, 23 January 1968, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1968. 32. Report of the Auditor-General, Malaysia, on the Accounts of the Federal Government for the Year ended 31st December, 1964, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1966. 33. Report of the Auditor-Generalon the Accounts of the Federation of Malaya for the Year ended 31st December 1964, GovernmentPrinting Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1962.

1961.

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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY on the Accounts 34. Reportof the Auditor-General of the State of Pahangfor the Kuala Lumpur, Year 1963, Govt.Printing 1965. Office, on the Accounts 35. Reportof the Auditor-General of the State of Trengganu for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Kuala Lumpur, 1964. Office, on the Accounts 36. Reportof the Auditor-General of the State of Trengganu for Kuala Lumpur, the Year 1964, Govt.Printing 1966. Office, 37. Reportof the Auditor-General for the Accounts of the State of Malacca for the Kuala Lumpur, Year 1963, Govt.Printing 1964. Office, on the Accountsof the State of Kedah for 38. Report of the Auditor-General Kuala Lumpur,1965. the Year 1964, Govt. Printing Office, on the Accounts 39. Reportof the Auditor-General of the State of Pahang for the Kuala Lumpur,1967. Year 1965, Govt. Printing Office, and Economic Development, 40. Syed Hussein Alatas, CollectiveRepresentations vol. 2, no. 1, June,1965. Kajian EkonomiMalaysia, the Malays 41. SyedHusseinAlatas,The Gradingof Occupational Prestige Amongst Social Research,New on Comparative Conference in Malaysia,International Delhi, March 27 - April 1, 1967. Publishedin JMBRAS,vol. XLI, part 1, July1968. 42. Syed Hussein Alatas, Reconstruction of MalaysianHistory,Revue du Sud-Est no. 3, 1962, Bruxelles. Asiatique, de Socio43. SyedHusseinAlatas,The WeberThesisand South East Asia, Archives no. 15, Paris 1963. logie des Religions, 44. BeritaHarian, 24 July1968, Kuala Lumpur. 45. Straits Ttmes,30 July1968, Kuala Lumpur. ABBREVIATIONS JSBRAS JMBRASRAGAS Branch of the Straits of the RoyalAsiaticSociety. Journal of the RoyalAsiaticSociety. of theMalayanBranch Journal on the Accounts of the Stateof Reportof the Auditor-General fortheyear of the Federation on the Accounts of RAGFM - Reportof the Auditor-General MalayafortheYear nos. 32-39.) (See bibliography

FEODALITE DANS LA SOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUE

(Rsum) Internationale d'Histoire la Confrence (communication asiatique, prsente aot 1968) Kuala Lumpur, et expliquercertainsvnements Pour comprendre qui ont marqu la certainsfaits de son histoirepolitique,il socitmalaise,particulirement et de valeurs la persistance dans cettesocitde comportements fautadmettre remontant la priodefodaleet encorevivacesde nos jours. d'un ensemble de phnomnes Il s'agitplus prcisment que l'on pourrait de ceux qui , pour les distinguer qualifierde fodalitpsychologique aux domainespolitique, conomiqueet judiciaire.Dfinir se rapportent 591

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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS le terme de fodalit n'est pas chose aise. Historiquement,la fodalit est en fait une mthode de gouvernementcaractrisepar un certain nombre de traitsque l'on retrouvedans les socits malaise, chinoise et indienne : cart considrable entre riches et pauvres, prdominance politique de groupes hrditaires, conomie de type seigneurial entranant la dpendance des paysans envers le puissant possesseur foncier, suprmatie de la classe des guerriers, dcentralisation du pouvoir et de l'administration. Si la fodalit dans Tordre institutionnel et judiciaire a peu peu disparu au cours de la fin du XIX>sicle, c'est--diredurant la priode de modernisation du pays, ses caractrespsychologiques se sont par contre maintenus. Le trait dominant de cette fodalit psychologique apparat dans la relation fondamentalequi unit les hommes au pouvoir et ceux qui leur sont subordonns ou dpendants. C'est un attachementpersonnel qui lie ceux-ci au chef, bien plus que le respect des principes qu'il reprsente. Et cet attachement se manifeste en toutes circonstances, mme au dtriment des valeurs et des ides philosophiques sur lesquelles repose la socit malaise. Cependant, pour juger de l'tat d'une socit, il importe de dceler les voire les oppositions, pouvant exister au sein de cette socit diffrences, mme en ce qui concerne les systmesde valeurs. Ainsi, pour dcouvrir les lments de continuit,il faut d'abord observer les divergences de comportement et d'apprciation des valeurs telles qu'elles se manifestentdans les diverses couches de la socit. C'est en ngligeant ces considrationsque Ton a t amen interprter malencontreusement certaines attitudesproprement malaises l'gard de la royautet plus gnralementde la soumission envers l'autoritdu chef. L'examen de plusieurs faits historiques, dont le plus ancien a t enregistr au XVIe sicle, conduit des observationsgnrales sur l'apprciation des valeurs essentielles.On voit se dvelopper dans la socit malaise deux soit d'une part celui qui engage la systmes de valeurs contradictoires, et d'autrepart,celui qui met l'accent cooprationet l'acceptationconformiste, sur le courage individuel, sur la puissance, sur l'esprit d'aventure. Ainsi, traversl'histoirede la Malaisie coexistentdeux systmesde valeurs qui, dans certainescirconstances, pourrontentreren conflit.C'est en fonctionde cette dualit de comportement qu'il faut juger bien des faits survenus dans l'adaptation de la socit malaise aux conditions de son dveloppement moderne. la persistanced'une fodalit psychologique est incontestable. En dfinitive, Elle se manifestenotammentdans une demi-confusionde ce qui est propre l'individu et de ce qui appartient l'autorit. Elle apparat aussi, et de faon caractrise,dans les relations qui unissent le chef politique et sa clientle.Enfin,on la retrouvedans cette propension aux dpenses excessives, de crmonies et de manifestations engages l'occasion de festivits, publiques, telles que la distributionde distinctionshonorifiques.Mais il faudrait une longue et patiente tude pour mesurerle degr rel d'influence de cette fodalit psychologique sur l'ensemble de la socit malaise.

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