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A Place for Plastic Space?

Pip Forer Prog Hum Geogr 1978 2: 230 DOI: 10.1177/030913257800200203 The online version of this article can be found at: http://phg.sagepub.com/content/2/2/230
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A place for plastic space?

by Pip Forer
Circumstances on the surface of the earth, for various more or less accidental reasons, suggest conceptions which turn out to be inaccurate, although they have come to seem like necessities of thought. The most important of these circumstances is that most objects on the earths surface are fairly persistent and nearly stationary from a terrestrial point ofview. If this were not the case the idea of going on ajoumey would not seem SO definite as it does. If you want to travel from Kings Cross to Edinburgh you know that you will find Kings Cross where it always has been, that the railway line will take the course that it did when you last made the journey and that Waverley Station in Edinburgh will not have walked up to the Castle. You therefore say and think that y o u have travelled to Edinburgh, not that Edinburgh has travelled to you. The success of this common-sense point of view depends on a number of things which arc really of the nature of luck. Suppose all the houses in London were perpetually moving about like a swarm of bees; suppose railways moved and changed their shape like avalanches; and finally suppose that material objects were perpetually being formed and dissolved like clouds. There is nothing impossible in these suppositions. But obviously what w e call a journey to Edinburgh would have np meaning in such a world. You would begin, no doubt, by asking the taxi-driver: Where is Kings Cross this morning? A t the station you would have to ask a similar question about Edinburgh, but the booking clerk would reply: What part of Edinburgh do you mean, sir? Princes Street has gone to Glasgow, the Castle has moved up into the Highlands, and Waverley Station is under water in the middle of the Firth of Forth. And on the journey the stations would not be staying quiet, but some would be travelling North, some South, some East, some West, perhaps much faster than the train. Under these circumstances you would not be able to say where you were at any moment. Indeed the whole notion that one is always in some definite place is due to the fortunate immobility of most of the large objects on the earths surface (Russell, 1958. I 1-12).
In trying to float into the laymans mind the nature of space in the world of relativity physics, Russell uses the brilliant translation into everyday terms quoted above. To some scholars in the social sciences Russells spatial anarchy is not mere fancy but rather a viewpoint at least as respectable as the Euclidean orthodoxy of the map. This paper seeks to put such a perspective in context. It will dwell largely on the notion of a space defined by separation in time or cost terms, a space which the progressions and regressions of technology make one of continuous flux. The validity of considering time or cost as more real constraints on human activities in space than mileage has been.explored, or at least flirted with, by many. Yet little work has emerged on the evolution of such spaces to date. This paper seeks to catalogue progress in describing such complex spaces and to note their implications and main areas of academic relevance.
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I Space in a spatial discipline

Nothing troubles me more than time and space, and yet nothing troubles me less as I never think of them (Charles Lamb).
While Lambs whimsy would seem less warranted as an epitaph for geographers today than of late, it is nevertheless true that as a spatial discipline we subscribe strongly to his sentiments. True we have been obsessed by maps and mapping for some time and have progressed greatly in accurately locating positions and objects within a fixed bi-coordinate field. We have spoken of geography as a discipline in distance (Watson, 1955) or as spatial interaction (Ullman, 1954) and particularly since the mid-rgjos we have developed spatial models through the computer. The ability to manipulate large grids and coordinate systems at great speed, combined with the search for (sometimes trivial) solutions to optimal spatial allocations in space, catapulted the spatial paradigm in geography into a short-lived preeminence in the late 1960s. The spatial separatist theme became our anthem (Sack, 1972; Taaffe, 1974). Yet in our discipline the fundamental definition of space has received scant attention. Like the physicist confronted by the nature of light we recognize that while space cannot be so anarchical as to be all things to all men nevertheless it cannot practically be tied to one inviolate usage. At the mystical heart of the spatial paradigm most human geographers would agree that they are concerned with the impact of space on the operation of socio-economic processes.Yet the extremes of geographic scale, the tensions between academic and planning constraints, the varying centrality of the concept of space to different approaches to geography, and the complex possibilities of space itself, lead to varying usages of space within this context. This is not an unhealthy sign, unlessone seeks dogmatic definition of one of our basic concepts. What is strange, however, is that little commentary has been written on our concept of space or on our philosophy of space. The majority of empiric spatial studies still fail to consider explicitly the best view of space in which they could work; works on the actual manifestations of space are few. A substantive analysis of our usages in practice has yet to emerge, notwithstanding the local coverages provided by Sack (1g72;1974), Tobler (1963), Lynch (rgyz), Relph (1976), Taaffe (1g74), Downs and Stea (1973), Caruso and Palm (1973). and Blaut (1961). Only recently has phenomenology helped steer us away from the philosophy of space d la mode du science naturel. For the natural scientist space is a difficult concept. It is less mysterious, less mystical than time, but more intricate, more mathematical (Lucas, 1973). Space for us is as Blaut (1961.42) depicts it, a treacherous, philosophical word. To the physicist and the natural philosopher time is increasingly understood as a conjoint entity with space, fused together in the space-time manifold, i.e. process (Blaut, 1961). Geographers have been late in explor-
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ing this emphasis. The task of coping with spatial pattern has in most cases precluded true concern with process, or vice versa. We have long remained constrained by the old high school schema which saw history and geography as two orthogonal planes intersecting only in a Huxleyesque timeless present. Certainly the notion that space itself changes dramatically through time has only recently received sufficient attention and the notion of producing dynamic mod& in which space and time are both central and interlinked is in its infancy. Harvey (1969) has reviewed the natural scientists treatments of space and highlighted the conflict over two millenia between an absolute and a relative concept of space. The former is seen as a Platonic notion o f an unchanging coordinate system of space in which a t any time events can be described by a location with reference to a simple system of coordinates. The emphasis is on space as a container, an entity in itself. By contrast the relativists argue for a space defined only by the objects within it and their relationship one to the other. As the reviewers of space point out Uarnmer,1969; Lucas, 1973; Reichenbach, 1958), the absolutists had the better of a largely philosophical debate until the eighteenth century and certainly enjoyed virtual hegemony from the time of Newton onwards. This hegemony was shattered in 1905 and reversed in 1916 thanks to Einsteins Theories o f Relativity in which it was recognized that not just philosophically but in physical reality the characteristics of space were a product of the objects located within it and their masses. An explosive intimacy existed between what was located in a space and the characteristics of a space itself. This dichotomy between absolute and relative space is worth pursuing in discussing our own treatment of space. But one should at this point note that neither approach implies an exclusive concern with distance o r area (contra Johnston, 197~b). Also we are neglecting a third kind of space, discussed by Harvey in a later work, that of relational space (Harvey, 1973). This concept is excluded here mainly because its primary than other definitions. Indeed it can reasonably be maintained that it refers more to the tendency for some objects (such as land values) to interact with each other in space rather than to the space itself (or its reactions to those interactions). It is thus not properly a kind of space at all, but rather a process phenomenon that one could associate with either absolute or relative space.
I
Absolute space
Whoever speaks of absolute space employs a word devoid of meaning (PoincarC,
1921).
Notwithstanding Poincaris assertion, and the later viewpoint of Blaut that most geographers spatial expressions if given absolutistic interpretations become meaningless or meta-physical pseudo-concepts (Blaut, 1961, 45), many usages of space in geography are inspired by a static
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absolutist viewpoint. Absolute space is exemplified in by our infatuation with maps and isotropic plains. With maps we may filter the information we portray (Board, 1967) but basic to most sheets, especially of smaller areas, is the idea that we are providing the reader with a definitive statement of where things are and how they stand in relation to each other. Following Tissot (1881), Tobler (1963) has reiterated that any attempt to portray a curved two dimensional surface (part of a geoid) on a flat surface, such as a sheet of paper, entails distortion. Tobler argues that any specific projection is chosen for a purpose and that consequently any map of a large area is not purely an absolute space, since it embodies in its chosen projection some feedback from its purpose. While this is theoretically sound it does not detract from the fact that the object we are attempting to map (the Earths surface) i s viewed in an absolute and unchanging manner and that once a map has been produced, for whatever purpose, it is normally thought to show, even for a disciple of Wegener, a more or less unchanging picture of location. Early attempts at producing an absolute map were admittedly thwarted by limited knowledge. Important in making our maps less relative in the longer term, therefore, has been our increasing technological ability to produce maps accurately (and the discovery of the actual existence of some locations). Ability to map accurately has slowly led the map out of the behavioural space of medieval maps (Tobler, 1966a) into a quasi-pure absolutism. Certainly then, especially with smaller areas where a plane surface is a good approximation of the globe, Toblers argument loses much of its force. The isotropic plain (among other geometrical abstractions of early modellers) undoubtedly possesses the attributes of absolute space par excellence: static, independent of the objects within it and unrelated to the processes occurring through it. Absolutism also largely underlies the Kantian view of space as a container (Richardson, 1974;May, 1970; Kerferd and Walford, 1968,403), a view central to our choroplethic treatment of spatial data both for display and statistical analysis. Faced by the seductive utility of Euclidean space we have allowed an interest in maps to become an obsession.
2
Relative space
Among the cognoscenti the word space trips o f f the tongue with the greatest of cawphase space, sample space, linear s ace. Dmoch spacc-the world seems full of spaces. But on other occasionswe still fee we want to know what space is (Lucas, 1975. 7 3 ) .
Relative space in geography is a far more expansive, even hydra-headed, manifestation. The variety of the definitions of relative space stems from two basic stances. First, recent work in behavioural geography undermines the relevance of map space, emphasizing instead the importance of the perception of space. The perceptions themselves may bc couched in many reference frames (cf.Pacione, 1976; Tolman, 1948; Uirchall, 1976; Lynch,
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A placefor plastic space?
1960;Yi Fu Tuan, 1973,1978; Briggs, 1973)but the spaces become relative because of their relationship with the individual. In many cases his creation of them through learning is fundamentally linked to his ongoing perception of them, forging an indissolublelink between the objects and processes in that space and the space itself (Golledge et al., 1975). The second school, with which this paper is mainly concerned, points to the ways in which objects in space and the space itself are related through the transport and communications system. This concern may move into behavioural aspectsbut has generally restricted itself to monitoring changes in directly measurable spatial matrics such as travel time and costs. On the phenomenological front, Relph (1976) proposed a sixfold progression of concepts of space based on the degree of direct experience of such spaces by the individual. In this progression geographic space-is a subdivision of existential space which itself is mid-way between pragmatic and abstract spaces. Geographic space is a reflection of mans basic awareness of his world, his experiences and intentional links with his environment. It is the significant space of a particular culture that is humanized by the naming of places, by its qualities for men and by remaking it to serve better the needs of mankind (Relph, 1976, 16).Geographers more formal spacesof maps and geometriesonly find a role as architectural and planning space or, predominantly, cognitive space. This latter includes most attempts to provide mental constructs and theories of space, i.e. maps, projections and geometries. Its name perhaps jars a little with our normal associations on cognition. Natural philosophers would predictably weave a taxonomy reflecting different priorities. Typically Lucas (1973)manages a fourfold division. Three of these are minor elements in Relphs scheme (the spaces of mathematics, physics and philosophy) and the last, everyday space, subsumes the rest.) Let us subsume Relphs spectrum of direct experience into another dimension and concentrate on three pragmatic properties of concepts -of space as a manipulable entity: I) the stability of such spaces through time, 2 ) the ease of measurement of such spaces, and 3) the applicability of such spaces to general modelling. If we take these three properties as dimensions of a taxonomic space we can see (Figure I) that absolute map space occupies one point. It is overwhelmingly static, easy to measure (by coordinate geometry) and asuperb linguufrancu among large groups of people through the medium of maps. Moving on to relative spaces, a particularly important distinction emerges on the scale of measurability. That is the distinction between what we shall term plastic spaces and those we might term behavioural spaces. Plastic space here is a space capable of definition in some directly measurable metric (other than simple physical mileage) which can: be empirically tested by reference to an objective reality such as a timetable. Classically plastic space covers time-space or cost-space but can cover in addition other metrics including network space (the mileage through a
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Figure I
A pragmatic taxonomy of geographic space.
network) and generalized cost space. In these contexts it is usually possible to work in agreed units which relate to the degree of separation between places and which are applicable to large subgroups of the population, if not the population in toto. Determination of the configuration of the places in the space may be empirical or taken from published sources (e.g. timetable compendia, Uradshaws World Airline Guide and Martines A i r Guide). Usually such spaces are constructed from information on distances betwcen places rather than from any coordinate system and thus lend themselves most readily to a discrete rather than a continuous treatment of space. Since separations in time, cost or even network mileage are partly artefacts of socio-economic demands and technological progress, these plastic spaces are naturally dynamic and truly relative. Nonetheless the degree to which these factors can overturn thenatural spatial ordering of locations is clearly prescribed. In the taxonomic space of Figure I plastic spaces occupy a small area differentiated from absolute space mainly on the grounds of dynamism, most such spaces still being easy to measure and applicable to aggregate populations. The large rump of spaces, behavioural ones, is concerned with the next logical step in a progression from process-independent absolute spaces (where maps are used as clothes-horses on which facts arc hung) through to process-related relative spaces. Plastic spaces move some way along this progression by accepting an objective but changing metric suitable for aggregate considerations. The behavioural spaces go one step further by attempting to indicate individuals evaluations of the spaces they are operating in. The most obvious example of this is the work of Golledge and thc Ohio
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school on cognitive configurations (Golledge ef a/. 1969; Golledge, 1975). Here a major concern is to produce a recreated map of the spatial configuration as held by the individual, using the technique of multidimensional scaling (Golledge and Rushton, 1972).There have been attempts to link such maps to variations in knowledge of an area in both space and time by collecting data on familiarity with certain areas at time I and by building up series of spatial retrievals through successive time periods (Golledge and Rivizigno, 1975;Spector, 197s;Brown, 1975).A large body ofother work has been published, muchof it represented in Downs and Stea (1973)-Such studies of spaces vary in their concern for dynamism and in the precise level of aggregation of their final findings but in general deal with situations where dynamism (through learning) is implied and where the spaces under study are those of individuals or small groups. Almost without exception great effort is needed to extract some measurement of these internal views of space and their applicability to wide subsets of the population is often small. Consequently our behavioural spaces occupy a large but separate area in Figure I . Two things should be mentioned a t this point. Firstly, the approaches to space outlined above are merely different ways of conceptualizing and manipulating that phenomenon called space which impinges upon us in everyday life and is inherent to some degree in all our socio-economic processes. Each approach has its benefits. Absolute space may be a little simplistic and irrelevant in some studies of process. It is nonetheless favoured in the trade-off between theoretical elegance and usefulness. Secondly, we must observe that as we traverse from absolute to behavioural spaces we find increasing difficulty in separating space and process. In the extreme it becomes pointless to enquire: In what space do shoppers make a choice of shopping centre?-when the known space itself is a function of the choices they as individuals have previously made. Space may shade into notions of familiarity or contact frequency (as in social space), measures themselves the result of process a t another level which is itself working to spatial and other constraints (Taylor 197s; 1977). It may shade into fantasy (Lowenthal and Bowden, 1976) or cultural evaluations such as geomancy (Tuan, 1970; 1977; Yoon, 1977). This movement into abstract, almost metaphysical, realms of space takes us to the end of our continuum. Note here though that much behavioural work concerned with objects in space is really concerned with the objects and their interaction rather than with any notion of space as an entity: much of it lies in the relational realm discussed earlier. Often the terminology is obscure and sometimes even the spatial element in the study is absolute. An example of both traits is the mental map work pioneered by Gould and White (1968; 1974) which is in essence a methodology for extracting preferences, not maps in any true sense, and which presents its findings in terms of an absolute (if inverted) space.
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I1 T h e character of plastic space Plastic spaces as defined above are implicit in geographical discourse and indeed writers as diverse as Marx and Proust acknowledge their significance; Proust with regard to ideas of separation (Proust, 1913-271, Marx with regard to the concepts of circulation of capital and tendencies to agglomeration (edn 1953; edn 1961 and cited in .Holland, 1976, 39). Yet explicit mention of them is rare until the 1960s. This is regrettable since, when working or modelling at an aggregate level, they offer an easily measured set of spaces that can more easily be related to process than can absolute ones and yet offer a wider applicability for less cost than most behavioural spaces. The rest of this paper seeks to review progress on investigating plastic spaces and to consider the role of plastic spaces in geographical research.
I
Describing plastic spaces: anecdote vs aziriiirrh
Plastic space in whatever form owes its manifestation in a given context and a t a given point in time to the interrelationship between three factors: I ) transport technology, 2) the distribution of activities and demand for transport to specific locations at a specific time and 3) the physical location of sites on the earths surface. The last factor is, in our viewpoint, static and in the nature of a limiting constraint, especially where transport investment is low. As Lowe and Moryadas (1975, 23) put it: ties to [map] space are forged with iron, not a rubber band in such areas. The preceding two factors are subject to change through time and closely interact with each other, giving the necessary conditions for a dynamic and relative space. Initially this section largely examines studies of plastic space a t one point in time. The degree to which the pattern of location in plastic space differs from a standard map clearly varies with context. Tobler (1961, 10s)noted that, if Eckerts (1909) map of Africa (Figure 2a) were truly transformed, Africa would be literally turned inside out with respect to Berlin. A similar fate might await a medieval map of Dritain in freight cost terms. I3oggs (1945) suggests that this degree of distortion is not solely an archaic occurrence; Lowe and Moryadas that it is not confined to large scales. Illustrations such as Tobler (1961,chapter 4), Forer (1975;1977), Lloyd and Dickcns (1976, 194). Ewing (1974)and Hawker Siddley (1974) emphasize that the phenomenon applies equally to travel time, whether pure time in travel o r time modified by the necessity of conforming to a scheduled timetable with its inherent waiting periods. The true degree of this distortion and its implications for our way of thinking are only fully revealed,however, when we try to map our plastic spaces. Initially this implies a continuous viewpoint on space. Discussion of the way in which transport technology reorders our towns and cities in space tends to be of two sorts: anecdotal or azimuthal. The fact
The shrinking United States 1912-70
Figurea Portrayahof timespace: a) isochronalb) azimuthal c) undifferentiated s h h k age d) commercial.

PARCEL W S T Z O I E S
A PARCEL POST MAP Of THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
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Figure 3a Peak hour travel time from central Seattle, five minute intervals.
Real time distances from downtown Seattle, five minute intervals.
that distance in the very real sense of time o r cost has changed is often acknowledged by the citation of isolated facts: Ellsworth Huntington (1952,529) provides a fine example (illustrated graphically in Figure zc):
The size of the earth as measured by a days journey has shrunk s o much that the approximate time to travel from Portland, Maine, to San Diego. California, may roughly be reckoned as follows: on foot . . . at least two years, on horse at least 8 months. . . by stage coach and waggon at least 4 months, by rail in 1910 about 4 days, by air today about 10 hours.
from which a largely universal transformation of spatial relationships emerges. Historical scholars tend to be more rigorous but again, for more practical reasons, usually provide only fragmentary coverage (cf. Pratt, 1912, 178; Dyos and Aldcroft, 1969,150;Savage, 1959.30). These acknowledgements seldom give a cohesive picture over a wide area and at worst imply a widespread general contraction of distances (tending to shrink the map rather than change its shape) (Adams, 1972; McHale, 1969) when in reality the benefits are far from universal. Alternatively when general impressions of such changes in space were required, resort was often made to the use of isochrone maps, usually centred on one point. Eckerts (1909)example of travel times from Berlin is a prime example, where a standard projection is used to portray isochrones at fivedaily intervals (Figure 2a). Here the plastic space is subsumed onto a
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standard map, the distortions being ascertainable by the deviation of the isochrones from the perfect circles an isotropic plain would produce. Such usage is common (Dussart, 1959; Alexander, 1944; Riedel, 191I ; Moline, 1971; Leinbach, 1971. 185-90).
Projective representations: continuous treatment of plastic space
The extension of the idea of mapping such spaces to the next logical point of producing maps where distances are shown in travel time naturally followed, again largely as an illustrative crutch (Figure 2b is a modern example). The attempts restrict themselves to an azimuthal viewpoint, mapping only a one to all correspondence in which the traditional compass bearings from the reference point are maintained. It is only in the works of Bunge (1966) and particularly Tobler (1963) that any real attempts are made to relate the production of these showpiece maps to cartographic projection theory. It was by then clear that time and cost were valid metrics to consider and it was accepted that a visual two-dimensional map was a far better way to present such spaces than a plethora of figures or timetables. A great debt is owed to Tobler for his contribution in assessing the feasibility of projectively mapping plastic spaces. He first proposes a new means of classifying the classic projections in terms of the transformation of coordinates that is involved (1961,2 2 ) . He then accepts that much of the distortion of space caused by transport media can be seen as a transformation of coordinates, although in transports case these transformations may be extreme. His best known example is that of parcel cost mapping of the United States (Figure 3) centred on Seattle, illustrating the phenomenon of collapse (Tobler, 1961,67). (The list of transformations extends to twelve including inversion and superimposition.) Practical examples of these transformations are given. Tobler sets himself an initial problem: provide a transformation function to convert a map so that a proper azimuthal equidistant projection emerges in terms of travel time. For Eckert (1909) or o that the knobbly Bunge (see Figure 3a) this means converting a map s isochrones when plotted become concentric circles. It is sad to record that little further progress was made in formulating a solution to this problem and relating it to the location of socio-economic activity. The more general one of producing a transformation to yield true equidistant maps, where all distances are correctly shown (all point to all point), was rapidly seen to be mathematically intractable. Bunge (1963; xg66) meanwhile had begun talking of meta-maps and the possibility of looking at other geometries than those of Euclid. In particular he asked us to imagine a map on a rubber sheet and the different transformations that could be perpetrated by stretching this sheet in a particular way. In talking of metacartography he focused attention on two main concerns: the importance of geodesics (shortest paths) in defining spatial relationships
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and the use of mapping artefacts in which spatial relationships were blurred, namely cartograms and premaps. The conclusion again was that trying to map most plastic spaces was the old cartographers problem writ large. The cartographer faced with a flat page and the curved surface of a globe has problems of accurate representation and often has to seek trade-offs between such factors as shape, bearing and distance. In trying to map plastic spaces, triangularity could not be guaranteed and the punctiform input to many transport media made a continuous notion of space hard to handle. It is clear that in the most distorted cases many dimensions may be needed to map capably some time spaces. Traditional and neo-traditional notions on projections are inappropriate: the maths are intractable and the strictures of working in a flat, two dimensional plane too restrictive. Even our rubber sheet would be stretched and warped until it passes on to a happier, multidimensional future. Increasing dimensionality is at least one solution; the other is Bunges own of selecting the correct geometry from those available (Figure 4), a line pursued by Barton (1968). Increasingly, however, it becomes apparent that Toblers dream of a projection for every space is unattainable and that various strictures make the treatment of plastic space as a continuous surface hard to sustain in practice.
L
Figure 4 Relationships between various geometries.
The only resurgence in a continuous treatment of space is the recent work of Angel and Hyman (1970; 1971; 1972) and Williams (1976). Working in the field of urban traffic, Angel and Hyman were able to show that traffic speeds in some instances could be taken to vary in a simple manner through the city, forming a velocity field which is usually lowest near the core and increases outwards. This simple field could be used to transform actual travel distances into travel times if the simplifying assumption of taking the dense urban road network as a continuous field was accepted. Their work indicated that in some situations a time-map could be produced which was a curved, two-dimensional surface such as a
244
hemisphere, although in many other cases transformation of the velocity The work of this field into a time-map or surface was impossible (1971). group, while limited in application, is of interest in showing that some analytic projections are possible and in this case can be usefully married into wider work on interaction (Angel and Hyman, 1976).Uy and large though, plastic and Euclidean spaces are incompatible frameworks.
3 Punctiform views o f plastic spaces
Most of the kinds of space we experience are continuous and an approach that accepts this has an intuitive appeal. But we are left feeling that their complexity is likely to prove a drag on advancement. Far more practical are studies which deal with discrete sets of points rather than continuous spaces. For example, most transport, private or public, operates through a network. A network often operates through a set of punctiform interchanges between which interpolation is meaningless. Therefore, the field assumption preferable for a continuous treatment of space is hard to make. In addition, in many cases, data are collected as times or costs between pairs of points, so a discrete treatment seems appropriate. Static treatment of plastic space here falls into two approaches: the traditional concern of transport geographers with accessibility (and in particular the physical existence of networks) and a recent trend towards producing maps of plastic space through the pragmatic technique of multidimensional scaling (Shepard et al. 1972; Marchand, 1973; Ewing, I 974; Golledge and Rushton, I 972). The history of network studies in geography was recently reviewed by Leinbach and Muller (1975).A major tendency in these approaches has been an exploration of topology and an excessive concern with morphometry in which the nuances of distance are submerged into the binary coding of links as either present or absent. Besides the concern for morphometry felt by the network analysts, other works emerged with foci of some concern for us. AppIeton (1965)in emphasizing the micro-scale morphology of transport nets also emphasized the restraints under which plastic space operates. Another school is concerned with more realistic notions of accessibility expressed in terms of investiinterval but alternative metrics such as time. Kissling (1967;1969) gated the accessibility on the highways of Nova Scotia and compared it to the location of certain economic indices, using for his notion of accessiblity a Shimbel-Katz formulation expressing empirically derived distances between points in terms of time and cost. Taaffe et al. (1963), Janelle (1g70), Brookfield and Hart (1971, chapter 14) looked in some depth at the importance of transport networks in determining accessibility at a point or points in time. The search for an ideal notion of accessibility has been prolonged, with the general consensus moving towards the relevance of working with the metrics of net distance, time and cost, plus possible
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refinements of population weighting (Baxter and Lenzi, 1975; Robertson 1976; Vickerman, 1974; Ingram, 1971; Erlandsson, 1970). Thus many works are concerned implicitly with plastic space at a single point in time and provide examples of the manifestations of plastic space. Most research dealing explicitly in plastic spaces, however, has recognized their dynamic character and is covered in the next section. The major exception to this has been the production, through the technique of multidimensional scaling, of what Tobler (1967)has elegantly termed empiric projections. This technique has come to us from psychology where it is employed to produce scaling structures in as few dimensions as possible. Its main attribute is to be able to reconstruct a pattern of points in N dimensions given only a matrix of ranked distances between these points. It works if necessary from only ordinal data, yet apparently offers a promise of recovery of interval distances from this (Young, 1970). An obvious application of such a technique is an attempted reconstruction of an equidistant map in cost or time terms and several such maps have appeared (Marchand 1973; Pirie, 1977). (See Figure 6.) While it becomes clear that no perfect recovery is possible in a small number of dimensions, nevertheless many of the reconstructions in two or three dimensions seem to lose little information and provide valuable insights. In many such maps a recognizable but distorted picture of relationships emerges due to the warping effect of transport and communication. While the information loss in all such maps often makes them of little analytic worth, their role as pictures in being worth a thousand words (or, in this case, a thousand elements of a minimum path matrix) is invaluable. They emphasize the discordance between the maps that are our reference frames and the spaces in which we increasingly seek to model our processes. Ewing and Wolfe (1977) go further, however, and suggest ways in which the latter, based on discrete points, may under certain conditions of orderly but noticeable distortion of map space be practically employed, as is discussed in section 111, 4.
4 Dynamic studies o f plastic space
At the heart of it there is a simple dialectic of geometry and matter (Thrift, 1977,
I 2-24).
Dynamic studies of plastic space have concentrated in three areas where changing space has been considered: a) as one-dimensional point-pairs, b) as a network of such linked pairs, or c) a two-dimensional representation of discrete space. By far the most common approaches to date have been the first two through the media of inter-point convergences and network growth models respectively. Although inter-point convergence in plastic space has long been known, only in the last decade has the accumulated documentation of intense shrinking of distance by aircraft and electronic communication led to
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general insight. Transport historians such as Davies (1964) illustrate the effects of better, faster transport by plotting separation in a suitable metric against historical time (See Figure 5 ) . Blainey (1968) augments this example in detail while Jannelle provides similar examples from land transport on both sides of the Atlantic (1968a; 1gi8b). Abler meanwhile considers the tremendous impact of communications in posing the question 'what to do while space collapses' (Abler 1970; 1973). All of these studies note the characteristic downward concave curve of spatial separation through time. Pawson (1977) relates these changes to network evolution. An attempt to generalize from single curves of time separation for pairs of points into a typology of curves for both time and cost was made by Forer (1973). This study tended to show that distinct variations in the shape of such time-convergence curves existed and appeared to be related to the hierarchy of the urban system. (Cost convergence curves were found related to company structure.) Essentially such studies take an existing link between two centres and study it over a certain time period: they work upon change within an existing set of links and so can be seen as isomorphic.
TIME
NET DISTANCE
I970
y-
C A C l l l C BASIN IN WClWTLO TIY-SPACE
Figure6 Equidistant maps oftimespace: a) New Zealand b) the Pacific Basin.
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By complete contrast the notion of changes in space through network growth, which without exception sidesteps the questions raised above, can be considered morphornetric. Distances between points are expressed either (at worst) by the number of links involved or at best by straight mileages. The change in accessibility and the nature of the space stems from the addition of discrete linkages. Naturally the results that emerge in terms of changes in space are rigid and stereotyped. In addition, even the less abstract models, such as Black's (1967) which attempt to predict or postdict network change, are largely disappointing in their results. The main insights into the effects of network growth are given by descriptive,comparatively simple time-slice access patterns which largely ignore any isomorphic change resulting from the emergence of a hierarchy of services within a network, The studies which allow for both network growth and isomorphic changes on given links are naturally those which work within a time or cost framework. Forer (1974) has shown how access in these terms has altered through time within the New Zealand airline system, the two trends of growing network connectivity and increasing service variability working
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to quite different ends in shaping access. As Figure 6 shows, simple network growth has had the effect of normalizing and marginally shrinking a New Zealand mapped in network distance terms. Differential services acting within that context have had a different effect, making New Zealand even further distorted and grossly shrunken in time terms. In dealing with these notions of access we are clearly working with a matrix of minimum distances between points in a chosen metric. It is possible over time to quantify changes between any two points into a measure of convergence. Jannelle (1968) proposed minutes saved per mile for time distances. To standardize further, Forer (1974) suggests making this an annual rate and to counter the natural tendency for savings to drop as travel time is eroded away also proposes a percentage measure of change. By this latter measure travel time New Zealand shrank by approximately three per cent p.a. between 1947 and 1970. Little has been done in extracting such indices, or in showing non-aximuthal changes in space through time in a mappable form (beyond access surfaces).The mapping contributions discovered to date are those of Thrift (1977), Forer (1974). Adams (1972) and Hughes (1972). Of these all but the first two represent spatial change in a grossly misleading manner since all points are treated as if linked by given media, be it jet aeroplane or bicycle, when in fact the provision of services a t particular points is the rule. The result is a flat-rate shrinking of space which totally ignores the city-favouring service provisions which have inspired what Haggett terms the urban implosion (Haggett, 1975, 330). In these maps a variety of illustrative approaches is used. Forer (1974) proposed the idea of representing convergence between points in relative space as vectors on a standard map and portraying by vector addition the aggregate movement of each point relative to the others. More internally consistent is the notion of superimposing a series of maps of time or cost space at different points in time to give a set of loci of the towns involved (Figure 7). Thrift (1977) at a different scale, has noted the changing pattern of traffic congestion through time in London. As with static maps these artefacts yield little of value for analytical modelling but their powers of portrayal are of great value.
I11 Modelling plastic spaces

I
Models o f spatialjux
Space acts on matter, telling it how to move. In turn matter reacts on space telling it how to curve (Misner. 1973).
The work on mapping plastic space stems from a fairly small number of workers directly interested in the properties and changes in transport space per se, combined with much work shedding an oblique light on the properties of such spaces. The next step is clearly to propose mechanisms by
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which such spaces come into being and are influenced by human activity and in their turn influence that activity. This involves considering backward and forward linkages of the space-shrinking industry as well as investigating in a time-slice the cross-links between the warping of space and properties of objects in that space. One is thus bound to become entangled with the widespread ramifications of processes in space and some of the treatments of it covered in section IV. It is thus worthwhile a t this point to introduce a pair of concepts borrowed from Parkes and Thrift (1975.657)~ those of big time and small time. W e might well question the authors exclusive association of formal and real space respectively with these levels of time, but the notion that there are two major time-domains in which human geographic processes are found, each of which has characteristic processes to model, is a useful one. It is especially applicable to the study of plastic space and its evolution. Most of our models of the changing and reciprocal relationships of space and place, are couched in big time.They are long-range, large-scale processes of spatial engineering involving decision-making by comparatively few persons. Parkes and Thrift cite an urban motorway decision, but one could cite instead almost any major transport development or timetable structuring. Small time by contrast is the time of daily activity of known systems, typically modelled by geographers as aggregate behaviour patterns. There are also geometrodynamic systems in small time, though less studied. If we look first at big time models we see that a major concern is the character and limitations of technological innovation and the role of natural map location on specific transport media. All these factors are to some degree represented in the seminal article by Jannelle (1968a) in which he proposes a model for spatial reorganization. His great contribution is that his usage of the term spatial reorganization does not have the usual connotation of shuffling given objects to new places in a specified (absolute) space, but implies reorganization of the space itself, and action reciprocally linked to such a shuffling. His first, simple model (Figure 8) embodies all the necessary features for a model of relative space although it is betrayed by being an uninterrupted loop of positive feedback leading apparently to unending convergence of points in time-space. His second model, recognizing local factors of congestion and overload, restores an element of stability (Figure 9). While this model is proposed for time-space and a private mode of transport, the motor car, it can in fact be generalized to other plastic spaces and, with modification, for use on public, scheduled transport. A major problem, however, is putting it into operational form and validating its component relationships, as is evident from the attempts of Jannelle himself (1968a, 360-63). This is partly due to the complex interrelationships involved and partly because of the temporal coarseness of much of the data available at the macro scale. Possibly these can be circumvented by more attention to firms case studies and other process-
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oriented studies. More fundamental though is the somewhat aspatial nature of the models themselves which we can readily apply to individual links but far less readily in a two-dimensional context. Here neighbourhood effects create a lead-lag structure, some points in particular not instigating transport change but incidentally benefitting from it initially and possibly growing as a result to instigate self-generated changes in space at a later point.
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Clark (1974) has extended Jannelles ideas into communications, pointing out the definite link in certain cases between a spatial diffusion process (in this case of telephone technology) and convergence in message times. For such a widely quoted paper, Jannelles contribution has sparked little discussion, as Lee points out in a recent paper (1977). It is unusual in its acceptance of a relative, dynamic space as its subject. Also, by making such a space a major determinant of the form of the space-economy, it is controversial in that it stands at the extreme of the spatial paradigm in geography. Lee takes account of this latter aspect in juxtaposing Jannelles thesis with the almost aspatial antithesis of Norcliffe (1975) in order to seek a synthesis. In criticizing Jannelle he notes the extremely open nature of Jannelles model, since population growth and economic change can occur independently of any spatial reorganization. This point is further illustrated in Figure 10.In the context of a public mode of transport it is noted that the feedback loops can not only be stimulated by exogenous change but can atrophy due to perceptual considerations and laws of diminishing returns. Invasion of the transport niche (Morlok, 1967)also intrudes via inter-media competition. Lees main concern, however, is with the impact of transport technology through an agency more subtle than gross cost or time convergence. He notes that for many freight modes, especially lorries, operational conditions and manning requirements impose certain lengths of haul which are most economical, in his example IZO miles for an ideal lorry worked on an eight-hour shift. This arrangement concentrates the full benefits of a given technology onto routes of a certain length, imposing a certain periodicity on the economic landscape. A similar notion is applicable to passenger travel, especially with reference to scheduling business contacts. The lack of response to Jannelles ideas may stem from two causes. They hover nicely between the unprovable and the undeniable: they are beyond mere comment. More particularly they are linked to the large canvas of economic history and the long-term development of society. Difficulties of theory-building and data acquisition in these areas is such that, while acceptance ofJannelle may be to some degree implied, this is operationable only in an anecdotal rather than analytical format. At the small time level we should note the work of Thrift (1g77a). Thrift focuses much of his attention o n one major factor in spatial flux at the small time level, congestion. Working with London traffic data, Thrift (1977a) assumes a continuous space in which travel times are determined by a (given) transport mode (the car) and the interaction of the many individual units within that mode, i.e. congestion in some cases. He then attempts to link this variation in speeds in a dynamic manner to the amount and pattern of demand in the system, seeking to express the changes in time-space as a warping of Euclidean space. To do this he draws heavily on tensor analysis. As in relativity physics, where a mass tensor is allowed to bend plane space, so in London does a demand tensor bend the
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A place f o r plastic space?
Figure I I Transport and economic development: a dynamic model.
initial isotropic field. While the model has yet to be operationalized, progress to date is promising. While the demand function, and feedback to it from congestion, are largely exogenous it nevertheless offers practical applications. Few other conventional congestion studies offer the broad sweep offered by this approach. His ambitious aim is summarized in the hope that a higher dimensional GMD will produce an exact geometrical representation of every field in terms of its geometry and matter linked by actual equations describing the dynamic interplay between the two over time (pp. 1 2 7 ) . The conceptualizion of models of spatial flux is thus at an early stage. In big time it is clearly allied to the problem of simple network growth, in that the existence of linkages is a precondition for the provision of services. It recognizes, however, that emergrng operational hierarchies within the network are potent tools of change. It needs to draw heavily on the history of transport innovation, and in latter days of marketing concepts and forecasts in guiding that innovation. It is also clearly linked to the copious literature on transport impacts. The impact of transport innovation and service provision in the economy is, however but part of the closed loop between economy and space. Demand for transport, reflected in a second major body of relevant literature, is generally thought to complete the circle. Thirdly, economic historians such as Kuznets (1966),Rostow (1971). Mitchell (1963)or Schumpeter (1934)acknowledge in varying degrees the importance of forward linkages from transport to the economy but at the same time introduce backward linkages through which the provision of a transport facility is itself an agent of growth. Pawson (1977) neatly encapsulates this wider view of transports relations with the general economy (Figure I I). The link between backward linkages from transport and the
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spatial pattern of economic activity is a sad omission from current models of spatial dynamics, since the polarization of services which Jannelle points to favours major centres and is almost certainly accompanied by a comparable but parallel effect from backward linkages. By and large then we can note that works that seek to model spatial change in the sense that we use it here, have been few, although elements and links in such models have been considered at depth. Since transport impacts tend often to be indeterminable in their effects, and since network growth modelling has proved problematical, and since innovation as a process is inherently idiographic, it is hardly surprising our big time approach to spatial flux should be faltering. It is nevertheless odd though that a t both temporal scales approaches should be so few in number. The relevance of any such models clearly hinges on the relative time-span at which the process under consideration and the change in the space occur. For some studies an acknowledgement of the best metric may suffice (if change in that metric is slow compared to the process under study). In other instances an acknowledgement and even incorporation of spatial change is necessary.
2
Plastic space in geographical models
So far we have dealt with various studies of plastic spaces, studies which indicate the lack of congruence between these spaces and those of the map and which indicate the dynamic nature of such spaces. The difficulties of modelling their changes for one mode, let alone many, have been outlined.
Order greater change rate than process.
4
Same order as process. Order slower than process.
SPATIAL CHANGE
Zero
(Absolutespace)
Suitable RasponStl
Usually small-timeprocess
spacewith big-time process. Estimategeneral atate of space.
Space specifically incorporatedinto e c w modelsandr nised as dynamic.
Space m y be vinvsdss static but witable metric chosen and employed. Time-dependency acknowledged.
Spa= is static subsumed as backgroundveriable
Examples
AccessiblliCy studies to urban facilities. Regional (face to face) contact rystems.
Long-tunregional growch. Spatietemporal location-allocation models. Congeatlon b e d urban traffic modelling.
Second-generation loccrtion models (Palander, Hoover, etc.) Spatial lourtionallocation models. Traditional time geography. Flow modelling. *Normally amall-time
proc-.
Initial location theory Spatial statiaticr. Nearwt neighbour analysis. Patternanalysir.Badlocadon aldocation. Spcial physics.
Table I
Comparative time-scales of spatial change and process
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Clearly such spaces are relevant to us, but where exactly are they most crucial in application? In what study of process are our particular spaces most germane and what are the implications for pattern-based analyses if, as Harvey once suggested, we fit spaces to process in the manner of the pure scientist? (Harvey, 1970. 53). What price then nearest-neighbour analysis, spatial autocorrelation and searches for hexagonal regularity? As Okyay (1973) points out, central place theory embodying a demand-related transport hierarchy gives a somewhat different picture of spatial arrangement than the traditional approach. Space does not stand still in such a world. Table I attempts to indicate the ways in which plastic space has been incorporated in geographical models, depending on the relative speed of change of space and process. The four cases described offer a framework for discussing current usage. We can largely dismiss the first heading of a zero rate change in space, which is in essence our absolute or map space, since no plastic space is truly static. This category covers traditional theory or applications where the map is a reference framework or communication tool.
3 Process and space in tandem
The case where process and space change together has been discussed under models of spatial flux. The parallel, anecdotal use of the impact of spatial change on process is also widespread. The classic works of Mumford (1961) or of Kellet (1969) cover the impact of transport on the development of the western city and draw qualitatively on the changes in space within cities. Likewise much literature on the emergence of patterns of settlements relies implicitly on arguments concerned with changes in plastic spaces between centres, and can hardly fail to do so. Pred (1966; rg71), in his work in the dynamics of the United States urban system specifically pinpoints the role of travel time from centres of news innovation in permitting the dominance of New York to develop. His recounting of the circumstances of the battle of New Orleans, fought two weeks after a truce had been signed in London (but reported in New York weeks later, slightly in advance of the treaty), emphasizes the different space we operate in today. This, of course, also reminds us that in the last 120 years communication has become divorced from the plastic space of physical movements. For certain simple functions not requiring physical confrontations information transfer can almost eliminate space. Almost, but not as entirely as Abler (1973) and Adams would have us believe, since while message transmission may be almost instantaneous, gaining access to and operating the terminal devices by which contacts are made often make considerable demands on time. Nevertheless the diffusion of communication innovations has to some degree made most people in western societies what Fabun (1967) has called riders of the electronic surf. The impact of this on geographical systems has been suggested and documented by writers such as Abler
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(1970), Adams (rg72), Pickard (1970)~ Pappaionouou (1970), McHale (1969) and Owen (1972) while its impact on-tb,efuture has been intimated by futurologists such as Baran (1972), Vallee e r % - - - & 1 7 and 4 ) Enzer et d. (1972). For all these writers a changing space is important at the big time level, often initially because when input into the classic locational models it produces new expected results. Most of these writers have started out committed to a spatial point of view but dubious of the value of the crow-flight concept. Most of them have had to deal in a fragmentary manner with their new spaces, since the systematic acquisition of data on such plastic spaces is a major task in itself. A serious problem, however, is that, while the prime justification for utilizing these spaces lies in that they can be more closely linked to process and the aggregate behaviour of many individuals, these individuals within the space are often working in small time. Small time processes observable through aggregate behaviour are a t the hub of many research questions relevant to the present or short-term future, i.e. in the temporal realm of the prescriptive planner. Linking these small time processes into the forementioned big time approaches is not simple, partly due to our lack of knowledge of spatial flux. Thus process studies or modelling in small time have so far tended to freeze big time space in accordance with Blauts philosophy that structure is merely change at a rate so slow as to be irrelevant to the process under study (Blaut, 1961). 4 Space in suspended animation
In taking a time-slice view of plastic space, acknowledging its potential dynamism but rejecting the relevance of this to a specific process, a major source of work has been the schools of time-geography and contact-systems centred in Sweden, and particularly at Lund. Other areas where comment is relevant are those of flow-modelling, location-allocation studies and of course the main body of location theory. In terms of time-space the areas most relevant are naturally those where time is most central, and particularly tbe relationship of time to distance. Time geography is one such area which has been fully reviewed in this journal by Thrift (I977b). As Palm and Pred (1974) point out, the demands of housework coupled with lack of access to transport facilities can isolate even the American housewife. Plastic space in a given study is not necessarily tied to one transport medium; in some cases we may need to consider different levels of the transport hierarchy. Forer (1977) has noted that in an urban setting .the transport hierarchy acts as a sophisticated layerer of space in such a way that the conflicting needs of contact maximization and stress minimization can be met. The initially conceptual rather than analytical approach of the Lund
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School has spread into practical planning application through the works of Martensson (1977),Ellegard and Hagerstrand (ElleLenntorp (1976;1977). gard et al., 1975), with an accent on accessibility case studies and the use of the PESASP space-time allocation model. Carlstein (1977 and forthcoming) has equally extended the context of its applicability. A second major area where time is central is the work focused on contact systems (Tornquist, 1968; Thorngren, 1973; Davies, 1973; Goddard and Morris, 1976; Pye, 1977).In concentrating on the importance of organizational systems in the spatial economic pattern, and particularly on face-toface contacts (with their implied travel-time constraints for the busy executive), time-space is again a Central concern. Goddard (1971) and Tornquist (1970) detail the increasing pressure on time as one ascends the executive ladder and investigate some of its implications for administration from minor centres. The significance of these constraints, even for manufacturing firms, is further underlined by Tornquist (1970) who demonstrates that certain levels of administrative tasks cannot be sustained in certain Swedish centres due to time-distance from other potential contact centres. Goddard, in a similar vein, investigates contact-types with implications for substituting telecommunications for physical mobility and in extending contact-system work generally (Goddard and Pye, 1977). A further field where distance is of the essence is that of distance decay phenomena and particularly flow or interaction modelling, where a variety of metrics are employed. In urban traffic modelling the notion of distance as a generalized cost is now put into constant use. Interaction models of various sorts have moved from Stewarts first physical analogy based o n Euclidean distances (Stewart, 1947) through network distances, times, and costs to generalized costs. As does Hagerstrand, the short-term fluctuations of such costs by congestion are ignored, but the relevance of a processoriented metric is taken. It is interesting to speculate a little here on the work of Curry (1972) and Johnston (1973; 1975a; 1976) suggesting that the calibration of gravity models is pattern-specific, that is that any calibration used for planning is valid for only one spatial context (but opposing views have been put forward by Gordon (1976)).If this is so, we might conjecture that over any period in which the $me and/or cost components of generalized cost were altered (as in the introduction of a one-way scheme, cf. Kissling, 1967) then distances between chosen points alter. Which is to say that pattern, which is a visual integration of all possible distances, also alters. In such a case it is possible to argue that a gravity-model calibration is not just place-specific but also time-specific. Another area where several metrics are applicable is that of location-allocation modelling. The initial move into this area produced a variety of computer algorithms to minimize total transport costs to a set of N service, centres for consumers in M regions (Rushton et al, 1973; Erlenkotter, 1967; Bennet and Murakhor, 1974; Scott, 1969; 1971; Wagner and Falkson, 1975). Techniques used varied from dynamic and linear programming to
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heuristic procedures. Sheppard (1974) provides a summary and notes that the problem is not a static one based on known population distribution and technology of production. Most of these algorithms are capable of incorporating plastic space as the distance term for minimization. Heuristic models for this are generally based on a discrete [ormulation of space. But if not specified in a network, Ewing and Wolfe (1977) suggest a way to transform mildly distorted urban space to permit continuous space algorithms in time or cost spaces. Yet some studies, surprisingly, still retain a map-distance notion of space (Oberg, I 977). Sheppards ( I 974) contribution is interesting in that it concentrates on the problems of long-term optimal allocation, moving far beyond the in-fighting on metrics and population definition. He acknowledges factors such as factory size and the choice of one or several plants as being part of the overall costs to be minimized and that minimizing these costs through time goes far beyond mere transport-minimization in complexity. But nowhere here, in this heartland of the spatial paradigm, is variation in the space allowed for. Yet current work would suggest that the choice of metric may significantly affect the optimal node for a cost-minimizing location and, over the span envisaged, changes within the metric c h o s p would not be insignificant. The three groups of studies mentioned above have all tended to acknowledge plastic space in differing degrees, but largely as static structure. In some cases this could prove limiting. They are, however; just part of the far wider study of location by the classic theorists and their followers. Similar charges can be levelled throughout their work. The relevant metric may shift from time to cost, the debate may move to consider other aspects of transport such as quality (Wallace, 1974). or may seek to devitalize the role of space (Norcliffe, 1975). Nevertheless a vestige of concern with space remains, but it is still largely a static concern. A t a time when we have revolutionized spatial relationships by shrinking the physical world in time and cost terms (at different scales, to different degrees, a t different times), are reducing the size of the communications world yet further, and will probably witness a reflation of the worlds size for travel by the end of this century, this is a serious omission. As we have moved locational analyses into greater dynamism and longer-term concerns the space-freezing strategy begins to show strains. Only in the realms of true small time processes is it truly adequate.
5 Palpitating spaces
The final column of Table I represents a situation where spatial flux occurs at an order of greater frequency than the scale a t which process is being studied. To some degree this phenomenon permeates all treatments of plastic space and is reflected by all the small time nuances of congestion, timetabling or fare-structuring that characterize transport media. (Auck-
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land is not always two hours from Wellington through the day; it is two hours minimum, at departure time for a flight, and 14 hours maximum, just after youve missed the last flight of the day.) We usually accommodate these short-term changes in distances by adopting some sort of average distance figure. This is usually sufficient to cover the stresses caused by space and process being defined at slightly different temporal levels.
IV Conclusion
In discussing areas where plastic space is a significant concept we have followed the philosophy that for many purposes the geographer needs to quantify separation or distance (in toto, a space). In doing s o he increasingly tries to make such quantification applicable to processes, an aim not always conducive to simplicity, or applicable to people in the aggregate. It has been argued here that plastic spaces as defined here are a significant improvement on absolute map space because, although they are less simple, they are more applicable to the study of process. W e have outlined some areas where the nature of such spaces is especially important and where their dynamism has significance. The behaviouralist, however, would seek to go further in his analysis, not being content with time or cost but hankering after perceived time and perceived cost. The nuances of these perceptions and the extension of perception into dynamic situations through learning and into more abstract notions of distance and familiarity are of great value. But the gap between the individual and the aggregate population where much planning work is done and where aggregate data provide the observables on which much theory is founded is still not bridged. Methodological controversy over the precision and accuracy of measurements of perceptions of distance spaces (as opposed to architectural or visual ones) also detracts from the current value of this body of work. Much of it is germane at the level of the individual decision-maker but loses power in application to generalized situations. In such a context plastic spaces offer a useful tool in analysis and their evolution offers and important insight into the evolution of the spaceeconomy. At both big time and small time levels of conceptualization they are valid for significant areas of theory, their prime vehicle at present being time-geography and the work of some location theorists. They are methodologically a second best to the perceptions by which decisions are in the final event made, but in the current state of the art they provide the best conceptualization for much current work.
University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand
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V References
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A Place for Plastic Space?

>> Version of Record - Jun 1, 1978 What is This?

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A place for plastic space?

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I Space in a spatial discipline

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A place for plastic space?

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A placefor plastic space?

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A pragmatic taxonomy of geographic space.

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Describing plastic spaces: anecdote vs aziriiirrh

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The shrinking United States 1912-70

Figurea Portrayahof timespace: a) isochronalb) azimuthal c) undifferentiated s h h k age d) commercial.

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A placefor plastic space?

A PARCEL POST MAP Of THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

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Real time distances from downtown Seattle, five minute intervals.

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Projective representations: continuous treatment of plastic space

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A place for plastic space?

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A place for plastic space?

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C A C l l l C BASIN IN WClWTLO TIY-SPACE

Figure6 Equidistant maps oftimespace: a) New Zealand b) the Pacific Basin.

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Figure 7 New Zealand time-space through time.

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I11 Modelling plastic spaces

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INNOVAlION C H A N G E S IN I I M E - S ? A C OIGANllA110N ~CtNlIALIlAlION AND S?ECIAL1ZAlION)

Spatial reorganization:Jannellesfirst model.

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SPECIALISM VIA MINOR

wnd Fund AI(0Csnar

OTHER MEDIAS SPACE SYSTEMS

n a public transport system (Forer. 1974) Figure 10 Space-place feedback i

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A place f o r plastic space?

Figure I I Transport and economic development: a dynamic model.

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Plastic space in geographical models

Order greater change rate than process.

spacewith big-time process. Estimategeneral atate of space.

Space specifically incorporatedinto e c w modelsandr nised as dynamic.