ii

OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE ON

ENUGU-AGU ACHI, ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA.



BY



OJIEKWE, EPHRAIM CHINEDU
2008097001F



DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND HUMAN RELATIONS
NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY
AWKA NIGERIA.




DECEMBER, 2011.


iii
OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE ON
ENUGU-AGU ACHI, ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA.



BY


OJIEKWE, EPHRAIM CHINEDU
2008097001F


A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND
HUMAN RELATIONS IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRMENTS
FOR THE AWARD OF THE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph. D) DEGREE IN
RELIGION AND HUMAN RELATIONS


FACULTY OF ARTS
NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA NIGERIA.


DECEMBER, 2011.


iv
CERTIFICATION
I, OJIEKWE, EPHRAIM CHINEDU, with the Reg. No. 2008097001F, hereby certify
that this dissertation is original and has been written by me. It is a record of my research
and has not been submitted before in part or full for any other degree of this University or
any other institution or any previous publication.


---------------------------------------- -----------------------------
Ojiekwe, Ephraim Chinedu Date
(Student)



------------------------------------------- ---------------------------
Prof. J. E. Madu Date
(Supervisor)











v
APPROVAL PAGE
We ratify that this Dissertation carried out under our supervision, has been examined and
found to have met the regulations of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. We therefore
approve the work for the award of Ph.D. Degree in Religion and Human Relations
(African Traditional Religion).


---------------------------------- ---------------------------------
Prof. Jude Emeka Madu Date
(Supervisor)


----------------------------------- ----------------------------------
Rev. Fr. Prof. A. B. C. Chiegboka Date
(Head of Department)


----------------------------------- ---------------------------------
Prof. C. O. Tagbo Ugwu Date
(External Examiner)









vi
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to the evergreen memories of my father, Late Pillar Chief Gilbert
Ojiekwe (Ochiagha 1 of Enugu-Agu Achi) and my mother, his loving wife, Late Ezinne
LoLo Adaugo Chibugo Janet Ojiekwe (Agbara-ruo-uka) and to the souls of all the
faithful departed.


















vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My profound gratitude goes first to God Almighty for His bountiful benevolence
unconditionally showered on me during the course of this research, and for bringing this
work to a successful completion. I wish to start highlighting the assistance rendered to me
during this work by first appreciating exceedingly the wealth of academic proficiency
emptied into this work from the competent hands of my indomitable supervisor Prof.
Jude Emeka Madu under whose guidance this work has come to fruition. Words are
insufficient to express my gratitude to him for the special role he played in this
investigation.

I thank the Head of the Department of Religion and Human Relations, Rev. Fr. Prof. A.
B. C. Chiegboka for his concerns in the progress of the students of this noble department
and for his relevant intellectual insights and support of the topic of study. It is my
heartfelt desire to thank Very Rev. Msgr. Prof. J. P. C. Nzomiwu and The Very Rev.
Prof. D. C. Okeke for their remarkable learned contributions to my academic life. I thank
them for their enthusiastic audience that sustained my confidence. I am equally grateful
to Rev. Fr. Prof. B. A. C. Obiefuna for his encouragement and technical input in this
work.

I recognize and appreciate the great help and support from other academic staff of the
department like Very Rev. Dr. P. E. Nmah and Dr. O. O. C. Uche especially for their
advice and their assistance in providing me with some relevant literature. May God
reward them abundantly! I thank Dr. L. E. Ugwuenye, Dr. (Mrs) E. O. Ezenweke, Ven.
B. O. S. Udezo for their support and inspiration. Others to whom I owe my gratitude
include: Rev. Fr C. J. B. G. Okpalike, Mr. I. L. Umeanolue, Mr. K. L. Nwadialor, Miss


viii
A. M. Uzoigwe and Mr. S. C. Mgbemena. I sincerely appreciate your presence and
unique contributions to this work. I can never forget to acknowledge the importance and
help of the non-academic staff of the department of this great institution- Mrs. M. C
Nweke, Mrs. G.S. Ugochukwu and Rev. Sr. O.J. Obayi; their secretarial work can never
be under-rated in the success of this study.

Mr. D. N. Agha and Mr Emeka Nzeh Cs invaluable and priceless time, energy and
talents shown in this work would forever evoke my profound gratitude. I also thank the
Librarians and the Library staff of Spiritan Theological College, Attakwu (SIST) and to
all my typists both in Enugu and Awka, for their great help to me.

Furthermore, I acknowledge the immeasurable moral and financial support and
psychological boost accorded to me by my siblings Prince Azunna Nze-Ojiekwe; Nze
Chidi Alexis Ojiekwe; Bar. Henry Ikechukwu Ofoebgunam Ojiekwe; Chief Valentine
Chidozie Ofoegbunam Ojiekwe; Princess Caroline Tochukwu Ojiekwe; Matron Loreto
Chinwe Ojiekwe Samuel; Nurse Eucharia Ojiekwe and Mr.Samuel Onuoha throughout
the course of this work. I most truthfully appreciate their admirable co-operation. Though
too many to mention, I equally acknowledge the assistance and concern of Chief Dr. Alex
Obiechina; Engr. O. C Ezedozie; Engr Agubata Linus; Engr Cyril Obitulata and Engr.
Isaac Okah respectively. May you be favorably rewarded!

Finally, to all those who have responded favourably to my research questionnaire and all
those that have proof-read my dissertation and offered significant ways to enhance it, I
shower thanks of sincerity and gratitude.

OJIEKWE EPHRAIM CHINEDU


ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CONTENTS PAGES
Fly Leaf - - - - - - - - - i
Title Page - - - - - - - - - ii
Requirement Page - - - - - - - - iii
Certification - - - - - - - - iv
Approval page - - - - - - - - v
Dedication - - - - - - - - - vi
Acknowledgements - - - - - - - vii
Table of Contents - - - - - - - - ix
Abstract - - - - - - - - - xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study - - - - - - 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem - - - - - 7
1.3 Purpose of the Study - - - - - - 8
1.4 Significance of the Study - - - - - - 9
1.5 Scope of the Study - - - - - - 10
1.6 Methodology - - - - - - - 11
1.7 Definition of Terms - - - - - - 12

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Preamble - - - - - - - - 14
2.2 Genesis of Igbo Traditional Religion and the Position of
the Deities - - - - - - - - 16
2.3 Concept of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion - - 18
2.4 The Significance of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion - 24
2.5 Igbo Worldview - - - - - - - 27
2.5.1 Man in Igbo Thought - - - - - - 33
2.5.2 The Igbo Philosophy of Life - - - - - 36
2.5.3 The Igbo Traditional Attitudes towards Women - - 41
2.6 Gender in Igbo Cosmology - - - - - 43
2.6.1 Religious Rituals and Gender Inequality - - - 46
2.6.2 Ritual as Communication Symbols - - - - 50
2.7 The Concept of Ofo in Igbo Traditional Worship - - 52
2.8 Concept of Sacrifice in Igbo Traditional Religion - - 56
2.8.1 Expiation Sacrifice (Ikpu-alu or Ikpocha-ife) - - - 57
2.8.2 Sacrifice to ward off Molestation from unknown Spirits - 59
2.8.3 Petition - - - - - - - - 59


x
2.8.4 Thanksgiving - - - - - - - 60
2.8.5 Interior Sacrifice - - - - - - - 60
2.9 The Igbo Concept of Worship - - - - - 61
2.10 Shrine in Igbo Traditional Belief - - - - 65
2.11 Summary of Literature Review - - - - - 66

CHAPTER THREE: THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF THE OKEKPARAKPARA
DEITY
3.1 The Origin and Meaning of Okekparakpara Deity - - 75
3.2 Nature of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 77
3.3 Functions/Importance of Okekparakpara to the Enugu Agu
Achi - - - - - - - - - 83
3.3.1 Economic Functions - - - - - - 85
3.3.2 Political Functions - - - - - - - 86
3.3.3 Social Functions - - - - - - - 88
3.3.4 Religious Functions - - - - - - 90
3.4 Demerits of Okekparakpara Deity in the Lives of Enugu-Agu
Achi People - - - - - - - - 91
3.4.1 Caste System (Osu practice) - - - - - 92
3.4.2 Negative Economic Consequences - - - - 93
3.4.3 Lack of Forgiveness - - - - - - 93

CHAPTER FOUR: OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL CULT WORSHIP
4.1.1 The appropriateness of the officiating functionary - - 96
4.1.2 Purity of the presiding person and use of sacred emblems - 97
4.1.3 Availability of the necessary materials - - - - 98
4.1.4 Constitution of the liturgical assembly - - - - 98
4.1.5 Adherence to traditional liturgical procedure - - - 99
4.1.6 Confidentiality - - - - - - - 99
4.1.7 Disposition of the presiding officer, good memory and
dutifulness of the person - - - - - - 99
4.2 Signs, Symbols and Images of Okekparakpara Deity and their
Socio-Religious Significance - - - - - 101
4.3 Okekparakpara Ritual Worship and the Traditional Deities in
Achi - - - - - - - - - 109
4.3.1 The Traditional Festivals and Gender Involvement in
Enugu-Agu Achi - - - - - - - 112
4.3.2 Liturgical Procedure and Celebrations in the Worship of
Okekparakpara Deity - - - - - - 116


xi
4.3.3 Singing, Music and Dances in the Socio-Religious Ceremonial
Worship of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi - 122
4.3.4 The Sacrifices and the Liturgical Words in the Worship of
Okekparakpara Deity - - - - - - 125
4.4 The Liturgical Calendar of Okekparakpara Deity 134
4.5 The Shrine of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 135
4.6 The Diversity of the Okekparakpara Liturgical Cult Worship 137

CHAPTER FIVE: GENDER DISCRIMINATION AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS
INFLUENCE IN THE OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL
WORSHIP
5.1 Male and Female participation in Okekparakpara Ritual
Worship - - - - - - - - 145
5.2 Enugu-Agu Culture and the Issue of Gender Involvement and
Responsibility - - - - - - - 151
5.2.1 The Role of Kola Nut (Oji Igbo) in the Enugu-Agu Achi
Traditional Worship - - - - - - 153
5.2.2 Women and Priesthood of Okekparakpara Deity in
Enugu-Agu Achi - - -- - - - - 156
5.2.3 Inheritance - - - - - - - - 160
5.3 The Priest of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 162
5.3.1 The Responsibilities and Importance of the Priests - - 164
5.3.2 The Liturgical Costume of Okekparakpara Priests and their
Sitting Position - - -- - - - 167
5.4 Impact of Gender Discrimination on the Social, Economic,
Religious and Political Life of Enugu-Agu Achi Society - 179
5.5 The Influence of Modernization and Globalization in the
Worship of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 172

CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
6.1 Summary - - - - - - - - 178
6.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - 182
6.3 Recommendations - - - - - - - 184
6.4 Suggestions for Further Research - - - - 185
References - - - - - - - - 186
Appendix - - - - - - - - 198




xii
ABSTRACT
The belief in the worship of Okekparakpara deity is entrenched in Igbo traditional
religion. Okekparakpara is a spirit-force that is believed to be very vibrant, active and
highly dreaded by the worshippers. The deity punishes miscreants and rewards good
people by favouring them. It encourages socio-religious interaction especially during its
numerous ceremonies and celebrations. Thus, its worship is very essential and paramount
to the people of Enugu-Agu Achi. This act of worship in its effect, were meant to unify
and increase the sense of belonging among them. However, the various phenomena of the
deity tend to be gender and family discriminatory. This seems to pose an enigma to the
much needed socio-religious relationships among family members, community members
and friends. This work therefore, is an attempt to investigate the origin, nature of
Okekparakpara deity and its link with the Enugu-Agu Achi culture. Also, it is to examine
its socio-religious influence on the worshippers in this era of modernization and
globalization. The study was based on Social Cognitive Theory and Self-Efficacy by
Enugu-Agu Achi people as a framework. The designs of the study were survey. Both
primary and secondary sources were used for data collection and interpreted using area-
culture approach. The work found out that modernization and globalization have affected
the worship of Okekparakpara deity socio-religiously. Also, there are some culturally
restricted norms and customs which promote discrimination among the worshippers. The
findings were presented by the use of descriptive analytical tools like frequency tables,
pie-charts and histograms. The study made some recommendations which would
hopefully address observed anomalies.


1

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
Belief in divine powers and authorities is entrenched in Igbo traditional society
and Enugu-Agu Achi is not an exception. This is typified in the myths associated
with the existence of mermaid-spirits, appearance of the dead and other unusual
physical manifestations of Supernatural forces, which are predominant among
many African communities (Mbiti, 1970, Opoku, 1978). Undoubtedly, these
beliefs influence the daily lives of the people, which manifest in their value scales
and attitudinal orientations.

The Okekparakpara deity is one principal divine power believed in and
worshipped by Enugu-Agu Achi people. The deity is located in Owuru
community under Umumba clan of Enugu-Agu Achi.The choice of Owuru as the
homestead of the deity was as old as the community itself since the area happened
to be the first settling point for the whole of Umumba people. Close to the shrine
of the deity is a market square known as Ujiri which holds every Afor market
day, where people gather together to sell their farm products and also to relax after
their daily activities. Owuru is so centrally and strategically located in Enugu-Agu
Achi that the presence of the shrine of Okekparakpara deity close to the market
square gives a sort of identity, security, unity and solidarity to the people.
Consequently, the life, culture and existence of the aborigines of Enugu-Agu Achi


2

were woven around the deity and its worship. There was serious Okekparakpara
consciousness and even when Christianity came to the scene, most of the
worshippers could not easily join the new faith due to fear of punishment by the
deity, loss of protection and security. This was why Obiechina (1978) says that
traditional Igbo religion was and is still inextricably bound-up with Igbo culture
(p.208).

In a typical Enugu-Agu Achi tradition and culture, deities like Okekparakpara are
called Arunshi or Arushi. The name was coined to represent contrivances or
devices instituted or set up by their ancestors to ward off evil or negative forces
beyond their powers. In line with this view, worshippers claim that the deity
guarantees protection and progress to the people of Enugu-Agu Achi. Consequent
upon this, sacrifices and worship were accorded the deity by all the Enugu-Agu
Achi people in the olden days. According to Ifesieh (1989), worship is an
important aspect of all religion. It is the heart of all religion. It is the means
through which man responds to the appearance of the holy, that is, to the sacred,
transcendental power. Thus, in Enugu-Agu Achi traditional religion, the worship
of Okekparakpara deity appears to be very essential and paramount to the people.

The name Okekparakpara strikes a note of fear in the ears of every body
especially in the olden days. Some people referred to it as the god of thunder
since they believed that the deity is connected with thunder. Literally speaking, the


3

people explained the meaning of the name as excessive vibrance or vigorous
activity. In the olden days, an everage Enugu-Agu Achi person would prefer not
to hold any discussion about the deity. Okekparakpara deity has a number of
distinctive and thought-provoking qualities. These include the use of two
substantive male priests serving the deity at the same time, the presence of twelve
messenger-spirits attached to its functions and the issue of some strange physical
manifestations ascribed to the deity. Up to the incumbent priests, the priesthood of
the deity is confined to only two particular families in Owuru clan. From these two
families, only the male members can officiate as priests and can constitute the
liturgical assembly. They conduct consecrations, pour libations and offer sacrifices
to the deity. Participation during ritual celebration is not very open and free since
there is high degree of restrictions to certan gender and to certain people.
Consequently, this generated fear and lack of sense of purpose and oneness. And
as such, solidarity amongst the worshippers was affected.

Worship of Okekparakpara deity involves the use of symbols and images,
consecrations, sacrifices, singing, music, incantations, pouring of libations and
celebration of specific festivals attached to the deity. In the words of Firth (1973)
symbols are not simple communication media, they can be envisaged as
possessing a spontaneous power in themselves (p.49). He explained further that
the symbols are potent store house of information and crucial factors in the
activity field. In the worship of Okekparakpara deity, the different symbols are


4

used during different circumstances. Some of these symbols like Aro and Oji
appear almost identical but are believed to have different Supernatural powers and
uses. Certain people like women and men who are not of the priesthood families
are not allowed to touch or to handle them because they are very sacred. It has
been an acceptable fact that the Igbo people believe in the existence of
Supernatural powers even before the colonial era and it served them. Many of their
needs were met through means that cannot be empirically verified successfully
(Opoku, 1978).

In Madu (2006), a deity like Agwu is believed to come into full operation in
man with a liberating force, compassion and commitment in order to maintain
cosmic balance and healthy human relationship. In Enugu-Agu Achi, worshippers
of Okekparakpara deity ascribe a lot of socio-religious functions to the deity.
These functions include unification functions, control of crime, promotion of
human rights, justice, peace and love amongst worshippers, creation of a spirit of
oneness, protection of cultural norms and traditions, as well as guaranteeing the
over-all growth and development of the people. Moreso, it promotes and enhances
morality in the community.

Eventhough, in recent times, it is noted that the people have strong belief in the
socio-religious influence of Okekparakpara deity in their lives. It is also observed
that the socio-religious lives of the people is on the decline. There are instances of


5

incest, abortions, robbery, kidnapping, murder and sexual promiscuity and such
other vices. Obviously, and in the light of the fore-going, the belief of the people
on the socio-religious efficacy or influence of the deity becomes questionable. It
may be necessary to mention that as in many world religions, the Igbo belief that
any deity that has no answer to the peoples needs should be replaced and that
meeting the needs of the people are usually through these intermediaries (Nwala,
1985 and Dempster, Klaus and Peterson, 1991).

As earlier said, Okekparakpara deity has two priests serving it at a time. These
priests in collaboration with other priests of Ala-Elugwu and Achihi deities
determine the partern and mode of celebration of common festivals like New Yam
festival and Nnekeji festival in Achi land. The Nnekeji festival used to be very
popularly celebrated especially in Enugu-Agu-Achi. In preparation for this
festival, certain sacrifices are first made to Okekparakpara deity in its shrine and
elaborate celebrations are made at the shrine on a particular day. These
celebrations served a social function of bringing all Enugu-Agu Achi people
home. In the olden days, new yam could not be consumed without first being
offered to the deity. Nowadays, some of these practices have reduced to some
extent with the influence of modernity. Nnekeji festival records fairly significant
participation currently and a good number of people buy and eat the new yam in
their various homes without much regard to the deity. Ezekwonna (2005)
affirmed that culture is not static but dynamic. It changes in time and space since


6

change is an inevitable phenomenon in any human society. As such in recent
times, the rate of cultural diffusion especially with regard to Okekparakpara deity
and its socio-religious impact on the people of Enugu-Agu Achi seems to be at
high.

Despite the influence of Christianity and its attempt to view the world from
different perspectives, the lives of many Enugu-Agu Achi people are still being
influenced by their cultural belief system. Ndiokwere (1994) observed that
Christian faith among the Igbo in general and Enugu-Agu inclusive is very
shallow. It has not penetrated beyond the skin such that they still patronize their
traditional deity. Moreover, Christianity and Christian conviction are yet not quite
internalized (Madu, 2000). Thus, a critical examination of the socio-religious life
of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi could reveal a great deal of practices and
phenomena that are incongruous with the claim of the worshippers who tend to
arrogate much positive or beneficial influence on the deity, Okekparakpara.

Human beings are conditioned by their environment and together with genetic
influence ones ideas are sometimes influenced and shaped by what one sees
and/or does regularly in his environment. It is culture that makes a people a
distinctive group. Our context determines what we see, hear, value and appreciate
(Manus, 2003). Against this background, there is need for a conscious and
objective study of Okekparakpara deity and its socio-religious influence on the


7

people of Enugu-Agu Achi community to filter and to ensure that the positive
influence are upheld so as to foster a good rapport among the people.

This study therefore is an attempt to assess the credibility of Okekparakpara as a
deity and to analyze its positive and negative socio-religious influence on the
people of Enugu-Agu community.

1.2 Statement of the Problem
The above background study warrants an investigation into the relevance and
exact influence of Okekparakpara deity in the socio-religious life of Enugu-Agu
Achi people in this era of globalization and modernity. Furthermore, there seems
to be insufficient studies in this area which has created a knowledge gap in
literature thereby leading to practices probably based on assumptions and
suppositions. In every socio-religious activity, participation of every member is
necessary to make valid the celebration. Mbiti (1975) opined the fact that I
participate and therefore I am. A situation where certain people are denied full
participation in the religious life of the community is discriminatory and
contravenes the individuals human right and dignity. Moreover, to be in
Igboland is to be communal, and to be excluded is personal extermination. In
other words, I am because we are and because we are, I am. Therefore, if the
Okekpaakpara deity influences negatively the life of the Enugu-Agu people, then,
the benefits may be eluding some members of the worshipping community due to


8

some discriminatory practices. But where there is positive impact, unity, oneness
of purpose and solidarity among the worshippers are ensured.

The problem of this study is therefore itemized as follows:
Why is Okekparakpara deity mystified and dreaded gravely by its
worshippers?
Does the deity Okekparakpara actually have any positive socio-religious
influence on the people of Enugu-Agu Achi?
Why are the socio-religious phenomena of the deity gender and family
specific?
What are the effects of discriminatory tendencies in the socio-religious,
economic and political life of Enugu-Agu Achi people?
What are the impacts of globalization and modernity on the socio-religious
influence of Okekparakpara deity?

1.3 Purpose of the Study
The major purpose of the study is therefore:
To examine the origin and nature of this deity called Okekparakpara and to
identify its link with Enugu-Agu Achi culture.
Secondly, to analyze the mode of ritual worship of Okekparakpara deity
stressing its socio-religious, economic and political influence on the people
of Enugu-Agu Achi community.


9

Thirdly, is to investigate and identify the areas of disrimination in the
worship of Okekparakpara deity and to verify why it is gender and family
specific.
Fourthly, to evaluate the impacts of globalization and modernity on
Okekparakpara worship on Enugu-Agu Achi community.
Finally, to make some useful suggestions believed to be a panacea to
observed anomalies

1.4 Significance of the Study
The findings of this work will be beneficial to Enugu-Agu Igbo traditional and
Christian believers alike, pastors, scholars and general public as stated below. This
research will broaden the minds of the entire community. It will give an insight
into their traditional culture as the basis of their political, socio-economic and
religious institutions, as well as, the interpretation and expression of their ritual
worship of the Okekparakpara deity. It will help them to come to appreciate their
religious and socio-cultural values more than ever.

For the Christians, it will help them to come to a better realization of the need for
accommodation and assimilation of certain traditional customs and norms and be
ever ready to dispose of those, which are arbitrarily, against our women folk
human rights, especially in this era of modernization and globalization.



10

More so, it will open the eyes of the general public on the negative effects of
discriminations as it concerns the gender differentiation. Ghali (1995), the former
president of the United Nations, observed in Beijing, China, that gender
disparities and unacceptable inequalities persist in all countries (p. 3).

This study will help to bridge the huge gap caused by the fear and uncertainty that
still exists between the real facts and assumptions about the deity. It will also open
more areas for scholars in religious studies, social science, cultural studies and
many other allied courses for further investigation.

1.5 Scope of the Study
The origin, nature and functions of Okekparakpara deity were studied. Various
socio-religious issues on Okekparakpara ritual activities were raised and studied.

The study also took a look at some concepts and phenomena as found elsewhere.
The issue of traditional festivals and gender and family involvement, as they
affects Enugu-Agu Achi culture and its link with the Okekparakpara deity were
discussed.

Also, studied were the impact of gender discrimination on the socio-religious,
economic and political life of Enugu-Agu Achi community. Moreover, the advent
of Christianity and the influence of globalization and modernization on the
worship of Okekparakpara deity were examined.



11

1.6 Methodology
The study is essentially a descriptive research. It is a form of research that studies
a specific situation (that is, Okekparakpara deity and its socio-religious influence
on Enugu-Agu Achi).

The authority and authenticity of any tradition depend on how far it is supported
or given credence to primary as well as secondary sources. Hence, the instruments
for data collection for this study consisted of both primary and secondary sources.
The primary sources consisted of the use of interviews using closed and open
ended questions and observation method, while the secondary sources consisted of
documented materials both published and unpublished studies or simple works on
aspects of the history and culture of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi and
neighbouring Igbo communities. Articles and monographs written by indigenous
Nigerian and foreign authors were also used.

The data collected was analyzed by the use of area-culture approach of
interpretation. This was found most appropriate because of the culture bound
nature of the study. It helped the researcher to ensure and maintain originality.

Moreover, the data were presented by the use of descriptive statistical techniques
involving frequency tables, pie charts and histograms.





12

1.7 Definition of Terms
The following terms are defined in this work, Gender, liturgy, Deity, and Culture.
(a) Gender: The concept of gender in this work concerns the psychological,
social and cultural differences between males and females. It is
distinguishable from the term sex which refers to physical differences of
the body (Giddens, 1993; Uchem, 2005). In other words, it is used to refer
to those socio-religiously defined capacities and attributes assigned to
Enugu-Agu Achi persons on the basis of their alleged sexual
characteristics. Gender in this work refers to both Enugu-Agu female and
male human identity. It has nothing much to do with their biological
category of sexual differentiation.

(b). Liturgy: Liturgy is a fixed form of public worship used in religions. Thus,
Ersenhofer & Lechner (1961), states that it is an act of religion, an act that
unites both body and soul together (p. 33). In this work, therefore, it is an
action of the whole Enugu-Agu Achi Igbo traditional believers gathered
as cult members in celebration. It is the whole believers that celebrate. It
implies a communal life, a communal life that is solidly organized.

It is the traditional worship that involves ritual sacrifices. It is an act
through which the Enugu-Agu traditional worshippers appease and venerate
the Okekparakpara deity.


13


(c). Deity: Deity is a concept used traditionally to refer to either a male or
female spirit-force. It is a concept in this work used to identify the spiritual
being called Okekparakpara (Ifesieh, 1989). In the context of this work, it
is the personification of a force or power.

Deity refers to the sons and daughters of Chukwu in Igbo pantheon. It is
sometimes referred to as the messengers and the manifestations of the
power of Chukwu, the Supreme Being.

(d). Culture: The concept of culture in this investigation embraces all aspects
of the life of the people of Enugu-Agu that include what they believe in,
what they do and the way they do things. It is a complex whole which
includes knowledge, belief, art, moral, custom and any other capacities and
habits acquired by Enugu-Agu man or woman as a member of the
community (Tylor, 1871; Arinze, 2008 and Wikipedia, 2009).

Hence, the concept of culture in this sense of writing consists of the values
the Enugu-Agu Achi community, the norms they followed, and the material
goods they created (Ekwunife, 2003). It is that which makes the Enugu-
Agu people a distinctive group.





14

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Preamble
It is quite obvious from the researchers experience that in every research work, or
rather in any investigative processes, review of related literature is very important
and vital as it helps the researcher to get acquainted with the past and present
works as related to the topic of investigation. This is why Osuala (2005), says that,
one of the easiest ways of bridging our effort in any enquiry is to review and
build upon work already done by others (p. 39).

Review of related literature therefore remains crucial such that any researcher that
ignores it does so at his/her own detriment because he or she will end up using un-
productive techniques and methods and thereby failing to contribute much to the
advancement of human knowledge which every researcher aims to achieve.

To the best of the researchers knowledge, not much have been written and
published on Achi town in general and Enugu-Agu Achi in particular, more
especially as it concerns the Okekparakpara deity. This notwithstanding, other
literary sources that are related to this one will be consulted.

To undertake the task of the chapter, the researcher collated and reviewed various
and varied literary sources of relevance to the study under the following sub-
headings:


15

2.2. Genesis of Igbo Traditional Religion and the position f the Deities.
2.3. Concept of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion.
2.4. The Significance of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion..
2.5. Igbo Worldview.
2.5.1 Man in Igbo thought.
2.5.2 The Igbo Philosophy of life.
2.5.3 The Igbo traditional attitudes towards women.
2.6 Gender in Igbo cosmology.
2.6.1 Religious rituals and gender inequality.
2.6.2 Ritual as communication symbols.
2.7 The concept of Ofo in Igbo traditional worship.
2.8 Concepts of Sacrifice in Igbo traditional religion.
2.8.1 Expiation Sacifice (Ikpu-alu or Ikpocha-ife).
2.8.2 Sacifice to ward off molestation from unknown spirits.
2.8.3 Petition.
2.8.4 Thanksgiving.
2.8.5 Interior sacrifice.
2.9 The Igbo concept of worship.
2.10 Shrine in Igbo traditional belief.
2.11 Summary of the Literature review.



16

2.2. Genesis of Igbo Traditional Religion and the Position of Deities
Religion could be defined as faith and practice involving the relationship between
mankind and what is regarded as sacred. According to Tylor (1871), religion arose
out of intellectual curiosity concerning mental status and other things that are not
fully understood. Metuh (1991) defined religion as:
The outward act or form by which men indicate their recognition of the
existence of God or (of gods) having power over their destiny, to whom
obedience, service and honour are due; the feeling or expression of human
love, fear or awe of some superhuman and over-ruling power, whether by
profession of belief, by observance of rites and ceremonies or by the
conduct of life. (p. 20).

Idowu (1973) observed that the people of West Africa (the Igbo people inclusive)
generally believe in a pantheon of deities who share aspects of the divine status
and are believed to have emanated from the Supreme Being. They are also
concerned about the objective phenomena of the religion. Most offerings and
sacrifices revolve around these deities who appear to have dominated the whole
life of the people. In his own contribution, Ugwu (2002) opined that the position
of the deities in West African traditional religion has helped tremendiously in
bringing the state of affairs between the two realms of existence (sacred and
profane) to a state of equilibrium.



17

The Igbo pantheon has a hierarchy of beings in its retinue. At the head of the
hierarchy is Chi-Ukwu (the Supreme Being) who is regarded as the creator and
sustainer of the universe. Hence, they call him Onye Okike (one who creates), or
Onye nwe Uwa (One who owns the world) and accordingly reverence and worship
are accorded the being. Afigbo (1981) traced the origin of Igbo traditional religion
to two main periods he termed b-horizon and c-horizon. B-horizon was marked by
recession of pure intuition, the fall of man, the withdrawal of the creator (the
Supreme Being) and dominance of mans daily existence by a host of gods and
spirits. Since this Being became removed from the created world, he left the world
to the watchful eyes of the deities. The C-horizon marks the era of Arochukwu
ascendency with its Ibinukpabia oracle in Igboland. Hence, Igbo traditional
religion originated as a direct revelation of Chukwu, Chineke to the earliest
Igbo ancestors. In the course of time, the ancestors lost touch with the original
revelation and turned their back on Chukwu but focused on the worship of created
things like Ani or Ala (the Earth goddess) not as a creator but as their
sustainer and protector. This leads to the theory of the origin of Igbo traditional
religion as a combination of psychological and sociological needs for their
protection and survival (Afigbo, 1981).

The definition of religion by Mbiti (1975) underscores or implies the existence of
a divinity or Supernatural power in every religious activity of the people. The
people recognize the obvious limitations and the transcendentality of these powers


18

over their lives and so pay obedience, honour and worship to them. Their attitude
to the Supernatural includes belief and a code of ethical behavior, rites and
ceremonies.

2.3 Concept of Deities in Igbo Tradaitional Religion
Obidigbo, as cited by Iroegbu (2009) defines a deity as a Supernatural being with
such powers and attributes believed in and most times worshipped by a people and
believed or thought to control some parts of their life. This view stems from the
fundamental belief by Africans in the existence of two worlds. Ugwu (2002)
presented the two worlds as the visible, tangible and material world (Uwa)
inhabited by Gods creatures and the invisible, intangible and immaterial world
(Ala mmuo) inhabited by the Supreme Being and his other agents Deities. Madu
(2004) confirmed this when he said that:
The cosmological sketch of the Igbos of Nigeria consists of three-tier
intimately related but distinct worlds, each of which is well inhabited - the
heavens, the earth and the under world. The heaven is the abode of the
Supreme Being (Chukwu/Chineke) and such major divinities like Amadioha
(thunder god). The earth is the home of the earth goddess (Ala/Ani) and
manthe ancestors and myriads of spirit forces inhabit the underworld. (p. 5).

Hence, the Igbo people as well as Enugu-Agu Achi in particular believe in an
Ultimate reality. And the search for this Ultimate reality for any human group


19

begins with their attempts to explain the world around them. The Igbo world is
one world, that is, one world which includes not only the peoples view of the
Supernatural but also their understanding of the nature of the universe, the nature
of human beings and their place in the world. It is generally believed all over
Igboland that the universe was created. The creator is God Himself and in many
African languages and Igbo language in particular, the name of God means
creator. In Igbo He is called Chukwu (Great God), Chineke (the creator). It is the
Igbo belief that God continues to create and that the universe is a religious
universe (Mbiti, 1975). Man is the centre of the universe and turns part of the
universe into sacred objects and uses other things for sacrifices and offerings. In
Igbo traditional believe nobody can reach the edge of the universe; it has no edge
or rim. The universe is believed to be unending and without limits. As man
remains at the centre of the universe, God, the Supreme Being is ultimately the
sustainer, keeper and upholder of the universe (Arinze, 1970).

The Igbo as a people owe their existence to Chukwu, the Supreme Being who is
the creator and whose central significance and comprehensive importance with
individuals and the universe as a whole are known. They demonstrate this belief
through their myths, native folk tales, proverbs and idioms that Chukwu created all
things and to buttress further His greatness, He controls all that he has created.
Chukwu in the Igbo vocabulary remains and is seen as a central ontological
magnetic knot that draws all things to self, interacting with both the living and the


20

non-living things at their various degrees according to their cognitive or instinctive
abilities or power in space and time (Ifesieh, 1989).

In Igbo belief, it is the Supreme Being who gave moral order to people so that they
might live happily and in harmony with one another. Through this moral order,
customs and institutions have arisen in all communities. It helps the people to
know what is good and evil, right and wrong, truthful and false and to be able to
formulate their own values. There is power in the universe, the mystical power
which governs the universe. This power is available to spirits and to certain human
beings. This power helps them perform wonders and miracles such as rain
making, finding the cause of the misfortunes and troubles. It is regarded as evil
magic, witchcraft or sorcery (Mbiti, 1975). The Igbo people have so many
spiritual beings in the invisible world of reality. Thus, Ogbajie (1995) confirmed
that:
Categories of being in Igbo invisible world are many. Different powers are
called up in different situations. The world of Igbo man cannot be
completely understood without his conception of mystical forces, which the
Igbo man calls Ogwu. Simply put, Ogwu is a force of vital energy or
mystical power that is employed for medical, magical, sorcery and
witchcraft purposes. (p. 56).



21

There is a strong belief among the Igbo people on the great pantheon of deities.
Many of these deities are the expression of the forces of nature, which men fear or
try to propitiate. They generally have their own shrines, priests and their
worshippers cannot justly be called Animists but polytheists since they worship a
variety of deities. They are not restricted to one place. Many of them are
everywhere and have numerous shrines; even if there is only one shrine, the deity
is not imprisoned in it (Arinze, 1970).


The Deities are sometimes referred to as the sons of Chukwu, or his messengers
and sometimes as his manifestations. In Ugwu (2002), they share aspects of the
divine status and are often believed to have emanated from the Supreme Being. In
other words, the deities are in existence only as a consequence of the Supreme
Being. Some Igbo scholars like Anyanwu (1999); Ugwu (2002) and Madu (2004)
hold that the Supreme Being is a Deus Otiosu that God has completely left the
universe in the hands of the deities who then act independently but for God and
are considered to be generally beyond human reproof. On another note, the deities
hold a mediatory role between God and man or the rest of the world. In this case,
the deities are Gods servants or messengers. They were always treated with
reverence and with awe.

Deities are paramountly concerned with the function of mediating between God
and the world. They operate between the realm of the profane and the sacred. They
were believed to have the power of rewarding human beings or punishing them


22

with misfortune, disease or even death. The divinities have their cults, priests and
shrines and there were some among them which were associated with various
features of the environment: but these palpable objects were the abodes of the
deities and not the deities themselves. The deities are usually regarded as male,
although some are thought of as female. Most are believed to dwell in the sky
above and beyond the human world; many also have immanent or terrestrial
aspects, which may be harmful in contrast to the generally benign nature of the
deity in the sky (Opoku, 1978).

Based on the cultural background and religious orientation, the name which was
given to these deities differs from one culture area to another. But the mode of
worship and their roles are similar primarily because of their interceding functions
(Ugwu, 2002). Corroborating this view, Anyanwu (cited in Iroegbu, 2009)
explained further that Igbo deities are generally believed to be many and are
classified loosely as major and minor deities. Major deities are said to be universal
or acknowledged within such a wide social group as the tribe or nation. Example
Anyanwu, Ahajioku, Ala, Igwe.The minor deities on the other hand are those with
whom the destiny of particular localities are associated and which occupy
influential positions in those societies and have their shrines in them. To this
group, Metuh (1999) identified such deities as Ogwugwu, Idemili, Ojukwu, Ngwu,
Ulasi, Ubu, Ele. Okekparakpara deity having been located at Enugu-Agu Achi
community and influencing the lives of the people fall appropriately into this
group of minor deities.


23

Sacrifices visibly offered to the Deities are believed by the Igbo to be ultimately
received by Chineke, the former, being only mediators. This Igbo theology is now
clearly and logically expressed by modern writers as in the words of Arinze
(2008):
Worship of the lesser deities is an act of worshipping the high god, who is
considered to be immanent in subordinate beings or is symbolized by the
images of lesser deities. In any case, whatever powers the inferior deities
possess, these powers are ultimately derived from God, the source. Thus
among the Igbo in Eastern Nigeria, deity shrines (among which are those of
Ani) are common but it is also understood that the deities are descendant
powers, essentially considered of Chukwu - Chi, Ekuke, Chineke. (p. 108).

Nwoga (1984) in trying to prove that Christian God is not the Igbo God and that
both operate on a different platform also agreed that the Supreme God (Being) is
worshipped through the minor deities. He neither has any cults to himself nor
priest whether he is remote or immanent; worship of the other deities goes
indirectly to Him (p. 61). Contrary to the views expressed already by various
authors on Igbo traditional religion, Arazu (2005) insists that Chukwu is definitely
paid practical cult especially in Ihembosi in Ekwusigo Local Government Area
of Anambra State, where a whole native week is dedicated every year to the
worship of Chukwu at his ancient shrine. Everybody takes part in the ceremony,
men, women and children. The annual feast of Chukwu in Ihembosi is called


24

Igba Okwu Chukwu (p.173). Also, in line with Arazus thought, Ilogu (1974)
made a similar discovery in Ihiala town when he noted that:
There are parts of Igboland where public and private shrines of Chineke
exist. At Ihiala I have discovered a public shrine called Egbo Chukwu
(the square of the Supreme God). The annual public sacrifice performed at
this shrine and offered to the Supreme God, includes the offering of cocks
by mothers who have given birth to female children, within the period
between one annual celebration and another. All Ozo titled men at Ihiala
erect household shrines to Chukwu, commonly called Ihu-Chukwu.
Sacrifices are offered at these shrines annually during religious festivals
like Iro- Muo and Ite otite. (p. 51).

Therefore, the researcher deduces from the evidence that in Ihiala and Ihembosi
there are some who believe that Chukwu has shrines, priests and cults. Some also
believe that Chukwu can be approached directly without medium. Others believe
that He is remote and cannot be reached so easily. Thus, believing that to have
sacrificed in worship to deities and ancestors is to have worshipped Chukwu or
Chineke.

2.4 The Significance of Deitievs in Igbo Traditional Religion
As noted before concerning the origin of Igbo traditional religion, some scholars
have the theory that it is the result of the effect of two great forces the


25

sociological and psychological needs of the people for protection and survival.
Coroborating this view, Iroegbu (2009) explained that a powerful spirit may be
consulted in order to find ones way in politics, business, dispute and medicine.
For an economic venture, the deity for business, fortune or riches called Mbataku
would have to be approached for necessary rites. In Enugu Agu Achi, this
particular role was performed by the Ihu-Ezi messenger-spirit attached to
Okekparakpara deity. Iroegbu enumerated a number of deities and their roles in
human life and welfare. These deities include Ala (the Earth deity). This is the
most important deity and is the basis of law and moral sagacity, progress and
stability. When defiled, no other force can stop its retaliation. In Enugu-Agu Achi
palance, this deity is termed Ajala deity. Amadioha (god of thunder) is
associated with Okekparakpara deity n Enugu-Agu Achi. Ikoro (Spirit of war
corresponds to what is obtained in Enugu-Agu where Ikoro Okekparakpara deity
serves for war and communal emergencies. Agwu remains the spirit for healing
and divination. Iroegbu (2009) further observed that the capacity to assist man
may be impaired due to consequences of transgressions or moral insufficiencies.

Writing on shrines as homes of deities and oracles, Iroegbu (2009) describes a
shrine as places of consultation with esteemed extrahuman forces to answer un-
answerable questions in order to allay fear and provide a way out or resolve
problems be they economic, political, religious, kinship, theft, murder,
accusation, power-seeking and all that require Supernatural insight and


26

competencies. According to him, oracles have played and continue to play a major
role as a form of Supreme (divinatory) court. He cited the Ibinukpabi oracle in
Arochukwu, Agbara oracle in Awka, Igwekala oracle in Umunoha. Iroegbu (2009)
explained further that a community may call upon their deities for life
regeneration, protection and growth as well as for oath-taking. To buttress this
fact, he cited the case of Ogwugwu deity in Okija which was used extensively for
oath-taking and settlement of various inter-personal disputes. In conclusion, he
explained that shrines in Nigeria are both private and political vehicles and
instruments of access to power, political offices and resources.

Deities like Ibinukpabi of Arochukwu are believed to answer question on issues
that are mysterious through the medium of qualified priests (Talbot, 1969). In the
account of Talbot, the goddess has power to identify sorcerers, witches and
poisoners. He also believed that the deity can make barren women fertile and give
success in trade, fertility of crops and granting victory in war. Arinze (1970) went
ahead to identify three deities as having much influence on the life and welfare of
Igbo people the Ojukwu deity, Agwu deity and Amadioha or Kamalu deity. He
likened the Ojukwu deity to the Yoruba Sanponna because of the much dread
worshippers have for the deity. He explained that the Ojukwu is an expression of
the wrath of God (Supreme Being) and is god of small pox. The deity is believed
to hate evil men and so withholds his aid from them. Arinze (1970) and Madu
(2006) further explained that the Agwu deity is tutelary divinity of diviners who


27

seek to discover secrets and give advice on spiritual matters. The deity can be
capricious to the extreme, can hinder or help, bring prosperity or calamity but can
be difficult to placate if defiled. Arinze specifically likened the Amadioha to the
Yoruba Sango deity which he explained descends swiftly on moral offenders like
witches, murderers, sorcerers, those who steal and those who break his laws. The
deity is also believed to be the rain sender and the giver of fertility. Prayers are
therefore made to him for good harvest and for children in the home.

2.5 Igbo Worldview
The word Igbo is a collective name given to the people who inhabit the South-
East central part of Nigeria. According to Basden (1982), the Igbo occupy a very
considerate area of the South-Eastern corner of Nigeria. The area covered by the
Igbo is so extensive (p. 27). In accordance with Diara (2001), the word Igbo is
derived from the root word Ibo which is widely held to have genealogically
originated from Ibri, the root word from which the name Hebrew was derived.
It refers to both the people and their language just as Njoku (2006) asserts that:
The word Igbo is used to refer to those people whose primordial
homeland is Igbo land . The Igbo share in common some cultural
denominator by which they are identified. The most common of these is
the Igbo language, their mother tongue. (p. 13).



28

Many authors have defined world-view differently to mean how the world is
conceived, contemplated, and perceived by people who live in it. It is the totality
of a peoples assumptions. Thus, it gives a sense of direction and purpose to the
live of the people, and enables them to act purposefully in exercising a measure of
control over their environment. It is the complex of peoples beliefs and attitudes
concerning the origin, the nature, structure, organization and interaction of beings
in the universe with particular reference to man (Madu, 1997). Hence, different
cultures have different ways of ordering their world. Uchendu (1965) asserted
that:
The Igbo world is a world in which forces interact, affecting and modifying
behaviour, a world that is delicately balanced between opposing forces each
motivated by self-interest. The interaction may be minimal or even hostile
in character. It is a world in which others can be manipulated for the sake of
an individual status or advancement. (p. 20).

The result of this innate quest by man in his day to day relation with the cosmos,
in his strive, and often unconsciously, to have a base in the form of a unifying
factor which Oguejiofor (1996) understood and described as a terminus a quo
(the origin) and ad quem (the end) of life (p.47), constitutes what is known as
world-view. It was this natural craving by man for an explanation of the cosmos
that in turn gives a clue to the concept of the Supreme Being among that human
race.


29

The Igbo world view is, indeed, very striking. In a sense, one can safely say that
the Igbo world is one world. For the Igbo, the world presents itself as one fluid
coherent unit in which the invisible and the visible world dovetail unto each
other but not to the exclusion of the other. Hence, Metuh (1991), unequivocally
echoed that generally, the world of human experience is seen as one fluid
coherent unit in which spirits, man, animals plants and other elements are engaged
in continious interactions (p.38). So, the Igbo world whether visible or invisible
is a real world in every sense of the word. The invisible world is the counterpart
of the visible. It is symbolized or manifested by visible and concrete phenomena
and objects of nature. The Igbo people express this metaphysical perception of
ultra-sensuous world in this exclamation Uwa-di-egwu, meaning that this world is
profoundly mysterious, full of mysteries beyond mans comprehension.

The point is that the reality of the spiritual world is not an academic proposition; it
is rather an empirical, common-place experience. It is a world vision although
unique but by no means lacking in coherence. Traditional Igbo religion was, and
still is, inextricably bound up with Igbo culture. It is a perverse force. As
Obiechina (1978) aptly puts it:
There is hardly any important area of human experience which is not linked
to the Supernatural and the peoples sense of religion and religious
pietyare part and parcel of the ideological structures of traditional


30

society, and so essential to a proper interpretation of experience in the
traditional social context. (p. 208).

This pervasiveness of religion through the total way of life of Igbo people gave
traditional religion a remarkable wholeness within the context of the culture out of
which it originated. But for traditional Igbo Enugu-Agu Achi community is much
more than simply a social grouping of people bound together by reasons of natural
origin and/or deep common interests and values. It is a society as well as a unity of
the visible and the invisible worlds, the world of the physical living on the one
hand and the world of the ancestors, divinities and souls of children yet to be born
to individual kin-groups (Mbiti, 1975).

In Igbo cosmology, there is Odinani which is defined as a pantheistic faith,
having a strong central deity at its head. All things spring from this deity. In
Wikipedia (2009), a deity is a postulated preternatural or Supernatural immortal
being, who may be thought of as holy, divine, or sacred, held in high regard, and
represented by believers, often religiously referred to as a god (p. 225). Deities
are depicted in a variety of forms, but are also frequently expressed as having
human or animal form. Some faiths and traditions consider it blasphemous to
imagine or depict the deity as having any concrete form. They are usually
immortal, and are commonly assumed to have personalities and to possess
consciousness, intellects, desires, and emotions similar to those of humans. Such


31

natural phenomena as lightening, floods, storms, other acts of God, and miracles
are attributed to them, and they may be thought to be the authorities or controllers
of various aspects of human life (such as birth or the afterlife). Some deities are
asserted to be the directors of time and fate itself, to be the givers of human law
and morality, to be the ultimate judges of human worth and behaviour, and to be
the designers and creators of the earth or the universe (Wikipedia, 2009).

Like all religions, Odinani is the vehicle used by its practitioners to understand
their world (called Uwa), or more specifically, the part of the world that affects
them. Chukwu is the Supreme deity in Odinani. The powerful and genderless,
Chukwu is said to be the unknown, infinitely powerful, and absolute force in the
cosmos, encompassing everything in space and time itself. Linguistic studies of
the Igbo language suggests that the name Chukwu is a portmanteau of the Igbo
words Chi, as the spiritual beings or personal gods are called ukwu which
means great in size or formidable. In this sense, Chukwu comes to mean the
Great God or the God that is powerful. Chukwu as the source of all the other Igbo
deities is often referred to as Chineke, the God who creates and Ike kike
meaning The Supreme Power (Wikipedia, 2009).

Ekwensu, in Wikipedia (2009), is an Igbo deity with a convoluted modern identity.
Among the Christian Igbo, this deity is misrepresented as the Christian Devil or
Satan and is seen as a force which places itself opposite to that of Chukwu.


32

Anthropological studies suggest however that this traditional deity may have been
a revered Trickster God, similar to Eshu amongst the Yoruba people. According to
Idowu (cited by Dopamu, 2000) Evil is not associated with him; rather it is
strongly believed that he demands justice, fair play and rectitude (p. 5). Hence, in
Igbo traditional understanding, this Alusi, (alternatively known as Arusi or Arunshi
depending on dialect are minor deities that are worshipped and served in Odinani)
was adept at bargains and trade, and praying to Ekwensu was said to guarantee
victory in negotiations. As a force of change and chaos, Ekwensu also represented
the God of War among the Igbo. He was invoked during times of conflict and
banished during peacetime to avoid his influences of inciting bloodshed in the
community.

The cosmos itself is divided into four constituent complexes known as Okike,
Alusi, Muo, and Uwa. Okike is the event of Creation, the Alusi are the lesser
deities, Muo are the spirits of the Ancestors and all other beings, and Uwa is the
World. Alusi are the Chukwus incarnations in the World (Uwa). They spring
from Ani, the Earth goddess and Goddess of Fertility, who embody the workings
of the world. They are lesser deities in Odinani, each of whom is responsible for a
specific aspect of nature or abstract concept (Dopamu, 2000).







33

2.5.1 Man (Mmadu) in Igbo Thought
The Igbo word for Man is Mmadu which refers to a human being irrespective of
age, sex or status. The termMmadu, distinguishes the human species fromMuo,
spirit, in the sense that spirits are the invisible counterparts of humans. Man in
Igbo is widely believed to be a creature of God. Names, proverbs and myths
express this. For example, Mmadueke (man does not create) (Metuh, 1991).

Man (Mmadu) is created by Chukwu who is a great spirit (Ilogu, 1974). Thus, in
Odinani, the Igbo man and woman believe that at the time of the birth of man or
woman the Great Spirit, Chukwu, endows him or her with a part of His divine
nature that is called Chi which becomes the spiritual double of the human being
throughout his or her life. This is the reason why whatever good or bad fortunes,
successes, failures or weaknesses possessed by man are often attributed to his Chi.
So, this is why we are different because children of the same parents are variously
endowed with different kinds of Chi. And through this special spirit called Chi,
Chukwu the Supreme Being connects with all created human beings. Chi is
personal, hence, the Igbo saying: Ofu Nne namu ma ofu Chi a deji (the same
mother, yes but not the same Chi). Every human being is expected to prove his or
her right and worthy of honour and glory by genuinely and totally aspiring for a
holy and loving life expressed daily in various socio-economic and political
activities. In this respect, a persons Chi is analogous to the concept of a guardian


34

angel in Western Christianity, the demon of Greek myth, and the genius of Roman
myth (Wikipedia, 2009).
Iwuagwu (1975) asserted that:
Igbo Religion is an ethical religion. For it did plant in the people the sense
of guilt and sin. The idea of sin was expressed in the concept of Nso or
Nso ani which means things not to be done, things forbidden or things
abominable to Chukwu, the Supreme Being and to Ala, the mother earth,
guardian of morality and productivity. Igbo religion is a religion of rigid
justice. The deity in Igbo religion is a God of righteous wrath. For the
Deity to be just and right, he should show no mercy to the spoiler of the
land. (p. 18).

Harmonious living is clearly a pivotal value. Igbo traditional religion which has
been rightly referred to as the womb of the peoples culture, plays a key role in the
realization of this all important value among every traditional Igbo group (Mbiti,
1975). Hence, Igbo people believe that religion is central in inculcating the
promotion and realization of harmonious inter-relationship among individuals and
the community. The fact that man and woman are at the centre of the universe is
widely acknowledged in Igboland. They see everything else in its relation to this
central position of man. It is as if God exists for the sake of man. So both the good
and bad acts of Mmadu in the Igbo cosmological outlook have a reward. This
explains why the deities must be revered or worshipped (Mbiti, 1975).


35

It is thus quite clear that the Igbo saw failure in his world as a terrible calamity
which implied damnation and so did everything possible to avoid it. It is this fear
of failure, this drive to succeed here, and attain the status of Ogaranya (a rich man
or woman) which he could carry across to the next world, which account for the
economic drive of the Igbo man, as for the high score and prestige set on hard
work, resourcefulness, foresight, and rugged individualism. The Igbo is not
prepared to attribute any failure to his personal chi. Thus, the Igbo saying that
onye kwe chi ya ekwe (determination is the key to success) locates the Igbo in the
context of determination and faith to succeed. It is for this reason that he has to get
all forces on his side. The achievement orientation finds the Igbo in reverence of
Ikenga, the cult of strength, a symbol for personal achievement, heroism and
success. The Igbo man and woman love to be rewarded and recognized after
having worked hard (Onwu, 2002).

Thus, all the interactive processes in Igbo cosmology are geared towards the
welfare of Man. In other words, both the spiritual forces the Supreme Being, the
deities, the spirit-forces, and the ancestors are in continuous interaction with Man.
And as long as this interaction is in harmony and is balanced, mans welfare will
be guaranteed. This harmony is always preserved, maintained and promoted
through sacrifices expressed in worship (Onwu, 2002).



36

Common lores amplify this fact such as the world is a market place to be traded
in turns (uwa bu ahia, onye zuru ibe ya azuru); Man is the force or maker of his
worlds (Mmadu mere uwa ya); Man is his neighbours god (Mmadu bu chi ya
na ibe ya); when one agrees, his personal god, chi agrees also (onye kwe chi ya
ekwe). The implication of all these is that the world is conceived in such a way
that change can come given humans capacity to influence these other forces at his
or her disposal. But again, this capacity may be impaired due to consequences of
transgressions or moral insufficiencies. A transgression in this context means
falling short of the moral expectations of the society in relationship with others
and the gods (Onwu, 2002).

2.5.2 The Igbo Philosophy of Life (Ndu)
From generation to generation, anthropologists, ethnologists, philosophers and
theologians have argued with consistent veracity and uniformity that the
fundamental category of existence in Igbo is LIFE. As Orobator (2000)
formulated that, the primary Igbo philosophical interest is life, the gift God gave
and continues to give to this world (p. 150). This does not mean that qualifying
life as philosophical category can reduce it to a purely abstract category. For the
Igbo people, life signifies a concrete experience. They experience life as
belonging, communion, sharing, hospitality, celebration and participation. Man
(Mma-ndu) is made up of Life (Ndu), intellect (Uche) and body (ahu). When there
is no life in a person he or she is ozu (corpse). It is the sole function of life to hold


37

body and intellect firmly in their positions and sustain them. As far as life is doing
this, man is said to be living a human life and is capable of showing the act of
knowledge. Thus the source or origin of human knowledge is life. This life comes
from God (Onwu, 2002).

In addition, the Igbo people experience life as abundance and well-being, material,
spiritual, psychological, social, economical and political. Hence, this will mean
that the attainment and preservation of the fullness of life come into play as the
constitutive elements of human experience in Igboland. According to Magesa
(1997) all principles of morality and ethics are to be sought within the context of
preserving human life and its power or force (p. 128). This is why all life forces,
that is, all creation, are intended to serve and enhance the life force of the human
person and community. In other words, the sole purpose of existence for every
Igbo man and woman is to seek life, to see that it continues and grows to its full
capacity. And in order to make things easier Orobator (2000) defines the ethically
good as those actions or orientations which give life and affirm life. The ethically
bad, on the contrary, denotes actions which undermines life. As a consequence,
the responsibility devolves on the community to struggle constantly to overcome
the menace of evil to its corporate life.

Thus the concept of a man as a person who co-exists with others gives rise to the
idea of collective responsibility, inter-dependence and humane living which is an


38

important aspect of Igbo social and religious life. Ifemesia (1974) rightly argued
that, interdependence is a fundamental principle of Igbo philosophy of life
because; a tree does not make a forest (p.70). The Igbo ideology of
interdependence recognizes that unity is strength (Igwebuike). It promotes
discipline, reduces crime and humanizes relations. Igbo religion recognizes
personal/individual salvation, but it exists mainly for the preservation of the
collective life (umunna/ikwunne) and of the community (oha).

So, the concept of democracy (oha, umunna-kwuru) which is contained in the Igbo
philosophy of republicanism is deeply rooted in Igbo life and thought as embodied
in umunna concept. Before taking any decision, the Igbo have the tradition of
gathering together to discuss matters of interest in order to arrive at a consensus
and agreement. This is called in Igbo Igba izu (consultation). This is the basis of
Igbo republicanism which Ekwuru (1999) calls the consensus philosophy (p.
134), but referred to by Nwala (1995) as Unanimity (p. 168). According to
Wkipedia (2009), republic is defined as an affair, interest, a state or nation in
which the supreme power is rested in the whole voting community which elects
indirectly or directly, representative to exercise the power; a group whose number
is regarded as having a certain equality or common aims, pursuits. In other words,
republicanism is a system with clear pattern of organization and a mode of
behaviour. Hence, in Igbo republicanism, individuals and groups of individuals up


39

to the clan level aspired to relevance, had rights and responsibilities, worked
harder to better their lots and welfare and contributed to policies (Onwu, 2002).

Igbo world is principally anthropocentric. It is for this understanding that the Igbo
say Ndu bu isi (life is first). Because of the heavy accent which the traditional Igbo
people place on human life, they go to any length in order to preserve it. As the
Igbo man and woman move from shrine to shrine he or she moves for definite
material satisfaction bordering on life, off-spring and health. Even in their
traditional prayers (Igo ofo) and sacrifices to the deities there are mainly petition
prayers only for the welfare of Mmadu. When sacrifices are made to the
malevolent spirits, the only reason for doing so is to ward them off from doing
harm. The Igbo man and woman constantly resort to divination, traditional
medicine, magic, the use of protective charms or amulets and initiation into secret
cults in order to cope with the uncertainties of life, for protection and progress.
Hence, childlessness was considered a threat to life among the Igbo as it hits the
very root of that traditional primary value which is life (Mbiti, 1969).

Life is greater than wealth (Ndukaku). Life is king (Ndubueze). If life agrees
(Ndukwe). All these names portray vividly the Igbo belief about life. In every
aspect of Igbo affair, the ultimate goal is to preserve and enhance life through
good living (Ezindu) in contradiction to bad life (Ajondu) which is totally against
the Igbo belief about life. The Igbo strongly believe in the life here and now and


40

more so, in the life after death. When a person dies his or her soul (obi, mmuo) is
believed to wander till it is received into the blessed company of his forbears, on
the condition that the relations on earth celebrate the full funeral ceremonies. In
some places this belief requires also that the person must have been a good man or
woman on earth or at least that a cleansing rite be performed over the corpse
before burial. Only people with such good record can attain the status of an
ancestor. Hence, for a typical Igbo person life does not end here, it continues in the
next round (Arinze, 2008).

The dead remained members of the society and there is the belief that there is a
community of the dead alongside the community of the living and there is a
symbiotic relationship between the two communities. Human society is an
unbroken family made up of the dead, the living and the yet un-born (Mbiti,
1975).

With regard to humans relation to society, being human means belonging to a
community and that involves participating in the beliefs, ceremonies, and
officiating in ritual sacrifices and festivals of that community. In Igbo world of
beliefs therefore, membership of the community is emphasized more than a
members individuality. For a society is based more on obligation than on
individual rights and an individual assume his or her rights in the exercise of the
obligations, which make a society a chain of inter-relationships. The Igbo is afraid


41

of failure in life. He believes that nature has endowed him or her with the ability to
subdue his world and succeed and therefore had to do just that. Definitely the
mandate to control that land is a mandate to be successful (Onwu, 2002).
Furthermore, human life is viewed and understood as a cycle of birth, puberty,
marriage and procreation, death and the afterlife. An individual does not stay in
one stage of existence for ever, he necessarily moves on to the next, and in order
to make the transition smooth, special rites are performed to ensure that no break
occurre, and movement and regeneration continue perpetually (Mbiti, 1969).

Hence, life is considered as a well-managed redistribution of forces in the world.
This is the essence of marriage, funeral rituals, title taking, office holding, any
form of socially rewarded achievement, as well as in health and healing, dispute
resolution and justice.

2.5.3 The Igbo Traditional Attitudes towards Women
The traditional Igbo society is co-terminous with traditional culture. Kalu (1978)
has rightfully asserted that, the Igbo traditional society is so tightly constructed
that a puncture from any angle posed a threat to the whole (p. 317). Uchem
(2005), while addressing co-existence of the male and the female among the Igbo
people from the Christian perspectives, stressed the need to recognize the rights
and the dignity of women in both tradition and Christian environment. She
strongly believed and maintained that we cannot opt for the easy peace that


42

reigned in the past when women suffered in silence while nursing their
grievances (p. 21). This is an abject belief of the Igbo people especially in this era
when everyone is talking about women emancipation in the global age of science
and technological explosion. What are those beliefs about women in the traditional
Igbo community?

Thus, Uchem (2005) states that, in terms of importance and indispensability, all
genders are equal but they may differ in terms of functions (p. 38). Women in
traditional Igbo understanding are consumer of wealth (ori-aku). That is to say
that, women do not play any significant role in providing for the family. They are
believed to be sole dependent on man for all their economic needs. This explains
why women folk is not allowed to plant trees, mark a land boundary and are not
expected to plant yam. But are only restricted to such women crop like cocoyam
(ede) In every situation, men are always right and has to take the whole decision of
their family or kindred. Women can never participate in the discussion with men.
The only responsibility reserved for women in Igbo tradition is house work, which
includes child bearing, cooking and serving the men (Nmah, 2003).

The courage of every man is shown in his ability to command women to
obedience. In general women were thought to be biologically and intellectually
inferior to men. This teaching and belief of Aristotle regarding women as
symbolizing the lower realm of body or matter as opposed to the transcendent


43

mind which is more naturally symbolized by men is well-stated in his politics. The
male therefore is by nature superior and the female inferior with a defaced human
nature, and in other words, a mutilated male. For over two thousand years
Aristotles misogynist description of women influenced the conception about
women and what they can do and cannot do particularly in the western world and
in Igboland (Loomis, 1943).

So, no matter how these views can be approached the only simple truth is that, in
Igbo traditional religious belief, gender is a social or communal issue and not
biological which end-up in denying women their divinely inherited right to be, to
officiate and to participate in all the traditional worship.

2.6 Gender in Igbo Cosmology.
For a better understanding of the word gender, Win (1985) made a distinction
between sex and gender by saying that:
Sex refers to biological, physical characteristics of male and female.
Gender on the other hand is the socially defined capacities and attributes
assigned to persons on the basis of their alleged sexual characteristics.
Gender is a social and not a biological category. (p. 2).

So, the issues on gender are social or communal events. Nnamani (2004),
corroborating Win (1985), asserts that Gender equality is not gender uniformity.
Equality can accommodate differences even in roles but it abhors discrimination,


44

subjugation, exploitation and disparagement in the exercise of the same (p 170).
He accepts the fact that Igbo culture is a patriarchal culture that is much inclined
to the practice of gender inequality. Chiegboka (2001) condemned the idea which
sees equality as sameness or uniformity rather than unity in diversity. Okure
(1998), an eminent Nigerian feminist and Biblical scholar, weighing upon (Gen.
1:26-2:4b; 5:1-2) explicated that human species are composed of man and woman
conjointly. This conjunction is a unity in nature and diversity in sex. It is as this
unity, according to her, that God created the human species in Gods image and
likeness. Drawing upon the term, Adam, in this narrative, Okure explained that it
is clearly a generic term for humanity defined as male and female. For Umoren
(2005), it is only:
On the basis of gender inequality, Nigerian culture, with few isolated
exceptions generally deny women the right to participate in decision
making and leadership, the right to attain certain educational heights, the
right to gainful employment, the right to freedom of expression, the right to
freedom of religion and more so participation, the right to freedom of
movement, the right to choose ones life partners, the right to hold an
opinion and the right to a higher promotion. (p. 5).
Hence, for Uchem (2005):
Gender equality is a situation whereby both men and women are equally
recognized and respected as human beings both in fact and in practice. It


45

refers more to equality of social, political, economic cultural and religious
opportunities for both men and women rather than to biological sameness.
It is not about denying differences and natural functions. (p. 45).
Sanford (1980) approaches male and female differentiation from the psychological
perspective, expressing the very fact that every human being is androgynous. And
for him:
The word androgynous, drawing from two Greek words, andros and gynous
meaning man and woman respectively and refers to a person who
combines within his or her personality both male and female elements. The
word hermophrodite is an analogous word. It comes from the Greek god
Hermophrodatus who was born of the union of Aphrodite and Hermes and
embodied the sexual characteristics of both of them. (p. 9).

This, therefore, means that within every man there is the reflection of a woman,
and within every woman there is a reflection of man. In the book of Genesis 2:24
for instance, the writer read that God was an androgynous being and that the first
human beings, being created in His image were likewise male and female. So, to
trace the origin of male and female in the history of creation Sanford (1980) wrote
that:
On the day, God created Adam He made him in the likeness of God. Male
and female He created them. He blessed them and gave them the name
man. We are also told in the second chapter of Genesis that when God


46

wished to make woman He put Adam into a deep sleep, removed a rib from
his body and made Eve from Adams rib. Clearly the original man Adam
was thus both male and female. From this early division of the originally
whole bisexual human being comes the longing through sexuality for the
re-union of the severed halves. The second chapter continues this is why a
man leaves his father and mother and joins himself to his wife, and they
become one body. (p. 10).

Ever since the origin of feminine and masculine, the two severed parts of the
original human being have been trying to re-unite. Kung (1990) used the term
anima and animus to qualify this distinction of male and female. Thus, by
anima he meant the feminine component in a mans personality and by the animus
he meant the masculine component in womans personality. He derived this two
words from the latin word animare which means to enliven because he felt that
the anima and animus were like enlivening souls or spirit men and women. So, he
summed it up by saying that the roles men and women play sometimes seem to be
assigned by the particular cultures in which they exist. Thus, he supports the idea
that each person is a combination of male and female polarities.

2.6.1 Religious Rituals and Gender Inequality
Obviously, the Igbo people have the belief that the efficacy of each ritual depends
on the faith of the community. Thus, the efficacy of the ritual is dependent upon


47

the intent of the participant and moreso, upon the prescribed elements for the
ritual. Even as it applies to this work, the efficacy of the ritual does not depend
necessarily on the gender but instead on the intent of the individual worshipper
whether male or female. It does not also count on their roles or positions in the
congregation or in the community. This is why Goggins II (1996) thinks that the
quality of the ritual is embedded in the intent of the ceremony (p. 2). Hence,
every participant must demonstrate deep trust in the ritual to attain its efficacy.
Ekwunife (2003) categorized rituals into communal, family and individuals. He
explains that while communal ritual asserts formal cohesiveness in the
community, family rituals provide unity and cohesiveness in the family and
individual rituals demonstrate individual relationship with the universe. All these
rituals-communal, family and individual are by no means disconnected rather they
are interdependent, providing consistently between community, family and
individual responsibilities in the process. By performing these rituals the
participating members demonstrate their ability to fulfill their responsibilities
within that culture or society.

Hence, ritual is a statement in metaphoric terms about the paradoxes of human
existence. All rituals therefore are communication. As communication, it speaks to
our minds, spirits and intuitions by words, sights, sounds and smells. For
communication is always self-revealing (Shaughnessy, 1973). Traditional prayers
play an important role in the promotion of the sense of community. Most of them


48

are intensely communitarian in content and orientation. Whether offered by the
individual elder in front of his family shrine, or by a priest or other ritual experts
in public shrines (Arinze, 2008).

In Igbo traditional life women are allowed to perform some rituals, and if not for
the public, in private occasions like in the cases of individual and family rituals.
One of the areas where this role is prominent is in offering prayers for their
families in particular and their communities in general. In many areas there were
(and still are) women priests (priestesses), almost everywhere. In Africa and in
many communities in Igboland the mediums (who are so important in traditional
medical practice) are nearly always women, those who experience spirit
possession are in most cases also women. Traditional healing is a profession of
both men and women and it is more often the women practitioners who handle
children and other womens medical needs (Mbiti, 1969).

On the other side, many scholars (Okure, 1998 and Uchem, 2006) still witnessed
some discriminatory practices which are hindrances to the full enjoyment of rights
by women. In Igboland, for instance, they believe that women cannot break the
kola nut and cannot be shown kola nut when presented on the mere ground that
they are women, but in the assembly of the Umuada or Umuokpu they do
(Agbasiere, 2000; Uchem, 2006). This act of exclusion of women from the
ceremonial act of breaking and presentation of kola nut, which is supposed to be


49

an inclusive act is dehumanizing and demoralizing to women. This act of
exclusion of women though very simple and easy in the eyes of everyone carries
with it a serious socio-economic, religious and political hazard on the entire Igbo
community at large (Arinze, 2008).

Generally, the Igbo believe in the concept of Ofo-na- Ogu, which is like the law of
retributive justice. It is believed that Ofo-na-Ogu will vindicate anyone that is
wrongly accused of a crime as long as their hands are clean. It is only the one
who is on the side of Ogu-na-Ofo that can call its name in prayer. Otherwise such
a person will face the wrath of Amadioha (the god of thunder and lightning)
(Wikipedia, 2009).

Among the Igbo, the ritual of the blessing, presentation and breaking of the kola
nut is often a complicated and an elaborate process, which tends to consume much
of the time scheduled for a ceremony. It is regularly used in sacrifices and in
worship (Uchem, 2006). Hence, the denial of womens right to break Igbo
ceremonial kola is more of social character and organization and does not imply a
let-down or inferiority. Women do break the Igbo kola when they gather in their
usual cultural groupings of Umuada or Umuokpu or Umumgboto, and also in the
Oha Ndom, that is council of women where no man has a say (Ukaegbu, 2003).






50

2.6.2 Ritual as Communication Symbol
Ritual occupies a central position in Igbo traditional religion, as in most other
traditional religious systems of Africa. In the words of Ejizu (1986):
Religious ritual is concerned primarily with ordering bodily movements in
space in mans endeavour to transcend self and communicate with the
divine. Man indulges in ritual also in a bid to inter-relate the various
spheres of his life in a harmonious and fruitful manner. Through ritual man
says something about his inner religious awareness, his vision and belief
about the cosmos. He also does something. He re-enacts the deeds of the
gods. He manipulates sacred objects and speaks sacred words in a pertinent
effort to make experience conform to normative patterns of meaning and
thereby control and renew the shape and destiny of the world. (p. 71).

According to Ekwunife (2003) Religious rituals reveal the social value of the
religious community (p. 19), while Elochukwu (1997) describes ritual as a
programmed way of acting that characterized an ethnic group so that the
participants express their being part of the group through the ritual gesture (p.41).
Ritual, therefore, is actionable through ceremonies. And ceremony is the cynosure
(center of attention) of a ritual. Thus, ceremonies are the external display of
rituals. Indeed they are the visual representations, symbols or sacraments of what
happens as a result of the ritual. Inherent in the ritual also is its repetitious
propensity through which it habituates a way of doing things rigidly or


51

conservatively. Hence, ritual is generally considered as a regulated gesture
acquired by way of gesticulation or through making blind affirmations
(Elochukwu, 1997). In continuation of the explication of the meaning of ritual,
Ekwunife (2003), viewed it as a prescribed formal behaviour for occasion not
given over to technological routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical beings
or powers (p. 1).

Communication is very important in any relationship whether between God and
human being, or between human beings. Even in sacrifice and worship there is an
expression of language spoken either directly or indirectly. Ejizu (1986), states
that symbolism is the basis of human communication, for by nature man is a
homo symbolicus, a symbolizing, conceptualizing and meaning seeking animal. He
is capable of using one thing to stand for or represent another (p. 4). African and
Igbo traditional religion itself is a vast symbolic system and is basically a cluster
of ideas, acts, relationships or linguistic formations woven into some sort of
ordered whole.

Symbols denote many things, take many forms and have many functions
especially in traditional sacrifices and worships. Therefore, symbol as distinct
from a mere sign stands, according to Cohen (1974), ambiguously for a
multiplicity of meanings, evoke emotions and impel men to action. They are
usually in stylized patterns such as in ritual ceremony, gift exchange and various


52

culture traits (p. 23). Religious symbols reveal mans experience of the ultimate
reality and to integrate the various levels of his awareness the pre-conscious, the
personal and the transcendental. It mediates knowledge about the cosmos and
mans place in it.

In the words of Firth (1973) symbols are not simple communication media, they
can be envisaged as possessing a spontaneous power in themselves projecting the
mind towards the absolute (p. 49). For in Igboland, as well as in Africa, ritual
behaviour, echoed Ray (1976), is a way of communicating with the divine for the
purpose of changing the human situation (p.78). Thus visible things stand for
invisible things just as mask evokes and makes present the ancestral spirits.

African traditional religious symbols, as well as the Igbo traditional symbols, are
the potent store house of information and crucial factors in the activity field.
Traditional Igbo preserve and express the ideal of harmonious community-living
through their dominant ritual symbols. The Ofo ritual object features prominently
in traditional Igbo life and culture. It is the dominant symbolic object that
expresses for the traditional Igbo people important ideas, beliefs and values
concerning their religious, social and political life.

2.7 The Concept of Ofo in Igbo Traditional Worship
Ejizu (1986) defined Ofo as the principle of patriliny, of gerontocracy, the
concepts of truth, justice and ancestral authority. It is an embodiment of Igbo


53

Religion; it is a vehicle of divine power (p. 47). Hence, the Ofo ritual symbol is a
traditional means of communicating with the spiritual beings

The Igbo term Ofo designates a particular plant species (Dietarium Senegalese)
which grows in the Igbo area. In a derived sense, it identifies the twig or branch-
let from the wood of that tree. Both the plant and the sticks are equally referred to
as Ofo. The etymological root of the disyllabic word, Ofo, is not yet known in the
Igbo linguistic vocabulary. Different kinds of Ofo go by different names in
different parts of Igboland. Likewise, the term Ofo is affected by few dialectical
variations in certain areas. Traditionally in the Nsukka area it is referred to as Oho,
while the people of Ezza call the tree Oshi-owho and the ritual stick Owho. In
Cross-River Igbo of Ohafia it is called Otusi. But, from the common usage, it
appears that the concept of Ofo is more immediately and directly linked to Ofo as
a twig and subsequently as a ritual phenomenon. This explains why in the
traditional Igbo culture, Ofo evokes the notion of an idea and a realized
symbolism. Thus, Ofo in Igbo cosmology imports wholeness and individuality
(Ejizu, 1986). Ofo symbol in most Igbo communities is largely a male symbol.
Oma is apparently the female counterpart of Ofo. It goes according to lineage, in
the patrilineal or matrilineal. Hence, Ejizu (1986) continues that:
when the traditional Igbo elder feeds his Ofo ritual stick with chewed Kola
nut, animal fat and blood, or when he address his Ofo directly in prayer and
in other instances of ritual usage does he assume a relationship of identity


54

between the stick and the spirit force that is believed to be acting through
the stick. (p. 40).

There is no symbolic object, there is only symbolic relationship. This is because a
symbol has a referential character, indirectly mediating the relationship between
man and the supernatural. It always guaranteed the presence and efficacy of that
power. Some Ofo are straight while others resemble a question mark. It is usually
small in size, commonly used by men but rarely used by married women. The use
of Ofo among the Igbo people parallels the Christian use of the Bible. And to
buttress this further, Ejizu (1986) would say that:

It is primarily a staff of office which symbolizes justice, righteousness and
truth. It is used for the conferment of titles and for the ratification and
consecration of laws. Ofo is used in maintaining and claiming innocence.
Hence Ofoism is another name for Igbo religion. (p. 30).

Many other Igbo scholars like Njaka (1974), Ilogu (1974), Metuh (1981) held on
to the same view of the importance of Ofo to Igbo communities especially in the
areas of prayers, swearing, meetings, installations and in settling disputes. Ofo is
the staff of authority which the lineage head receive from the ancestors to control
and to direct the activities of its members. Metuh (1981) listed four categories of
Ofo especially as it relates to Nri culture of Igboland as, Ofo Nri which is the
supreme Ofo, Ofo ozo, lineage Ofo and Ofo Alusi (p. 39). Some of these Ofo


55

symbols that are considered rather very sacred and powerful may not even be seen
by women, such as the Ofo-Ataka found in Nnewi, a special titular Ofo
(Onwuejeogwu. 1981).

In Metuh (1999) also, ritual experts who happened to be women such as diviners,
native-doctors and the categories of married women known as the
Umuada/Umuokpu in the north-western sub-cultural zone, as well as married
women from upwards of middle age in areas like Nsukka and Aro Ndizogu
possess small sized Ofo twigs. They use them for few events like in meetings and
settling disputes among their ranks. Ritual experts among them especially from
Aro Ndizogu use them very much like their male counterparts to communicate
with their spirit patrons- Agwu. Ordinarily, the small sized Ofo which the groups
of women keep is known as Ofo nkiti (used in their everyday activities). Some
keep them at their Chi shrine. Some of the women carry them in their hand bags.

Ofo is primarily the medium of communication with spirits, including the
ancestors and divinities. It is known as the ear of the spirits (Ofo bu nti ndi Muo).
As a key religious symbol, it is used in ritual sacrifices, in prayer, for cleansing
taboos and abominations, as well as for wide varieties of rites. Its socio-ethical
functions include its use for attesting to the truth, for affirming ones innocence, in
settlement of disputes, for covenant-making, oath-taking, and decision-making.
Igbo male elders usually begin their day by offering prayers to the ancestors and


56

other spirit beings for the health of the members of their family, good fortune and
general progress in life. They do this with the help of the lineage Ofo which they
hold in their right hand while pronouncing the prayer and benediction. Most times,
when traditional Igbo male elders of a particular community gather to discuss a
serious matter affecting the community, each of them brings with him his lineage
Ofo to the venue of the meeting (often in the community square or market place).
At the end of their deliberation, the spokesman would normally recap the
agreement reached. The assembled elders would then seal their decision by
striking their respective lineage Ofo on the ground while invoking divine sanction
of ancestral spirits on any person or member of the community who would defy or
disobey their decision (Ejizu, 1986).

2.8 Concepts of Sacrifice in Igbo Traditional Religion
The word sacrifice, according to Arinze (2008), means to make a thing sacred or
to do a sacred act. Sacrifice plays a great part in the religion of the traditional
Igbo people. And it is really the essence of their worship and the heart of their
worship (p.8). Religion manifests itself in cult or worship. A cult, according to
Haught (1990), is understood as a small religious group cut off from the main
religious bodies and attached to a living charismatic cult figure (p. 256). The
sacrificial rite is composed essentially of two elements: oblation and immolation.
Oblation can be taken as the matter, immolation as the form of the sacrifice.
Sacrifice is the soul of Igbo cult and if it is removed, according to Arinze (2008),


57

Igbo traditional religion is almost emptied of its content (p. 22). Arazu (2005)
while applauding him for his scholarly exposition of the concept of sacrifice,
denounced his Roman Catholic bias in the idea of the essence of sacrifice being
oblation and immolation (p.163).

By sacrifice therefore, human beings acknowledge Gods supreme dominion and
excellence and offer Him adoration and worship Him with humility and joy.
Sacrifice is an offering to God by a priest of a sensible thing through its
immolations in acknowledgment of His Supreme dominion and human subjection.
The priest is the public person who acts for the community in the acts of public
worship. Sacrifice is an act of external and public worship and the three objects of
Igbo sacrifice are God, the spirits and the ancestors (Arinze, 2008). Hence, when
an Igbo man recognizes that he is not the master of the world and that there are
other superior powers invisible spirits, the ancestors and the human spirits of
wicked deceased people, he deems sacrifices necessary. And believing that this
invisible universe was in action all around him, therefore, he felt it was up to him
to propitiate them and to treat them with courtesy and reverence. This explains
vividly why there are many forms of sacrifices in Igboland, Arinze (1970) named
them as follows:
2.8.1 Expiation Sacrifice (Ikpu-alu or Ikpocha-ife)
In order to regain the favour of the higher powers when an Igbo man or woman
sins, he or she offers an expiatory sacrifice. It can either be a sacrifice to remove


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abominations or sacrifices for lesser offences. Sacrifice to remove abomination is
conducted when special grave moral faults have been committed. Abomination
embraces serious personal and moral crimes according to Igbo morality, such as in
the cases of patricide, incest, stealing of yams and sheep, bestiality, willful
abortion, pregnancy within a year of a husbands death, suicide by hanging and
killing of sacred animals. This abomination which needs an expiation sacrifices
also includes those things which the Igbo people considered abnormal or un-
natural for example, giving birth to twins (ejima). Certain abnormal behaviour on
the part of some animal calls for expiatory sacrifices, for example, it applies when
a dog or fowl crosses a corpse, or when a fowl lays only one egg. So, in all these
cases, a cleansing sacrifice is necessary and once done, the wrong doer is regarded
as cleansed. This type of sacrifice is always performed by a special priest from
Nri. The usual sacrificial victim is a sheep. And during the sacrificial ceremony
the earth spirit, Ani and the ancestors are invited to forgive the culprit. As regards
the lesser offences like fighting in the stream or when a woman in her menses
enters water, the sacrifice of expiation is offered. This sacrifice made it possible
for a town or a village to heap all its sins on a goat or cow and then offer it to the
spirit. But sometimes in few places like in Onitsha human beings were used to
remove the ills of the multitude.




















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2.8.2 Sacrifice to Ward off Molestation from Unknown Spirits
In Igbo understanding, there is no effect without a cause. Thus, he has his own
ways of finding out the cause of evils and seeking a remedy. And when the
disaster cannot be traced to human or known cause, then it is attributed to the
invisible powers which may be the ancestors, some known human spirits or spirit
with shrine, priest and cult or bad spirit (ajo mmuo). When the diviner has
ascertained that the person is molested by bad or wicked spirit the sacrifice (aja) is
offered without love and with a victim that is most often ugly. In this case there is
no sacrificial meal. The petitioner only wants to be left alone by this evil spirit.

2.8.3 Petition
The Igbo man believes that his many desires can be obtained if he makes the
proper recourse to the ancestors, the spirits, or God in rare cases. Life is the
greatest thing that man wants. So, he offers sacrifices of petition for good health,
for the recovery of the sick, to stop epidemic, for the preservation of the travellers.
Though, the Igbo know that children come ultimately from God, they also go to
the spirits to ask for offspring with the conviction that they are following the
proper procedure. In the words of Arinze (1970), a person is born and he has to
beget others (p. 39). On the occasion of big undertakings too, special sacrifice of
petition is necessary, seeking the protection of the higher powers. Even at the
inauguration of a new market, sacrifice of petition is needed. Some sacrifices of
petition are made to the ancestors to ask them at the funerals to accept the spirit of


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the deceased into their company, to overlook any of his or her past misdeeds, and
to show the ancestors that the living had good relations with the deceased and has
nothing against his or her future happiness. People at various times and
circumstances have invoked spirits to do harm to others by setting symbols or
special objects from the shrines as protection over their farms.

2.8.4 Thanksgiving
The Igbo people are grateful. Thus, when they obtained their desires or requests,
they often make a sacrifice of thanksgiving, which is almost always mixed-up with
hopeful future protection. Examples of sacrifice of thanksgiving include child
birth when the couple offers sacrifice of thanksgiving to the spirit, Omumu, to
whom the woman had made a special request for a child. If it is a male child, a
cock is required as a victim and if it is a female child a hen is needed. In Igbo
tradition, it is the sacrifice to the ancestors which is the most joyous and familiar.
It is usually seven Igbo weeks (28 days) after the birth of the child. Other
occasions that warrant sacrifices of thanksgiving include the harvesting periods
and before and after Ozo title-taking.

2.8.5 Interior Sacrifice
This is an offering of oneself to God who is the creator, the preserver and the end
of all things. Through this special sacrifice, the Igbo recognize and affirm Gods
supreme dominion. Thus, he knows and acknowledges that no spirit can do


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anything if Chukwu (Great God) decides otherwise. In this sacrifice, there is no
question of celebrating his independence from the invisible spirits and ancestors.
Ritual purity is also demanded especially as it concerns the priest before his
offering of sacrifices. So, the moral life of individual priest is of paramount
importance. He is expected to be a good man.

Summarily, the elements of interior sacrifice are mostly embedded in the other
forms of sacrifices, but adoration, even in the loose sense, is given a rather
secondary place (Arinze, 1970).

2.9 The Igbo Concept of Worship
According to Arinze (2008), the word worship, includes such phrases as to pray
to offer sacrifice and to make offerings. Hence, since the objective phenomena
of Igbo traditional religion are the cults of the divinities, worship is an expression
of mans attitude towards God and other spiritual beings. It is, therefore, an act of
communication and communion between man and the supersensible world, a
means of retaining God-man relationship, and the channel through which an upset
of the balance of such relationship is rectified and restored. And in the words of
Arinze (2008) worship is the inward expression of spiritual realities by means of
the physical, the medium of channel by which divine powers are presented to
man (p. 115).



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And in Awolalu (1981), the Greek word for worship, is therapeia, which is
translated as waiting on, serve, attendance (p.98). For him, worship is a religious
exercise. It is a means of honouring spiritual being or an act of veneration paid by
human being to such spiritual beings. It is a response of the creatures to the
eternal, response to the nature and action of God (Supreme Being). When these are
analyzed they show that worship is truly offered by man to a being higher than
himself. The worshippers response is evoked by his spontaneous or reflective
discernment of the nature and action of the Supernatural power or powers. And the
response is conditioned by a persons conception of the divine being in accordance
with his or her mental level. Hence, it is a religious exercise which involves the
performance of devotional acts in honour of the deities or divinities. It
presupposes a yearning for God and it is a means of glorifying the source, the
sustainer and the end of life. It confirms mans acknowledgment of the
Transcendent Being who is independent of the worshipper but upon whom the
worshipper depends. When man has lost the favour of the Supernatural Being, it is
through worship that he seeks to regain it. Worship in the traditional sense testifies
to the belief, creed, myths and philosophy of a people. Worship seen as a total
response to the Ultimate Reality, is expressed by word as well as by deed, every
act of worship has distinct elements (Awolalu, 1981)). Prominent among these
elements were:


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Liturgy consists of ritual form and its content including prayer, music and
dancing.
Cultic functionaries Officials and the attendants at worship.
Sacred places where worship is carried out like the shrines, the temples and
the altars.

Ifesieh (1989) also view worship as mans response to the appearance of the
Holy, that is, to the sacred, transcendent power of Being (p. 92). In Igbo
traditional religion as in other religions, the normal mode of response and assent to
the unique Holy include all kinds of cults such as rituals and liturgies. Liturgy is a
means of communication and communion with deity within the context of the
worship. It is made up of elements such as libation, invocation, offering, prayers,
dances of all sorts, sacred songs, symbols, sacred music, silence, assumption of
certain postures, private and individual acts of homage to persons and objects,
sermons from experts who are there as the visible interpreters of the deities and
Supreme Being, Chukwu (Arinze, 1970). In his further exposition on worship
Ifesieh (1989) stressed the impact of worship in the life of every Igbo man and
woman and on the community as a whole. Among these functions was that:
The worship establishes, cultivates and maintains the relation between man
and that holy whom it is responding to; it enriches and remains mans life.
The practice of communal worship helps to develop broad-mindedness,
training character, including moral, ethical, social, cultural religious ethos,


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norms, solidarity, openness and the traditional norms. it inculcates into
individuals the sense of belonging, of safety, of providing and of
encouraging personal support to individual members of any group or of a
society that practices it and above all a sense of well-being and of good
health in the faces of human problems. (p. 94).

Worship begins, controls, and ends all the departments of life. The Igbo people are
always conscious of the presence of the divinities wherever they are and whatever
they do. In all things, the divinities are called upon for assistance and the people
never do anything without first calling upon the divinities to bless and support
them. Worship can be regular or occasional depending on where people have the
shrines of their tutelary divinities. Usually, the daily worship is not as elaborate as
those performed in the communal shrines. And certain divinities have their sacred
days. This may involve the participation of several worshippers (Arinze, 1970).

There are different types of worship in Igbo traditional religion which Arinze
identified as corporate worship and personal worship. Corporate worship can be
exclusive and inclusive. It is exclusive in the sense that it is only meant for Ndi
dibia, Osu, Ogbanje group and widows who have completed their mourning
periods. This kind of worship can also be witnessed during initiation ceremonies
such like in masquerade initiation (Ima mmawu). Corporate worship is inclusive
when it involves the whole town especially when a certain town for instance


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schedules an annual festival in honour of a certain deity that binds the town
together. In this worship every member of the community is included. Personal
worship involves one person or it may involve him, his wife or wives and their
children. This type could be daily or occasional as the case may be (Arinze, 2008).

2.10 Shrine in Igbo Traditional beliefs
According to Uchendu (1965), shrines as well as the market places are the usual
places where sacrifices can be offered to the deities. They are meeting point for
the living, the dead and the spirits (p. 95). In agreement, Arinze (2008) defined
shrines as the abode of the spirit and in his words described it as:
Not generally large enough to shelter more than a few people. Many have
no roofs over them. Most have conical roofs over the most important part-
the altar of sacrifice. It is always called in Igbo Okwu Alusi. Uno alusi, Uno
muo. The big shrines are generally rectangular buildings with walls
artistically decorated in black and white. The first and outermost part is the
place for the worshipper. A dwarf wall separates this section from the next
apartment reserved for the priest; the altar of sacrifice is situated here too.
At the very extreme room may be where the idols and all the accessories of
the cult are kept under lock and key. At the entrance large earthen ware pots
containing water for ceremonial ablution are found. Whether the shrine is
big or small, the ground around it is the compounds of the spirit. Around
the shrine of a very important town there often arise markets. The ground


66

often serves as a play ground in honour of the spirit or for social meetings
that have no religious character at all. (p. 107).

Shrine therefore, remains one of the important sacred institutions which contribute
significantly in promoting the sense of community. They serve many purposes for
traditional Igbo and specifically for religious worship. Symbolically, shrines and
adjoining public squares signify for traditional Igbo men and women the meeting-
point or communion of the invisible world of spiritual beings and the visible world
of human members of the community. Such place is surrounded by all kinds of
prohibitions and taboos. As a sacred place, they inspire awe and elicit reverence
because of what they stand for (Iroegbu, 2009).

Thus shrines are places of consultation with esteemed extra-human forces to
answer un-answerable questions in order to allay fear and provide a way out to
resolve problems, be they economic, political, religious, kinship, theft, killing,
accusations, power seeking, and all that require supernatural insight and
competencies. Shrines are cogent, communal and awesome traditional institutional
spaces and sites of consultation and rituals.

2.11 Summary of Literature Review
One of the goals that spurs human struggle is value, worth or importance or
usefulness of something to somebody. It is often said that whatever attracts few
human endeavour has very little value and vice versa. This is why it is correct


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when the Igbo people say that, no one goes into a business that has no profit.
Perhaps, that is why things of great value are pursued with a great vigor. And in
Igbo socio-religious context; this explains vividly why the worshipper always
seeks the face or benevolence of the Supreme Being through ritual sacrifices
offered to the deities. Hence, to deprive or deny someone of this adoration and
worship in a typical traditional Igbo community is to deny him or her of life and
humanity.

In this literature review therefore, the writer presents the Igbo people as an
identical cultural group who have strong belief in an Ultimate Reality called
Supreme Being and to whom they owe their existence (Oguejiofor, 1996), and in
other divinities or deities through whom He is worshipped or honoured. Thus,
human being with his or her Chi now relate with the Supreme Being who is the
architect of his or her wellbeing. And for an average Igbo man or woman living in
a traditional Igbo community, participation in their beliefs, ceremonies, rituals and
festivals of the community gives them a sense of belonging (Mbiti, 1975).

It was noted that relating with the divinities involves a number of rituals,
symbolisms, worship and sacrifices. The Igbo believes in a kind of symbiotic
relationship with the deities. They worship and offer sacrifices to the deities on the
belief and convinction that the deities promote their welfare. Ritual is actionable
through ceremonies and ceremony according to Ekwunife (2003) is a cynosure
(that is, a centre of attention) of a ritual.


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Sacrifices play an important role in the Igbo traditional worship. Igbo people
sacrifice in order to attone for their sins, appease their deities and appeal for divine
assistance. The sacrifices are usually offered to the deities by the priests who serve
as mediators between man and the deities. In most of the Igbo communities, the
choice of the priests depends exclusively upon the dictates of the deity in question
and is mostly gender discriminatory in favour of the menfolk. Female participation
is limited to very few activities.

Worship is mans response to the Sacred, Transcendental power of being. This can
be reached through ritual cult, liturgical cult prayer, dances, sacred songs,
symbols, sacred music and silence (Ifesieh, 1989). It is through worship that the
relationship between humans and the Supernatural is cultivated and maintained. It
gives the celebrants the sense of belonging, safety, encouragemet and the feeling
of living in harmony with the deities whom he believes has great influence upon
his wellbeing.

Also recorded in this review are the various applications or uses of deities in
different parts of Igboland. Talbot (1969) cited the case of Ibinukpabi deity in
Arochukwu which was believed by the people to answer questions on mysterious
issues, make barren women fertile, give success in trade, grant victory in war and
identify wicked sorcerers, witches and poisoners. Arinze (1970) and Madu (2006)
writing on deities, explained that such deities as Agwu has the ability to discover


69

secrets and give advice on spiritual matters. It can hinder or help to bring
prosperity or calamity but can be difficult to placate if defiled. In his own
contribution, Iroegbu (2009) describes shrine as a place of consultation with
extrahuman forces to answer unanswerable questions in order to allay fear and
provide a way out or resolve problems be they economic, political, religious,
kinship, theft, murder, accusation, power-seeking and all that require Supernatural
insight and competencies.

In a general sense therefore, the Igbo cosmology presents the Igbo people as a
people who believe that their life and well being hinges on their relationship with
Supernatural divine forces. In the next chapter of this investigation, the researcher
is going to focus on the deity called Okekparakpara in Enugu-Agu Achi
community and its socio-religious influence in the life of the people. Is
Okekparakpara deity among the Igbo Pantheon?










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8%
16%
24%
16%
36%
Incidence of unusual events
Control over certain natural
occurances
P unishment of evil
doers/offenders
Assistance if approach and
sacrificed to deity
Due to physical manifestation
CHAPTER THREE
THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY
The issue of the phenomenology of Okekparakpara deity as it pertains to Enugu-
Agu Achi people can be analyzed based on the following view-points:
i. How is Okekparakpara deity perceived and incorporated in the
transmission of life essence? In other words, how is the presence of this
deity identified?
ii. Why do Enugu-Agu Achi people think that Okekparakpara is a deity? Why
does it command respect, belief and patronage by Enugu-Agu Achi people?
The figure below shows the percentage of response to each of the questions raised


Figure 1: Distributions of RespondentsAccording to Way(s) they Conceive of
Okekparakpara Deity
Source: Field data 2010
From the above figure, it appears that the people have some bases for recognizing
Okekparakpara as a deity. Physical manifestation of the deity has the highest
score of 36%. The deity obviously manifests its presence to the people in quite a


71

number of ways unusual to their daily experience. Punishment to evil doers and
defaulters of traditional norms has the next score of 24%. In other words, those
who hold on to the view that the deity commands respect due to the peoples fear
of his punishment has the average score of 24%. Then those that need to be
assisted by the deity in matters beyond their capacity have the score of 16%.

Deities are supernatural or extra human forces without visible physical forms
although can be represented with images or symbols and beliefs by the people to
have influence over their lives. The Wikipedia (2009) defines the deity as
postulated preternatural or supernatural immortal being who may be thought of as
holy, divine or sacred, held in high regard and respected by human beings (p.
225).

The Enugu-Agu people believe in the existence of Supernatural forces or beings
superior and transcendental over and above their mundane existence. They further
believe that the presence of these beings can be manifested in many ways and in
different objects like hills, rivers, trees, rocks and the land (earth). Consequently,
nomenclatures such as Chukwu-Ala, Arushi, Igwe, Ndichie (ancestors),
Mmuo mmiri (water spirit), abound commonly in Enugu-Agu Achi to represent
such Supernatural forces believed to have control over their lives. Most of these
forces are referred to as deities by the people (Ugwu, 2002 and Madu, 2004).



72

Achi people have a multiplicity of deities distributed one word the twelve villages
of Achi. In Enugu-Agu Achi, the dominant deity is Okekparakpara. There is
obvious consciousness of the deity in the community. Interviews were conducted
to discover the peoples fundamental perceptions about the meaning and
significance of the name deity or Arushi. A total of 25 persons (worshipers and
non-worshipers of Okekparakpara deity) were interviewed. Those selected were
visited on different dates with questionnaires. To ensure that the questions can
elicit the relevant response and are answerable by the target group, a pilot survey
was first conducted using a sample of the questionnaire before final application in
the field.

Save for Mmuo mmiri (which they refer to as mammy water) the rest of the
spirit-beings enumerated by them (from Agwu to Ajalla) were referred to as Arushi
or deity. All the respondents refer to the Almighty God as Chukwu Okike and
the rest as Arushi or deity. The worshippers of Okekparakpara deity believe that
the deity helps to preserve their society and that their conducts do not in any way
contradict their belief in the Supreme God but instead are complementary to it.
Their lists of deities include:
Okekparakpara
Ajalla;
Ngene;
Ojukwu;


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Ala;
Agwu; and
Ikoro.

Because the people believe, respect and feel that the deity controls their life, they
look up to and consequently, offer sacrifices and worship to it. On the
cosmological origin of the deities, the people presented varied opinions as shown
in the table below:
Table 1: Responses on the Origin of Deities by Enugu-Agu Achi people
Yes No
Origin of Deities No. of
respondents
Percentages No. of
respondents
Percentages
Deities are descended from God 19 76% 6 24%
Deities are man made 10 40% 15 60%
Are domesticated spirit-beings 18 72% 7 28%
Are angels of Supreme Being 19 76% 6 24%
Agents of Satan or Devil 6 24% 19 76%
Source: Field data 2010.

From the table above, 76% of the people are of the opinion that deities are angels
of the Supreme Being (God) and so are descended from Him. The same people
disagree on the idea that deities could be agents of Satan or devil. At the same
time, 40% of the respondents said that deities are man-made while 72% are of the
opinion that deities are domesticated spirit-beings. By domestication, the people
mean that deities are independent existent spirit-beings that can be influenced by


74

man through his regular sacrifices and worship to improve his well-being. The
capacity to do this may be impaired due to consequences of transgressions, moral
insufficiencies or ritual defilements.
On the techniques of domestication, the people enumerated the following:
* Use of regular and proper sacrifices;
* Preparation and use of means or charms like the use of Ofo Alulebe (used to
eliminate enemies instantly);
* Establishment of covenants;
* Communal agreements;
* Regular worship and supplications; and
* Righteousness or uprightness of character.

As angel of the Supreme Being (refer to table 1), the people believe that one can
gain eternal salvation if one lives according to the precepts or rules prescribed by
the deity, by avoiding transgressions and improprieties or offences that constitutes
abomination (Iru ala). Having descended from God, the people claim that deities
are the first transcendental spirit-beings encountered by their ancestors and used
by them to mediate their cultural, economic, socio-religious and political life
(Iroegbu, 2009). In Enugu-Agu Achi, the names for deities are:
i. Arushi; and
ii. Arunshi.


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On the meaning and genesis of these names, the people presented two ideas
obviously connected to their belief that deities were fundamental instruments used
by their ancestors to render essential services to man. One opinion says that the
name Arushi was derived from the primary needs of their forefathers to stop
certain evils or calamities. They explained that Aru in Achi language means
evil while shi means stop or cease. Arushi, therefore, means evil stop or
evil cease. Viewed from this angle, when a child utters some insultive word, the
elders will tell him, Nwatakiri shi or shi-nwatakiri meaning stop that, boy (or
girl). The other opinion explained the meaning of the word Arushi to be derived
from the word Irunshi. Iru means to neutralize or spoil (for example, iru
ogwu) while nshi means to neutralize a poison or a dangerous charm or filthy
thing. From these view points, the people explained that deities or Arushi/Arunshi
were instruments employed by their forefathers to control adverse influences
beyond their powers.

3.1 The Origin and Meaning of Okekparakpara Deity
According to Achi mythology, the people of Achi have one traditional great and
dreaded deity known as Ala-Elugwu situated at the traditional primordial home
of their forefathers at Orie-ala Mkpokoro Achi. AlaElugwu has a consort known
as Achihi and Okekparakpara was the first and only son (Di Okpara) of
that union.



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According to this mythology, Oke (in short form) was too strong, fearless,
courageous and powerful that his father (Ala-Elugwu) used him to defend his
children (that is, Achi people) and also to ward off enemies and invaders thereby
ensuring peace, order and security through out Achi communities. One of his
current priests Akpumoo II, in an oral communication claims that the deity has
and uses the powers of thunder which according to him stems from the Old
Testament stones eventhough he could not explain which or what stone and the
exact circumstance. He further explained that this great deity, AlaElugwu uses
Oke to fight enemies and evil doers due to the latters vibrancy and courage.
Due to its courage and vigour, Oke was positioned by its father at the boundary
between Achi and Inyi communities as a guard and to oversee to the life of the rest
of Achi people living at the other end of the Achi community (Achi-Agu) hence,
its location at Enugu-Agu Achi.

On the meaning of the name Okekparakpara, the mythology, according to the
respondents, postulated one possible theory. The name was coined from two
words Oke and Kparakpara. According to them, the word Oke was
applied in two senses to the name of the deity.
i. As a complementary prefix to the name of the deity and in this sense, it
implies too much of a thing. For example, Oke iri ihe, meaning too
much eating.


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ii. To represent inherent masculine strength (or male strength) as masculinity
could be used to symbolize strength while feminity is believed by some
people to symbolize weakness, example, Oke mmadu, meaning very
powerful man. Oke Nwanyi, to mean a highly powerful and courageous
woman.

On the other hand, the suffix kparakpara was explained by the respondents to
mean vigorous or vibrant activity and fearlessness. When joined together, the
name Oke kparakpara therefore means much vibrant or vigorous power or
action. As a manifestation or proof of this vibrance, it usually goes with thunder
and is also given the name thunder sender by the adherents. It is also referred to as
the god of thunder.

3.2 Nature of Okekparakpara Deity
Okekparakpara is a strong spirit being believed to be a male and descendant of
Ala-Elugwu deity. He was the first and only son (according to our popular and
traditional mythology) of Ala-Elugwu. The deity has a shrine located at Enugu
Agu Achi and is usually served at a time by two priests who must be males
selected by the deity from two priestly families in Enugu-Agu. Females have
never served as priests to the deity and are forbidden to enter a particular area of
his shrine. The deity has its own special Ofo, Aro, Oji and Mma Ikpa
all placed in its shrine. There are also few carved wooden human sculptures


78

known as Osu within the shrine. It is a taboo for any woman to touch any of
these sacred objects used to symbolize the presence and power of the deity.
Unfortunately, these items can never be snapped and their location was secluded
using the Egbo medicine wand.
Oke (as it is shortly called) uses these twelve principal spirits to execute its
wishes. These spirits include:-
Ngene Ishiogba; (god of fertility and favour).
Ngwu Ishiogba; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).
Ikoro Okekparakpara; (god of war and emergencies).
Ngwu Ikoro; (god of defence, protection and war).
Ngwu Ezi Nze Nwanyi; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).
Ojukwu Egbo Oke; (god of neutralizer and defence).
Ojukwu Okekparakpara; (god of neutralizer and defence).
Agwu Oke; (god of fighter and inspirator).
Ngwu Oke; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).
Ngwu Ogbanta; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).
Ihu Ezi; and (god of progress).
Agwu Ike. (god of fighter, attacker and inspirator).

These spirits-deities perform various roles to their master Okekparakpara
depending on what the later wants to accomplish. Sacrifices are offered to these
messenger-deities by the priests, of the master deity Okekparakpara. The deity


79

was believed to be very vibrant, active and was highly dreaded in Enugu-Agu
Achi. One of the shrines of the messenger-spirits attached to the deity has the
emblem of a lion to connote the power ascribed to it, and how the people dread it.

Figure 2: Picture of the Shrine of the Messenger-Deity with an Emblem of a
Lion.

The people claim that the deity can appear physically in human forms either as a
small boy or a very old man with walking stick when it is out for a special
assignment. While on such missions, it can also manifest its presence in the form
of either of the following:
Thunder;
Bees;
Giant yellow butterfly;
Severe tempest/storm, and
Hearing ones name called without seeing the caller.


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In the event of any of these, the involved person would usually consult diviners for
interpretation and necessary action. When the mystery is unravelled and was
certified to be linked to the Okekparakpara deity, the priests are consulted and
the demands of the deity fulfilled accordingly.

Okekparakpara deity is usually served at a time by two male priests selected by
the deity from the male members of the two main priestly families (Ndibe Eme
and Ndibe Joba) in Enugu-Agu Achi. The mode of selection of the priests is an
exclusive reserve of the deity. Humans have no hand in it and it usually occurs
sometimes after the death of any of the serving priests. The selection is usually
phenomenal and it is then that one of its praise names (that is, Ete jide Nwankwu
Omaba Nnyaghiri- meaning that when a rope get hold of a small palm tree then It
will start shaking) becomes manifest especially to stubborn non-traditionalists and
youths who feel frustrated to return to the village and serve as priests to the deity.
This is because, once the eye of the deity settles on anybody as the new priest, the
person has no option than to accept. If not, he will be ready to face severe
calamities or afflictions such as: illness, disability or maiming, set-backs; and
blockages or even madness. These afflictions would continue until the person
submits.

The deity demands sacrifices from its priests and individuals. Animals sacrificed
to it or to any of its messenger-spirits are consumed by humans though not in all


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circumstances. At times only the few initiates are allowed topartake in the sacred
meal.

The deity abhors evil conducts like murder, abortion, sale of human beings, incest,
human sacrifice, preparation and use of dangerous charms, injustices and
suppression. It punishes miscreants who violate traditional norms and also
rewards good conducts. Beyond shading of human blood and committing of any
of the above mentioned evils, C. O. Nwankwo (personal communication, 24
October, 2010) said that the deity is closely associated with the following
traditional Igbo taboos in Enugu-Agu Achi culture:
Killing or consumption of totem or sacred animals like tortoise. He that kills
such animals (for whatever reason) commits an abomination and must
perform some sacrifices to appease the deity. If the offence is committed in
the secret, the deity follows the offender until it avenges itself.
Having sexual intercourse with a widow during her period of mourning.
Also, any priest of Okekparakpara must never have sexual intercourse with
any women during her menstrual period. Handling of any of the sacred
emblems of the deity by women and desecration of the shrine constitutes a
serious abomination in the worship of Okekparakpara deity.
Women must never pour libations to the ancestors and must never officiate
during any traditional or customary issues in the presence of any male. Their


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tradition holds that the male is always senior to the female irrespective of his
age.
Death with swollen abdomen and limbs implies evil and the body must never
be buried until disemboweled and some appeasement sacrifices performed to
cleanse the land.
A pregnant woman who dies with her pregnancy is never buried until she is
rid of the foetus and some sacrifices performed. And if a woman dies under
one month after delivery, her funeral must never be conducted until one
month of her post delivery.
Suicide especially through hanging represents evil and therefore spells doom
and the victim is never buried until sacrifice of expiation or purification have
been done.
It is equally abominable for any woman to break the Igbo Kola in any
gathering especially if a very small boy was present. In such a case, the
small boy, blesses and breaks the kola for them. Where the gathering is
exclusively women affair, any male can be invited to bless and break the
kola. In the event of violation of any of the above traditions, the deities of
the land and the ancestors are believed to become angry and would usually
visit the offender with some calamities.
In the same vein, new yam is never harvested or consumed until the priests
have done some sacrifice at the shrine of the Okekparakpara deity.


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Harvesting and taking the yam before this sacrifice incurs the wrath of the
deities.

3.3 Functions/Importance of Okekparakpara to the Enugu-Agu Achi
Okekpaprakpara deity was presented by the respondents to have existed long
before the advent of Christian religion or any other religion in Enugu-Agu Achi.
Consequently, the life, culture and existence of the aborigines of Enugu-Agu Achi
were woven around the deity and its worship. According to Obiechina (1978),
traditional Igbo religion was, and still is inextricably bound up with Igbo culture
(p.208). Before the advent of Christianity, there was strong connection between
their daily activities and the worship of the deity. The deity controlled their life
and was worshipped then by everybody. There was serious Okekparakpara
consciousness even when Christianity came to the scene. N. O. Ude (personal
communication, 30 October, 2010) explained that most people could not join the
new faith due to some reasons which included:
i. Fear of punishment by the deity;
ii. Fear of loosing the protection and security believed to be guaranteed by the
deity; and
iii. The reluctance to abandon the numerous ceremonies and the lavish
entertainments and feasting of tapioca, foo-foo and yam with vegetable suce
generously presented and served by the women during such celebrations. All the
respondents presented one particular issue about the role of the deity to the whole
of Achi people (not just Enugu Agu Achi). The chief priest (Akpuemoo II)


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claimed that the deity regarded all Achi people as her children. And when any of
her children stays in a foreign land for so long without thinking of visiting home,
the deity usually appears in human form to such a person and force him to visit
home. In other words, they claim that the deity brings home the prodigal sons and
daughters of Achi back to Achi land.

Beyond this, and deriving from responses to question number 16 in the
questionnaire, the role or functions of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi
can specifically be categorized into economic, political, social and religious
functions. The table below represents different degrees of affirmation on the
specific importance of the deity on the life of EnuguAgu Achi people.

Table 2: Response on the Importance of the Deity
Importance Response % response
Economic Importance 2 8
Political Importance 1 4
Social Importance 2 8
Religious Importance 12 48
Cultural Importance 7 28
Miscellaneous Importance 1 4
Total 25 100
Source: Field data 2010
From the table above, more of the people are of the opinion that the deity impacts
more religiously on their lives with the response score of 48%. In fact, they say
that the deity controls their religion and culture, and both are so interwoven


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(especially before the advent of Christianity) that you cannot be discussing their
culture without referring to their traditional religion which revolves around the
worship of the deity. This mix between culture and traditional religion of Igbo
people was originally observed by Onwu (2002) when he submitted that:

Religion is intrinsic part of culturethat whereas, on the one hand, cultural
elements can be discerned from the peoples religion, the peoples religion
itself is an intrinsic part of the peoples culture in a broader sense.
Therefore, studying one is by implication studying some of the vital
elements of the other. (p. 24).

The Okekparakpara deity is bound with Enugu-Agu Achi Omenala and they
live their life according to what Omenala dictates so as to ensure order and
decorum in the society. In specific terms, the role of this deity on each of the
above indices (as contained in the table) can be presented below.

3.3.1 Economic Functions
The Okekparakpaa deity, through his chief priests grants repayable loans to
prospective borrowers who usually would apply in person and with some kola nuts
and palm wine. These funds accrue from the numerous material sacrifices offered
to the deity and penalties paid by defaulters. And because nobody dares tamper
with such money (unless directed by the deity), huge sums of idle funds are
accumulated and banked on behalf of the deity by the priests. Repayment within


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the stipulated time is a must and here lies the snag with borrowing from the deity.
Borrowers do not abscond. Inability to repay within the stipulated period could be
reported to the priest who would then appeal to the deity for extension of the
repayment date. Failure to abide by this process spells doom to the borrower.

It does also grant free loans to very poor people in the society or whoever the deity
wants to favour. Because the worshippers know that the deity has a lot of
resources (both animals and cash), people apply for assistance from the deity
through the priests. Approval is usually ascertained through divination or ccutting
of two pieces of yam (ibe ji). The Okekparakpara deity can give its livestock to
people for breeding purposes. As the animals breed the off-springs are shared
equally between the keeper and the deity on an agreed ratio. It can instruct its
priest to sell its livestock and use the money to solve the priests personal
problems. It can also instruct its priest to kill any of its animals during major
festivals thereby guaranteeing improved diet to the priest family members. This is
in addition to the frequent slaughter and consumption of sacrificial animals at the
shrine. It is used extensively to secure properties and ward off thieves when placed
on such properties

3.3.2 Political Functions.
It is used by politicians to sustain loyalty from the spirit sons. The spirit fathers
achieved this by getting the spirit sons swear by the deity to ever remain loyal to


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them. More so, to consolidate this agreement sacrifices are made to the deity, thus,
establishing a covenant.

It is used as a native court to ensure justice; equity and sincerity in inter-personal
relations. Worshippers report disputes at the shrines of the deity for settlement.
The report is usually made with some items involving a certain amount of money
and some drinks. This is traditionally referred to as Ido Manya. At the receipt of
this report, an emissary from the spirit would be sent to the accused person
inviting him to appear for a defence on a given date which must be either Afor
day or Eke day corresponding to the days of worship of the deity. To answer to
this invitation which traditionally is referred to as Iza Ikpe or Iwuchi Manya
the accused would usually pay double of the items spent by the complainant. At
the commencement of discussions, the priest would bring out the Ofo and make
invocations calling upon the spirit of the deity to come and witness. The concerned
parties would be asked to pull off their foot-wears and swear by the Ofo to say
just the truth and nothing but the truth.

It is used extensively to enforce compliance to established traditional rules and
norms. This is done by the chief priest who (under agreement with the entire
worshippers) uses the Ofo or any other emblem of the deity to pray and declare
the practice permissible or abominable.



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It guarantees a pride of place for the members of the priesthood families especially
during traditional community ceremonies. During such ceremonies, they occupy
the centre stage, take the juicy and a big share of the offerings and food items and
their opinions are not just dismissed with a wave of the hand.

It guarantees protection (to adherents) against evil attacks. Some worshippers
dedicate themselves to the deity for purposes of protection by offering sacrifices to
either the deity or any of the messenger-spirits attached to it. During such a
function, a cock or hen would be waved around the head of the protected and
prayers are made by the priest upon the man.

It guarantees security to life and properties of all Achi people (especially during
the olden days) against encroachment into Achi land. In the olden days (during the
Oye Nnekeji annual festival) some special sacrifices were offered for the
general protection of all Achi people and properties. According to the chief priest,
Akpuemoo II, the deity Okekparakpara though, descended fromAla-Elugwu
(located at Achi Uno) is situated at its present location at Enugu-Agu Achi for the
singular reason of protecting and securing the rest of Achi people and their
possessions outside Achi Uno.

3.3.3 Social Functions
It is used for oath-taking to determine the truth especially in matters of
controversy. During such cases, the Mma Ikpa andOfo are brought out,


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sometimes also with the old dane-gun present in the shrine. The parties are taken
into the secluded area of the shrine, asked to remove their foot-wears and then the
incantations by the priest followed up with prayers. The Igbo kola nut will be
prayed upon by the priest and broken accordingly. The parties are made to swear
for sincerity and then offered one of the lobes of the kola nut. After all these
rituals, the parties will be warned to say only what they know is the truth
otherwise they would be ready to face the ugly consequences.

It serves as the last and cheap resort to the under privileged in the society. There is
no favouritism and no bribery associated with matters involving the deity. Any
one who does what is good and acceptable in the sight of the spirit and man is
favoured. Therefore, both the rich and the poor were treated in the same way.
Even the priest receives his due punishment from the deity especially, when he
derails, motivated by corruption.

It is used to preserve and control traditional festivals. The priests in conjunction
with the traditional rulers determine the days and mode of celebration of
traditional festivals. In a festival like New Yam, nobody eats the new yam until the
priest has made his first sacrifice to the deity and announcing the set date for the
festival in the market especially, during Eke market day. It is with this
announcement that the harvesting of the new yam for family consumption begins.



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It encourages social interaction especially during the numerous ceremonies and
celebrations. Worship of Okekparakpara deity involves feasting and dancing of
different types. Some festivals are dedicated to the deity and during the
celebrations, families and individuals exchange visits, gifts and gather together to
celebrate. In-laws exchange pleasantries and people relax at home and latter in the
day gather at the village squares.

3.3.4 Religious Functions
It creates in the people the consciousness of a supreme and transcendental being
and mans dependence on that being. It is used to put peoples behaviour and
activities in check and control by acting as a supreme monitor. In this sense, it
helps to reduce the incidence of murder, abortion and such other vices. It creates
in the people the consciousness of their conducts being watched by the
supernatural. Worshippers believe that the evil they commit today could be visited
upon them or their families in future. In pouring libations, they pray for their back
to be better than their present, that is, for their off-springs to fare better when they
were no more. As a result, their popular maxim is to avoid leaving behind any
sour food for their off-springs (that is, Irifoduru Umu ya nri gbara uka). This is
because of the consciousness of a monitor who do not forgive any evil committed
on the land.

According to I. Akpuemoo (personal communication, 3 J uly, 2010), the deity is
important to all Achi people (not only Enugu-Agu Achi) because it performs such


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other miscellaneous functions as follows: If approached and sacrifices made to it,
it guarantees journey mercies to their people especially those traveling abroad. It
was used extensively to control the incidence and spread of epidemics in Achi-
land during the olden days. It can still do the same now if appropriately motivated
(according to the chief priest). It guarantees divine healing if consulted and
appropriate sacrifices made to him.

It also neutralizes any dangerous charm being brought into Achi land by anybody.
For this reason, Achi people can freely drink with one cup and from the same pot
without fear. Dare the devils who somehow managed to get such charms into our
land and succeeded in inflicting injuries on people with the charms usually are met
with disasters in the long run. He further explained that most of the appeasement
sacrifices offered to the deity presently are consequences of such acts committed
in past years.

3.4 Demerits of Okekparakpara Deity in the Lives of Enugu-Agu Achi
People
Inspite of the views expressed by the people on the positive contributions of the
Okekparakpara deity in their lives (as seen in table 2 above), about 60 percent of
the respondents, representing 15 persons are of the opinion that the worship of the
deity has some inherent negative impacts.






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3.4.1 Caste System (OSU Practice)
Allegiance and worship of the deity encourages such Christian abhorred caste
practices, where some people in the society are looked-down upon and treated as
untouchables and social pariahs that is, Umu Arushi or Umu Osu Okekparakpara.
These people are discriminated against in the community. They neither eat nor
share anything in common with the free born in the community. They are not free
to inter-marry with the free born. And as such, their credit to socialization is also
limited. They were ostracized from the rest of the community. There is no free
market for the Osu in the liturgical worship of Oke deity. Any free born
knowingly or unknowingly that goes contrary to this state or act otherwise has
automatic ticket to become an Osu. This condition and status create fears and un-
neccesary anxieties in the lives of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi. In this vein,
some of the people were of the opinion that the worship of the Okekparakpara
deity savours or has a tincture of bandage since there is much fear and social
stigma tagged to some members of the worshipping community. It encourages
inferiority complex among its adherents. Hence, dehumanizes and promotes
disunity among the members. It has great negative socio-religious impact on the
adherents, since, such people cannot be allowed to participate or officiate in any
public functions.




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3.4.2 Negative Economic Consequences
The location of the Okekparakpara deity and its twelve messenger-spirits covers a
large space of land. It embraces a large area of primordial forests and trees
exclusively owned by the deity. Hunting and agricultural activities are forbidden
in this area of arable land which otherwise could have been used for the growth
and development purposes. The trees must not be felled and the land cannot be
given out to prospective users. Consequently, the land and forests remains a site
prominent and outstanding in the Enugu-Agu Achi community.

3.4.3 Lack of Forgiveness
The idea of Christian forgiveness is not common with the worship of the deity.
Every mistake or default is met with a punishment. One does not get free from any
offence by just being and saying sorry. There is a great sign of give and take
attitude that controls their socio-economic and religious lives. Everybody pay for
his or her evil deeds either in kind or in material. A woman who defies a sacred
emblem by touching or handling it does not just replace the emblem but must pay
heavily for some sacrifices or otherwise would begin to experience some
mysterious illness immediately.






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CHAPTER FOUR
OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL CULT WORSHIP
The liturgical worship of Okekparakpara deity seems to be very elaborate and
comprehensive. To be effective the deity stresses on a number of conditionalities
and functions to be fulfilled by its worshippers. Worship is an important aspect of
religions. In fact, it is the heart of religions. It is the means through which man
responds to the appearance of the Holy, that is, to the sacred, transcendent power
of being (Ifesieh, 1989). In Igbo traditional religion, as in other religions of the
world, the normal mode of response and assent to the unique Holy include such
through cults as rituals and liturgies. Thus, in Enugu-Agu Achi traditional religion,
the worship of Okekparakpara deity appears to be very essential and paramount to
the people. And with this fact in view, some questions appear relevant at this
point.
i. Can a deity like Okekparakpara exist without worship?
ii. Who benefits from the act of worship the deity or the worshipper?
iii. How is the act of worship conducted?
iv. What is the relevance of worship of a deity like Okekparakpara?

This chapter addresses some of these issues as they affect the worship of
Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi. However, considering the last issue
that is, the relevance of worship of the deity, the table below show cases the
peoples response.


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Table 3: Response on the Relevance of Worship to Okekparakpara Deity
Relevance of worship to Okekparakpara
deity
Number of
respondents
% response
A sign of submission to its Authority 5 20
Used to make the deity stronger 2 8
Used to make the deity pleased 4 16
It makes it more responsive 6 24
In appreciation of a favour/role 4 16
As a sign of obedience/loyalty 3 12
Is of no use 1 4
Total 25 100
Source: Field data 2010.

Up to 24% of the respondents accords worship to the deity because they believe
that the worship of the deity makes it more responsive to their needs and therefore
submit to its authority (20%). 4% of the respondents are of the opinion that the
deity is of no use to them. As the table can show, 96% of the people gave various
reasons as to the relevance of worship to the deity.

According to Awolalu (1981), worship is used to honour spiritual beings. It is an
act of veneration paid by human beings to such spiritual beings believed to have
great influence over their lives. Through the act of worship, the worshippers
acknowledge the supremacy or superiority of the worshipped over their lives and
by so doing seek to maintain a positive relationship with the worshipped.
Essentially, worship can be seen to testify to a peoples belief, need, creed and
philosophy. Awolalu (1981), therefore, was of the opinion that worship is


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expressed by word as well as by deed and that every act of worship has distinct
elements which he enumerated as follows:
* Liturgy;
* Cultic functionaries; and
* Sacred place where the worship is conducted.

These elements and more are analyzed critically as they apply to the worship of
Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi. Liturgy is a fixed form of public
worship in religion. It is an indispensable aspect of worship and involves prayers,
music, sacrifices and even dance. To yield the desired results, certain issues might
seem relevant and salient. These conditions might determine certain liturgical
circumstances in officiating during the worship itself which include:
1. Conditions for a successful celebration in the traditional religious liturgy;
1. Hindrances to proper conduct of liturgy; and
2. The consequences of improper conduct of liturgy.

In the traditional worship of Okekparakpara deity, the priests enumerated the
following conditions for a successful celebration of their traditional religious
liturgy:

4.1.1 The Appropriateness of the Officiating Functionary
The presiding officer during liturgy must always be a priest of Okekparakpara
deity and to guarantee this, the deity uses two priests serving at the same period so


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as to ensure that one of them is always available. However, in the event of death of
both of them at the same time (which is rare and would be enquired) any priest of
the other deities in Achi could be used to offer sacrifices to the deity or a native
doctor can be invited though, with the approval by the deity. The liturgy of
Okekparakpara deity involves a number of intricate details only known to the
priests as was handed over to them by their predecessors. This explains also the
reason for two priest serving at the same time so that there would never be any
thing like going to ask a non-priest for any details if a serving priest dies. If, for-
instance, the wrong person presides/ officiates or that the presiding person is
ritually unclean or that he overlooks or omits an important ritual, the anger of the
deity is usually aroused against the person. Sometimes, it strikes instantly but in
other times, the punishment may be delayed.

4.1.2 Purity of the Presiding Person and Use of Sacred Emblems
The presiding person at the liturgy of the deity must have nothing to do with
human blood or human life. He must never be an instrument to murder, sale of
human being, false witness and intrigue, double standard dealing, abortion, kill or
consume sacred animals or indulge in any act of abomination whatsoever.

During liturgy, only the emblems properly consecrated to the deity are used. For
example, the palm wine is not offered to the deity except with the buffalo horn and
no other person can drink with this horn except the priest. Some of the emblems of


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the deity are used for specific reasons. All agreements and discussions involving
the deity are made only with the Ofo brought out as a seal and authority of the
deity. For discussion that may involve death, the Mma Ikpa or Aro must be
involved. It is the specific role of the priest of the deity shrine to know when to use
any particular emblem.

4.1.3 Availability of the Necessary Materials
The materials are usually provided by the worshippers but if the deity requires
any particular item for a specific sacrifice, the priest usually looks for it. On the
other hand, when an individual wants to offer a sacrifice for favour or
appeasement, the items are determined by the priests according to their custom.
When any particular item is not adequate, the priests can be begged to intervene.

4.1.4 Constitution of the Liturgical Assembly
The liturgical assembly involves the people who must be present at the liturgy, so
as to be of any effect. Essentially, the members of the Levitical family must be
present with either or both of the priests. The chief officiators in this assembly are
the priests while all the other persons can only perform duties assigned to them by
the priests. If the liturgy involves some traditional songs or dance, some female
traditionalists could be involved. Females are not essential in the formation of the
liturgical assembly except during ceremonies that involve a lot of songs, dances
and feasting.


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4.1.5 Adherence to Traditional Liturgical Procedure
The liturgy of Okekparakpara deity involves a number of age long traditional
procedures and practices. These involve making sure that the items are complete
before the celebration begins, including that the conduct of the liturgy occurs only
on Afo or Eke market days, that the acceptance of items for sacrifice to the deity is
confirmed through divination or throwing of yam pieces, that the liturgical
celebration is officiated by the appropriate person which must be the male priests
rightfully chosen by the deity; and more so, that the Igbo kola nut is used and the
animal killed and the blood spilt on the correct places. Traditionally, all the
sacrificial items are first offered to the deity before human can enjoy the items.

4.1.6 Confidentiality
This requires that certain esoteric knowledge and information about the deity is
not divulged for public consumption. For-instance, questions on whether charms
are prepared for the deity and the exact type of charms were never answered.
Moreover, reasons for certain sacrifices performed only by the priests and native-
doctors are never properly explained except when the deity demands for that.

4.1.7 Disposition of the Presiding Officer, Good Memory and Dutifulness of
the Person
This presupposes that the presiding person at the liturgical celebration should be
thorough and with a good sense of commitment to duty. He must not be a


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drunkard and must always be conscious of his responsibilities as a priest of the
deity. The person should be able to speak clearly and in expressions devoid of
ambiguities so as to ensure that the position of the deity in all circumstances is
clearly communicated to the people. On hindrances to the proper conduct of
liturgy, Akpuemoo (2010), enumerated the following:
Failure to meet up with all the necessary conditions;
Laziness and nonchalant attitude of the presiding officer;
Unavailability of the presiding officer; and
Irresponsibility of the presiding person and non-confidentiality of the
officiating person.
The consequences of improper conduct of Okekparakpara liturgical worship is
usually on the negative side. It involves:
Failure to accomplish the desired result like failure to expiate sins or appease
the deity;
Inflictions and death;
Aggravation and degeneration of situation; and
Increased incidence of mysterious and unusual events.

To ward off or forestall these negative consequences of improper celebration of
Okekparakpara liturgy, the priests and worshippers try to be awake to all the
liturgical procedures and requirements of the deity.



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4.2 Signs, Symbols and Images of Okekparakpara Deity and their Socio-
Religious Significance
The deity is believed by the people to manifest its presence in several physical
forms. These include:
Human form - either as a small boy or an old man;
The giant yellow butterfly;
Visit by bees either as a swarm or as a single bee coming in a phenomenal
manner;
Mysterious illness;
Severe wind and mysterious events;
Thunder and mysterious illness;
Can call your name without the person seeing the caller; and
Unusual events.

The histogram below shows respective responses made to the above physical
manifestations of the deity. All the people were of the opinion that the deity
assumes any of the above physical forms when it is out for a special mission either
to warn a defaulter or an evil doer, commend or give encouragement for good
conduct; unleash an attack or to bring a prodigal son or daughter of Achi back
home.


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6
3 3
2 2
4
2
3
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
In human
form
Giant yellow
butterfly
Bees Servere Wind Thunder Name Calling Mysterious
illness
Unusual
events
Figure 3: Distribution of Respondents According to the Physical Manifestation
of the Deity
Source: Field data 2010.

According to Metuh (1991) and Madu (2004), the world of human experience is
seen as one fluid coherent unit in which spirits, man, plants, animals and the
elements are engaged in continuous interactions. So the Igbo world whether
visible or invisible is a real world in every sense of the word. The invisible
world is the counterpart of the visible. It is symbolizes or manifests in visible and
concrete phenomena and objects of nature. This view by these scholars certainly
agrees with responses given by the people. There is a popular phrase by Achi
people that Uwa di ogbu meaning that this world is deep. It is surrounded by


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mysteries sometimes beyond human comprehension. The physical manifestation
of the deity is beyond their explanation but they maintain that it is a reality. Most
commonly, it appears to victims in human form especially when the mission is not
to harm. The same thing applies to name calling and use of the giant yellow
butterfly. The use of thunder, bees, severe wind and mysterious illness usually
represent danger but is obviously less frequent.

The unusual events could be positive or negative (according to some victims).
Negative unusual events include:
Inexplicable hardships;
Abrupt business collapse;
Accidents; and
Disfavour and blockages.

One of the present priests Ikedinma Cyprain was a victim of these. He was a very
rich man residing in Aba before the deity picked him and compelled him to be one
of the priests. His selection was phenomenal. He fell sick of a mysterious illness,
during which he had his two Lorries involved in accidents and series of
misfortunes. Then, through divination, Okekparakpara was identified as the cause
of his predicament. And as soon as he accepted to become the priest of
Okekparakpara deity his health was restored. Positive unusual events take the
form of sudden favour, breakthrough or good luck.


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Okekparakpara is a spirit believed by Enugu-Agu people to be affecting most
aspects of their life. Its real cosmological nature and origin transcends the
understanding of the people. But because it has great influence on the life of the
people and they acknowledge its real existence, its presence during worship is
represented by the following symbols and images.
Ofo Okekparakpara twigs or branch-lets of a tree
Aro Long metallic staff with some pieces of red cloth and herbs tied to it
Oji Long metallic staff
Mma Ikpa Rusted ancient cooking knife
Akpukpo Nkwu Dry palm leaves
Osu and the old dane gun.- wood sculture and old gun

According to Ejizu (1986), symbolism is the basis of human communication, for
by nature man is a homo symbolicus, a symbolizing, conceptualizing and meaning
seeking animal, capable of using one thing to stand for, or represent another
(p.4). Symbols denote many things, take many forms and have many functions
especially in traditional sacrifices and worships. The worship of Okekparakpara
deity involves the use of a number of images and symbols as listed above.

The people hold these symbols with much reverence and honour. They believe so
much in their potency and as such, when and if any of them are placed on any
property (as a security measure), the property remains secured. According to Firth


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(1973), Symbols are not simple communication media that can be envisaged as
possessing a spontaneous power in them projecting the mind towards the absolute
(p. 49).

These items are used during their socio-religious celebrations as their presence
depicts or represents the presence of the deity. Women do not come close to any
of these and neither of them is equally allowed to be snapped. The deity has its
own Ofo (as already indicated) which is made up of three twigs or branch-lets
from the Ofo tree. The three sticks are always tied together and are used as a
single item. It represents the ancestral authority and divine power of the deity. It
equally represents the symbol of truth and justice protected or rather believed to be
defended by the deity in Enugu-Agu Achi. The Ofo must be brought out before
any worship celebration is conducted. It is handled by the priests.

The Aro and Oji, though very closely related are slightly different in appearance
and uses. Both are long metallic staff with slight variation in design. The Aro has
some pieces of red cloths and herbs tied to it. During all sacrifices to the deity, the
Aro and Ofo are used to represent the deity and its authorities and powers. It can
never be snapped otherwise the camera spoils instantly. (There was a story of this
white man who was on investigation in Okekparakpara shrine some years back.
As he was about to take asnap of few emblems in the restricted area of the shrine
he was warned but he insisted on taking the photograph, the result was that he


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went home with a damaged/blown-up camera). Where appeasement sacrifices are
required to free an offender from the fangs of the deity, the Aro, after some
rituals, are carried by the chief priest round the offenders house and some
statements made to declare freedom to the family. The priest then carries the
Aro off (with slight running) and the person becomes free. Unless this is done,
the anger of the deity still rests upon the family.

The Oji has no red cloth or herb attached to it. It can be snapped as can be seen in
figure 4 below where two Oji were snapped.










Figure 4: Picture Showing Two Oji Used during Liturgical Celebration in
Okekparakpara Shrine.

Save for the red cloths and herbs, the Oji looks identical with the Aro. The Oji can
be brought out very frequently while the Aro cannot. This is because the Aro is an
emblem specially consecrated as a symbol of weapon of war by the deity. It is
ranked alongside other emblems like Mma Ikpa.



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The Osus are carved wooden structures of human beings in different activities
or positions. They were never purchased from the market by the priests but were
donated to the deity by individuals on the deitys demand. The Osu becomes a
sacred emblem or symbol of the deity after consecration. Okekparakparas Osu
must always be in human form but the shrine of the other messenger-spirits (to the
deity) can have Osu in animal form or even some branches of plant parts like leaf
of the Ebelebe-Ugo plant.
Figure 5: Picture Showing Bunches of Ebelebe Ugo (Kola Giganti) Leaves
in One of the Shrines.


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Figure 6: Picture Showing Osu in Animal Form.

The priests claimed that the significance of the Ebelebe-Ugo (Kola giganti) leaf
was to bring calm and tranquility in a chaotic situation. This is in support of the
traditional Igbo adage which says that Uzu tusia onaa n Ebelebe (Every
turbulence and disturbance terminates at the Ebelebe tree). The emblem known as
Mma Ikpa is seldomly brought out except if the issue involved is very critical and
requires drastic action. It is a rusted ancient cooking knife which may be as old as
the deity itself. It is used mainly to administer an oath. It is only handled by the
chief priest or his assistant. The Mma Ikpa and the gun seem to be weapons of
attack by the deity. The two instruments represent potential danger and if they are
brought out during liturgical worship or in any socio-religious activities, it means
that war or danger is in the offing. Consequently, they are not always involved in
most liturgical celebrations of the deity.



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4.3 Okekparakpara Ritual Worship and the Traditional Deities in Achi
Achi community has quite a number of principal deities distributed throughout the
entire villages of Achi. Each deity has its own priests. The deities and their
priests (hierarchically arranged) can be represented in the table below.
Table 4: Hierarchy of Traditional Deities and Priests in Achi
Deities Priests
Ala Elugwu Chief Dr. Udezulu Iroafoeze
Achihi Priest is dead and not replaced yet
Okekparakpara Edwin Akpuemoo II and Cyprain Ikedimma
Ishi Ogba Mr. Ohagwu Benedict
Agwu Amagu Chukwuloru Uzoigwe
Ajala Nat. Dr. Okereke Udoakpuenyi
Source: Field data 2010

Obviously, all the deities have male priests serving them. There is another deity
located at Umumbogu in Enugu-Agu Achi whose priest is Mr. Atualaraoke
Onwukamike. It is a male deity whose name is Ngwu Ajagu. Speaking on the
relationship between deities, the respondents Okonkwo Ibe and Ikechukwu Uba
explained that some deities exist independently while others are attached to a
principal deity. Agwu, Ojukwu and Ngwu can either exist independently or can be
attached to a principal deity. As attachment to a principal deity, you can have
such spirits like Ngwu Ajala, Agwu Ajala or Ojukwu Ajala. In this case, Ajala is
the principal deity while Ngwu, Agwu and Ojukwu are the attached deities. This is
very common in places like Inyi in Oji River Local Government Area of Enugu


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State. Okekparakpara has its attributes since it has as much as twelve messenger-
spirits attached to her. As independent deities, you can have Agwu Umunna or
Ngwu Umunna existing independently and connected to a particular Umunna.

Independent deities have separate priests to serve them while messenger or
attached deities usually have the main chief priest serving it. Ala-Elugwu is the
highest deity and has a wife known as Achihi. Okekparakpara is their first and
only son as already noted in chapter three of this work. The other deities are
located at the different villages in Achi and are all subject to the Ala-Elugwu deity.
In most of the cases, Ala-Elugwus opinion usually over-rules.

Because of his vibrance and activity, Okekparakpara stood out to be very popular
throughout Achi land. In the olden days, the father Ala Elugwu used it to
accomplish total security and protection of all Achi people at home and in
diaspora. This could account for the twelve messenger-spirits attached to the
deity. It could be a special arrangement by the father to enhance the capacity and
ability of the son. Reminiscent of the mystery of thunder surrounding the origin of
Ala-Elugwu (that is, Okes father) one can still observe further the source of the
power of thunder claimed to be used by Oke. The father might have prepared
the son to actually be very powerful.

There are co-ordinated and harmonized procedures amongst the chief priests.
They know themselves and hold meetings regularly. They co-ordinate all major
traditional festivals like Nnekeji in honour of Okekparakpara deity and Afor-Oha,


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in honour of Ala-Elugwu commemorating the birth of entire Achiland. As a result,
these festivals are celebrated on the same date through out Achi land. The priests
work together to preserve the traditional norms and values of Achi people. If the
priest of any of the deities dies, the other priests can be offering sacrifices to the
deity on behalf of their deceased colleague deceased until his replacement. The
deities enforce the same taboos. For instance, no Achi person whether at home or
in diaspora dare eat the tortoise. When contravened, either of the deities can
demand a remission.

There are great similarities between the traditional norms and taboos of the deities.
What one deity abhors is also prohibited by the other deities. For instance, the
Ajalla deity has the following prohibitions and norms.
Inceston ;
Murder and sale of human beings;
Killing and eating of tortoise;
Sexual intercourse with a widow during her period of mourning;
Abortion;
Banishment of innocent person;
Unjustifiable demolition of other peoples houses especially by setting fire
on the house;
Refusal to mourn a deceased husband by his wife; and
Women in their menstrual period desecrating either the shrine or any of the
sacred emblems of the deity. One of the elders explained that the monthly
menstrual flow by women is a human blood sacrifice of its own and it is


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detested by the deity. As a result, any woman in her menstrual period is
ritually impure to handle a sacred emblem or enter the shrine.

All the deities (as seen in the table above) have male priests and identical liturgical
procedure. Sacrifices are offered only by the priests and libations are poured by
the priest using the Igbo kola nut (not gworo, that is, the Hausa kola) and palm
wine. The only exception is that certain sacrifices concerning Achi people can
only be made at Ala-Elugwu shrine or Okekparakpara shrine. Some other
sacrifices must be made to each of the other deities depending upon the
circumstances such as, in suicide, murder or sale of human being. If for-instance,
the sacred tortoise is killed mistakenly, sacrifices could also be offered to Achihi
or Ala-Elugwu.

The priests of Okekparakpara deity in collaboration with other priests in Achi,
especially the Ala-Elugwu and Achihi priests determine the pattern or mode of
celebration of common festivals like Nnekeji (New Yam) festivals throughout
Achi land. In preparing for this festival, certain sacrifices are first made at both the
Ala-Elugwu and Okekparakpara deitys shrines using life fowls hung on bamboo
poles.

4.3.1 The Traditional Festivals and Gender Involvement in Enugu-Agu-Achi
Writing about African cosmology, Kalu (1979) opined that, festivals are used to
energize the spirits and renew covenants with the spirits. Sometimes some


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festivals are used to commemorate special events that took their roots from ancient
time. Naturally, the fore-bearers understood this cultural principle and as such,
traditional festivals are intermittently celebrated in Enugu-Agu Achi. These
festivals include (but not limited to) Nnekeji festival, that is, the New yam festival,
and Afo-oha. The religion of the ancient Enugu-Agu Achi is so embedded in
their culture that almost all their traditional festivals were dedicated to the worship
of one spirit or the other. Their calendar was based on the moon and its
astrological positions.

The cycle of their year began with the new yam festival. In the modern calendar,
this usually falls within the month of J uly. All the roads, paths and shrines of the
major deities are cleared and swept clean to herald the festival. New yam festival
was and is still commonly celebrated throughout Achi land on the same day. It
marks the beginning of harvest of the chief crop (yam) and is generally regarded
as the end to the period of scarcity.

The festival usually begins with the offer of the crop to the chief deity and other
deities by the chief priest before the community would begin to harvest and
consume the crop. On the day of the ceremony, the male head of each family
would first harvest and offer the crop to their ancestors and spirits of the land in
their respective families before consumption by the entire family members. The
man offers prayers of thanksgiving to the ancestors and spirits of yam and prays


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for more blessings upon the family. All celebrants- men, women, young and old
remain joyous and gaily, enjoying special dish of roasted yam with oil bean sauce.
The man of the house is usually at the head of the celebration. With respect to the
sharing of palm wine, the women could be obliged with few cups of the drink,
while the men can go on drinking and telling stories till the end of the celebration.
Usually, the women would drink these cups stooping down and would leave as
soon as they drain their cups while the men would continue. Failure to leave will
be a mark of disrespect to the elders.

It has already been noted that the important traditional festivals in Enugu-Agu
Achi include Nnekeji and Afo-Oha, and activities on the days of celebration of
Nnekeji in particular include:
Masquerading activity by men;
Beating of Ikoro on Orie nnekeji. It is also a male affair;
Some cultural dances by the Umuadas in the compounds of Ala-Elugwu
and Okekparakpara deities; and
Male dances like Abia-ike, Ikpa, Okoboro, blowing of flute, Ida Iya (a
vigorous display of masculine gallantry by jumping about, and throwing-up
the legs in an acrobatic manner) and ima-avu ( it is the motivational use of
flattery and praise names to spur or ginger someone into the exhibition of
masculine gallantry) all by males. Ima avu arouses the spirit of Ida iya in
males.


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The tempo of this celebration is determined by males usually the chief priests.
They determine how the masquerades shall run. The masquerades are graded and
each category assigned or allowed to appear on different days during the period of
the celebration. Each masquerade emerging from the ant hole would usually
present itself to the chief priest before public performance. Non-initiates like
women are not involved. The Nnekeji is a major festival in Enugu-Agu Achi and
Achi land in general.

The Nnekeji is followed (after some months) by Nneke-ede (Cocoyam) festival.
This is a minor festival and is celebrated more by female traditionalists. It is
celebrated in honour of cocoyam believed to be the crop for women. Some
sacrifices are made to the goddess of fertility and procreation. By this the
worshippers try to eulogise the deity as the last and only recourse of the helpless
and defenseless; that it is a sure defense to the weak and the oppressed; and the
only veritable weapon with which the weak and the oppressed can employ to fight
the strong and powerful oppressors. Most traditional festivals in Enugu-Agu Achi
involve intensive masquerading by males. The masquerades are categorized into
two:
i. The Night masquerades like Ozugwo, Ogbagu and Omenikoro; and
ii. The Day masquerades like Iga, Ejioku, Iro-ekpete and Akpabu.



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The night ones are very dangerous and are not even watched by women. In fact,
the women must stay in-doors when the masquerades are performing. The day
ones are less dangerous except that some carry weapons like knives and canes and
seem to target women and the uninitiated. During these festivals, initiation into
the masquerade cult is conducted. It is usually presided over by the priests at the
shrines of the deities using some of the emblems of the deity. This is exclusively
men affair. Any woman who wants to initiate her male child into the cult would
usually provide all the necessary materials and hand them over to any available
male who can then take the items and the boy to the initiation arena. This applies
to situations where a woman has no husband.

4.3.2 Liturgical Procedure and Celebrations in the Worship of
Okekparakpara Deity
The liturgy is usually celebrated by the priests, members of the priesthood families
present and other people from the community who are present at the shrine for
some particular reason. The chief priest usually officiates and is usually aided by
his assistant. For any particular celebration, the two priests must be present. Their
family male members could also be available to assist in functions like
dismembering and cooking of sacrificed items.

As a preamble, the items for the celebration are first consecrated. It is necessary
to point out here that the consensus opinions of the two priests are relevant here.


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When they accept any item presented, it is believed to be accepted by the deity and
when they reject any item as incomplete or unfit, it is taken to be rejected by the
deity. However, in extreme cases of disagreement, they usually seek the opinion
of the deity by casting lots through cutting of two pieces of yam before the deity
(that is, ibe-ji). This applies especially to cases where the entire exercise is on
behalf of an individual.

The items used for Okekparakpara socio-religious celebrations vary and depend
on the demands of the deity. Nevertheless, the following items are common items
used during most celebrations:
Igbo kola nut in the ratio of 4, 8, or 16 nuts depending on the event and
instruction of the deity.
Palm wine preferably the up-wine.
Some fowls.
Alligator pepper.
A chick to represent purity (used especially during consecration of emblems).

It is not in all worship celebrations that the chick is involved or used. It is used
only when an emblem of the deity is to be consecrated and made sacred. During
such consecration, the chick is killed by the chief priest through tearing the mouth
of the chick with both hands and spilling its blood on the emblem.


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Goats which could be male, female or castrated males depending on the
event. A sheep is never used because it is regarded as sacred, meek,
innocence and belongs to the Ajala deity hence, the name Aturu Nwa-
Ajala. Invariably, this can never be sacrificed to Okekparakpara deity.
Hot drinks.
The Igbo cattle. Usually the female one (that is, cow) is used. But if the
male calf should be used, it is complemented with a hen.
Tapioca that is, sliced cassava and Ighu adorned with the clarias specie of
fish. The frozen fish (that is, Mackerel) is never used to sacrifice to the
deity because it is foreign and not traditional.
Seven rounds of gun shots. The Ofo must be present before any
celebration is started and consecrations happen within the area secluded
with the egbo wand. Utensils used for this celebration are usually
traditional items like clay pot, palm wine, clay plate (that is, Oku) and
calabash cup. The chief priest usually uses his bare hand to offer cooked
food items to the deity.

After the presentation and approval, the chief priest pours out a cup of wine (from
the local clay pot used in offering wine to the deity) using a buffalo horn (Mpu-
Atu) only unless not available. Obviously the deity accepts drinks offered to him
only from the small local clay pot and the buffalo horn. Consequently, when a


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large quantity of drink is brought to the deity, the quantity to be offered to the
deity would be poured into the clay pot from the lot.

The priest then separates the kola nut into lobes and nips off the Ire Oji (the
plumule and radicle) from all the lobes. He then presents the subject matter to the
deity and prays. In some cases, he can ask the person for whom the sacrifice is
organized to present his case by himself. In this particular case, he can only tell
the deity that it has heard the case as presented by the person and then would
proceed to drop these bits of Ire Oji into the cup of wine and begins to make
incantations and libations. The kola nut used must be the Igbo kola and are
usually four nuts in number corresponding to the four market days in Igboland.
The libations involve calling upon the four market days in Igboland to come and
join the celebration as follows:
Eke taa oji - (Eke market day eat kola)
Orie taa oji - (Orie market day eat kola)
Afor taa oji - (Afor market day eat kola)
Nkwo taa oji - (Nkwo market day eat kola)
Eke kere uwa na ihe di nime ya taa oji (The creator of the world and things in it
eat kola)



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He further invokes all the usual good and positive things of Achi to come and join
in the celebration as follows: ka esi eme, taa oji; and forbids the unusual bad
things from participating - ka esiro eme atakwana.
Anyi buzi umuntakiri nasa ahu nafo nafo; - (We are just mere children who do
not know how to wash our body except the abdomen).
Gbaziere anyi uzo anyi ga esi gaa; - (Teach us the way to follow).
Nihi na odighi nke anyi maara; - (For we know nothing).
Taa na mpu ka anyi taa nibe-o- (Take the kola as a whole nut while we your
children take the lobes).

Everybody would chorus Iseeo (Amen).
Nye anyi ihe oma (Give us good thing).
Nye anyi ahu-ike (Give us good health).
Gbochiere anyi ajo ihe-o (Protect us from all evil).
Nye anyi ihe anyi ga eri, nke ga-eri anyi jebekwa ezi-ezi (Give us what we
can safely eat and let the one that will eat us never see us).

Everybody would chorus a prolonged isee-o. The significance of some of these
statements is to acknowledge mans inherent imperfections and dependence on the
supreme God. He then invokes the spirit of Okekparakpara and all the twelve
principal spirits of Okekparakpara and some of the other deities in Achi to come
and receive the sacrifice. All will chorus Iseeo.


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The priest then chants some eulogies for the deity. Examples:
Ome ihe egwu (He who does frightening things)
Oluo oha (He who is greater than the crowd)
Aluka ihuhe (great person)
Ogbatara onye ike adiro (A person who helps someone who has no power
or strength).
Oluo olaa (He who fights and goes home unhurt)

Ete jide Nwankwo omaba nnyaghiri. By this they claim that Okekparakpara
says that people tend to remain stubborn and unbelieving until they are gripped
well and then you see them shaking and begging for relief. He then makes appeals
for assistance and blessings to the deity. The priest further reminds the deity about
its popular song and saying that if a small boy pushes it and it staggers a bit, then
it usually rebounds and throws the person into thorns and brambles.

With these praise names and incantations made, the cup of wine will then be
poured out onto three particular spots within the shrine. The animals for the
celebration are then killed and its blood spilled on the sacred objects in the shrine.
The lobes are thrown out while some are shared to people around. Drinking and
merriments follow. The celebration is not ended until cooking is completed and
served first to the deity and then to people around. Sometimes there could be
cannon shots depending on the occasion and the demands of the deity. Usually
before any worship is made, some major symbols or emblems of the deity must be


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brought out and every action will be performed before them, and more especially,
the Ofo and Aro.

4.3.3 Singing, Music and Dances in the Socio-religious Ceremonial Worship
of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi
According to Mbiti (1975) and Wikipedia (2009) culture is a complex whole
which embraces the knowledge, belief, art, moral, custom and any other capacities
and habits acquired or exhibited by the people of a community. It involves all
aspects of the peoples life which includes what they believe in, what they do and
the way they do it.

Thus, singing, music and dances are very important and integral part in the socio-
religious sacrificial worship of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi and Achi
as a whole. The common music and dances involved in the worship of the deity
include:-
Ikpa dance;
Abia ike dance;
Flutes and Ima-avu;
Women dance group involving the Umuada; and
Ida Iya and Itu Oshi by the men and women respectively.

Some of these are used during general celebrations while others are used during
specific functions like consecrations or dedication of emblems. Some of them are
gender, sex and family discriminatory while others are not.


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The Abia-Ike and Ikpa dances are sex discriminatory since women are not
included. The two dances look nearly alike except that the Abia-ike has a larger
sized instrument known as Ogbo which can be used extensively in
communication to members. The head of the Abia-ike (represented by the Ogbo)
is carved to bear a human face. It is used for talking to members as the dance
proceeds. In both dances, a group of five men beat the instruments while others
do the dancing. It is important to point out that just as the two dances are sex
discriminatory, (strictly forbidden to women) the Abia-ike is also equally
discriminatory to some men. It is danced only by men of outstanding valour and
not by weaklings. The Ikpa dance is the oldest of the dances and is gradually
dying out since the youths show very little interest in it nowadays.

As the dance is progressing, the flute bearer charges the atmosphere higher by
calling the praise names of the dancers. There is no limit as to the number of
dancers once you are qualified. The flute bearer can pass vital information to the
participants as the dance is going on. Women are never communicated to, using
the flute because they are deaf to the language of the flute. In other words, they do
not understand the message communicated with the flute. Beyond this, the women
do not need to be charged. They are either wives or potential wives and so, are
required to be of good behaviour. Consequently, the women just watch and shout
for joy as the celebration is going on.
Example of Ikpa dance song:
Ikpa bu egwu odogwu Iya (Ikpa is a dance for the great)
Ikpa bu egwu odogwu Iyaa (Ikpa is a dance for the great)


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Okorobia siri-ike puta n oge ikpa eruo Iya (A grown-up man come out the time
for Ikpa dance has reach)
Ka igosi ihe ijiri buru-dike Iya (So that you will show what makes you a hero)
Onye ajoli aputakwana Iyaa (If you are a weakling do not come out)
Ikpa bu egwu odogwu Iyooo-Iya (Ikpa is a dance for the great)
The Okoboro is the latest of the dances and has metamorphosed into a number of
cultural dances. Women are allowed to take part in this type of dance. The
instruments used here include;
Nne Igba;
Oke Igba;
Aro A very big metal gong; not the staff of Okekparakpara. Ogene
mkpiko-ibo (that is, two in one gong); and
Flute.
Complementing the above dances were the following three traditional physical
maneuverings, like Ima Avu, Ida Iya and itu Oshi. The second and
last one was displayed by men and women respectively. They involve stylish and
physical exhibition of gallantry in a mesmerizing and dancing manner. The first
one (that is, Ima avu) helps to ginger or trigger dancers to action just as the flute
does.



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The Umuada are called to render a number of Umuada cultural dances and songs
during celebrations. The titles of the songs used as praise names for the deity
include:
Okekparakpara, - Ogbatara onye-ike nadiro (Okekparakpara who
hears the cry of the less strong)
Omenani bu uzoo, oyibo biara abia (Tradition is the first while the
westerners are foreign)
Ete jide Nwankwu, Omaba nnyaghiri (When a rope will catch a small palm
tree it will start shaking).
In this last case, the chorus will always end with nnyaghiri nnya.

The only particular thing about these dances is that all the participants try to show
their best, possibly to please the deity and to entertain the living. Any particular
dance or activity usually begins after all sacrifices have been made and concluded.

4.3.4 The Sacrifices and the Liturgical Words in the Worship of
Okekparakpara
Arinze (2008) described sacrifice as the ceremony which tends towards making a
thing sacred or simply, it is to perform a sacred act. It is the soul of the liturgical
worship of Okekparakpara deity and if it is removed, the Igbo traditional religion
is almost emptied of its content (p. 22). Thus, sacrifice is usually offered to the
deity by the priests in acknowledgement of his superior influence and their


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dependence on it for assistance. This was the reason why Arinze (2008) also
submitted that sacrifice is really the essence of the Igbo traditional religion and is
the heart of their worship (p.38). The people of Enugu-Agu tradition are strongly
convinced of the necessity for sacrifices because they believe that life may not be
possible or easy without those sacrifices to the spirits. In the case of
Okekparakpara, the priests enumerated the following conditions (taboos) to guide
the offering of sacrifices to the deity by any priest.

The priest must be ritually clean:
He must never have had intercourse with his wife before coming to offer
sacrifices to the deity. He must never have any sexual affair with any other
persons wife or any other women especially those in their menstrual period.

He must always stand for truth in all matters otherwise the deity will strike
him:
In a figurative expression, they say that the priest must never put the left hand
into his mouth, otherwise the deity will strike him. This presupposes that the
priest should be upright, sincere and righteous in his dealings.

The priest must never attend or go for condolences immediately after the
death of the person due to fear of not knowing exactly the cause of the death:
They claimed that if the death is the consequence of an evil committed by the


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deceased and the priest goes for the condolence, the deity describes it as a double
standard position and would strike the priest if he tries to offer sacrifices to it.

The priest must not eat in hotels due to fear of eating food prepared with sacred
animals or animals forbidden to priests for example, snail, ram and tortoise.

Arinze (2008) identified three objects of Igbo sacrifice as God, the spirit and the
ancestors. By the sacrifices, the people make appeals to these entities believed by
them to be in control of their life and welfare. In the liturgical worship of
Okekparakpara deity, different sacrifices are made depending on need and
circumstances. One major sacrifice (appeasement) is usually offered to the deity
in October of every year, during the Nnekeji festival to re-invigorate it. This
happens during the main festival of the deity. The sacrifices could be at either
communal or individual level. In the Liturgy of Okekparakpara deity, communal
sacrifices include:
Sacrifice at the beginning of every planting season to avoid farm accidents
and ensure good crop yield.
Disease prevention sacrifices to forestall the spread of epidemics and highly
infectious diseases.
Sacrifice to cleanse the land or make atonements for offences and
desecrations like committing of abominations. Arinze (2008) called this
sacrifice of expiation of sins.


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Sacrifice for thanksgiving like the one done before the new yam festival
and during Nnekeji.
The individual sacrifices include:
Sacrifices for business progress, and procurement of appointments.
Sacrifices for success and protection known as Ukwu na Ije (Successful
journey or endeavour). During the individual sacrifices the client requiring
such assistance from the deity takes care of all the requirements.
The requirements for both sacrifices are almost the same. However, variation
depends on the intentions of the individual or community aand what the deity
demands. The items and procedure for making aither sacrifices are as discussed
under 4.3.2.

Obviously, these sacrifices depend on the pressing needs of the people and the
prevailing circumstances or conditions at the particular point in time. With respect
to Okekparakpara deity, the materials used for these sacrifices depend on the
nature of the problem presented to the deity. In general, the materials commonly
used include:

The Igbo Cow
This is required especially where human head was involved in evils committed
during the olden days like in cases where human being was sold off into slavery
by a family member or friends. In Enugu-Agu Achi culture, the Igbo cow is


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oftentimes, used during liturgical sacrifices as a replacement for human beings
sold off into slavery or for some other purposes. The cow is never killed or
consumed but is left to breed and if it dies any time, it is not consumed but is
giving a befitting burial rite as it would have been done for that which it is
representing. It is a symbolic expression. This is why Ejizu (1986) asserts that
symbols are the basis of human communication. Hence cow is used here as a
symbol representing human being sold off. It is not pointing to itself but to the
human being for whom it represented. Man therefore, by nature is a homo
symbolicus (p. 4).

Goats
This can either be a he-goat (buck), she-goat (ewe) or castrated male ones. The
exact type to be used depends on what the deity demands at the time. The goat is
usually killed and consumed except that the blood must be spilt on some emblems
and specific location at the shrine. Moreover, the skull must be left with the priests
who sometimes use the skull to represent a life goat during impromptu sacrifices
where a goat is not readily available. In this case however, the person concerned
must have paid some money for the goat, the money which in turn helps the
Okekparakpara priests in meeting-up with the adherents economic problems
through borrowing. The sheep is never used for sacrifices to the Okekparakpara
deity because it is believed to be meek, harmless and a special possession of the
Ajalla deity (the earth goddess of Achi) hence, the statement by the elders of the


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Enugu-Agu community: Aturu-nwa-Ajalla (The sheep, child of the Earth
goddess).

Chicken
The use of chicken whether hen or cock depends also on the prescription by the
priests who always seek the minds of the gods before proclamation. During
sacrifices, the chicken is offered as a gift signifying love, peace, goodwill and
appreciation. It can be sacrificed to the deity in many ways such as, hanging on a
pole and placed at the shrine of the deity, strangled and consumed and or the wind
pipe osephagus can be slit open and the blood spilt on the emblems and at a
particular spot in the shrine of the Okekparakpara deity and some of its feathers
plucked out and dropped at the same place. In some cases like during
consecrations, a chick is used to represent purity. In all these cases as the animal is
being killed, the priest utters a number of liturgical words and incantations as can
be seen below.

Yam Tubers
The people of Achi in general and Enugu-Agu community in particular believe
that their deities are responsible for the fruitful performance of their crops. Hence,
by offering yam tubers to the deities, the people expressed their thanks and
adorations. And by doing so, they acknowledge whom they are and what the
deities are to them. It also satisfies a complementary ceremonial function to the


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victim of the sacrifice (used for the merriment) since the animal cannot just be
killed and consumed alone. Usually the meat is used to prepare yam poredge. The
number of yam tubers depends on the type of animal used for the sacrifice: If the
cow used in sacrifice of thanksgiving must be killed then, sixteen tubers of yam
are used for the preparation. Where a goat is involved eight tubers are used while
four tubers are used in various cases involving the chickens.

In using the tubers of yams for sacrifices, the priest will first cut of the upper parts
(Isi Ji) of the tubers and divide each into two. He places these halves (usually four
pieces) in front of the shrine and spills the blood of the animal on them as the
animal is killed. The rest of the tubers are cooked with the meat and served first to
the deity and to the adherents accordingly. Yam is a sign of honour and dignity
and it is a crop believed to be grown only by men while women are allowed to
plant cocoyam which is not suitable for the sacrifices either.

Kola Nuts and Palm Wine
These two items are fundamental in Igbo culture and tradition. They are produced
from the land and so are used to worship the gods of the land. The Igbo kola nut is
used for sacrifices to the deities because (except in rare cases) it usually has four
lobes corresponding to the four native days in Igbo land Orie, Afor, Nkwo and
Eke. After incantations and blessings, the priest breaks the nut and throws some of
the lobes onto the yam pieces and at another spot in front of the shrine. Palm wine


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represents an item for merriment. It was poured at three particular spots in front of
the shrine.
Offering of sacrifices to the deity involves two principal acts;
Uttering of liturgical words or incantations or invocations; and
Performance of some physical activities.

The liturgical words involve the invocation of the spirit of the deity and that of the
ancestors. Sometimes they begin with the name of the Supreme God Chukwu
Ukpabia because they believe they can satisfactorily serve the Supreme God if
they can render true worship to the deity. For instance, through regular
participation in worship ceremonies to the deity as a sign of loyalty; offer of
wholesome and generous sacrifice to the deity as a sign of thanksgiving and total
avoidance of evil conducts since they believe that good and evil are attended to by
the deity. The priest after invoking the spirits of the deities may now say -:
Anyi enye gi Ehi, Ewu n Okuko ndia wee nayo gi ka I nara ha naka anyi
(We give you this cow, goat and chicken and we beg you to accept them from our
hands)
Gozie anyi ma nyere anyi aka na-mkpa anyi ji wee biakwute gi
(Bless us and help us in our needs that brought us to you)
Anyi nario gi ndu n aru isike
(We are praying for life and good health)


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They shower a lot of praises upon the deity both in proverbs and directly to
connote or savour the power and influence of the deity and its past
accomplishments. The priest would remind the deity of the trust the adherents
have in it and then appeal to it that the present case is yet another opportunity to
prove his prowess or capabilities. The physical activities involved include:
Process of killing the animal and spilling the blood on some sacred objects;
Breaking the kola nut and pouring the wine using the buffalo cup; and feasting.
Figure 7: Pouring libation by the two priests

4.4 The Liturgical Calendar of Okekparakpara Deity
The Liturgy of Okekparakpara is celebrated throughout the year depending upon
circumstances and demands of the deity. However, more elaborate and particular
celebrations are performed during two periods every year. These periods are:


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In October when the major festival of Achi people the Nnekeji, is
celebrated.
In February to mark the Afo- oha festival.
The former was in thanksgiving to the deity and a re-affirmation of allegiance, the
later preceeds the planting season. Other liturgical celebrations depend on events,
peoples needs and specific demands by the deity.

4.5 The Shrine of Okekparakpara Deity
Celebration of the liturgy is carried out at the main shrine of the deity located at
Umuowulu Umumba in Enugu -Agu Achi. However, some sacrifices could
sometimes be made at the shrine of any of the twelve principal messenger-spirits
under Okekparakpara deity depending upon the need as demanded and directed
by either the chief deity or any of the messenger-spirits. The people have different
concepts about the meaning and importance of shrine in the liturgy of
Okekparakpara deity.

The table below shows the different beliefs of the worshipers of Okekparakpara
deity about the meaning and importance of the word shrine.










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Table 5: Response on the Meaning and Importance of the Shrine
Meaning/Importance of shrine Number of
respondents
Percentage
The abode of the deity 6 24%
Place of sacrifice/worship to the
deity
4 16%
Place of consultation of the deity 3 12%
Most sacred or holy place 5 20%
Place where truth is said 7 28%
Total 25 100%
Source: Field data 2010

The shrine of the deity is established beside a very big Iroko tree. It consists of a
small hut containing a number of emblems or symbols. The size of this hut tallies
with Arinzes (2008) calculation about the size of most shrines which generally is
not large enough to shelter more than a few people. In the shrine is a roof and
hut/house but has no wall. The following are some of the sacred items.
A huge but stout looking man carved in wooden material;
Other small carved idols in human forms;
An old dane gun;
Aro with red cloths;
Two Oji and;
Mma Ikpa.



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Outside the hut and beside the Iroko tree is a place showing a small mound of
pieces of lobes of Igbo kola nut which evidently had stood since the beginning of
the deity. Beside this mound is a length of an ancient looking projection of dead
wood which obviously had defiled or resisted termite attack over the years.
During offerings, the wine from the buffalo horn is usually poured on this spot, on
the mound and in front of the hut by the chief priest. The whole area is secluded
using the Egbo medicine wand. Nobody including the priests enters this area
wearing anything on his feet. Handsets are not brought inside this area and
women dare not enter the area. While the main shrine of the deity secluded by the
medicine wand is not allowed to be snapped with camera, the rest of the
compound can be snapped as well as some of the shrines of the messenger-spirits.

Beyond the secluded area, there is a general place with a bigger house where
visitors can sit and watch events happening at the shrine. At this place, people can
dance and move about during celebrations.

From table 5 above, the people of Enugu-Agu Achi have varied opinions about the
meaning and import of Okekparakparas shrine. About 28% of the respondents
describe the shrine as the place where truth is said and as a result, they sometimes
refer to the shrine jokingly as court 4. Oppressed people seek for justice in this
place and that may be the reason for one of the praise names of the deity being
Ogbatara onye-ike n adiro.


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4.6 The Diversity of the Okekparakpara Liturgical Cult Worship
The liturgical worship of the Okekparakpara deity is very diverse but really
revolves pivotally around the deity itself. There seems to be many aspects and
levels of worship of the deity although all are geared towards making the deity
very powerful, and more disposed to assist them in their needs. Different sacrifices
(for different purposes) are offered to him or to his messenger-spirits based on the
demands of the moment.

The deity has twelve principal obedient serving spirits as its messenger-spirits.
These spirits attached to the deity receive periodic sacrifices and offerings from
the same priests as their master deity. Although they have their respective small
shrines, they do not have separate priests. These messenger-spirits though already
mentioned in chapter three of the study in an alphabetical order include:-
Agwu oke;
Agwu ike;
Ngwu ishiogba;
Ngwu ikoro;
Ngwu Ezi Nze Nwanyi;
Ngwu oke;
Ngwu ogbanta;
Ojukwu egbo oke;
Ojukwu Okekparakpara;


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Ngene Ishiogba;
Ihu Eze; and
Ikoro Okekparakpara.

These messenger-spirits are used by Okekparakpara to accomplish different
functions, which ight be economic, political or socio-religious. They are also
located in Enugu-Agu Achi around the same Okekparakpara forest area.
Sacrifices are offered to them from time to time by the priests according to their
demands or as directed by the chief deity Okekparakpara. Sometimes when
certain specific duties are to be accomplished, Okekparakpara may direct the
priests to perform some rituals or sacrifices at the shrine of one of the messenger
spirits linked with the performance of the particular function. The table below
show-cases the messenger-spirits and the functions ascribed to each.

Table 6: Response on the List of Messenger-spirits to Oke and the Function
Ascribed to Each
Messenger-spirit Functions ascribed to each
1. Agwu Oke Fighter, Attacker, Inspirator
2. Agwu Ike Fighter, Attacker, Inspirator
3. Ngwu Ishiogba Defence, Protection, Neutralizer
4. Ngwu Ikoro Defence, Protection, War
5. Ngwu Ezi Nze Nwanyi Defence, Protection, Neutralizer
6. Ngwu Oke Defence, Protection, Neutralizer
7. Ngwu Ogbanta Defence, Protection, Neutralizer
8. Ojukwu Egbo Oke Neutralizer, Defence


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9. Ojukwu Okekparakpara Neutralizer, Defence
10. Ngene Ishiogba Fertility, Favour
11. Ihu Ezi Progress
12. Ikoro Okekparakpara War, emergencies
Source: Field data 2010


The idea of certain spirit-beings playing specific roles in the life and activities of
man had already been expressed by some researchers like Metuh (1999) and Madu
(2006) who where of the opinion that the Agwu, is the patron spirit of
divination and medicine men and has a lot to do with health, life, sickness and,
medicine (p. 96). In fact, Agwu spirit is seen as both benevolent and malevolent
in its relationship with man.

The priests of Okekparakpara deity confirmed these manifestations of Agwu in the
life of every traditional Enugu-Agu people as they submitted that the Agwu can
cause inflictions or confusion against enemies or offenders. It can as well be of
benefit to some people. It can inspire people for divination or visioning and
therefore, is the main helping spirit to medicine men. It was the spirit responsible
for what they call Ivu nshi presently known as prophesy in present day
Christianity. During the era of ivu nshi, (before the advent of Christianity) the
man (overwhelmed by the spirit of Agwu) wakes up early in the morning, moves
swiftly round the village and with a loud voice shouts prophesies of future
occurrences and in due course, such prophesies normally come to manifest. Madu


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(2006) is of the opinion that the spirit of Agwu deity can endow someone with
insight, prophesy, creativity, divination and knowledge of medicine and medicinal
herbs for the purpose of restoring health and making inventions. Whenever
Enugu-Agu people wanted the chief deity to embark on an attack, sacrifices are
offered at the shrine of the Agwu. According to Ume (1989); Agwu is the
equivalent of the Holy Spirit of Christianity as well as one of the twenty seven evil
spirits among the Igbo (p.197). Women do not eat anything scarified to
Okekparakparas Agwu.

On the other hand, Ngwu and Ojukwu serve as very strong defenders and
neutralizers of charms. Sacrifices are offered to any of them when there is need to
defend and protect the community or individuals against evil attacks or dangerous
charms. They claim that if one is favoured by the deity and an enemy tries to
charm him or her, the Ngwu or Ojukwu would intercept and neutralize the charm.
For this reason, masqueraders and medicine men flood the deity with sacrifices of
fowl and wine during major festivals, so as to be protected and defended by the
deity against enemys charms. Furthermore, people who require special favour
from the deity may be directed to offer special sacrifices either at the shrine of the
chief deity or any of the shrne of Ngwu or Ojukwu as the case may be. Attempt to
charm any person dedicated to Ngwu or Ojukwu is a waste of charm because the
charm can never get him. Their belief is that these deities are strong defenders.
While the Ikoro Okekparakpara serves for war, communication and secrecy, the


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ihu ezi messenger-spirit serves for progress and success in business endeavour.
If you are favoured and you have what they described as Ukwu na ije, you will
always succeed where others fail. The Ikoro is sounded only once a year during
the Orie Nnekeji festival or at some other time in response to a very serious or
crucial issue. When it is sounded at some other time except Nnekeji, elders would
know that something wrong has happened and requires urgent attention and action.
It is located and housed by a small hut at a very strategic position about 100
metres in front of the Okekparakpara deity shrine.

The major sacrifices offered to these messenger-deities depend on what diviners
say are the demands of either the Okekparakpara deity or the particular
messenger-spirit at the point in time. However, people sometimes offer sacrifices
of fowl or goat and wine to the small gods when they need special favour from the
deity. Alternatively, they can make promises of such sacrifices to Ngwu or
Ojukwu or Agwu when they require special favour from the deity. Such promises
can be made with just four Igbo kola nuts and palm wine and when the favour is
granted, the sacrifices are then performed. It is however very dangerous when one
fails to fulfill the promise or sacrifice when the favour is granted. All sacrifices to
the deity requiring fowl or goat usually demand four or eight tubers of yam
respectively. There must also be kola and wine.



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Beyond worship or sacrifice at the main shrine, the Okekparakpara deity can
also be worshiped and sacrifices offered to her at some other places. This can be
done using the deitys special emblems or symbols such as
The Ofo, which represents the authority of the deity. All agreements,
decisions or arrangements involving Okekparakpara are sealed and
stamped using the Ofo. Default incurs the wrath of the deity. It can be
moved about. It is forbidden for women to touch Ofo Okekparakpara.
Sacrifices can be made to the deity anywhere using the Ofo.
Mma Ikpa Represents the deity itself. It is equally movable but is rarely
brought out. It is not always used in ordinary liturgy.
Aro Represents the deity itself and is movable.
The Osu or Idol Represents the deity but is not always moved about due
mainly to its size.

The presence of any of this emblems or symbols anywhere represent the presences
of the deity and any sacrifice offered to them are believed to be delivered to
Okekparakpara deity. In the same vein, sacrifice visibly offered to and received
by the deity has equally been ultimately received by Chineke/Chukwu (Arinze,
2001).






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CHAPTER FIVE
GENDER DISCRIMINATION AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS
INFLUENCE IN THE OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL WORSHIP
The writer has already noted that Awolalu (1981) identified cultic functionaries as
one of the major distinctive elements involved in the worship of deities. This
element involves both the officiation and the attendants or participants during
worship. The priests of Okekparakpara deity explained some conditions which are
necessary for the proper conduct of the liturgy. One of such conditions is the
proper officiation and participation by the appropriate persons. The people further
maintained that the liturgical worship of the deity follows their Omenala
(tradition).

In Awolalu (1981) therefore, the liturgical celebration of the deity involves a
number of socio-religious activities such as prayers, sacrifices, dance and music
and feasting. These activities are performed by the adherents and worshippers of
the deity in line with the ethos and tenets of their tradition and culture. This falls
in tune with the submissions made by Onwu (2002), that African Traditional
Religion is inseparably interwoven with the traditional African society and
culture (p. 22). In line with this, the socio-religious celebration of
Okepkparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi follows the course of their trado-


144

cultural provisions. Certain inherent limitations abound therein especially along
the line of gender involvements and roles. The people identified inappropriate
officiation as one major cause of improper celebration of the liturgy. Some roles
are gender specific and gender discriminatory.

This chapter tries to look at the bases of the obvious discrimination in the socio-
religious celebrations/activities by male and female worshippers of
Okekparakpara deity in Enugu -Agu Achi. In response to the issue of gender/role
specificity and discrimination, the table below shows the responses by the
respondents on some vital activities carried out in the liturgy/worship of the deity.
Table 7: Activities Carried out During Okekparakpara Ritual Worship.
Male Female
Activities during liturgy No. of
respondents
% No. of
respondents
%
Movement of sacred emblems 25 100 0 0
Officiation during liturgy 25 100 0 0
Preparation of sacrificed items 13 52 12 48
Sharing of food items 13 52 12 48
Libations/Invocations 25 100 0 0
Blessing and Sharing of Kola 25 100 0 0
Sanitation 15 60 10 40
Dance 13 52 12 48
Consumption of items 18 72 7 28
Source: Field data 2010


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From the above table, some activities are strictly gender discriminatory since they
show 100% male participation. These activities include:
* Moving into the shrine to bring out the emblems during celebration.
* Officiaition during celebration.
These two roles are performed by the priest or any other male member of the
priesthood family delegated to do so by the current priest. The libations and
invocations during which the spirits of the deity and that of ancestors (usually the
male ancestors) are invoked to participate in the celebration portrayed a great deal
of male domination.
* Blessing and sharing of kola nut during worship is strictly male affair.
Females can take part in sharing of food items like serving the tapioca
during celebrations but the males usually control and share the cooked
sacrificed items like sacrificed animals.
Thus, from the analyses above, it is obvious that females show partial participation
in seemingly non-essential aspects of the Okekparakpara socio-religious
celebration.

5.1 Male and Female Participation in Okekparakpara Ritual Worship
The ritual worship of Okekparakpara deity is both sex and gender specific. There
are certain roles one cannot play in the worship of the deity because of his inherent


146

biological sexual characteristics. As the tradition goes, duties are performed or
assigned to persons on the basis of their alleged sexual attributes. Essentially, the
worship of the deity revolves around the men folk. However, it does not entirely
exclude the women folk but rather involves them especially in some minor
worship activities. The women are involved mainly in issues of entertainment,
sanitation and some specific dances. The table below presents percentage
responses on a number of roles or duties performed by males and females in the
worship of the deity.

Table 8: Duties Performed in the Worship of the Deity and Percentage of
Male/Female Involvement
Male Female
Duty Performed No. of
Respondents
% No. of
Respondents
%
Priesthood 25 100 0 0
Handling of Sacred Emblem 25 100 0 0
Movement within the Shrine 4 16 (Free to
some extent)
24 96 (Highly
limited)
Pouring of Libation 25 100 0 0
Offer of Sacrifices to the Deity 25 100 0 0
Sharing of Sacrificed Items 20 80 5 20
Consumption of Sacrificed Items 21 84 4 16
Formation of Liturgical Assembly 25 100 0 0
Consecration/Dedication 25 100 0 0
Sanitation 5 20 20 80
Cooking of sacrificed items 18 72 7 28
Dances 13 52 12 48
Blessing, breaking and sharing of
kola
25 100 0 0
Administration of Oath 25 100 0 0
Source: Field data 2010



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The priesthood of Okekparakpara deity has a peculiar nature. The deity has never
had any female priestess since its origin. In the opinion of Mbiti (1970), women
are allowed to perform some rituals at least in the offering of prayers for their
families and communities and in many cases, there were also (and still are) female
priestess presiding over some sacrificial worship in some places. This does not
apply in the worship of Okekparakpara deity. The ceremonial worship was
presided over by male priests who celebrate and offer sacrifices to the deity.
Consecrations and dedications were all male affair. In fact the females do not
have any major say in the ritual worship of the deity. This certainly disagrees with
the view of Uchem (2005) that all genders are equal in terms of importance and
indispensability. The males are more important and very indispensable in the
worship of the deity than women. Most of the activities performed in its worship
do not require even female participation. This has been the tradition since the
inception of the deity. Beyond mere traditionalism of the practice, the respondents
proffered the following reasons to explain the obvious male preference and
dominance of the priesthood to and over the female.

Okekparakpara is a very strong and radical male deity and therefore may not
patiently tolerate certain inherent female weaknesses, frailties and excesses. They
can easily be influenced by their male lovers and in the process commit blunders
intolerable to the deity. Females could be pregnant, be under a protracted labour or
could be suckling their babies and so, may neither be available nor be fit enough to


148

attend or preside (as priest) over certain worship celebrations to a vibrant deity
like Okekparakpara at all times and in all circumstances.

Females could be menstruating and so must never near the shrine (as priest) to
avoid defilement or desecration of the shrine. Females are easily given to
flippancy and can easily divulge some vital esoteric information or facts about the
deity.

Certain spiritual manifestations of the deity and masquerading can be scaring to
women if they preside over liturgical celebrations and festivals. Women can get
married thereby, abandoning the deity for their matrimonial homes. It could also
be frustrating to some women if they were forced to forfeit marriage so as to serve
as priests to the Okekparakpara since priesthood of the deity implies remaining
permanently in their fathers house. Similarly, the deity can never select a
stranger (married into Enugu-Agu Achi as a wife) to serve him as a priest since
she wife) could decide to divorce the husband anytime.

On the other hand, males are always available and can always stand up to certain
cultural and traditional challenges and pressures. Considering the above reasons
suggested by the respondents, male dominance of the priesthood of
Okekparakpara deity could be seen as a strategy or a security measure by the deity
to ensure a faithful and un-interrupted priestly service to her. Considered in this
wise, it may not so much seem very discriminatory against the women. On the


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other hand, the issue of the physiological menstruating activity by the womenfolk
may seem discriminatory. However, menstruation involves blood and could be
the reason why the deity abhors female priests as officiating persons or even as a
member of the liturgical assembly.

The liturgical assembly was constituted exclusively by males only. Sacrifices
were offered and liturgy is celebrated also by males except where some dances are
necesary. Even the cooking and preparation of sacrificed animals were done by
the males as can be seen in figure 8 below.









Figure 8: Picture showing a Male Cooking the Sacrificed Items.
The female only provide the tapioca (either Ighu or cassava) during
celebrations. They provide this item and also provide the fish needed for its
consumption. Sharing of items for consumption during celebrations was also done


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by males and the consumption of the items sacrificed to the deity or his
messengers is not very free or open to everybody. There are some of the
sacrificed animals the women can never take part in consuming; some are limited
to the priests alone while others are for general consumption.

Two areas women play significant roles in the worship of the deity are in the area
of sanitation and dances. The women help to cut the grasses and sweep the obu
(the village square) or compound of the deity but not the part of the shrine
secluded by the Egbo medicine wand. They are not allowed to sweep any of
the shrines of the messenger-spirits like the Agwu Oke, or Ojukwu or Ngwu. The
women also provide some form of entertainment during celebrations by presenting
some trado-cultural dances and songs. They can also take part in dancing the
Okoboro dance but not the Abia-Ike dance.

It is also considered an abomination for anybody (except the priests) to handle any
of the sacred emblems of the deity. If a woman does so and incidentally happens
to be in her menstrual cycle, the emblems become defiled and the woman stands to
receive severe punishment from the deity unless the deity is appeased and the
emblem made ritually clean again by some sacrifices. Though the emblem can be
replaced, but it must be rededicated or consecrated and appeasement sacrifice
offered to the deity.



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Administration of oaths can only be made by the priests but any of the male
members of the priesthood families or any other available male can be made to
carry Okekparakpara symbol to the place of oath taking.

5.2. Enugu-Agu Achi Culture and the Issue of Gender Involvement and
Responsibility
Enugu-Agu Achi people have an accepted totality and standard ways of life and
internalized belief system which is transmitted from generation to generation. The
culture of Enugu-Agu Achi embraces many areas of human life which includes
marriage, funeral, festivals, worship, farming, cults. Drawing from the work of
Mbiti (1990), it can be inferred that the culture of Enugu-Agu Achi people (their
material and non-material way of life) is embedded in their religion and
philosophy. Nwala (1985) argues that Igbo philosophy is the philosophy of
Omenala (tradition). Thus, in a typical Enugu -Agu Achi community, their life
pattern tends to be guided by Omenala. For instances, marriages are established
according to their Omenala. Funerals and traditional festivals are celebrated
according to their Omenala. When any of these elements or events is conducted
contrary to established tradition, their belief is that the ancestors and spirits of the
land become offended. They therefore, tend to insist that they live their life
according to the Omenala of Enugu-Agu Achi. They believe that when any of
the cultural elements is conducted either by the wrong person or by a contrary
procedure, the Ala (represented by the deities and ancestors) would unleash


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some punishments (that is, owabara onye ahu), against the perpetrator. Their
feeling or belief is that their deities and ancestors are the arbiters of their cultural
values and therefore help to preserve same. Consequently, when what they believe
to be taboos are committed, sacrifices are offered to these deities for appeasement
or cleansing of the land. This belief system of the people is very succinctly
captured by Nwala (1985) when he submitted that cultural elements of a people (in
one sense) can be discerned from the peoples religion, the peoples religion itself
is an intrinsic part of the peoples culture in a boarder sense. Their culture
therefore, seems to be very inseparably interwoven with their traditional religious
practices. They avoid certain acts so as not to offend their deities or ancestors or
commit taboos because it will not be in harmony with the wishes of their deities
and ancestors.

Most of the elements in their Omenala follow the line of patriarchy. In this
element the males are exalted or considered to be superior to their female
counterparts. In this sense women are regarded as Ori-aku (the controller of
Mans wealth or the eater). Hence, the only responsibility reserved for women in
Igbo tradition is house work, which includes child bearing, cooking and serving
the men (Nmah, 2003). In fact, this notion affected their socio-religious lives
greatly such that males participate more actively and are given much more
responsibilities than the females who were never allowed to execute or to take up
any major responsibility. In Enugu-Agu traditional worship of Okekparakpara


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deity, the role play of every member of the cult is very essential. Such roles like
pouring of libations, consecration, blessing and breaking of kola nut are well-spelt
out to avoid confusion and to affirm validity. In all these activities women are
excluded.

5.2.1 The Role of Kola Nut (Oji Igbo) in the Enugu-Agu Achi Traditional
Religious Worship
The kola nut is an important economic tree crop which together with the cocoa
plant belongs to the botanical family known as Sterculiaceae. It serves as a
stimulant and also has a high beverage value. The two main varieties are Kola
nitida (Oji Igbo) and Kola accuminata (Gworo). Each nut of Kola accuminata
variety usually produces a maximum of two lobes. Kola nitida usually produces a
maximum of four lobes per nut although some nuts produce more lobes. The
nitida variety has high cultural and traditional value in Igboland as a whole. It is
usually not broken without some form of ritualization. Hence the Igbo people
would say that Oji na-aga ije. This is because when it is offered to a group, it is
usually not broken until it is handed over to the correct person whose right it is to
break the nut.

Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it is centred on human beings (Iroegbu
2009). Igbo people usually say Ndu bu isi (Life first). It has been observed that
the overall conceptualization of the kolanutamong the Igbo is that it is life


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affirming principle. Hence, the first statement surrounding kolanutbreaking ritual
in Igboland is that Onye wetara Oji, wetara Ndu (He who brings kola brings
life). Kola nut presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing is significant in Igboland.
The ritual invocation will include Chukwu, Deities, Ancestors, the spirit-forces
and even the four native market days. The kola nut is life because he who brings it
brings life in the dual sense, that it signifies welcome and friendship and secondly,
that the prayer for good and long life which precede its breaking and eating would
be accepted by the ancestors and deities of the land who in turn would oblige the
prayers. To buttress the significance of the Igbo kola nut in the traditional religious
worship of Enugu-Agu Achi people, there is the popular saying that Eweta Oji
adoba Ala aka na nti.This means that the Earth goddess pays attention and listens
when kola nut is brought.

Kola nut is used in numerous ceremonies in Enugu-Agu Achi. It occupies the first
position in every ceremony. It is used in declaring an occasion open. Kola nut is
used to lodge complaints against a fellow citizen during disputes. It is used for
ritual purposes like covenant breaking and establishment, reconciliation and
others. It occupies a prime position in marriage and all traditional ceremonies. It
is regarded as a life sustainer, being a medium through which the Igbo people
commune with their God. For instance, during prayers, they would say that Onye
wetara oji, wetara ndu (He who brings kola nut brings life).



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In Enugu-Agu Achi, the kola nut commands serious respect especially in a
gathering with cultural connotation. Breaking of the nut observes seniority order.
Usually the eldest male adult has the right to bless and split the nut or he can
delegate power to any other male to do the same. The kola nut has a lot of
regulatory trappings that guide its relationship to man in Enugu-Agu Achi. Being
one of the most revered trees, women are culturally forbidden to climb the tree or
pluck the fruit. Most importantly, women are forbidden to bless or break the nut
before any male irrespective of the age of the women or male present. Acholonu
(2006) captures this trend when she observed that women in some Igbo culture,
may not climb the kola nut tree, pluck the pod, bless the nut or break the nut
during Igbo cultural gatherings.

In fact, the culture of Enugu-Agu Achi holds that any male (irrespective of his
age) is always senior to any female. When it comes to the ritual of kola-nut during
traditional gatherings, all the males would first take their shares before the women
would begin to take theirs. This could explain why the women can never break
the kola since kola is blessed and broken according to seniority. They hold that
every man is older than even his mother in his fathers land and would take a
portion of shared kola-nut in a gathering of the Umunna before even his mother.
The females can never preside over the gathering of Umunna. Neither can a
woman be allowed to address the male gathering, except only on invitation. In
Enugu-Agu Achi traditional religion, there cannot be any ritual ceremony without


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the kola nut and the pouring of libation or else the ceremony is incomplete. In fact,
the kola nut rituals and pouring of libations go together and usually mark the
commencement of ritual worship. In all socio-religious celebrations, there is no
close substitute to the Igbo kola nut which is usually blessed and broken by the
chief priest. This explains vividly why women are not allowed to officiate in any
public celebration of Okekparakpara deity since they cannot bless and break the
kola nut nor pour libation. Usually, in this ceremony, it is the spirit of all the male
ancestors of the priestly families that are invoked to be present and to participate
in the celebration which is always the celebration of the deities and the living. For
example:
* Nna anyi bia taa oji
* Nwafor udekwe taa oji
* Okoye-dike taa oji
* Chima, Ebube dike, taa oji
All would echo Isee o

5.2.2 Women and Priesthood of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi
The priest or priestess of any deity presides over the ritual celebrations of that
deity and generally ministers at the shrine. He mediates between the living and
the spirits as well as the ancestors. In most cultures, he is regarded to be well at
home with the traditional norms and cultures of the people and consequently, his
opinions on traditional religious matters count a lot.


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The priesthood of Okekparakpara deity is not open but rather is restricted to few
families in Enugu-Agu Achi. In fact, it can be seen as a cult whereby a small
group of people know the secrets and are involved in it. It is further
discriminatory in the sense that women are excluded from the service since the
existence of the deity. Under this circumstance, women are never allowed to
preside even in the non-essential aspect of her worship like sharing of sacrificed
food items. They participate in minor functions by implementing directives dished
out to them by the male chief priest. This trend can have its root in the
fundamental traditional attitude of Igbo people to women who they regard as
consumers of wealth (that is, Ori aku) and dependants on men (Uchem, 2005). No
deity in the whole of Achi land has female priestess.

The people argue that women cannot preside over such core trado-cultural matters
as the conduct of the liturgy of their deity (and consequently their traditional
religion) due to their peculiar circumstances as women. They reasoned that the
women do not have the fundamental orientation to preside over cultural issues.
They were not groomed and equipped for that. They always stayed with their
mothers in the kitchens and so, were not opportuned to attend traditional
gatherings or meetings of elders as their male siblings do. Another explanation of
the people is the position of women in marriage where they are regarded as
Nwanyi alum di or Nwanyi ije di. Under this condition, (if females are made
priests), the presiding female priest may have a divided loyalty to both:
i. her fathers land and culture; and


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ii. her husbands land and culture.

As a result, she may be tempted to adulterate the ethics and tenets of
Okekparakpara worship with that of her people. The Nwanyi ije di (meaning, a
woman about to marry) may also abscond and abandon both the marriage and the
deity. Okekparakpara deity cannot risk having such a priest who might
unwittingly not help preserve its ancient and traditional practices.

Moreover, just as very few women in Enugu-Agu Achi would feel very
comfortable to forfeit marriage and remain in her fathers house (as a priest to
Okekparakpara), still very few would like to sacrifice her domestic
responsibilities to her children and husband at the altar of the priesthood of any
deity for that matter. Okekparakpara prefers a priest that would be his absolutely.
In core traditional gathering of Enugu-Agu Achi people, women seldom give
orders especially if the husband is present. As a result, it would seem
unacceptable to the gods and forefathers for Nwanyi alum di in Enugu-Agu
Achi to preside over traditional religious worship like sacrifice to the
Okekparakpara deity or any other deity in Achi as a whole. One can observe in
their prayers that female ancestors are not even invited to share in the kola.

Most importantly, women can neither invoke the spirit of the forefathers (that is,
making libations using the kola nut) nor break the Igbo kola nut in any cultural
gathering of Enugu-Agu Achi people. Only male ancestors are invoked to share


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from the kola during libations. Presiding over liturgy involves making such
libations and incantations upon the spirits of the land using the Igbo kola nut.
When the living humans do not welcome libations made by women (with the Igbo
kola nut), it may not be guaranteed that the ancestors and the gods would accept
the libations either. Also in Enugu-Agu Achi, liturgical celebration devoid of
libations and incantations is of no effect.

One other major hindrance against women presiding over Okekparakpara
liturgical celebration is the issue of their menstrual cycle. During this period, a
woman might appear to be unclean to attend to the needs of the deity. Women do
not handle the Ofo Okekparakpara as well as the other sacred emblems of the
deity. Menses involves human blood. When the Ofo was being instituted by
the forefathers, a good number of Nso (taboo) were invoked or programmed
into it. Hence, a menstruating woman does not near the Okekparakpara shrine and
so, can never preside over the liturgical celebration of the deity. In fact, women
(in Enugu-Agu Achi) do not play any leading role in the traditional religious
worship of the people.

Some stages or occasions in the celebration of the liturgy of the deity involve
masquerading some of whom are dangerous while others are mild. In Igbo land,
women are non-initiates in the masquerade cult and therefore cannot be suitable to


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preside over a celebration in which they are traditionally and mutually excluded
from.

The officiating person in the liturgy of the deity must always be available at all
times to receive and offer sacrifices to the deity, otherwise, the deity would strike
him for obstructing a sacrifice. Women are not disposed to this kind of service.
They could be in the last three-months of their pregnancy (a difficult period for
pregnant women), or could be under a protracted labour or could be lactating. In
any of these, the woman would be unfit to attend to the deity and consequently
may incur the wrath of the deity..

5.2.3 Inheritance
This is a very important element in the culture of Enugu-Agu Achi people and can
be used to portray the inferior or subdued position of the female gender in the
culture of the people. It has been noted by Mbiti (1975) that culture is a way of life
and that people is what they eat, drink wear, think, do and believe. And so, the
culture of a people is an integral part of their heritage (Madu, 2004). In most
traditional Igbo societies, culture and religion are an inseparable mix. Therefore, in
a typical traditional society, like Enugu-Agu Achi, the right to partake in their
traditional religious worship and hence, liturgy of their deity like Okekparakpara
is embedded in the body of their heritage. Unfortunately, in a patriarchal Enugu-
Agu traditional society (before the advent of Christianity and writing of wills) the
peoples omenala confers the right of inheritance only on males. Every father


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can go to any extent to having a male issue so as to ensure the perpetuation of their
lineage identity, right and belief system. The females are regarded as temporary
sojourners in their fathers land and so are not seriously involved in major issues
and consequently are taken to have no right of inheritance over their fathers
material and non-material possessions. This explains why they are not even
counted as credible candidates for the priesthood of Okekparakpara deity. Their
involvement in matters of religion, worship and liturgy is secondary. The
Omenala has denied them certain right to preside over their traditional worship
and celebration of the liturgy of their deities.

The figure 11 below shows the different percentage responses by respondents on
the suitability and non-suitability of women for the priesthood of Okekparakpara
deity
10%
8%
10%
10%
11% 11%
9%
11%
9%
11%
It is against custom
Women cannot keep secret
Women cannot touch deity's ofo
Can defile our sacred things with their menses
All deities in Achi use male priests to preside
over liturgy
Theycan be married outside
Maybe available at all times
Priesthood may interfere with domestic
responsibilities
Inheritance
Women must not pray or break kolanut

Figure 9: Distribution of Respondents according to Unsuitability of Women to Officiate over
the Liturgy of Okekparakpara Deity.
Source: Field data 2010 (personal communication)


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5.3 The Priests of Okekparakpara Deity
The celebration of the socio-religious worship of Okekparakpara deity is usually,
officiated by the chief priest aided by his assistant. Some members of the
priesthood families who are present can be assigned to specific duties if need be.
Okekparakpara has always had two male priests serving at a time. One serves as
the chief while the other serves as the assistants. Though, they were not quite sure
while there had always been two priests at a time, but they suggested that it could
be an age long design by the deity to ensure that a vacuum never existed in the
event of death of any priest of the deity if it were to be only one serving priest at a
time. There had never been any female priest serving the deity. In fact, females do
not serve Okekparakpara on any capacity. The main shrine of the deity was
strictly forbidden to females unless the person wants to dedicate herself to the
deity. The prohibited areas for women are marked-out using the Egbo medicine
wand. The Egbo is made up of tender palm fronds (that is, Omu) woven around
each other in a tangle of herbs and climbing stems.

If a woman has an offering to sacrifice to the deity, she would usually come to do
so with either her male child or with any male available to her. Okekparakpara
priests are selected from two major families in Enugu-Agu Achi. These families
are;
Ndi be Eme (that is, the descendants of Eme) the senior:
Ndi be Joba (that is, the descendants of Joba)


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Only the male members of these families serve as priest to the deity or to his messenger-
spirits. For the past one century, the priest of the Okekparakpara deity included: Joba,
Igweokolo, Akpuemoo I, Ikenta, Ohanyabosi, Akpuemoo II and Ikedimma. The currently
serving priests are: - Mr. Akpuemoo II and Mr. Ikedimma.









Figure 10: Picture Showing the Two Servicing Priests of Okekparakpara Deity
From right to left: Edwin Akpuemoo II (chief priest) and Cyprain Ikedimma
(Assistant priest)

However, history has it that at one time did one Mr. Onyeha (from Eleshi family)
usurp the priesthood of Okekparakpara but did not last long and was met with
terrible disaster involving himself and his entire family. On this note, the
respondents are of the opinion that the choice of the priest of the deity is an
exclusive reserve of the deity and has nothing to do with humans except to
confirm the choice through divination. As it is, the choice has never gone beyond


164

the males and the priesthood families. Usually adult males can be chosen as well
as small boys. In the latest case, Akpuemoo II (though younger than Mr.
Ikedimma) was selected first by the deity. Mr. Ikedimma was a highly prosperous
man living in Aba when the deity chose him as priest. All efforts to reject the
service proved abortive and he was compelled to abandon the city and come home
to the service of the deity.

5.3.1 The Responsibilities and Importance of the Priests
As presented by Arinze (2008), the Igbo people are convinced that the priest is
their mediator with the spirits and ancestors and he is duly called before he takes
up office. Arinze (2008) also observed that sacrifices play a great part in the
religion of the traditional Igbo people, and it is really the essence of their worship
and the heart of their worship. The offerings for the sacrifices are usually received
and offered to the deity by the priest who sometimes may need to ascertain the
approval or refusal of the offering from the deity through divinations. At some
other times, the priest determines the amount and even the type of materials to be
used for the sacrifice. In most cases, the priest can even appeal to the deity to
accept certain insufficient offerings on compassionate ground or the priest can ask
you to bring another item to complement the offering. The priest can also ask one
to monetize the offerings for a sacrifice as a convenience to the person concerned.
After sacrifices, the priest determines what part of the animal is used for what


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sacrifice and which part should be cooked for general consumption. He then
shares the remaining to the members of the priesthood families.

In matters relating to culture, tradition and custom, the opinion of the priest is
usually sought for before final decision is taken. This is another important aspect
of mediation by priests between the people and the ancestors. In certain serious
cases, the people may ask the priest to consult the spirits of the gods and ancestors
before any action is taken. It is the duty of the priest to arrange and conduct
annual sacrifices in October to re-invigorate the deity and re-assure loyalty of the
adherents. Failure attracts the wrath of the deity against the priest.

The priest presides over all liturgical celebrations of the deity. He makes the
libation, invocations and incantations. He ensures that all details and aspects of
the liturgical celebrations are followed thoroughly and without mistakes. When
and where necessary, he arranges for divinations and is the only person who can
throw the yam dice (that is, Ibe ji) and gives decisive interpretation as to the
meaning of the outcome.

The priest presides over disputes reported at the shrine for settlement or
arbitration. He administers oath during controversies or in cases the deity is
required to determine the truth or owner of a property. When the case is
determined, only the priest can remove the deity from the site and offer the
necessary sacrifice. If the deity effects the death of any of the parties involved in


166

the oath-taking, it is the priest that makes the pronouncement (sequel to some
manifestations as proof) and also pronounces further what should or should not be
done before the deceased is interred. When abominations are committed, it is the
priest after consulting their deity that spells out what should be done to cleanse the
land and appease the gods.

When the community decrees against a certain practice (like abortion and murder)
and wants to enforce it more solemnly using the deity, it is the priest who carries a
particular emblem of the deity round the community and makes the
announcement. He declares (while carrying the emblem) the act as a taboo and
warns people about associating with the perpetrator.

The priest in consultation with the traditional rulers and some elders announces the
date of traditional festivals like Nnekeji (New Yam festival) and Afor Oha (New
Year celebration). In the case of the former festival, the priest must first offer the
new yam to the deity with some sacrifices some days before the people celebrate
it. He also performs some preparatory ceremonies at the shrine of the deity before
the festivals could be celebrated by the people.

To ensure that the main building and shrine of the deity are kept clean, it is the
function of the priest to announce days of work to the adherents and supervises the
work to ensure that the people do not step into the prohibited areas. He spells out
the rules and regulations of the deity to worshippers. For instance, during the


167

onset of this research work, he took his time to explain to us what should or should
not be done while in the shrine. Such dos and donts like photographing and use
of mobile phone within the inner circle of the shrine secluded by the Egbo
medicine wand.

5.3.2 The Liturgical Costume of Okekparakpara Priests and their Sitting
Position
The liturgy of Okekparakpara deity can be celebrated by the priests while in any
dressing. However, a typical dress code of Okekparakpara priests has the
following paraphernalia;
Red cloth;
Aka beads;
Red cap adorned with eagle feather;
Okwerike Ocha (that is, White Skirt); and
Utari ozo worn at both ankles and are usually two in number.

All these items are not worn by the priest at the same time. The priest can either
wear the red cloth with all the other materials or he can wear the Okwerike
Ocha with the other items. This dressing helps to identify the priest and make
him appear respectful. It further identifies him as belonging to the deity and as
such communicates a message of warning to everybody. In any of the two
dressing patterns (described above) the priest is no longer an ordinary human
being. He cannot indulge in certain act while in them.


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The red cloth is worn exclusively during Orie Nnekeji festival when the Ikoro
would be sounded and during any other special dedication or consecration
ceremonies.








Figure 11: Picture Showing the Chief Priest (Mr. Akpuemoo 11), Making
Sacrifices to the Deity Wearing his Red Clothes

It is also worn during oath-taking or juju placement ceremonies.
The sitting position of the priest during worship has no liturgical
significance.

The priest can offer sacrifices either squating, standing or seated. However,
during libations the priests usually stand on their feet. To be seated and offer
sacrifices, the priests usually sit on two separate special seats known as Ogodo.
No other person is entitled to sit on this seat except the priests. The Ogodo is
usually kept inside the shrine and is only brought out for use any time there is


169

sacrifice to be offered to the deity and the priests intend to be seated during the
exercise.















Figure 12: Picture ShowingTwo Priests Sitting on Ogodo which is their Main
Seat During Sacrifices.

This is another very important item the women try to avoid. Only the presiding
persons use them during sacrifices.

5.4 Impact of Gender Discrimination on the Social, Economic, Religious
and Political life of Enugu-Agu Achi Society
The impact of gender discrimination on the growth and development of Enugu -
Agu Achi community cannot be over-emphasized in view of its effects on the
social, economic, religious and political life of the people. It leads to denials.



170

In the first place, it creates unnecessary discrimination amongst the people giving
way to a feeling of superiority or inferiority complex. The impact is felt more in
marriages where one partner behaves and feels rather superior to the other. This
could constitute weak points in some marriage foundations and Uchem (2006)
gives credibility to this fact when she writes that Cultural subordination is
evident in obnoxious marriage and burial customs, denial of inheritance rights and
ritual prohibitions by which mens pre-eminence and women subordination were
and still are enforced and perpetuated (p. 23).

Discrimination therefore, destroys initiative and brings discouragement and a
feeling of frustration on people, especially, women who may have the necessary
substance and goodwill to deliver. It limits the quality of ideas used for
development purposes since it reduces the chances of injection of new and varied
ideas into a system. This can lead to the stagnation of development process in the
society.

The trend also limits the horizon for personal growth, development and
accomplishments since people are not availed of equal opportunities for growth.
Equal knowledge and experiences are not granted to people irrespective of their
sex. It therefore, makes the acquisition of certain skills restricted to a sect of
people. Spiritual and financial growths are hampered and people, specifically
women, may not be able to worship their deities to their desired height.


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Gender discrimination denies women the right to live and interact freely and
socially at all levels. In some cases, it denies them the right to participate and
contribute freely in determining their fate and destiny. They may not be allowed to
exercise their birth rights in some cases like in the issue of Igbo kola nut where
even a small boy of two years old takes precedence and pre-eminence even over
his mother.

The trend makes it impossible for women to be part of traditional arbitration
bodies to settle disputes. They cannot be members of native courts of the shrines
and therefore, may not be able to have their interests well-protected. In fact,
gender disparity can lead to both personal and societal impoverishment and
instability. However, the people are divided on their response about the impact of
gender discrimination on their life. The table below represents their responses.

Table 9: Responses on Impact of Discrimination
Responses
Males Females

Impact of discrimination
+ve -ve +ve -ve
Economic Impact
Political Impact
Religious Impact
Cultural Impact
Social Impact
Miscellaneous Impacts
Source: Field data 2010



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5.5 The Influence of Modernization and Globalization in the Worship of
Okekparakpara Deity.
The coming of Christianity into Igboland in 1842 was rightly perceived as a
civilizing mission. It meant the introduction into the relatively stable Igbo
traditional religious framework of an alternative view of the world, a rival
cosmology and a different way of understanding the place of Igbo people in
creation (Onwu, 2002). This encounter marked the beginning of the restoration of
the broken link and what has been the development implication of modernity.

The coming of Christianity to Achi was like a partial spiritual adumbration of the
pattern used by the great Fulani conqueror Usman Dan Fodio. The mission was
to conquer a people and impose a religion and a government. To the missionaries,
it was a case of light and darkness with Christianity being the light and traditional
religion being the darkness. To the traditional religious worshippers, it was not a
mere joke as some traditional religious worshippers resisted the new faith,
although, the new faith continued to win new converts.

Christianity came with Western education, improved knowledge, science and
technology thereby, breaking a number of traditional barriers and widening
peoples horizon and potentialities. Recently, with the advent of globalization, the
issue of gender in-equality has been a great quest of the modern era. There is a
great call for women emancipation in the faces of our male chauvinistic society.
The advent of Christianity into Enugu-Agu soil made the people recognize that the


173

issue of gender differentiation is not biological but instead it is a social, political,
economic, cultural and religious issue that can be handled amicably by each
society. It is not about denying differences and natural functions (Uchem, 2005).
So, based on this fact, many traditional religious worshippers have abandoned
their age-long tradition and belief to embrace Christianity.

Many young women who suppose to be making the socio-religious celebrations
more enriching have left for Christianity. Only very few are left to play their
meagre roles in its ritual worship. Thus, gender roles, according to Nnedum and
Ezeokana, (2008), are also undergoing dramatic changes, as young women seek
jobs outside the homes and even outside native country (p. 128). Women who are
seriously fighting for their right in the midst of a discriminatory world now found
solace in the Christian faith which gave them back-up and recognition as children
of God.

More so, with the rapid conversion to Christianity, the dances especially, the Ikpa
dance which is the oldest of the dances that beautifies the socio-religious
celebration of Okekparakpara deity is fast dying out and masquerades inclusive
since the youth of this era shows very little interest to them. Nnedum (2008)
confirmed this when he said that:
The size of rural Nigerian household is shrinking as young people migrate
to urban areas in search of work. Many urban families resemble their
counterparts in other subcultures in Nigeria. Consequently, young people


174

in Nigeria now develop a bicultural identity that is they grow-up now
with a global consciousness thus, belonging to a world wide society
and an awareness of events, practices style and information that are part
of the global culture. (p. 137).

There is not much respect left for the deity, such that some of his idols and
emblems have been sold out into foreign museums in exchange for
money.Though, notwithstanding these influences, Okekparakpara deity remains
strong and active among the people of Enugu-Agu Achi.

Thus, traditional religion has persisted as people continued to patronize the
traditional deities. This therefore, posits some questions like:
Why has the worship of traditional deities like Okekparakpara deity survived
inspite of the onslaughts of evangelization?
What is the impact of Christianity on certain liturgical indices and factors?
Has Christianity brought any significant change in its socio-religious
activities and celebration?
Addressing the later question, a number of indicators were presented to the
respondents and their percentage responses can be shown in the table below:









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Table 10: Impact of Christianity on the Socio-Religious Celebration of
Okekparakpara Deity
Responses
Change indicators No
Change
Slight
Change
Sig.
Change
Total
Change
All gender officiation 0 - - -
Gender participation 10 - -
Modified liturgical procedure - 10 - -
Patronage - - 40 -
Increased cost of sacrifice - - 40 -
Increased female participation - 10 - -
Incorporation of females into
the priesthood
0 - - -
Source: Field data 2010

What gender officiation was since the beginning of the deity remains the same.
Women had never been part of the priesthood but can participate slightly in certain
activities. What Western education and Christianity did was to significantly
reduce the level of patronage (20%) and participation during certain socio-
religious celebrations like participation in the Abia-ike dance. In fact, the role of
women during Okekparakpara ritual celebration has remained the same since the
time of our fore-fathers.

Several reasons were given by the respondents about why the worship of the deity
has survived till date:


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It is our First Encounter with Divinity. We were Born into it
One of such reasons is that traditional religion represents their first encounter with
divinity or Supernatural Being. Thus, worship of the deities existed before they
were born. The first religious precepts, principles and doctrines exposed to them
were those of traditional religion and they became part of their life and can not
easily be forgotten. Hence, religion is innate in the people of Enugu-Agu Achi
community (Mbiti, 1975).

It is Very Powerful and Cannot Easily and Safely be Abandoned
The people also believed that the deity is very influential and powerful and with
tentacles affecting several aspects and gamut of their life. A number of norms,
festivals and taboos are attached to his worship and somehow might affect one in
one way or the other. It is connected to such popular festival as Nnekeji (New Yam
festival) and so cannot easily be abandoned.

It Guarantees Fast Response to Appeals
Enugu-Agu Achi people believe that Okekparakpara guarantees fast response to
request, that once, you make any request to him and make the proper and correct
sacrifice, your request is granted without delay.

It is not Partial and so can be Used by Poor People to Source for Justice
The priests of the Okekparakpara deity run a traditional court for settlement of
disputes. Worshippers and non-worshippers report different cases or disputes at


177

the shrine for adjudication and settlement. At the commencement of any seating,
the two parties usually would swear for truth by the deity. Because of the respect
and fear the priests have for the deity, equal treatment is accorded to everybody
irrespective of ones position in the society justice must prevail.




















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CHAPTER SIX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
6.1 Summary
Mbiti (1969) observed that Africans are notoriously religious, and each people
have its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices. Religion is the
strongest element in a typical traditional background and exerts probably the
greatest influence upon the thinking and living of the people. In other words, it is
the determining principle of their life. Concerning the genesis of religion, Tylor
(1871) was of the view that religion may have arisen out of an intellectual
curiosity concerning mental status and other things not fully understood. Later
Nwanunobi (1992) moved the idea further by linking the belief in ghosts to the
belief in spirits. The Igbo traditional religion provides for the people a viable
system by which they seek to explain, to predict and control all space and time
events for the preservation of life.

The belief in the existence of various forms of invisible powers and influences is
entrenched in the Igbo traditional religion. In the opinion of the Enugu-Agu Achi
people, Okekparakpara is a deity because it commands a great number of
supernatural influences on them. By its nature, origin and modes of its socio-
religious activities, the people of Enugu-Agu Achi do not perceive its powers as
man-made. Rather they see it as a force superior to them and as the true
messenger of God. Okekparakpara deity was believed by most of the traditional


179

worshippers to have more religious impact on their lives. Though, it can manifest
itself in human forms either as a small boy or a very old man with walking stick
especially when it is out for a special assignment. It is most commonly associated
with thunder. This is one of the reasons why the worshippers fears and dread it so
much.

One of the ultimate values which a traditional Enugu-Agu person cherishes is to
live a good and worthy life here on earth, die and receive full and proper burial
rites and finally rejoin his ancestors who lived well. In order to attain this ultimate
goal of life, they devised elaborate systems of moral codes known as omenala
(tradition) to regulate the behaviour of the people, including their social,
economic, religious and political lives. They believed that the ancestors and deities
play a mediatory role in all aspects of their lives. In fact, they believed that
Okekparakpara deity to a great extent controls most aspects of their life, including
their omenala (tradition). Worship of the deity arose out of their quest to be in
good relationship with the Supernatural power. Hence, when they violate any of
the provisions of the omenala, they feel that the deity is offended and make
necessary efforts to appease it through the appropriate sacrifices. They worshipped
the deity both as a sign of acknowledgement of its supremacy and as a sign of
submission to its authority. Some people claim that their reason for worshipping
the deity is to appear pleasing and acceptable in the presence of the deity and so be


180

in a better position to be favoured by this deity whose benevolence is often times
great, especially in the areas of having a fruitful and successful farm produce or
successful business endeavours.

For several other reasons, Okekparakpara deity is worshipped through numerous
sacrifices, dances and festivals accorded to him by the people of Enugu-Agu
traditional community of believers. The sacrifices follow an established liturgical
pattern or system which has remained almost absolutely unchanged since the
existence of the deity.

The ritual worship of the deity is celebrated by all priests who were selected (by
the deity) from two main families (Ndibe Joba and Ndibe Eme), from Owuru clan
in Enugu-Agu Achi. The priesthood of Okekparakapra is unique in some ways.
The deity uses two priests at a time to conduct its liturgy. All the other deities in
Achi use only one priest at a time. The deity also has about twelve messenger-
spirits attached to it and served by the same priests. It does not permit the part of
the shrine secluded with an egbo medicine wand to be photographed or for one
to enter the shrine with a mobile phone.

Like all the other deities in Achi, the socio-religious activities of Okekparakpara
deity are strictly gender and family discriminatory. Women have never officiated
in the celebration of its sacrificial worship. There are very few events and


181

ceremonies when women are allowed to participate. The findings in the cause of
this research reveal the following socio-religious events in the worship of the deity
which are in themselve gender discriminatory. They are duties like priesthood,
handling of the sacred emblem, pouring of libation, offering of sacrifices to the
deity, sharing and consumption of the sacrificed items, consecration/dedication,
blessing and breaking of the kola nut and administration of oath.

The peoples worship of Okekparakpara deity is deeply rooted in their culture.
Exclusion of women therefore, in most of the worship ceremonies or activities are
deeply connected with their culture and their traditional regard for women, more
especially, as it concerns their attitude and belief towards kola nut, marriage,
masquerade dance, inheritance, gathering of Umunna meetings and other issues
based on customs and tradition. Hence, Enugu-Agu culture holds that women are
supposed to be obedient assistants or helpers to men and therefore should not
assume leadership positions in trado-cultural issues.

The present era of modernity and globalization has affected certain aspects of
worship of the deity. Of course, the study agreed with Ezekwuona (2005) that
culture is not static but instead it is dynamics. This includes the use of money to
complement incomplete materials used for sacrifice; increased number of secret
worshippers, reduced participation of people during festivals, some core liturgical


182

songs and dances disappearing due to the unavailability of people who know the
techniques.

Modernity has however, not affected major issues in its socio-religious norms. No
one enters the shrine wearing anything on her feet during any of the
Okekparakpara ritual celebrations. The priesthood has never gone beyond the
male members of the priesthood families. A ram or sheep has never been used for
sacrifice in the worship of the deity. Okekparakpara socio-religious celebration is
more elaborate and unique.

6.2 Conclusion
The dissertation concluded that the deity Okekparakpara is a strong spirit-force,
with much vibrance and dreaded by its adherents. It is dreaded and adored because
of its numerous physical manifestations; the presence of two substantive male
priests serving the deityat the same time and the twelve messenger-spirits attached
to its functions, thereby, making is liturgical celebration elaborate and unique.

Okekparakpara deity has positive and negative socio-economic and religious
influence on the lives of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi community. Positively, it
helps to maintain peace and harmony among its members especially through the
individual and communal oath-taking ceremony oftentimes administered by the
priests of the deity during the settlement of disputes. Moreso, it promotes unity
and solidarity ensuring a kind of symbiotic relationship among its adherents and


183

the entire Enugu-Agu Achi community. Negatively, the worship of
Okekparakpara deity encourages Osu caste system where some members are
excommunicated and ostracized from the rest of the cult. These people cannot
participate in any public gathering like every other person. Hence, in this way, the
deity denies some members their natural right to socialization and felicitation.

Also, due to its nature, women and majority of the families do not enjoy equal
freedom and opportunity for religious participation and officiating in the worship
of Okekparakpara deity. Officiation is exclusively reserved for the male priests
and not any male but from two particular families of Joba and Eme. Hence, this
attitude of discrimination impact more negatively on the overall growth and
development of the people. This is so since a set of valuable ideas, talents and
skills remain untapped from a sector of human race that may have more and better
services to render to the society.

This study found out that modernization cum globalization has affected greatly the
worship of Okekparakpara deity. Many of its young worshippers have been
converted to the new Christian faith, leaving only the elders to their traditional
faith. Young men who could perform some acrobatic dances and masquerade
dances during the festival and celebrations are no more interested. Many equally
have left their home land to the cities probably due to urbanization thus, deserting
the village which has been the center for all festivals and other socio-religious
ceremonial activities.


184

6.3 Recommendations
In recommendation therefore, a call is made for an urgent attention to address the
issue of gender discrimination in the socio-religious activities of Okekparakpara
in Enugu-Agu Achi. Consequently, the following recommendations were made:
1. Sensitization and re-orientation. The attention of the general public needs
to be drawn to the probable loss the society is suffering through
discriminations. This is because the belief and involvement in these
discriminatory ventures affect Enugu-Agu Achi at every sphere of existence
viz - economic, political, and socio-religious.
2. There is the need to incorporate the issue of cultural studies and Igbo
religious studies into the various levels of our educational system. A better
and well-informed knowledge of Igbo traditional culture and religion could
bring corrective measures and modification into the existing status-quo.
Cultural studies as well as religious studies could provide means of re-
discovering Gods original intention in J udeo-Christian religion and in
creating a human being in his own image and likeness where peace, love
and understanding reign.
3. Formation of socio-culturally based NonGovernmental Organizations
(NGO) to carry the issue of equality to the grass-roots, that is, to the interior
and remotest part of the Enugu-Agu Achi community where traditional
culture of socio-religious discrimination against the women folk are still on
the increase.


185

4. Fear is a formidable hindrance towards the achievement of any set
objective. Okekparakpara deity is greatly dreaded by the Enugu-Agu Achi
people due to its nature and vigour. There is therefore, the need to address
the issue of fear by building into the people the basics of self-confidence
through seminars, symposiums and organized lectures.

6.4 Suggestions for Further Research
The work made the following three principal recommendations for further
investigation:
1. How socio-religious norms can be modernized to eliminate the issue of
discrimination in the ritual phenomena of the Okekparakpara deity.
2. There should be an in-depth study on the impact of modernization and
globalization on Okekparakpara socio-religious influence on Enugu-Agu
Achi community
3. There should be a conceptual study on Enugu-Agu Achi traditional belief in
relation to the Christendom.














186

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APPENDIX
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR RESEARCH ON OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY
(ALUSI) AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE ON ENUGU-AGU
ACHI, ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA
My name is Ojiekwe Ephraim Chinedu. I am a native of Enugu-Agu Achi. I
am a Ph.D student of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. The purpose of this
questionnaire is to elicit responses for the reconstruction of the religious
significance and meaning of tradition Alusi (deity) Okekparakpara in Enugu-Agu
Achi sub-culture area.
The responses are solely for my Ph.D work, and I plead for your
cooperation. I promise that where personal opinions are needed they will be kept
confidential.
Date______________________________________________________________
Time______________________________________________________________
Local Government Area_____________________________________________
Cultural Area______________________________________________________
Community________________________________________________________







199

PERSONAL DATA OF THE RESPONDENT
1. Sex: Male ( ) Female ( )
2. Age (years):
(a) 20 years down ( )
(b) Between 21-40 years ( )
(c) Between 41-60 years ( )
(d) 61 years and above ( )
3. Marital Status:
(a) Single ( )
(b) Married ( )
(c) Divorced ( )
(d) Widowed ( )
(e) Separated ( )

4. Educational Status:
(a) No formal education ( )
(b) Primary education ( )
(c) Secondary education ( )
(d) Post secondary education ( )
(e) Others specify ...





200

5. Occupation:
(a) Farming ( )
(b) Trading ( )
(c) Civil/Public service ( )
(d) Artisans ( )
(e) Others specify ..

NAME AND ORIGIN OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY
NAME(S)
6. In many communities in Igbo land the general name for tradition deities is
Alusi or Arisi or Elishi. What name(s) are they called in Enugu-Agu Achi
sub-culture area?
(a) Alusi ...
(b) Arisi ...
(c) Elishi .
(d) Nmma ....
(e) All of the above .....
(f) Any other specify ...

7. Can you throw more light on the meaning of that name in Enugu-Agu
Achi?

....
..


201

8. What is the meaning of the name Okekparakpara?
...



ORIGIN/NATURE
9. Can you recollect the origin of Okekparakpara deity (Alusi or Arisi or
Elishi) in Enugu-Agu Achi?


10. Is there any story or are there stories connected with this
origin..
...
11. What are the physical signs and manifestations of Okekparapkara
deity?................................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
12a. What images or symbols are used by the priests in the liturgical worship of
Okekparakpara deity? ..
....







202

12b. Which of the following do you suggest could form the origin of deities?
S/NO ORIGIN OF THE DEITIES YES NO
1 Deities are descended from God
2. Deities are man-made
3. Are domesticated spirit-beings
4. Are angles of God
5. Agents of Stan or Devil


TYPOLOGY (TYPES)
13. Grade the Okekparakpara deity according to the following criteria or rules:
(a) It is highly dreaded by the people because of its power(s).
Yes ( ) or No ( ).
(b) Grade according to gender. Is it male or female?
Male ( ) Female ( )
(c) Are there other deities within the same locality (i.e. Enugu-Agu) and
if so what are their relationships with the Okekparakpara deity?

..






203

CONSECRATION OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY

14. Have you ever witnessed to the dedication or consecration of either the
shrine or sacred emblems or images of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu
Achi?
(a) Yes ( ) or No ( ).

15. If yes
(a) List the items used for the consecration.
(i) .
(ii) .
(iii) ....
(iv)
(b) Recount the prayer of consecration or dedication.
.................................................................................................................
.
(c) Who normally officiates at such a ceremony?
..
(d) Any other processes in the ceremony?
.
...


204

16. Indicate the degree of gender involvement in each of the following

.
17. what are the types of sacrifices offered to Okekparakpara
deity?................................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
18. List the items used for the consecration/sacrifices



PRIEST AND PRIESTESS OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY (ALUSI)
SHRINE

19. Has an Okekparakpara deity generally male priest or female priestess or
mixed?
a. Male priest ......
b. Female priestess....
c. Mixed ..
20. Suggest reasons for either male or female dominance of priesthood of
Okekparakpara shrine in Enugu-Agu Achi.
..
..


205

FUNCTIONS AND TABOOS OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY
21. What are the functions of Okekparakpara deity (Alusi) in Enugu-Agu Achi.
a.
b.
c.
d. ..
22. Are Enugu-Agu Achi traditional Igbo taboos (Nso Ala) associated with
Okekpararkpara deity?
Yes ( ) or No ( ).
23. Itemize the functions of deities in Enugu-Agu Achi under the following:
Name
of
Deity
Sex Place of
shrine
Name of
Priest or
Priestess
(M or F)
Functions
of Deity
Taboos
of
Deity
Days of
worship
Principal
Festival
Time of
Festival






24. Describe a typical festival of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi
under the following headings:



206

(a) Preparation for the celebration of the festival.

...
...
(b) Activities on the day(s) of celebration.
.
.

(c) End of celebration.
.

(d) Benefits of this celebration.
....
..

GENERAL
25. Are Priests/ Priestesses of Alusi (traditional deities) in Achi of equal rank
or is there hierarchy in the Priesthood?
..
...


207

26 What are the social positions of priests/ priestesses of Alusi (Deities) in
Achi?
.....
27. In the light of modern changes (globalization) in Igbo land do you think
that the Igbo of today (especially looking at it from the perspective of
Enugu-Agu Achi) will continue to worship traditional Igbo deities (Alusi).

28. What is your general analysis of the word Alusi or Arisi or elishi or Nmma
in your area?

29. Is there any change(s) in the status/place of the deities and their
priests/priestesses over time in Enugu-Agu community?

30. Have you a word of advice for the three religions in Nigeria (Christianity,
Islam and African traditional religion) especially for their followers?