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The homework assigned to me is the treatment of ceramic inf luences East and West. This is a topic which is more difficult to deal with than the question of exports and imports, which is usually a straightforward matter and where we are on safer grounds. If we consider the definitions of the word inf luence we find that it is a tricky matter: action insensibly exercised,1 The exertion of action of which the operation is unseen, except in its effects, or The capacity of producing effects by insensible or invisible means.2 In ceramics it is often a question of copies, copying or imitations. If we take imports and exports as a guide, we may trace inf luences in the wakes of the trade routes. Sometimes we can follow the trade routes as Eva Rystedt has done, by following the exports of vases made by the same potters at Berbati from Greece to various places in Cyprus and Ras Shamra.3 Contacts were established directly or indirectly via gift exchanges, diplomatic missions, royal or merchant enterprises. Objects sometimes with potmarks or inscriptions on them and craftsmen travelled. Texts speak of exchange between Alashiya, Syria-Palestine, Babylonia and Egypt. An interesting example of international interconnection was first pointed out by Helene Kantor, whom we honour in this conference; she drew attention to a jug from el-Lisht which, according to her, epitomized connections between the Syria-Palestinian, Egyptian and Minoan spheres.4 It is a Middle Bronze IIB Tell el-Yahudiyeh shape with a Minoanizing dolphin, which was found in Egypt. Robert Merrillees very aptly named this elaborate pottery el-Lisht ware,5 and he and Kemp devoted a whole chapter to the jug in their book Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt.6 Gisela Walberg has pointed out that the similarity between the dolphins on the jug and dolphins in Minoan art is too superficial to be used for chronological purposes.7 In this context it is mentioned as an example of international inf luences, although it is uncertain whether the jug was made in Egypt or the Levant. Owing to limited time I shall mainly concentrate on inf luences from the Aegean to Cyprus and vice versa. We can try to find inf luences and imitations in the shapes and types, in the decoration and possibly in the technique.

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1 2 3 4 H.W. and F.G. FOWLER, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English, 5th ed. (1966) 624. Both definitions in W. LITTLE et al., The Oxford Universal Dictionary, 3rd ed. (1955) 1002. E. RYSTEDT, Mycenaean Pictorial Vases: Individual Painters and East Mediterranean Chronology and Trade, in P. STRM (ed.), Acta Cypria 3 (1992) 306-315, and in other articles. H.J. KANTOR, The Chronology of Egypt and Its Correlation with that of Other Parts of the Near East in the Periods before the Last Bronze Age, in R.W. EHRICH (ed.), Relative Chronologies in Old World Chronology (1954) 14; Eadem, The Relative Chronology of Egypt and Its Foreign Correlations before the Late Bronze Age, in R.W. EHRICH (ed.), Chronologies in Old World Chronology (1965) 23-24, fig. 6; P. STRM, Remarks on Middle Minoan Chronology, in Kretika Chronika 15-16, Part I (1963) 147. R.S. MERRILLEES, Trade and Transcendence in the Bronze Age Levant. SIMA 39 (1974) 59-75; cf. M.F. KAPLAN, The Origin and Distribution of Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware. SIMA 63 (1980) 94, 328; M. BIETAK, Archologischer Befund und historische Interpretation am Beispiel der Tell el-Yahudiya-Ware, Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur 2 (1989) 14 n. 24. R.S. MERRILLEES and B.J. KEMP, Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt (1980) 220-25 (reviews by J.M. WEINSTEIN in JARCE XIX [1982] 158, 159 nn. 3-4; V. HANKEY, in Die Welt des Orients XVII [1986] 153). G. WALBERG, Middle Minoan III A Time of Transition. SIMA 97 (1992) 47 n. 22; cf. Eadem, Provincial Middle Minoan Pottery (1983) 141. See, however, P. WARREN and V. HANKEY, Aegean Bronze Age Chronology (1989) 135-36, 140-41.

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Shapes The pottery of the Early Cypriot Bronze Age is a fabulous, fanciful, fantastic and fascinating phenomenon, but the relief-vases and pottery models representing scenes of daily life were created in a fairly isolated area with little contact with the world around it, so it did not have much impact and I cannot find that it was imitated elsewhere. It is also difficult to be certain whether the Egyptian models of ships, workmens scenes and stables, etc, inspired the Cypriot potters to produce models of daily life, boats, ploughing and sanctuaries discovered in the cemeteries and thus intended for the afterlife, or if the Cypriots invented the idea themselves. While Virginia Grace and J.R. Stewart suggested an Egyptian inspiration, Inga Jacobsson and Vassos Karageorghis consider them to be an indigenous invention.8 Karageorghis regards quite rightly the scenic compositions to be among the most important creations of the EC III/MC I potter-coroplast illustrating the imaginative spirit of the period.9 He and Desmond Morris10 do not even find the idea of a possible Egyptian inspiration worth mentioning or discussing. At any rate they inspired a poet who is living in the USA and was present here yesterday, Jeno Platthy, who wrote a poem about these Cypriot vases. It is quoted in my booklet, Jeno Platthy and Antiquity. One of the instances of foreign inf luence is provided by duck vases, which are represented in Cyprus in Red Polished and Black Polished Ware. They occur at Lapithos, Ayia Paraskevi, and probably Dhenia and Kotchati (which probably means the cemetery of Marki, Alonia)11 in Early Cypriot III.12 It is a case where inf luence from the Cycladic or Aegean area to Cyprus has been suggested by James R. Stewart,13 Ellen Herscher,14 Robert Merrillees,15 and myself.16 Recently a case has been made to derive the shape from Anatolia. Merrillees postulates three hypotheses, which are generally valid to explain inf luences from one area to another. Firstly, one or more duck vases were brought to the Island and copied in local wares by the Cypriot potters. Secondly, a Cycladic potter visited Cyprus and made some duck vases in the native style. Finally, a Cypriot potter visited the Cyclades and brought back with him the idea for this kind of container.17 After having discussed the alternatives, Merrillees favours the first theory that at the very least the Cypriot duck vases were based on actual imports, however they may have arrived in the Island, and were created by indigenous craftsmen.18 There is no doubt that they were made on Cyprus. These askoi were called papies by the workmen at Phylakopi. This means ducks but also bed bottles or chamber pots. Duck vase is a convenient term, but we do not know what it was used for. Now a question of geography. Archaeology has to live with incorrect geographical terms such as Megarian bowls and Canaanite jars; the latter were manufactured in Egypt, Palestine,

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8 V. GRACE and J.R. STEWART, The Swedish Cyprus Expedition IV:1A (1962) 278-80 suggested an Egyptian inspiration, while I. JACOBSSON, Early Relations between Cyprus and Egypt?, in Referate vom Kolloquium zur gischen Vorgeschichte, Mannheim, 20-22.2.1986 (1987) 180 found no reason to doubt an indigenous development. V. KARAGEORGHIS, The Coroplastic Art of Ancient Cyprus I (1991) 48. D. MORRIS, The Art of Ancient Cyprus (1985). Cf. P. STRM, Triads in the Cypriote Pantheon?, Journal of Prehistoric Religion X (1996) 3. Cf. references in the following notes and P. FLOURENTZOS, Selected Antiquities of Red Polished Ware from Cypriote Private Collections, OpAth 14 (1982) 21, 24. J.R. STEWART, Corpus of Cypriot Artefacts of the Early Bronze Age. SIMA II:2 (1992) 39-42. E. HERSCHER, New Light from Lapithos, in N. ROBERTSON (ed.), The Archaeology of Cyprus: Recent Developments (1975) 53, fig. 18. R.S. MERRILLEES, Cyprus, the Cyclades and Crete in the Early to Middle Bronze Ages, in Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium The Relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000-500 B.C., Nicosia 16th April - 22nd April 1978 (1979) 8-55. P. STRM, Relations between Cyprus and the Dodecanese in the Bronze Age, in S. DIETZ and L. PAPACHRISTODOULOU (eds.), Archaeology in the Dodecanese (1988) 76. MERRILLEES (supra n. 15) 17. Ibid. 18.

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Syria, Cyprus, and possibly also Cilicia. The duck vases are usually probably correctly called Cycladic, but they have been found in Anatolia, the Eastern Sporades (the Dodecanese), the Cyclades, the Greek mainland, and on Cyprus, and were probably made in more than one place.19 But where did they originate? Usually the Cyclades, where they are common, has been regarded as the country of origin. According to Peter Misch, who has written a book on these askoi and an article in the new series Thetis, published in Mannheim, the prototypes were made in Anatolia.20 In his opinion, the Cycladic and Cypriot duck vases developed independently from a common West Anatolian prototype. There are some weak points in Mischs argument. He refers to a well known close relation between the Cypriot and Anatolian pottery repertory in Early Bronze III and Early Cypriot III and adds that Anatolia probably had an increased need for copper from Cyprus.21 Unfortunately, there is so far no secure archaeological evidence of contact between Cyprus and Anatolia in Early Cypriot III, but contacts were established both earlier and later, so we have a missing link in our records.22 Without giving any concrete references, Misch apparently refers to beaked jugs and other shapes of Anatolian affinity; these features appear as early as the Philia culture on Cyprus.23 A fragmentary vase from Beycesultan has incised rings around the neck.24 The attribution of this vase to the duck vases has already been doubted by Renfrew,25 Dietz, and Merrillees. Is it shown in a correct position? If you tilt it to the right, it becomes a jug. It has an unusual, f langed rim. The neck is incised, as stated in the excavation report, maybe deeply incised, but it does not have applied ridges. Misch regards the neck as ridged, and compares this feature with Cypriot duck vases, but he is mistaken when he says that these also have ridges.26 Their rings are not in relief, but incised! The handle as reconstructed is also different from the string-hole lugs on Cypriot duck vases. The similarities which remain are the cylindrical necks and the round mouths. It remains to state that Misch has failed to prove a direct inf luence from Anatolia. Misch admits that Cycladic duck vases were exported to the Greek mainland27 and to Anatolia.28 Not a single duck vase has appeared in Anatolia, only what Misch calls Kugelaskoi, globular askoi, and Askoskannen, askos jugs. The Cypriot duck vases with their conical, peaked upper parts and string-hole handles resemble the Cycladic specimens and there is no reason to suspect any other models for the Cypriot imitations. In one of his early monographs Nouveaux documents pour ltude du Bronze Rcent Chypre which appeared in 1965, Karageorghis presented a corpus of vase shapes which he considered peculiar to Cyprus, and summarized the various opinions about this phenomenon. There are many vases found on Cyprus and made in Mycenaean technique which imitate the forms of Cypriot Base-ring and White Slip ware. There are two hypotheses about their appearance in Cyprus: either they were made by Mycenaeans who worked in the commercial centres of the Levant or they were made in Greece and exported for the Levantine market. A

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19 20 21 S. DIETZ, Two Painted Duck-vases from Rhodes, Acta Archaeologica 45 (1974) 143. P. MISCH, Die Askoi in der Bronzezeit (1992); Idem, Zur Herkunft der frkyprischen Entenkannen, Thetis 3 (1996) 7-12. MISCH 1996 (supra n. 20) 11. Misch only gives a general reference to a statement by Dikaios on the existence of copper in Cyprus in Chalcolithic times. Misch also regards, e.g., ring vases and kernoi as dependent on Anatolian prototypes. See P. STRM, Early Connections between Anatolia and Cyprus, in K. EMRE et al. (eds.), Anatolia and the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honor of Tahsin zg (1989) 15-17. H.W. CATLING, Cypriote Bronzework in the Mycenaean World (1964) 57, 59 suggests one probable and one doubtless import of bronzes from Anatolia. See, e.g., E. GJERSTAD, The Origin and Chronology of the Early Bronze Age in Cyprus, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1980 (1980) 12, fig. 1. S. LLOYD and J. MELLAART, Beycesultan I (1962) 214-15, fig. P.53:1. C. RENFREW, The Emergence of Civilisation (1972) 192. MISCH 1996 (supra n. 20) 11: Die kyprische Entenkanne ist, wie bereits erwhnt, am deutlichsten gekennzeichnet durch die plastischen Parallelringe um den Hals. MISCH 1992 (supra n. 20) 61-62, 96. Ibid. 71. See also J. MELLAART, Anatolian Chronology in the Early and Middle Bronze Age, AnatSt VII (1957) 75, 76-80.

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parallel with later Attic vases found on Cyprus and imitating Cypriot forms would be an argument for the latter alternative. Karageorghis argued that the great quantity of Mycenaean vases with Cypriot forms would speak against the latter hypothesis. Hector Catling, who has attributed so many elements of the Late Cypriot bronzework to the Aegean,29 does not agree and regards the vases as Mycenaean.30 What neither Karageorghis nor any other dared to suggest is a third hypothesis, namely that they could have been made by Cypriots on Cyprus. In a publication which appeared in 1990, Karageorghis maintains because of their great number that the major part of the Mycenaean vases found in Cyprus was made there by Mycenaean artists.31 Scientists have now subjected Mycenaean sherds found in Greece and in Cyprus to petrographic, neutron activation, and other analyses. If we accept their results, the Mycenaean vases found on Cyprus were made in Greece, particularly in the Argolid and more precisely mainly at Berbati. The scientific studies have been summarized by R.E. Jones in a magnificent book Greek and Cypriot Pottery which appeared in 1986. The scientific conclusion may not be the whole truth, however. That will be shown, for instance, by an enigmatic jug found in the Tomb of the Ivory Pyxides on the slope of the Areopagus. It is exhibited in the Agora Museum and it was Robert Merrillees who discovered that it was made in impeccable Base-ring technique. I included it in The Swedish Cyprus Expedition volume IV:1D as Base-ring I Ware exported from Cyprus to Greece. I have had an opportunity to study the jug in detail and found traces of a palmprint made by the potter on the inside of the neck. In a search for more fingerprints, I asked a conservator of the Agora Museum to dismantle the mended jug for me, which he kindly did. There were unfortunately no fingerprints in the interior, but I could verify that the lower part was perfectly Mycenaean and the upper part Base-ring. This was so interesting that I asked R.E. Jones to analyze the vase. An analysis by optical emission spectrometry made by Richard Jones confirmed that the composition of the clay, not only in the Base-ring upper part, but also in the lower part made in pinkish buff Mycenaean fabric, was the same.32 The analysis showed that the jug was not made in Attica or the Argolid; there was a match with data from Crete, but the best parallel was with Base-ring Ware from Arpera in Cyprus. Its low calcium content is shared by other Base-ring pieces. Jones suggested that the difference in the colour was due to the firing and that the grey colour may have been due to reduced oxidation. Robert Merrillees found it unlikely, in 1978, that the vase was exported from Cyprus to Athens, given the lack of any Base-Ring exports to Greece or other tangible evidence for contacts.33 The situation has changed, as Eric Cline has most recently shown, particularly after the discovery of Cypriot pottery at Tiryns, Cypriot wall-brackets at Mycenae and Tiryns,34 and a Cypriot ship which sank at Iria. We should also not forget that the tomb from the Areopagus contained ivory pyxides and an imported Canaanite jar. Robert Koehl has also examined the jug and regards it as a Mycenaean product from the Argolid.35 He also points out that the vase is wheel-made and the handle is not inserted through the wall of the vessel, as is often the case in Cyprus. Against Koehl, one could argue that a provenance in the Argolid is not supported by the chemical analysis, that the wheel was used on Cyprus in Plain,

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29 In a late reconsideration, he accepted criticism in many ways; cf. V. KARAGEORGHIS (ed.), Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium Cyprus Between the Orient and the Occident, Nicosia, 8-14 September 1985 (1986) 91. H.W. CATLING in R.E. JONES (ed.), Greek and Cypriot Pottery (1986) 599. V. KARAGEORGHIS, Les anciens chypriotes. Entre Orient et Occident (1990) 98. Contra: CATLING (supra n. 30) 599-600. P. STRM and R.E. JONES, A Mycenaean Tomb and its Near Eastern Connections, OpAth 14 (1982) 79; P.M. RICE, Pottery Analysis (1987) 345; C. ORTON, P. TYERS and A. VINCE, Pottery in Archaeology (1993) 134. MERRILLEES (supra n. 15) 18. SWDS, 221-23. There are two examples from Mycenae; see P. and L. STRM, The Swedish Cyprus Expedition IV:1D (1972) 587 n. 4. R.B. KOEHL, Another Look at the Mycenaean Base Ring Vase from the Athenian Agora, OpAth XVI (1986) 125-26.

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Black Slip, Red Slip and White Painted wheel-made wares, and that handles were not always pushed through Cypriot Late Bronze Age pot-walls. So what? I cannot ignore Richard Jones results. The jug was with some likelihood made at Arpera or in the neighbourhood of that site on Cyprus. But who made it? A Mycenaean residing in Cyprus who did not quite succeed in imitating Cypriot Base-ring ware? Or was it made by a Cypriot potter who did not manage to make a completely Mycenaean vase? Or was it made by a Cypriot and a Mycenaean Greek who worked side by side in the same workshop imitating each other? Who can tell? The exterior has the appearance of Cypriot Base-ring and half its body is Base-ring technique, while the shape and the lower body is Mycenaean. It is like Helene Kantors jug from Lisht, another example of international inf luences from one area to another amalgamated in a single pot. The Agora jug is not unique. At Hala Sultan Tekke, there are a number of fragments of vases of Base-ring fabric but with Mycenaean decoration, shape and finish. One is wheelmade, and the others are hand-made, and there is no doubt that they were made by Cypriot potters. The finds from the cemetery of Katydhata in the copper districts in northwestern Cyprus are significant.36 There are some rare Mycenaean imports in this middle-class village, there are clear Cypriot imitations in Base-ring and White Painted VI Ware, and there is at least one three-handled jar decorated with reversed spirals and apparently made of Cypriot clay.37 There was a demand for Mycenaean vases, perhaps as status symbols, or prestige goods in modern jargon, or they may have been acquired because of their contents or aesthetic qualities, or because there was a hunger for exotic objects. It was, however, costly to acquire foreign products, so the local potters imitated them for the home market. Let me now clarify my opinion on the situation. We have the following categories in Cyprus: 1. Mycenaean vases of Mycenaean form, decoration and technique exported to Cyprus from Greece and particularly from the Argolid, where a potters quarter has been excavated at Berbati. The large amphoroid kraters were exported from Berbati. 2. Mycenaean vases in Mycenaean technique but with Cypriot vase forms. I believe that they were made in Greece and exported to Cyprus to cater for the local tastes, like the products of the Attic Black figure potter Nikosthenes, which are found in greater numbers abroad in Etruria and Cyprus than in Greece. 3. Mycenaean vases found in Cyprus and made in Mycenaean technique, but in soft, micaceous and gritty buff clay.38 There are many 3-handled jars of this technique decorated with reversed, curve-stemmed spirals.39 4. Mycenaean vase forms and finish made in grey Base-ring technique and wheel-made. One example has been recorded from Hala Sultan Tekke;40 the amphoroid jug from Athens is another. 5. As the preceding, but hand-made. Several examples have been found at Hala Sultan Tekke.41 6. Imitations of Mycenaean vase forms in Base-ring Ware and White Slip Ware. Pithoid jars and squat jars have been imitated in Base-ring Ware42 and squat jars in White Slip II.43

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36 37 38 P. STRM, Katydhata: A Bronze Age Site in Cyprus. SIMA LXXXVI (1989) 59. STRM (supra n. 36) 56, Tomb 100.2. P. STRM, Comments on the Corpus of Mycenaean Pottery in Cyprus, in Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium The Mycenaeans in the East Mediterranean, Nicosia 27th March - 2nd April 1972 (1973) 127. Ibid. P. STRM, Hala Sultan Tekke 1. SIMA XLV:1 (1976) 39. P. STRM, Hala Sultan Tekke 9. SIMA XLV:9 (1989) 100-101. P. STRM, The Swedish Cyprus Expedition IV:1C (1972) figs. LI:4-6, LIII:8-9. The statement by A. and S. SHERRATT in Bronze Age Trade, 378 n. 17, that Cyprus...did not on the whole attempt to reproduce piriform jars and alabastra (ointment) is not correct. STRM (supra n. 42) fig. LXXXVI:1.

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7. From about 1200 BC, Mycenaean type figurines44 and so called Mycenaean IIIC:1B or White Painted Wheel-made vases which were made of local clay appear on Cyprus. While categories 1 and 2 were made in Greece, the others were manufactured on Cyprus. White Slip II and Base-ring II were imitated in Palestine.45 The Philistine pottery is a case where the Mycenaean inf luence is obvious. Papadopoulos has dealt with relations between Achaea and Cyprus in a paper.46 He records what he believes to be Achaean exports to Cyprus and Cypriot objects in Achaea, and draws attention to ten Achaean Sub-mycenaean bird-askoi which he and other scholars regard as having been inspired by Cypriot prototypes. Motifs Regarding transference of motifs, I shall be brief. In the Middle Cypriot Bronze Age, we may possibly discern some inf luence from the Syrian Painted Ware in representations of human figures. The Cypriot Black Slip Hand-made ware was inf luenced by Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware in using punctured technique in the decoration. As regards motif, I refer to Janice Crowleys excellent book The Aegean and the East, where she has followed in the footsteps of Helene Kantor and others, and has investigated the transference of artistic motifs between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Near East in the Bronze Age.47 Robin Hgg,48 and Thanasis and Litsa Papadopoulos,49 among others, have studied Aegean cult motifs in Cyprus. Other motifs reached Cyprus via imported vases, e.g. the fragments of a krater decorated with a bull-leaper from Hala Sultan Tekke. There are other cases which would be worth discussing in detail, but time does not permit. For instance, Michal Artzy has pointed out a possible inf luence from the Cycladic Matt Painted pottery on the Cypriot and Palestinian Bichrome ware, but this is still an uncertain case. Technique A few words on technique. I have already mentioned the dual fabric of the amphoroid jug from Athens. It is seems unlikely that clay was exported from Greece to Cyprus in

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44 E. STRM in P. STRM et al., Hala Sultan Tekke 8. SIMA XLV:8 (1983) 103, figs. 285-86; P. STRM, Continuity or Discontinuity: Indigenous and Foreign Elements in Cyprus Around 1200 BC, in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries B.C.E., International Symposium, Jerusalem, April 3-5, 1995 (forthcoming); V. K ARAGEORGHIS and A. CAUBET, Mycenaean or Mycenaean, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1996 (1996) 83-86. See R. AMIRAN, Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land (1970) 182, A1.56. For recent studies on the export from Cyprus to Palestine, see my paper Late Cypriot Bronze Age Pottery in Palestine, Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990, Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July, 1990 (1993) 307-313; also H.G. BUCHHOLZ, in a recent lecture for the German Palestine Association. According to V. KARAGEORGHIS (personal communication), Base-ring II ware in the West, which I have not personally examined, was locally made. TH.J. PAPADOPOULOS, The Problem of Relations between Achaea and Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age, in Praktik to deutrou Dieynow Kupriologiko Sunedrou A (1985) 141-48. See also MISCH 1992 (supra n. 20) 179-82. J.L. CROWLEY, The Aegean and the East (1989). R. HGG in V. KARAGEORGHIS (ed.), Proceedings of an International Symposium The Civilisations of the Aegean and their Diffusion in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean, 2000-600 B.C., 18-24 September 1989 (1991) 78. TH.J. PAPADOPOULOS and L. KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOS, Aegean Cult Symbols in Cyprus, in P. STRM (ed.), Acta Cypria 3 (1992) 330-59.

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antiquity, although it is possible, but instead clay from various places in Cyprus was transported to potters workshops and mixed there.50 Much remains to be studied in this field. Comparisons with the work by recent potters are valuable as Hampe, Winter, and others have done. The Minoan oatmeal fabric containing much black grit may have inspired Cypriot potters to mix pottery in the same way with heavy inclusions of grit, but I must say that I am sometimes uncertain whether a sherd is a Minoan import or a Cypriot adaptation of the technique, particularly in plain wares. More analyses should be made with a very sensitive technique: Secondary Ion Mass Spectrometry.51 This note on inf luences and imitations has given examples of connections and exchanges of ideas between potters in the Aegean and Cyprus and the Near East. We have to reckon with exports, imports, travels, exchanges, and movement of artisans in both directions, and that potters inf luenced each other mutually in various ways. Mycenaean vases were no doubt status symbols in the tomb furniture, and presumably also in the homes, and their shapes were sometimes associated with specific contents. This led to cheaper imitations in local techniques. Desiderata are the discoveries of potters workshops on Cyprus. We know that White Slip Ware was made at Sanidha, but where are the workshops for Base-ring and Mycenaeanizing vases on Cyprus? Paul STRM

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50 51 In 1971, I discovered a pit at Hala Sultan Tekke containing blue earth which has not yet been analyzed; see P. STRM, Trench 3, in Hala Sultan Tekke 1. SIMA XLV:1 (1976) 112. A. LODDING in P. STRM, Problems of Definition of Local and Imported Fabrics of Late Cypriot Canaanite Ware, in J. BARLOW, D. BOLGER, and B.B. KLING, Cypriot Ceramics: Reading the Prehistoric Record (1991) 70; P. FISCHER, Canaanite Pottery from Hala Sultan Tekke: Analysis with Secondary Ion Mass Spectrometry, in Bronze Age Trade, 152-61.