XXCE

FRIDAY 26 JULY 2013 VOL. XXXII NO. 20

T
14
T
he ghost of the late Suresh Tendulkar, the
economist who headed a panel of experts
that in 2009 recommended a methodology
to measure the poverty line in India, must be
twitching. On July 23, the Planning Commission
said that the number of people living below the
povertyline at the endof 2012 haddeclinednearly
22 per cent since 2005 to 269.3 millionfrom407.1
millionpeople. Predictably, while the government
took credit for the development, critics said that
the decline was overstated and the methodology
was suspect. Several experts questioned the gov-
ernments definitionof poverty, whichis basedon
consumption levels; per capita spending of Rs 27
in rural areas and Rs 33 in urban areas were
deemed as living inpoverty.
To many, that is too low a number, especially
given persistently high inflation (particularly in
food prices) and rising commodity prices; the big
concern here is that by setting the poverty line so
low, fewer people would qualify for the govern-
ments food subsidy programmes. There is a lot at
stake in the accuracy of the poverty numbers;
while the Congress-led government is touting the
reductioninpoverty as a result of its policies, Op-
position parties attack their credibility, and ex-
pectedly so, with national elections barely a year
away. Which begs the question: do the Planning
Commissions estimates stand up to economic
scrutiny, comparedto estimates byother agencies
such as the World Bank or the United Nations De-
velopment Programme?
TheWorldBanks povertylineis $1.25 adayper
capita; estimated in purchasing power parity
terms, that translates intoRs 27.50, or half arupee
above the Planning Commissions figure. But for
middle-income countries the World Bank de-
fines Indiaas ablend economy, betweenpoor and
middle-income the WorldBanks povertyline is
$2 a day, or Rs 44; by that yardstick, the number of
people living belowthe poverty line could well be
over 300 million. In2010, the UNDPestimated that
nearly 30 per cent of all Indians live below the
poverty line; others like the Oxford Poverty and
Human Development Initiative found that eight
Indian states had more people than the combined
population of 26 African countries, which make
up about 410 million people. An April 2013 World
Bank report, The State of the Poor: Where are
the Poor and Where are They Poorest? underli-
nes another troubling statistic: India nowaccoun-
ts for one third of the worlds poor, when 30 years
ago, it accounted for a fifth. So where the poverty
line is drawn for India depends on whomyou ask.
Many experts also acknowledge that the poor are
definitely consuming more; Arvind Panagariya,
professor of economics at Columbia University,
believes that Indias poverty line is reasonable.
The trouble is reconciling the views of so many
respected expert opinions; in measuring poverty,
the number is more thanjust a number.
SCRIPSI
That is what learning is. You suddenly under-
stand something youve understood all your life,
but ina newway. DORISLESSING
T
he stock response of the
Bharatiya Janata Party
to the argument that
Godhra makes Naren-
dra Modi politically un-
touchable is What about 1984?
There are several inadequate come-
backs to that question and the best
of them is that no one should use
one pogrom to justify another. I
once heard this used to good effect
by the columnist, Aakar Patel, in a
television discussion. This answer
has the virtue of not being party-po-
litical nor attempting in some
grotesque way to demonstrate that
the pogrom permitted and encour-
aged by the Congress government
in Delhi in 1984 was morally less
horrible than the pogrom that
occurred on the BJPs watch in
Gujarat in2002.
The problemwith this response,
though, is that it doesnt answer the
questions that flyinclose formation
behind the What about 1984?
question, namely, Why is the BJP
worse than the Congress? and, re-
latedly, Why is Narendra Modi any
worse than Rajiv Gandhi? special-
ly given the latters infamous com-
ment, When a big tree falls, the
earthshakes, whichseemed, retro-
spectively, to rationalize the system-
atic killing of Sikhs in the days that
followed Indira Gandhis assassina-
tion.
These are important questions
regardless of who asks them. The
fact that they are often asked by
Narendra Modis unlovely support-
ers isnt agoodreasonfor not taking
themseriously.
It has been nearly thirty years
since the earth shook, and for those
who didnt live through the horror
of those days as reasoning adults, it
is worthrehearsing the hideous sig-
nificance of 1984 in the history of
the republic.
T
here hadbeencommunal vio-
lence right through the early
history of the republic with
mostly Muslims at the receiving
end. The complicity of the lower
echelons of the state apparatus in
this violence Uttar Pradeshs
Provincial Armed Constabulary
was notorious for its institutional-
ized animus against Muslims
was widely recognized. But the
scale on which Sikhs were killed,
the participation of Congressmen
at everylevel, the total complicityof
the police and the fact that the
butchery happened in the countrys
capital, in Delhi, made 1984 a water-
shed inthe history of the republic.
In a previous column, I wrote
about Modi doubling down on the
Gujarat killings by refusing any ex-
pression of regret or responsibility
and also by continuing to sponsor
individuals like Maya Kodnani who
had taken an active part in the vio-
lence. In this context, we should re-
member the way in which Rajiv
Gandhis Congress exploited the
Delhi pogrom by running a fear-
mongering election campaign that
suggested that 1984 was a feature
not a bug.
I remember a Congress adver-
tisement that unsubtly suggested
that Indians ought to vote for the
party of firm governance if their
taxi-drivers made them nervous,
this, remember, at a time when
Sikhs drove taxis in large numbers
in Indian cities. I remember the
Congresss election doggerel: Chu-
nauti nayi, ek sandesh,/ Mazboot
hai haath, akhand hai desh. This,
roughly translated, encouraged vot-
ers to vote for the Hand (the Con-
gresss election symbol) if they
wanted a government capable of
preserving Indias unity. The use of
the word, akhand, to indicate the
unity and integrity of the nation
was significant: the Congress, un-
precedentedly, was using a word
from the sangh parivars playbook,
stealing the idea of a majoritarian
akhand Bharat.
Similarly, the reluctance of the
Congress to purge itself of mem-
bers accused of participating in the
1984 pogrom, its willingness to field
them as parliamentary candidates
and to appoint them to ministerial
office, doesnt add up to a record
that can be virtuously contrasted
withtheBJPs andNarendraModis
brazenness after Godhra.
1984 had two major conse-
quences. First, it radically under-
minedthe Congresss claimtobeing
a secular party that respected the
political tradition of pluralism pio-
neered by its colonial avatar and
consolidated by Nehru in the early
years of the republic. The willing-
ness of the Congress under Indira
Gandhi to use sectarian issues for
political ends had been evident be-
fore 1984 but the partys willingness
to sell its pluralist soul for immedi-
ate political advantage was most
vividly illustrated in the days and
months after her death. The Con-
gress, after 1984, stood out more and
more clearlyas a partythat couldnt
even be accused of not having the
courage of its convictions because
it didnt have any convictions at all.
Pluralism and its traditional oppo-
sition to majoritarianism became
labels that the Congress used for
brand management in particular
political contexts, not as principles
that shaped its political agenda.
The second consequence of 1984
was that Indira Gandhis assassina-
tionsealedthe Congresss long tran-
sition to dynastic rule in blood. The
rhetoric of martyrdomthat debases
the political utterances of the Con-
gress faithful dates back to that
time. Frombeingagreat pan-Indian
party that made a subcontinent
cohere into a republic, the Congress
after 1984 regressed into a de-
natured dynastic rump.
Let us return to our question,
namely, What makes Modi and the
BJP worse than the Congress and
its dynasts, given the horror of
1984? The answer is simple and
unedifying. The Congress, bya kind
of historical default, is a pluralist
party that is opportunistically com-
munal while the BJP is an ideologi-
cally communal (or majoritarian)
party that is opportunistically sec-
ular. The difference between the
Congress and the BJP doesnt lie
mainly inthe willingness of the for-
mer to express contrition about
pogroms it helped organize; it is,
perhaps, best illustrated by the fact
that twenty years after the 1984
pogrom, the Congress assumed
office with a Sikh at the helm who
served as prime minister for two
terms.
T
ry to imagine a BJP govern-
ment headed by a Muslimten
years from now. It doesnt
work even as a thought experiment.
And the reason it doesnt work is
that the BJPs ideology is essential-
ly the encrustation of prejudice
around an inconvenient and irre-
ducible fact: the substantial and un-
deferential presence of minority
communities in the republic, spe-
cially Muslims who, for the sangh
parivar, are the unfinished busi-
ness of Partition. The idea that the
BJP might appoint a Muslim head
of government (as opposed to, say,
the nomination of President Kalam
to titular office) is unthinkable.
It doesnt follow from this that
ManmohanSinghs prime minister-
shipis asignof theCongresss polit-
ical virtue; it isnt. It is, if anything,
a symptomof the dynastic dysfunc-
tion that has diminished the Con-
gress. But the reasonhis prime min-
istership is possible is that the Con-
gress isnt ideologically committed
to anti-Sikh bigotry (despite 1984)
in the way that the BJP is commit-
ted to Hindu supremacy and the
subordination of Muslims. Thats
why Narendra Modi so excites the
sangh parivars rank and file: the
Gujarat Model is the BJPs test run
for India, and it isnt the economics
of it that sets the pulses of its cadres
racing.
So the reason the dynastic
Congress isnt as dangerous as
Modis BJP is dispiriting but
straightforward: while the Con-
gress is capable of communalism, it
isnt constituted by bigotry. With
Modi, even when hes talking eco-
nomics and good governance, we
get the burqa of secularism and
Muslims as road kill. Its not his
fault; from the time that Golwalkar
sketched out his vision of an India
where religious minorities were
docile helots, bigotry has been
Hindutvas calling card.
Pogroms and political virtue
What about 1984?
MUKULKESAVAN
While the
Congress is capable
of communalism, it
isnt constitutedby
bigotry

mukulkesavan@hotmail.com
NOTHING
NEW
TOADD
MALVIKASINGH
BONA FIDE
A
s Narendra Modi takes
complete charge of his
party and himself, plan-
ning, grabbing eyeballs regard-
less of all the faint cries of
protest fromsome of his collea-
gues and louder chants from
those who are not onthe same
page as he is, some over-excited
and enthusiastic television
channels have beganto alloca-
te himmany hours onprime
time, followed, needless to say,
by endless repeats specula-
tions onfuture poll outcomes
based oncommissioned surv-
eys. It is always amusing to see
the reactionand body language
of the anchor and his panel
whenthe Congress gets a leg
up. The disbelief writ large on
their faces shows the inherent
biases that give the game away,
only to emphasize that discus-
sionand debate have become
predictable and obvious.
The same faces are invited
againand again. They voice
their well-knownstances and
positions, adding nothing new,
different or provocative. It is as
if India has only two dozen
thinking people and intellectu-
als, frozenintheir tracks and
intime. They hop fromone
channel to the other, saying the
same thing, reacting inthe
same way, wearing the same
clothes, smirking inthe same
manner, killing viewer inter-
est. Televisioncould have been
a platformfor intelligent, com-
bative debate among active
minds, people who read, think,
and communicate. The sense-
less interruptions by anchors
whenever some viewis stated
that goes against the anchors
personal proclivity, jar and
compel channel-surfing.
Indiantelevisionneeds to
growup and mature. BBC,
CNN, Al Jazeera, NDTVProfit
are a fewthat are a class apart
whencompared to the other In-
dian24-hour news channels in
the Englishlanguage. I wonder
what will happento the high-
pitched, loud and grand decla-
mations of the Englishspeak-
ing national anchors if and
whenthe recent call, made by
some inthe Bharatiya Janata
Party, to discard English,
kicks in.
Badmeal
Will they retire or will they
lobby for Rajya Sabha nom-
inations? Viewers long to learn
something they do not knowal-
ready. They want to be empow-
ered withnewideas. They
want to feel included inthe
larger game as real stakehold-
ers. It is unfortunate that inre-
cent years, withtechnology
reaching newheights, enabling
accessibility for more and
more people to a muchlarger
pool of information, we in
India have not beenable to cap-
italize onthis enormous re-
source for the betterment of
the people.
We could have enlarged the
lens and triggered the latent in-
tellect of millions of anony-
mous individuals, to absorb
and share inthe best from
other nations and civilizations.
Today, technology, and televi-
sioninparticular, allows for
the extraordinary possibility
of inclusionof more and more
people, childrenand adults, in
the quest for knowledge,
growth, conservationof skills
and material heritage, and in
crossing boundaries of the
mind, body and soul that were
once forbidden.
The glib and superficial
posturing ontelevisionthat we
have to swallow24x7 because of
no alternative source of enter-
tainment and informationhas
compelled the minds of cap-
tive viewers to become obese
and non-critical of what is
being doled out muchlike a
badly cooked midday meal.
Mediocrity, and often, moronic
behaviour, are celebrated on
the small screen. Aconde-
scending attitude towards the
viewer has forced us to eat
badly cooked fare, put together
withinferior ingredients, with
too muchchilli powder, and
withno concernfor a balanced
diet. It has led to unidentified
viral diseases and deteriorat-
ing mental health. Inthis excit-
ing technological and informa-
tionage, the creative minds of
millions of Indians have been
denied sustenance, forcing the
largest pool of humanresource
to wallowinfrustration.
POORFIGURES
TRAVELPLANS
L
ike the declarationof the northernprovin-
cial council elections some days ago, the
Sri Lanka governments latest announce-
ment to reduce troops in the northern civil war
zone is bound to create positive vibes in favour of
the Mahinda Rajapaksa government. Given the
amount of criticismthat has come its way recent-
ly, the government could not but be looking for-
ward to some good publicity. This will help it to
create the right atmosphere before the country
hosts the meeting of Commonwealth heads of
government inNovember. Yet, no matter howwel-
come the decisions regarding the northern prov-
ince are, the Damocles sword over the 13th amen-
dment has been left hanging. The Rajapaksa
government has made no bones about wanting to
do away with this cornerstone piece of legisla-
tion, whichgrants adegree of economic andpolit-
ical autonomy to the Tamil-dominated provinces.
The government sees the amendment as a threat
tothe unitarystructure of the countryandhas re-
fused to buckle under pressure from India. Ever
since Indias vote against Sri Lanka last year in
the United Nations human rights council, Sri La-
nka has been intent on avenging its humiliation
bytreading onIndias toes. It has foundthe target-
ingof the 13thamendment the best waytodothat.
Scrapping the amendment may bring immedi-
ate gratification to the Rajapaksa government
and even go a long way in boosting its image
among the majoritarian population. But it might
damage Sri Lankas chances of peace in the long
run. Bydenyingtheneedtogiveanyconcessionto
a minority population that has been discriminat-
ed against, and thereby the need for reconcilia-
tion, Sri Lanka is trying to obfuscate the truth.
This tendency, which is already affecting the Sin-
hala majority populations interface with other
minorities such as the Muslims, could set the
country backona road it has travelled.
Sir Inthe past fewyears, more
and more scams have come to light
inthe country, and corruptionhas
penetrated every sphere of govern-
ance (Thieving galore, July 22).
India ranked 94thinthe Transpa-
rency Internationals Corruption
PerceptionIndex in2012. Graft and
bribery inthe public distribution
systemhas takena heavy toll onthe
welfare of the commonpeople and
is severely hurting the economy.
The United Progressive Alliance
government recently issued anor-
dinance onfood security. However,
it only seems bent onsecuring its
vote-bank, giventhe manner in
whichit disregarded the Opposit-
ions suggestions for amendments.
The government should not have
passed the important ordinance in
sucha hurry, and without extensive
debates inParliament. It is interes-
ting that the UPAchose to pass the
ordinance at a time whenthe gene-
ral elections are less thana year
away.
Food grains rot ingodowns
across the country while large sec-
tions of the countrys populationgo
hungry. Several members of the
ruling dispensationas well as other
political parties are facing charges
of corruption. But political satraps
have a history of ensuring that the
various agencies, suchas the Cent-
ral Bureauof Investigation, toe the
governments line. The campaign
for a strong lokpal, that could have
landed some members of the gov-
ernment introuble, was quelled.
The menace of blackmoney is
also rampant according to the fi-
nancial thinktank, Global Finan-
cial Integrity, Rs 25 lakhcrore have
beenillegally stashed away abroad
by Indians inforeignbanks. The In-
diangovernment was reportedly
givena list of names of 700 Indians
who were said to have siphoned off
blackmoney to store inSwiss bank
accounts. The government has not
made any serious enquiries into
this. S.L. Rao has correctly pointed
out that politicians at every level
and many senior officials joinin
this loot of the exchequer. These
funds could have beenused to fund
social welfare programmes. Politi-
cal paralysis has gripped India and
inflationis debilitating the econo-
my. Withthe elections due to take
place next year one canonly hope
for change.
Yours faithfully,
Kanishka Pathak, Dhanbad
Sir Ethical standards ingover-
nance are oftenseverely compro-
mised owing to corrupt public ser-
vants and officials. It is the comm-
onpeople who always have to bear
the brunt, as was seeninthe Saran
district of Bihar, where 23 children
lost their lives after eating a con-
taminated mid-day meal. Although
a fewbig scams are unearthed by
the media, there are several others
that do not surface at all. Most of
the cases of graft whichtake place
inpublic works departments
suchas during the constructionof
roads and dams go unnoticed.
The Central as well as the state gov-
ernments must see to it that such
ventures and activities are careful-
ly audited to root out suchcorrupt
practices.
Yours faithfully,
Alok Ganguly, Calcutta
Sir Inthe article, Thieving ga-
lore, S.L. Rao has explained how
corruptionhas entered all spheres
of public life inIndia defence,
law, governance, health, sports and
so on. It is well knownthat inpres-
ent times, evenjobs inthe public or
private sectors canbe easily secur-
ed by offering bribes. Rao has aptly
said that, the poor pay the bribe;
the richpay a tip.
Inorder to put anend to such
unlawful activities, electoral and ju-
dicial reforms must be strictly im-
plemented. However, this may re-
maina pipe-dreamsince the people
offering bribes and those taking
themare hand inglove withone an-
other. Afirmresolve to not indulge
indishonest practices is required
onthe part of the government and
the ordinary people inorder to curb
this menace.
Yours faithfully,
Govinda Bakshi, Calcutta
Crime andpunishment
Sir The editorial, Long wait
(July 18), says that [i]t is never too
late to seekjustice. The recent
events inBangladeshhave proved
this to be true. The former leader of
the Jamaat-e-Islami, Ghulam
Azam, and some of his party associ-
ates were found guilty by the Inter-
national Crimes Tribunal inDhaka
of planning and executing heinous
crimes during the liberationwar of
1971. Records suggest that around
three millionpeople were killed in
these war crimes 42 years ago; the
judges at Azams trial said this cou-
ld easily be called the worst geno-
cide since World War II. Azamhas
beensentenced to 90 years inpris-
on. He was spared the deathsent-
ence owing to his advanced age. He
had managed to escape to Pakistan
before the end of the war; he re-
turned to Bangladeshin1978.
The Bangladeshi government,
led by the prime minister, Sheikh
Hasina Wajed, had made the trials a
part of its manifesto during the
parliamentary elections in2008.
However, it is no secret that Jamaat
agitators, responsible for creating
disturbances inBangladesh, are
strongly backed by the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party. Wajed must be
prepared to face a great deal of op-
positionand evena possible defeat
inthe next general elections in
Bangladesh. However, she has not
beendeterred frombringing the
criminals to book. One only hopes
that Bangladeshis able to deal with
the ghosts of its troubled past to en-
sure peace and prosperity for its
people.
Yours faithfully,
Dipak Banerjee, Calcutta
Letters to the editor should be sent to:
TheTelegraph
6 Prafulla Sarkar Street, Calcutta 700001
email: ttedit@abpmail.com
Northeast: Third Floor, Jupitara Place,
Bhangagarh, G.S. Road,
Guwahati 781005
Jorhat: Janambhumi Press Pvt Ltd,
T.N. Sarma Path, Jorhat - 785001
Jharkhand: Shantiniketan Building,
Second Floor, Main Road, Bistupur,
Jamshedpur: 831001; or, C/o Union Club
&Library, Hazaribagh Road,
Ranchi - 834001
Bihar: TheTelegraph, 1st Floor,
Ojas Mansion,
Near Akashvani, Fraser Road,
Patna - 800001
Orissa:185 Janpath, Second Floor,
Bhubaneswar- 751001
All letters (including email) should have
the senders name and postal address
Rottencore
GhulamAzam: grislycrimes
LETTERS