Disputed Territories

Gareth Griffiths
Published by Hong Kong University Press, HKU
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The ar t of country :
Aesthetics, place, and Aboriginal identit y
in north-west Australi a
Valda Biundell
I
n th e lat e 1930s , th e anthropologis t Andrea s Lomme l worke d
among Aborigina l peopl e i n th e Kimberle y regio n o f norther n
Australia, wher e h e recorde d belief s an d practice s associate d wit h
the area' s spectacula r roc k art . Hi s informant s tol d hi m tha t thei r
ancestors, th e Wandjina, ha d travelle d acros s th e eart h durin g th e
primeval perio d the y calle d Lalai, creatin g rivers , mountain s an d
other features of the landscape, before leaving their 'imprints' at rock
shelters in this ruggedly picturesque area of Australia (Lommel 1997
[1952]J.
1
Lommel's informant s als o described the ceremonies wher e
men 'repainted' the Wandjina s o that the rains would come and the
world woul d b e renewed . I n way s tha t anticipat e th e aestheti c
anthropology o f Cliffor d Geertz , Lommel' s account shows how th e
artistic practice s o f hi s informant s wer e centra l t o th e wa y the y
transformed spac e into place and located themselves within a sacred
cultural landscape. I mportantly, Lommel' s account gives us a sense
of how his informants perceive d and experienced the natural world.
This chapte r explore s th e rol e of ar t i n constructin g a cultura l
landscape an d inter-connecte d conception s o f identity , and , mor e
Valda Biundell , Departmen t o f Sociolog y an d Anthropology , Carleto n University ,
Ottawa, Canada.
156 Valda Biundell
specifically, i t considers how art is implicated in the way that peopl e
experience the natural world. My focus i s the visual representatio n
of th e Wandjina b y Woror a an d relate d Aborigina l peopl e who ar e
now base d i n th e communit y o f Mowanju m nea r Derby , Wester n
Australia (se e Fig . 6.1).
2
As I wil l elaborate , thes e ar e peopl e wh o
had thei r firs t sustaine d contact s wit h Whit e peopl e i n th e earl y
1900s, an d wer e relocate d outsid e thei r ancestra l homelan d t o
Mowanjum i n th e mid-1950s .
Fig. 6. 1 Ma p showin g locatio n o f Kimberle y are a o f north-wes t Australi a
and the homelan d o f th e Worora, Ngarinyi n an d Wunambal .
Methodologically, th e chapte r approache s ar t forms a s 'texts' ,
which encode meanings that come to be subjectively hel d as part of
an individual' s consciousness . However , thi s 'textua l approach ' i s
grounded b y a n analysi s tha t incorporate s relevan t historica l an d
The art of country 157
ethnographic materials , includin g thos e derive d fro m m y curren t
research i n the Kimberle y an d my fieldwor k ther e i n the 1970s . Tha t
is t o say, as well a s foregrounding th e rol e of ar t i n constituting thes e
people's perceptions o f the land, I also conside r th e contingen t natur e
of art , including the argument tha t aestheti c practice s inevitabl y bea r
the imprin t o f thei r times . A s w e shal l see , t h e practice s involve d
in depictin g th e Wandjina hav e change d significantl y ove r th e pas t
century wi t hi n colonia l an d post-colonia l contexts . Currently , fo r
example, Woror a a t Mowanjum ar e depicting th e Wandjina o n pape r
and canva s fo r t h e growi n g numbe r o f t our i st s wh o vi si t t h e
Kimberley a s wel l a s fo r th e globa l marke t fo r I ndigenou s ar t (e.g .
Fig. 6.2) .
Fig. 6. 2 Th e Wandjina know n a s Yadara, painted b y Donn y Woolagoodj a
in 1999 . Reproduce d b y permissio n o f Donn y Woolagoodja .
158 Valda Biundell
The chapte r i s organise d i n t w o mai n sections . I n t h e firs t
section, I conside r ho w belief s an d practice s associate d wi t h th e
Wandjina roc k ar t hav e engendere d a view o f th e natura l worl d tha t
locates Aborigina l identitie s wi t hi n a distinct cultura l landscape . I n
the secon d section , I consider ho w th e historica l event s o f th e pas t
century hav e brough t abou t transformation s i n th e wa y th e Woror a
and relate d group s produc e art . A key issue addresse d i n thi s sectio n
concerns ho w th e recen t commoditisatio n o f th e Wandjina image s
for touris m i s affectin g thes e people' s curren t relationship s t o land .
The Wandjina rock art
The aestheti c practice s o f th e Kimberley' s Aborigina l people s hav e
been o f interes t t o anthropologist s sinc e th e pioneerin g studie s o f
A. P . Elki n (1930 , 1932) . Elki n wa s on e o f th e firs t t o writ e abou t
the area' s distinctiv e Wandjina paintings , whic h ar e foun d i n cave s
and roc k shel t er s i n t h e cent ra l an d nort h-west er n are a o f t h e
Kimberley. Characterise d b y thei r horseshoe-shape d headdres s an d
their lac k o f a mout h , thes e anthropomorphi c image s ca n excee d
some 18 3 centimetres ( 6 feet) i n length . The y occu r o n thei r own o r
in groups , alon g wi t h painting s o f various animal s an d plants . Whe n
Europeans firs t encount ere d t hi s art , t he y specul at e d t ha t t h e
Wandjina wer e picture s o f foreigner s wh o mus t hav e visite d thi s
part o f th e Kimberle y i n th e distan t past . However , a s Elki n (1930 )
determined, th e Wandjina image s ar e the productions o f thre e inter -
marrying languag e group s o r ' tribes' , a s Elki n calle d t he m
namely, t h e Worora , Ngarinyi n an d Wunambal.
3
Elkin worke d wi t h Woror a an d Ngarinyi n peopl e i n th e lat e
1920s.
4
A decad e later , member s o f t h e Frobeni u s Expedi t i on ,
including Hel mu t Petr i an d Andrea s Lommel , visite d an d recorde d
details regardin g th e Wandjina roc k ar t sites.
5
The missionary , J . R.
Love, als o mad e importan t observation s regardin g th e roc k ar t i n
the earl y decade s o f th e 1900s , whe n h e wa s superintenden t o f th e
Presbyterian missio n o f Kunmunya , whic h ha d bee n establishe d i n
Worora countr y i n 1912.
6
By the 1960s , Wandjina site s wer e bein g documente d b y a ne w
generation o f researchers , includin g museum-base d anthropologists .
The art of country 159
Among th e latte r i s I a n Crawford , whos e book , The Art of the
Wandjina (1968) , provides important information about this art. One
of Crawford' s guide s was the Woror a man, Sa m Woolagoodja, wit h
whom I als o worke d whe n I firs t undertoo k researc h i n th e
Kimberley i n the 1970s.
7
1 will have mor e t o sa y shortl y about thi s
remarkable man .
The constitutive nature of the Wandjina rock art
These studie s b y anthropologist s indicat e tha t th e Wandjina roc k
art sites/sight s ar e a n ar t o f country , i n th e sens e tha t the y occu r
within a geographical area that is the homeland of Aboriginal peoples
who shar e belief s abou t th e Wandjina tha t deriv e fro m thei r pre -
contact paren t cultur e traditions . At th e sam e time , th e roc k ar t
sites/sights are an art of country, because they have long been central
to th e wa y thes e peopl e construc t a distinc t cultura l landscap e a s
well a s individua l an d grou p identitie s base d o n thei r multipl e
connections t o land .
I n proposing suc h a role for th e Wandjina ar t sites/sights , I am
drawing on the aesthetic anthropology of Clifford Geertz . I nfluence d
by writing s i n semiotics , Geert z (1973 , 1976 ) claim s t ha t
anthropologists ca n 'read' art forms as 'texts', and, importantly, tha t
art plays a privileged role in constituting a people's culturally specifi c
construction of the world. For Geertz, and more recently for scholar s
working i n the inter-disciplinary fiel d of cultural studies , meaning s
about th e worl d become embodie d i n ar t forms i n ways tha t diffe r
from th e encoding of messages i n linguistic signification. As Geert z
has argued, ar t forms 'connec t t o a sensibility the y joi n i n creating '
(1976: 1480), and art acts semiotically by 'materializing' a particular
way o f experiencin g th e worl d (1976 : 1478).
8
I ndeed, accordin g t o
Geertz, we can identify a cross-culturally vali d categor y calle d 'art '
because:
cer t ai n act i vi t i e s everywher e see m specificall y designe d t o
demonstrate tha t idea s ar e visible, audible, and one needs t o mak e
a wor d u p her e tactible, tha t the y ca n be cas t i n forms wher e th e
senses, and through the senses , the emotions, ca n reflectivel y addres s
t hem (1976 : 1499).
9
160 Valda Biundell
I am also drawing in this chapter on recent work that foreground s
the constitutiv e natur e o f certai n visua l form s o f culture , i n
particular, ideas advanced by Nicholas Mirzoeff (1999 ) that I believe
can b e applie d t o a n Australia n Aborigina l aesthetic . Lik e Geertz ,
Mirzoeff argue s tha t ther e ar e divers e forms o f visua l image s tha t
are especially powerful i n shaping the way we respond to the world.
Mirzoeff assert s the 'sensual immediacy' of such visual imagery,- this,
he writes, 'i s not a t al l the same thing as simplicity, but ther e is an
undeniable impact on first sight that a written text cannot replicate'
(p. 15). As examples, Mirzoeff note s 'the feeling created by the sight
of th e spac e shi p fillin g th e screen ' i n th e fil m 2001: A Space
Odyssey, o r th e feeling s man y experienc e upo n seein g th e
'shimmering blue s an d green s o f Cezanne' s landscapes ' (p . 15) . As
Mirzoeff continues :
I t i s thi s edge , tha t buz z tha t separate s th e remarkabl e fro m th e
humdrum. I t i s thi s surplu s o f experienc e tha t move s th e differen t
components o f the visual sign or semioti c circui t int o a relation wit h
each other . Suc h moment s o f intens e an d surprisin g visua l powe r
evoke, i n Davi d Freedberg' s phrase , ' admiration , awe , terror , an d
desire
7
.. . Thi s dimension o f visual cultur e i s at the heart o f al l visua l
events (pp . 15-16).
10
Envisioning the Dreaming
If the Wandjina roc k art sites are forms o f visual culture that evok e
a powerful emotiona l response, then these are sights that evoke the
Aboriginal er a o f creatio n known i n Englis h a s the Dreaming , an d
to Woror a a s Lalai.
11
As i s the cas e for th e parent culture s o f othe r
Aboriginal people s acros s Australia , th e natura l an d huma n worl d
are believe d t o hav e bee n forme d coterminousl y durin g Lalai b y
powers tha t continu e t o b e vita l force s i n th e world.
12
As Marci a
Langton (2000 : 14 ) explains, whil e Whit e settler s i n Australi a 'se e
an empt y wilderness , Aborigina l peopl e se e a bus y spiritua l
landscape, people d b y ancestor s an d th e evidenc e o f thei r creativ e
feats'. For Worora and related groups, the Wandjina are superhuman
ancestral actor s i n thes e creativ e events.
13
Petri (1954 : 62) was tol d
The art of country 161
that the first Wandjina wer e created by Wunggurr, who was present
at th e beginnin g o f th e Dreaming , an d i s depicte d i n myt h an d i n
rock ar t as a snake. Wunggurr threw hi s boomerang across the great
world sea, and wherever i t touched the water a large wave came up
and flat eve n land appeared. After Wunggurr brought fort h th e land,
he
14
wandered acros s i t layin g a large numbe r o f eggs , from whic h
the many Wandjina appeared.
15
In an alternative account , Lommel' s
(1997: 17 ) informant s reporte d tha t Wunggurr foun d th e firs t
Wandjina i n a dream a t th e bottom o f the water .
While Wunggurr i s credited wit h the creation of a flat, formles s
land from th e great worl d sea , i t i s the Wandjina wh o transforme d
space int o plac e b y creatin g culturall y significan t feature s o f th e
landscape a s the y travelle d acros s th e earth . I n account s recorde d
by anthropologists, the Wandjina tak e the form of anthropomorphi c
beings, including male s an d females , and, a s such, the y ar e sai d tq*
be th e ancestor s o f th e Worora , Ngarinyi n an d Wunamba l people. -
Some Wandjina appea r i n th e for m o f animal s tha t ar e sai d to '
'represent' tha t particular Wandjina.
16
The Wandjina gav e the Laws
by which human s ar e meant t o live . One o f thei r mos t significan t
acts involves making the rain. Along with Wunggurr, the Wandjina
ensure the availabilit y of the 'chil d spirits ' that me n mus t find i n a
dream i f thei r own childre n ar e t o be born.
17
, r
A differentiated cultural landscape
After completin g their creative labours, the Wandjina wen t int o the
earth a t a roc k shelte r while th e roc k wa s stil l sof t leaving
their 'imprint' as a painting (Lommel 1997: 17).
18
Or they transforme d
themselves int o variou s roc k formation s an d othe r feature s o f th e
landscape, which , lik e certai n Wandjina sites , ca n b e a sourc e o f
spiritual dange r for individual s who ar e not authorise d t o approac h
them. So , too , Aborigina l identitie s emerge d tha t ar e base d o n
connections t o specific locales within the broader cultural geography
created by the Wandjina. Thi s is said to have occurred when groups
of humans , wh o descende d fro m differen t Wandjina, becam e
localised i n littl e 'countries ' aroun d th e painte d site s wher e th e
162 Valda Biundell
various Wandjina 'finishe d up' . Woror a sa y the y 'belon g to ' thes e
'countries', which, i n Worora, the y cal l thei r dambima, an d whic h
anthropologists generall y cal l 'cla n estates' .
When speakin g i n English , Woror a cal l thes e dambima-lmked
groups thei r 'mobs ' o r thei r 'tribes' , whil e anthropologist s usuall y
refer t o the m a s 'clans'.
19
These intermarryin g clan s generall y tak e
their nam e fro m th e countr y wit h whic h the y ar e linked . Fo r
example, the members of a Worora clan called the Arululi belon g t o
the dambima, o r estat e area , know n a s Lulim, an d s o forth .
Anthropologists hav e als o note d tha t th e kinshi p term s o f thes e
people reflec t th e stron g identit y tha t the y hav e a s a resul t o f
belonging t o a give n country , an d tha t people' s link s t o differen t
categories o f ki n mirro r thei r perceive d connection s t o thes e area s
of land . Fo r example, me n wil l refe r t o al l the wome n wh o belon g
to the dambima fro m whic h the y receive a wife a s their 'wife' , an d
they will also call the country itself thei r 'wife' (cf . Elki n 1973 : 112-
114). As the late David Mowaljarlai onc e told me: 'I t's the land we're
married to.'
20
Worora repor t tha t the y 'follo w thei r fathers ' i n terms o f thei r
identities as members of these dambima-lmked clans , and they als o
indicate othe r way s i n whic h thes e identitie s ca n b e conceive d o r
shorn up , fo r example , throug h adoptio n (o r 'growin g up' ) and , a s
we shal l see shortly, through a man' s painting practices a t the roc k
art sites . Moreover , whil e individual s belon g t o name d dambima,
their residential groups have been historically flexible. For example,
my discussion s wit h olde r Worora men bor n before thei r sustaine d
contacts wit h Whit e peopl e (afte r 1912 ) indicat e tha t pre-contac t
land-using groups (what anthropologists have called 'bands' ) forme d
around th e male s o f a cla n an d thei r in-marryin g wive s (Biundel l
1975, 1980) . As a result , me n dwel t i n thei r ow n dambima wit h
their wive s an d children , an d the y als o dwel t i n th e countrie s o f
their clos e relative s fo r economi c an d ceremonia l purpose s an d t o
'visit' on e another .
As wel l a s servin g a s geographica l foca l point s fo r th e variou s
Worora dambima, th e rock art sites have also been fixed points along
the wunan, whic h I have characterise d elsewher e a s a cognitiv e
model wit h a binary structur e tha t order s bot h humans an d natur e
(Biundell 1980 , 1982; Biundell & Layton 1978) . When I worked wit h
The art of country 163
Worora i n th e 1970s , the y relate d ho w th e wunan wa s founde d
during Lalai b y Wodoj an d Djungun, mythologica l figure s a s wel l
as two species of nightjars (birds ) who fought ove r sacred items, but
then agree d t o foun d an d lea d two grea t 'tribes ' an d t o engag e i n
various forms o f exchange.
21
The wunan consign s the various clan s
to on e o r th e othe r o f thes e 'tribes' , whic h anthropologist s cal l
moieties, and the wunan als o specifies the order of various exchanges
that peopl e engag e i n a s member s o f clans .
Along with its enactment i n forms of social exchange, the wunan
also manifest s itsel f i n space . I n space , th e cla n countrie s (o r
dambima) o f Djungun clan s ten d t o be geographicall y adjacen t t o
one another , a s do the countries of clans associated wit h Wodoj, s o
that tw o larg e area s o f lan d an d wate r ar e recognised , whic h m y
informants i n th e 1970 s referre d t o a s Mamaladba an d Monadba.
The lat e Davi d Mowaljarla i calle d thes e 'moiet y countries ' two ,
'channels' i n th e wunan. Mamaladba contain s th e cla n countrie s
of the clans associated with Djungun, an d Monadba thos e associated
with Wodoj.
The wunan, then , specifie s th e relativ e locatio n o f a person' s
clan countr y i n space . My informant s i n th e 1970 s als o indicate d
how the various ways in which they 'followed th e wunan' mirrore d
the relative location of thei r clan countr y i n the cultural geograph y
of thei r homeland . Fo r example, me n sai d tha t the y passed certai n
items of trade to men whose countries were 'side by side' with their s
in th e wunan. I nterestingly , the y als o viewed th e passage of good s
in space as being from Wandjina t o Wandjina, a s the Wandjina ar e
now localised at the rock art sites in the countries of their respective
clans. For example, i n 1977 , when I worked with Rober t Layton, we
were tol d ho w durin g Lalai th e Bicycl e Lizar d carrie d items fro m
one Wandjina t o another along the wunan becaus e 'Wandjina can' t
go walllabout now' (Layton 1992 : 41; Biundell and Layton 1978) . So,
too, variou s responsibilitie s wer e sai d t o 'follo w th e wunan'-, fo r
example, a t Mowanju m i n th e 1970s , a clansma n wh o coul d no t
accommodate a visito r woul d pas s th e responsibilit y 'dow n th e
wunan' t o a same-moiet y clansman . As the Woror a woman, Elki n
Umbagai, tol d me at thi s time: 'Our people cannot live without th e
wunan becaus e i t hold s ever y man i n hi s place. '
164 Valda Biundell
Enacting the Dreaming
For countles s generation s th e Wandjina roc k ar t sight s have made
visible thes e meanings of the Dreaming, conveying a distinct cultura l
landscape an d a people' s collectiv e identit y a s th e descendant s o f
the Wandjina. A t th e sam e time , th e roc k ar t site s hav e worke d
together t o construc t a differentiate d landscap e an d mor e loca l
Aboriginal identities based on connections t o specific locales. As Sam
Woolagoodja onc e told me regarding his people: 'We're all the same,
only divid e by Wandjina.'
Worora hav e als o enacted thei r distinc t vie w o f th e worl d
through ritual activities associated with the rock art. When the earl y
anthropologists undertoo k fieldwor k i n th e 1920 s and 1930s , the y
were tol d that , whil e the Wandjina 'lef t thei r imprints ' a t roc k ar t
sites, i t wa s th e responsibilit y o f humans t o maintai n thes e sight s
by 'repainting ' the m wit h charcoa l an d pigments . By keeping th e
paintings 'fresh' th e world would remain fertile, rai n would continu e
to fall, plant s and animals woul d reproduce, and men woul d be abl e
to fin d th e spirit s o f thei r childre n a t Wunggurr site s locate d
throughout thei r homeland .
For example, based on his work i n the 1930s , Lommel reporte d
the painting practices o f the oldes t membe r o f the local group who
claimed descen t fro m a particular Wandjina. Suc h a man too k o n
the task of retouching the paintings, saying as he di d so: 'I am going
now t o refres h an d invigorat e myself , I am no w repaintin g mysel f
so tha t ther e wil l b e rain ' (Lomme l 1997 : 18) . After applyin g th e
fresh pigments , suc h me n woul d fil l thei r mouth s wit h wate r an d
blow it over the painting in order to replicate the way the Wandjina
had blown rai n ove r th e land durin g Lalai (pp . 18-19 , 53).
The changing contexts of Worora art
Lommel als o understoo d th e importan t rol e o f dreamin g fo r th e
creative labours of these men. Men 'found' song s for corroboree s i n
their dreams , an d i n th e 1930 s ther e wer e a few ol d banman wh o
reported the y coul d trave l i n thei r dream s t o pain t th e Wandjina
rock ar t site s (Lommel 1997 : 54).
22
But, as Lommel also reported for
The art of country 165
this time , some me n wer e finding i t difficul t t o achiev e th e 'ligh t
sleep' required for thei r creative dreams. Some said this was because
of 'to o muc h thinkin g abou t whit e men' , whil e other s sai d tha t
working fo r White s mad e the m to o tire d t o drea m (Lomme l 1997 :
49, 34-35) .
These report s by Lommel reveal the colonial context s i n whic h
early anthropologists conducted thei r fieldwork. I ndeed, by the time
anthropologists firs t worke d i n th e Kimberley , Aborigina l peopl e
were strugglin g t o cop e wit h th e frontie r violenc e an d introduce d
diseases tha t accompanie d th e colonisatio n o f th e area . Bruta l
practices o n the par t o f European settler s an d punitive polic e raid s
had already resulted i n the deaths or jailing of countless numbers of
Aboriginal peoples , o r thei r forcibl e recruitmen t fo r th e fledglin g
pastoral industry (Jebb 1996, 1998, 2002). I n areas too rugged for th e
establishment o f cattl e stations, Aboriginal people were drawn into' *
missions an d a government ratio n station . As Mary Anne Jebb has
5
"
shown, for Aboriginal people in the Kimberley, the colonial relations
of thes e 'earl y days ' ar e a significan t sourc e o f thei r 'endurin g
suspicion o f whit e people ' (Jeb b 1998 : 64).
23
I n many ways, the life of the Worora man, Sa m Woolagoodja, i s
emblematic of the period that brought European colonisation of the
Kimberley and the displacement of so many Aboriginal people from
:
their traditiona l lands . Woolagoodj a wa s bor n i n hi s homelan d iii
fa
the earl y year s o f the 1900s,
24
and a s a chil d he live d and travelled ^
in th e 'blu e water ' countrie s o f hi s clos e relative s alon g th e Wes t
Kimberley coast . Bu t whil e stil l a child , Whit e prospector s kille d
some of Woolagoodja's relatives (cf. Layton 1992: 33). After the deat h
of hi s father , Woolagoodj a an d hi s mothe r wer e take n by police t o
the southernmos t par t o f th e Woror a homeland, wher e Aborigina l
people were required for wor k on stations (cf . Layton 1992 : 33-34).
Here Woolagoodj a wa s 'adopted ' b y a 'second ' fathe r wh o wa s
connected t o countrie s i n thi s are a of th e Woror a homeland .
The art of the colonisation period
As a young man, Woolagoodj a move d between wor k for Whites and
periods o f residenc e i n hi s homeland , wher e hi s elder s instructe d
166 Valda Biundell
him i n the ways of his culture , and where he learned t o 'look after '
various paintings i n the countries of his two fathers an d other clos e
relatives (cf . Layto n 1992 : 33) . But , give n th e frontie r violenc e o f
this period , Aborigina l population s wer e declining , an d i t wa s
becoming difficul t fo r senio r me n t o loo k afte r al l o f th e area' s
important roc k ar t sites/sights . Significantly , Woolagoodj a tol d me
that h e ha d 'followe d th e wunan' b y assumin g responsibilit y fo r
repainting the Wandjina a t the rock ar t sit e of certai n clan s whos e
populations ha d declined . A s h e pu t it , h e ha d 'freshened ' thes e
paintings, thereb y identifyin g himsel f wit h th e countr y i n whic h
they wer e located.
25
By the 1940s , Woolagoodja ha d married, an d was spending time
at th e Presbyteria n missio n a t Kunmunya , whic h ha d bee n
established i n Worora lands in 1912 . Kunmunya provided Aboriginal
people wit h som e protectio n fro m th e violenc e o f thi s period , bu t
their relations wit h the mission' s Whit e staf f wer e complex as they
both resisted and adapted t o thei r changing circumstances . When J.
R. Love became superintenden t a t the missio n i n 1927 , he worke d
to conver t peopl e t o Christianit y an d provide them wit h skill s an d
attitudes value d i n Euro-Australia n cultur e (McKenzi e 1969) .
However, Lov e als o encourage d peopl e t o spen d tim e i n thei r
countries huntin g an d fishin g an d foragin g fo r bus h foods , an d h e
thought tha t som e aspect s o f thei r belie f syste m coul d b e merge d
with Christia n teaching s (McKenzi e 1969 ; cf. Layto n 1992 : 34) .
Nonetheless, peopl e were expected t o conform t o the laws of Whit e
Australia and, if they broke these laws, police were summoned fro m
the south .
By the en d o f th e Secon d Worl d War , Kunmunya' s populatio n
had declined and the mission sit e was closed in the mid-1950s. With
others a t Kunmunya , Woolagoodj a an d hi s famil y mad e th e mov e
to a new mission site called Wotjulum. A few years later, they moved
again, thi s time away from thei r traditiona l land s t o a site near th e
small tow n o f Derby . Davi d Mowaljarla i name d th e ne w sit e
Mowanjum, explainin g a t th e time tha t 'Mowanjum ' i s a Woror a
word meaning 'settle d a t last ' (McKenzi e 1969 : 206).
The mov e t o Mowanju m mad e i t difficul t fo r peopl e t o reac h
their Woror a countrie s furthe r north , bu t Woolagoodj a wa s abl e t o
maintain links with these countries i n a number of ways, including
The art of country 167
working a s a guide for th e growing number o f anthropologist s an d
filmmakers wh o ha d th e resource s t o moun t expedition s i n hi s
homeland. I n the 1970s , he worked with Michael Edols to make the
popular fil m Lalai, whic h include s a sequence wher e Woolagoodj a
repaints a Wandjina i n his Worora homeland.
26
Based on his various
'jobs' for 'Whitefellas' , Woolagoodj a wa s abl e to secur e a small boat
in th e lat e 1960s , an d h e too k hi s famil y fo r a n extende d sta y i n
countries tha t he continued t o 'look after ' i n hi s homeland (Donn y
Woolagoodja, persona l communicatio n 1999) .
'From rock to bark and board'
After th e mov e t o Mowanjum, th e ar t o f Wandjina underwen t a
transformation 'fro m roc k t o bar k an d board' , a s Judit h Rya n and
{
Kirn Akerman (1993b : 15 ) have put i t i n a n important boo k abou t
recent Kimberle y art.
27
By th e 1970s , Woolagoodj a wa s amon g a
number o f peopl e a t Mowanju m wh o too k advantag e o f th e
opportunities offered by early forms of tourism as well as the growing
interest b y collector s an d museums i n Australia n Aborigina l art.
28
He wa s on e o f a fe w senio r me n a t Mowanju m wh o painte d
Wandjina o n smal l pieces of bark, compositio n board , o r plywood.
Mowanjum als o became famous at this time for its exquisitely carved
boab nuts,
29
which includ e depiction s o f Wandjina an d associated ,
animals an d plants .
There is , of course , a huge literatur e o n so-calle d 'touris t arts' ,
with divergent views regarding its impact on I ndigenous peoples (e.g.
see Biundel l 1993 ; Tilley 1997) . Some critics focus o n the negativ e
consequences tha t ca n resul t whe n I ndigenou s cultura l forms ar e
commoditised fo r touris m (fo r example , a declin e i n it s qualit y
through mass production, or the way outside tastes can dictate what
is produced). However, other s argu e that producin g ar t for externa l
consumption ca n be a dual strategy for I ndigenous groups , one tha t
provides them with an income, while allowing them to preserve their
culture's aestheti c tradition s an d pas s o n cultura l knowledg e t o a
younger generation .
At Mowanjum, a s elsewhere in the Kimberley, the situation ha s
been complex . I ndividual s hav e deploye d ar t i n way s tha t hav e
168 Valda Biundell
subverted th e assimilatio n policie s o f Australia n society . Bu t the y
have als o accommodat e d thei r aest het i c practice s t o th e
opportunities engendered by colonisation. As Ryan (1993a: 2) points
out, the proliferation o f what she refers t o as 'art in a secular context '
across the Kimberle y 'ha s grown out of colonization, dispossessio n
and massiv e dislocation' . However , a s sh e elaborate s (1993a : 2 ,
1993b: 128-129), this art also reflects the growing political awareness
of Kimberley peoples and their efforts t o sustain their cultural groups
and traditiona l right s i n land .
When I worke d (an d lived ) a t Mowanju m i n th e 1970s ,
individuals wer e producin g painting s an d craf t form s wi t h
generalised image s of the Wandjina. A fe w o f the senior men wer e
also producin g painting s tha t reveale d thei r ow n mul t i pl e
connections t o the countries of their fathers an d other relatives. For
example, Woolagoodja produce d several Wandjina painting s for me,
in the context of our discussions regarding the social and territoria l
organisation o f th e Worora . H e depicte d th e Wandjina h e calle d
Yadara, who create d feature s i n hi s an d hi s (first ) father' s country ,
and h e als o painte d th e Wandjina o f hi s mother' s country . Afte r
producing these paintings on plywood, Woolagoodja fille d hi s mout h
with wate r an d whit e pain t an d splattere d th e mixtur e o n th e
paintings, a practice that recall s Lommel' s description of the painting
ceremonies a t roc k ar t site s i n th e 1930s.
30
I n th e 1970s , Wandjina wer e als o bein g depicte d fo r us e a t
Mowanjum a s people living there came to have a sense of themselves
as th e 'Mowanju m mob' . Fo r example , afte r thei r remova l t o
Mowanjum, awa y fro m thei r ow n countries , peopl e painte d
Wandjina o n a wall i n th e community' s church.
31
These Wandjina
were sai d to represent the Worora, Ngarinyin and Wunambal 'tribes '
or 'language groups' that formed, an d continue t o form, the majorit y
of Mowanjum's residents . I argued at the time that the 'fresh' image s
provided peopl e livin g a t Mowanju m wit h a sens e o f thei r share d
identity a s peopl e descende d fro m th e Wandjina mythi c being s
(Biundell 1982 : 17 ; Layton 1992 : 40).
The paintings i n Mowanjum' s churc h als o reveal effort s aime d
at articulatin g Aborigina l belief s wit h th e ideologie s o f Euro -
Australian culture , but thi s was no easy task given competing pull s
on people' s 'heart s an d minds'.
32
Agents o f th e churc h an d stat e
The art of country 169
persisted i n thei r effort s t o assimilat e Aborigina l peopl e int o th e
dominant cultur e o f Australia, but , livin g near th e remot e frontie r
town of Derby, Mowanjum peopl e faced discrimination and outright
racism.
33
There wa s als o th e pul l o f triba l la w with , accordin g t o
Akerman (1979) , a 'marke d increase ' i n ritua l activit y i n th e
Kimberley region during the 1970s . As David Trigger (1997: 87) has
shown i n a recent analysi s of colonial socia l relations elsewher e i n
Australia, suc h struggle s ove r cultur e hav e resulte d i n ' a comple x
mix of resistance and accommodation tha t has produced the patter n
of Aboriginal lif e an d identity' tha t exist s today .
The 1970 s were difficult year s at Mowanjum, an d I do not wan t
to imply that producing art solved the many issues that people faced
after the y move d there . However , th e production o f visua l image s
of th e Wandjina di d pla y a significan t rol e i n sustainin g people' s
sense of their Aboriginal identities, and, along with othe r art forms ,
including corroboree s an d th e verba l transmissio n o f th e 'stories '
from Lalai, reproduce d a distinctive worl d vie w tha t continue d t o
direct a range o f socia l practices . Fo r example , whe n peopl e wer e
able t o spen d tim e i n thei r homeland , the y place d thei r swag s
according t o the relative position of thei r countrie s i n the wunan.
34
And whe n the y wer e awa y fro m thei r countrie s a t Mowanjum ,
people continued t o locate themselves within the cultural geography
of the wunan. I n the 1970s , rows of houses where Wodoj me n live d
with thei r familie s wer e considere d t o be par t o f Monadba, whil e
the home s o f Djungun me n an d thei r familie s wer e sai d t o for m
part of Mamaladba. So , too, the material possessions of people were
consigned t o these culturally constructed spaces . As Elkin Umbagai
told me i n th e 1970s :
Anything owne d b y th e Djungun people , that' s calle d Mamaladba.
When I say anything, you ca n just imagine: trees, grass, bucket, rock ,
house o r car . That' s calle d Mamaladba. An d th e sam e goe s fo r th e
Wodoj people, - whatever belong s t o the m i s Monadba.
The contemporary art of Mowanjum
A few year s ago, I returned t o Mowanjum afte r a n absence of some
17 years, where my current research now includes an interest in links
between Aboriginal people and tourism. The decades since the 1970s
170 Valda Biundell
have brough t mor e changes , includin g th e departur e o f missionar y
staff, forma l lega l incorporatio n o f a loca l communi t y council , an d
t he relocation, onc e again, o f Mowanjum' s populatio n t o yet anothe r
site, als o nea r t h e t ow n o f Derby . Man y o f th e senio r individual s
who wer e bor n i n t h e bus h an d t he n ' cam e in ' t o Kunmuny a hav e
passed away, including Sa m Woolagoodja, wh o die d i n Sydne y wher e
he ha d gon e t o begi n wor k wi t h th e film-maker , Michae l Edols , o n
a seque l t o t h e fil m Lalai.
However, t h e decade s sinc e t h e 1970 s hav e no t brough t t h e
economic o r social gains that governmen t policie s of that period ha d
promised but , rather , a volatile political contex t i n which Aborigina l
people have establishe d organisation s i n order t o promot e thei r right s
in lan d an d preserv e thei r culture s an d languages.
35
As elsewher e i n
t he Kimberley , severa l famil y group s a t Mowanju m hav e bee n abl e
to establis h outstation s i n thei r homeland , and , i n th e aftermat h o f
a Hig h Cour t decision , Mowanju m people s hav e lodge d nativ e titl e
claims ove r thei r traditiona l lands.
36
So, too , touris m ha s grow n i n t h e Kimberle y region , an d thi s
has le d t o vigorou s debate s regardin g relation s betwee n Aborigina l
people an d othe r so-calle d ' stakeholders ' i n tourism . Withi n thi s
more politicise d context , th e vas t corpu s o f Wandjina roc k ar t ha s
become a contested sit e o f cultura l politics . Roc k ar t i s persistentl y
depicted i n t rave l advert i sement s , bu t Aborigina l peopl e rais e
concerns regardin g touristi c use s o f thes e sites , som e o f whi c h ar e
in location s subjec t t o native titl e claims . Ther e have been dispute s
wi t h Whit e pastoralist s wh o hav e turne d t o touris m i n th e wak e o f
declining market s fo r cattle, - significant roc k ar t site s o n th e statio n
properties ca n b e successfu l feature s i n market i n g touris t visit s
(Trotter 1997) . But ther e hav e als o bee n dispute s amon g Aborigina l
people t hemsel ve s regardin g right s t o specifi c sites . Th e mos t
publicised o f thes e occurre d i n 198 7 when youn g Aborigina l peopl e
from Derb y (wit h fundin g fro m a Commonweal t h Gover nmen t
empl oyment project ) re-painte d severa l Wandjina roc k ar t sites .
There wer e challenge s fro m Aborigina l peopl e wh o wer e closel y
connected t o t h e countrie s wher e thes e re-painting s occurred , wh o
said the y ha d no t authorise d thi s project . Ther e wer e als o concern s
by loca l pastoralist s regardin g ho w thes e ' re-paintings ' migh t affec t
t he touristi c valu e o f t h e roc k ar t (Rya n an d Akerma n 1993b : 18 -
19).
37
The art of country 171
Yet whi l e t our i s m ha s r ai se d concer n s r egar di n g t h e
' appropriation' o f Aborigina l image s an d land , i t ha s als o create d a
growing marke t fo r Aborigina l arts . As i n Canada , producin g ar t fo r
tourists i s a majo r wa y i n whi c h I ndigenou s peopl e participat e i n
tourism,
38
and, a s w e hav e seen , Mowanju m ha s a lon g histor y i n
this regard . However , I a m no t sur e anyon e coul d hav e predicte d
t he scal e o f t h e out pu t o f vi sua l ar t t ha t ha s emanat e d fro m
Mowanjum i n recen t years . As o f 2002 , ther e wer e ove r two doze n
individuals regularl y producin g painting s o n pape r an d canvas , an d
some individual s ar e als o maki n g jeweller y an d othe r item s fro m
pearl shell . Hundred s o f painting s ar e bein g produce d eac h year , t o
be sol d a t Mowanju m itself , a s wel l a s at exhibition s i n t h e citie s of
Mel bourne, Sydne y an d Perth . I ndeed , t h e cont emporar y ar t o f
Wandjina receive d a globa l televisio n audienc e whe n t h e imag e o f
a giant Wandjina wa s featured i n the opening ceremonie s o f Sydney's ,
2000 Olympi c Games . *
This recent fluorescenc e o f painting a t Mowanjum wa s triggere d
i n 199 8 whe n t h e communi t y' s newl y arrive d non-Abori gi na l
administrator an d tw o loca l Whit e teacher s helpe d t o establis h a n
art programm e unde r t h e auspice s o f a loca l communi t y college.
39
Among t h e artist s ar e individual s wh o spa n severa l generations : a
few wer e bor n i n t hei r homel an d an d live d a s youn g peopl e a t
Kunmunya o r Wotjulum, - other s ar e now adult s i n thei r 40s and 50s ;
including Sa m Woolagoodja' s son , Donn y Woolagoodja , wh o i s one ;
of Mowanjum' s mos t talente d artist s an d t h e creato r o f t h e gian t
Wandjina imag e used i n the openin g ceremon y o f the 2000 Olympi c
Games i n Sydney ; stil l othe r artist s ar e youn g adult s jus t startin g
their ow n families .
Like earlie r work s produce d a t Mowanjum, thes e painting s ar e
meaningful ' t ext s ' t ha t dra w o n t h e imager y o f th e Wandjina roc k
art. I ndeed, t he rock ar t i s a major componen t o f Mowanjum people' s
' material imag e base' . As Pete r Anderso n (1990 ) argues , a culture' s
material image base include s th e artefact s tha t provid e the concret e
support fo r it s image s an d designs.
40
However, th e contemporar y ar t
of Mowanju m expand s thi s ' materia l imag e base' . I ndeed , bot h t h e
richness an d t h e diversit y o f t h e ar t g o wel l beyon d wha t ha s bee n
produced i n t h e past . Th e imager y derive s fro m th e roc k art , bu t
individual painting s ar e rarel y at t empt s t o cop y a particula r site /
sight.
172 Valda Biundell
Some individual s pain t well-know n Wandjina wh o travelle d
across th e Kimberle y durin g Lalai, portrayin g the m i n eithe r thei r
anthropomorphic o r thei r anima l forms . Man y o f thes e ar e trul y
monumental i n scale , conveyin g th e powe r o f people' s belie f tha t
they shar e an identit y based on thei r descen t from th e Wandjina.
41
Other paintings make visible th e cultural landscape created durin g
Lalai, by depicting Wandjina tha t are associated with specifi c locales.
I n th e process , artist s enact thei r multipl e connection s t o land ,
including connections and identities based on where they were
spiritually conceive d o r born, a s well as connections an d identitie s
based o n th e countrie s o f thei r parent s an d othe r relatives . Fo r
example, lik e hi s father , Donn y Woolagoodj a paint s th e Wandjina
known a s Yadara, and h e als o paint s th e bale r shel l Wandjina o f
his mother' s country . He als o paint s th e ancestra l being s o f Yalun
in th e countr y o f hi s grandfathe r wher e h e an d hi s relative s no w
operate a n outstation .
There ar e als o mor e didacti c works , includin g painting s tha t
portray th e origi n o f th e traditiona l wunan syste m o f exchang e
linking communitie s acros s the Kimberle y region. Othe r painting s
are cautionar y tale s abou t what ca n happen i f peopl e fai l t o follo w
traditional norms, and yet others are apocalyptic visions that conve y
the chaos that precede d the order-creating labour s of the Wandjina
and thei r givin g o f th e Law.
42
There i s individua l variatio n i n thi s
art an d spac e fo r creativity . However , i n terms o f thei r styl e an d
content, the vast majority o f the paintings confor m t o an 'innovative
traditionalism' tha t derive s fro m th e roc k ar t an d it s ric h bod y of
associated myths.
43
Each o f thes e paintings , then , represent s it s
producer's participation i n th e historical proces s o f reproducing a n
aesthetic tradition , an d thi s i s a traditio n tha t convey s meaning s
that suppor t an Aboriginal view of the world.
44
A few paintings have
been don e i n mor e representationa l style s derive d fro m Europea n
pictorial code s o f academi c naturalism . And , t o date , a fe w
incorporate images of Euro-Australian culture . Margaret Mungulu' s
Utopian 'Coming together as one in the past and for the future', wit h
its image s o f angel s and Wandjina, is , perhaps, 'th e exceptio n tha t
proves thi s rule' .
I ndividual artists , o f course , pain t fo r a variet y o f reasons : fo r
money, becaus e the y ar e encourage d t o paint b y others , becaus e i t
The art of country 173
brings them togethe r i n settings that the y enjoy, o r for the pleasur e
and pride that creating a meaningful wor k of art can bring. A number
of the artist s explai n tha t paintin g als o allows the m t o shar e thei r
culture wit h tourist s an d the non-Aboriginal resident s o f Derby. I n
recent years, painting has also allowed some of Mowanjum' s artist s
to trave l an d se e mor e o f th e world , includin g metropolita n citie s
in Australi a a s wel l a s Europe.
People's persona l biographies , an d thei r gendere d location s i n
local socia l an d politica l structures , affec t th e multipl e way s i n
which they engage with this art. For older Aboriginal people, painting
evokes nostalgi a fo r th e day s o f thei r youth , whe n the y live d a t
Kunmunya an d spen t tim e awa y fro m th e missio n huntin g an d
fishing an d visiting various locale s i n thei r homeland. Fo r younger
people, ar t i s a catalyst for learning mor e about the Wandjina, and,
to the extent tha t the y engage with thi s art , bot h intellectuall y an d
emotionally, the y come t o shar e thei r elders ' perceptions of land. I t
is here , I wan t t o suggest , tha t processe s associate d withl.th e
production of this art converge with processes associated with native
title claims . As Davi d Trigger (1997: 100) has shown , 'negotiation s
over land function t o foreground traditiona l knowledg e tha t migh t
otherwise remai n undocumente d an d not b e passed o n t o younge r
generations'. At Mowanjum, producin g art privileges the knowledge
that older people have of their homeland's cultural landscape. I ndeed,
producing ar t i s one way in which young people are being recruited,
albeit quit e subtly, for local forms of Aboriginal cultural and identit y
politics. And , importantly , thes e ar e politica l processe s tha t
foreground th e recuperatio n o f parent cultur e tradition s an d form s
of consciousnes s tha t shor e u p boundarie s betwee n Aborigina l
identities an d th e identitie s o f othe r Australians.
45
Not surprisingly , som e o f th e mos t powerfu l work s o f ar t ar e
being produce d a t Aborigina l outstation s b y individual s wh o ar e
actively involve d i n negotiatin g thei r nativ e titl e claims . Here ,
producing ar t i s consistent wit h people' s desir e t o be on thei r land ,
and being 'on country' inspires them t o paint thei r creative dreams.
Since beginning t o paint jus t a few year s ago , Donny Woolagoodj a
has publicl y reporte d a serie s o f compellin g an d powerful dreams ,
many o f whic h occu r 'o n country ' a t hi s family' s outstatio n i n
Yalun.
46
As he tol d me when I was at his outstation a few years ago:
'Every time I stay her e I get a vision o f al l thes e Wandjina/
47
174 Valda Biundell
Paintings ar e also produced i n a large hall at Mowanjum, wher e
people se e and discus s on e another' s work. Thi s i s a setting wher e
there are informal discussion s about the forms an d the meanings of
this art , an d wher e question s aske d abou t th e ar t ar e a t th e sam e
time question s abou t people' s identitie s an d thei r connection s t o
land. Talking about art is also one of the ways that Aboriginal people
represent thei r cultur e i n the wider world. Locate d a t the interfac e
of th e loca l an d th e global , ar t i s a wa y fo r Aborigina l peopl e t o
proclaim thei r righ t t o a distinc t plac e i n th e Australia n state . As
with othe r I ndigenous groups claiming native titl e right s elsewher e
in the Kimberley,
48
the recent paintings by Mowanjum's artist s wor k
together a s a visua l tex t t o ' pu t int o evidence ' thei r way s o f
connecting wit h land . Moreover , b y mapping thei r identitie s o n t o
the lands of their ancestors, individuals implicitl y paint against th e
idea that a t Mowanjum the y ar e 'settled a t last'.
49
Like the rock ar t
sites/sights fro m whic h the y derive , th e contemporar y 'ar t o f
Wandjina' privilege s 'spac e rathe r tha n time ' b y conveyin g th e
powerful messag e tha t wha t i s importan t i s no t 'when event s
occurred' bu t 'where the y occurred ' (Valaskaki s 1996 : 154 , m y
emphasis).
50
I n thi s way, a n aestheti c traditio n i s at the same time
a political strateg y tha t reproduce s th e countr y constructe d b y th e
Wandjina a s Mowanjum people' s tru e home .
Conclusions: The art of Wandjina and the moving perception
of land
Like othe r anthropologist s o f hi s times , Lomme l presume d tha t
Aboriginal culture s i n Australi a woul d disappear , give n the impac t
of colonisation on their 'traditional ' way of life.
51
Reading Lommel' s
account fro m th e 1930s , one might wel l conclud e tha t th e artisti c
practices o f thes e peopl e woul d giv e way t o thei r wor k fo r White s
and that Wandjina image s would fade away. Yet, some 50 years afte r
Lommel's fieldwork, Aborigina l people in the Kimberley are actively
engaged i n th e productio n o f art , includin g th e Woror a artist s o f
Mowanjum.
What I have argue d i n thi s chapte r i s tha t th e developmen t o f
the Wandjina image s int o contemporar y ar t usages constitutes on e
The art of country 175
of the ways i n which Woror a now engage with th e Euro-Australia n
culture o f Whit e Australians , whil e at the same time deploying ar t
to advanc e thei r interest s i n land . Lik e the roc k ar t sites/sight s i n
their homeland , contemporar y work s o n pape r an d canva s ar e
legitimate cultura l text s tha t ente r int o contemporar y processe s of
Aboriginal cultural and identity politics by promoting a distinct way
of apprehending th e natura l world . I n the words o f Cliffor d Geert z
(1996: 1478) , the y ar e 'primar y documents ; no t illustration s o f
conceptions alread y i n force, but conception s themselve s tha t see k
or for which peopl e seek a meaningful plac e in a repertoire of
other documents , equall y primary' .
52
As w e hav e seen , suc h
deployments o f ar t fo r politica l end s occu r withi n th e heate d
contexts o f touris m an d native titl e claims . But suc h deployment s
also occu r withi n th e contex t o f a nation-wid e movemen t fo r
reconciliation betwee n Aborigina l peopl e an d othe r Australians ,
raising the possibility that Aboriginal forms of art can engender;ne w
forms o f consciousnes s amon g the citizenr y i n general.
53
^ .
I hav e als o argue d i n thi s chapte r tha t th e ar t o f Wandjina
continues t o play a pivotal rol e in constructing a cultural landscap e
and groundin g Woror a identitie s i n th e land . Ther e are , I believe,
two distinct , bu t inextricabl y linked , processe s involve d i n
constituting thes e identities. The first unfold s a s people experienc e
and engag e wit h individua l form s o f art , b e the y encounter s 'o n
country' wit h th e Wandjina wh o 'lef t thei r paintings ' a t roc k
shelters, or thei r reflection s o n the meanings o f paintings o n pape r
and canva s tha t the y an d thei r relative s no w produce . The secon d
process occur s whe n peopl e experienc e thei r homelan d a s a n
aestheticised landscape, a visible meta-text, s o to speak, constitute d
by the man y sight s marke d ou t by the Wandjina durin g Lalai.
These ar e ways o f experiencin g tha t I gained a better sens e of
when I travelled by boat with Donny Woolagoodja an d his family i n
the 'blu e water ' countrie s o f thei r ancestors , retracin g a tri p I had
taken wit h Donny' s fathe r man y year s ago. As we sailed alon g th e
coast an d Donny describe d th e landscape, I was struc k b y the wa y
viewing hi s painting s ha d prepare d m e t o understan d hi s spoke n
words. He pointed ou t th e mythica l 'grasshopper ' wh o 'stopped ' a t
the coas t afte r bein g chase d ther e b y a Wandjina, and he showe d
me wher e othe r Wandjina had lef t thei r 'faces ' i n some rocks .
176 Valda Biundell
If ar t promote s suc h a way o f experiencing t h e world, t he n thes e
are experience s t ha t hav e recurre d i n t h e changin g cont ext s o f
Aboriginal people' s everyda y lives : a s the y hav e move d acros s thei r
countries t o hun t an d fish ; o r lived a t thei r outstations, - o r travelle d
wi t h ' Whitefellas ' i n thei r lands, - o r produce d ar t fo r t ouri st s a t
Mowanjum.
54
I ndeed , a s Jame s Cliffor d (e.g . se e 1991 ) remind s us ,
cultures an d identitie s ar e constitute d i n t h e context s o f people' s
historically specifi c experience s o f dwellin g an d travel . Wha t I have
tried t o show i n thi s chapte r i s that powe r and histor y wor k throug h
t he contemporar y ar t o f Wandjina i n way s t ha t sustai n a distinc t
cultural landscap e an d interconnecte d conception s o f Aborigina l
identities.
55
Whether dwellin g a t Mowanju m o r travellin g i n thei r
homel and, fo r ma n y Woror a t oday , ar t pl ay s a ke y r ol e i n
reconstituting th e natural worl d a s a form o f visual culture. To retur n
to t h e notio n o f visuall y i mmedi at e meaning s t ha t ar e par t o f a n
Aboriginal aesthetic , bot h individua l works o f ar t and t h e landscap e
thereby remai n sight s tha t evok e ' admiration, awe , terror and desire' .
Notes
I am grateful t o Carleton Universit y and t o the Socia l Sciences and Humanitie s
Research Counci l o f Canada for supporting my research i n Australia. My ver y
special thank s t o th e peopl e o f Mowanjum .
1
Se e especially pages 1 7 and 49. All quotes and page references i n thi s pape r
are t o th e 199 7 Englis h translatio n o f Lommer s book .
2
A t Mowanjum, th e majorit y o f peopl e ar e connecte d t o th e land s o f th e
Worora (including countries of the closel y related Umi:da and Ungarrangi) ,
t he Ngarinyi n an d th e Wunambal . Throughou t thi s paper , I us e th e
designation 'Worora
7
t o refe r t o peopl e connecte d t o lands o f th e Worora ,
Umi:da, Ungarrang i an d th e Woror a 'sub-tribes ' o f th e Aridjaram i an d
Winawidjagu (als o referre d t o i n th e literatur e a s th e Djawudjibaj ) (se e
Biundell 1975) .
3
Cf . Rya n and Akerman (1993b : 10) who writ e that ' th e Wandjina traditio n
and it s expressio n i n ar t ar e specifi c t o Worrorra , Ngari nyi n an d
Woonambal peopl e wh o trac e thei r ow n descen t fro m Wandjina spiri t
ancestors'.
The art of country 177
* Elki n worke d a t Kunmuny a Missio n i n Woror a countr y an d a t t h e
government ratio n statio n o f Munja , a t th e intersectio n o f Woror a an d
Ngarinyin lands . Se e Elki n (1973) .
s
Carrie d ou t i n 1938-39 , thi s wa s a stud y o f Worora , Ngarinyi n an d
Wunambal. Petr i (1954 ) worke d a t Munj a an d a t Sal e Rive r Statio n i n
Ngarinyin country . Althoug h Lommel' s boo k focuse s o n th e Wunambal ,
he als o worked wit h an d recorded information specifi c t o the Woror a (se e
p. 69 fo r example) , an d h e als o worke d a t a n ' inter-tribal ' cam p i n th e
area o f th e Glenel g Rive r (probabl y i n Woror a country ) whic h containe d
Worora, Ngarinyi n an d Wunambal (se e p. 71) . The linguist , A. Capell , als o
recorded informatio n abou t Wandjina site s (Capel l 1939) .
6
Lov e (1930 , 1935 , 1936 ) firs t wen t t o th e missio n i n 1914 , whe n i t wa s
located at Por t George IV, and he returned a s superintendent betwee n 192 7
and 1940 . Se e als o McKenzi e (1969) .
7
Thi s 'ethno-archaeologieal ' stud y included my working wit h olde r peopl e
from Mowanju m wh o had been bor n i n the earl y 1900s , i n order t o locat e
sites i n thei r countrie s an d documen t thei r lat e prehistori c an d early -
historic culture . Se e Biundel l (1975 , 1980 , 1982 ) Biundel l an d Layto n
(1978).
8
Suc h a connectio n betwee n ar t an d societ y i s sai d b y Geert z t o b e
'ideational' rather than ' mechanical ' (tha t is , reflective) (1976 : 1478) . Here,
I agre e wit h Fabia n an d Szombati-Fabian , wh o se e suc h a connectio n a s
necessarily ' a practical activity , a mode of production' (1980 : 258-259) as ,
for example , whe n Aborigina l peopl e produce , an d view, an d tal k abou t
art. Regardin g aestheti c signification , als o se e Biundel l (2000) .
9
I ndeed , fo r Geertz , '[t]h e variet y o f artisti c expression s stem s fro m the ;
variety o f conception s me n [sic] have abou t th e wa y thing s are , an d i s
indeed th e same variety ' (1976 : 1499) .
10
Mirzeof f refer s t o Freedber g (1989 : 433) . Mirzeof f name s thi s feelin g th e
' sublime' (p . 16) . Cf. Langto n (2000 : 11) .
11
I t is , o f course , wel l establishe d i n th e anthropologica l literatur e tha t
Aboriginal Australians perceive the natural worl d i n terms o f the creativ e
activities o f th e Dreaming . Two recen t article s o n Australia n Aborigina l
constructions o f landscap e ar e thos e b y Layto n (1995 ) regardin g relatin g
to countr y i n t h e Wester n Desert , an d b y Morph y (1995 ) regardin g
landscape an d th e reproductio n o f th e ancestra l past .
12
Maddoc k write s tha t th e Dreamin g i s a theory o f ' th e definitio n o f spac e
and time , no t o f creatio n ou t o f nothing' . Moreover , '[t]h e eart h an d lif e
are conceive d t o hav e bee n alread y i n existenc e whe n th e power s bega n
their work ' (1974 : 109) . See als o Stanne r (1964) .
13
Se e Biundell (1982) and Layton (1992) for details . Lommel (1997: 17) wrote:
178 Valda Biundell
' The Wondschinas wen t acros s th e lan d afte r thei r creation ; the y cause d
rain t o fal l o n the earth , the y gave shape t o the earth , dre w river-courses ,
piled th e mountain s o n to p o f eac h othe r an d fashione d th e grea t plains .
At a time "when the stones were stil l soft", the y built great "stone houses "
for themselves . Whe n the y "died" , the y la y down o n th e sof t rock s an d
left a n imprint behind there. These "imprints " were the first roc k pictures .
The Wondschinas the n entere d the eart h a t the place where they lef t thei r
"imprint" behind , an d sinc e the n hav e bee n livin g a t th e botto m o f th e
water tha t belong s t o th e particula r roc k picture. '
When speakin g i n English , t h e pronou n ' he ' i s frequentl y use d b y
Aboriginal peopl e i n th e Kimberle y t o refe r bot h t o male s an d females .
All references t o Petr i (1954) are t o the Germa n languag e text , whic h wa s
translated fo r me by Kir s tin Mori . Ther e are , of course , man y version s of
these ' stories ' throughou t th e countrie s o f Wandjina an d Wunggurr.
This way of characterising the theriomorphi c natur e of Wandjinas come s
from Sa m Woolagoodja' s son , Donn y Woolagoodj a (persona l
communication 2000) . Animal s ar e als o ' clan ' totems ; Sa m Woolagoodj a
referred t o hi s totems a s hi s ' partners' .
Elkin (1973 : 114 ) writes tha t afte r a Wandjina 'lef t a painting o f himsel f
on a cav e or rock-shelter wal l or ceiling .. . [h]i s painting remaine d i n th e
gallery, an d hi s spiri t an d powe r [mana] wen t int o a waterplace nearby ;
and ther e too , went th e pre-existent spirit s o f the member s o f the cla n t o
be bor n late r on' .
Animals an d plants als o have thei r ' pictures ' at the rock ar t sites (Lomme l
1997: 15-16) .
Speaking i n English , Woror a wil l als o sometime s us e th e ter m ' mob ' t o
refer t o t h e residentia l group s t ha t for m aroun d t h e me n o f t hes e
dambim a -linked ' clans' .
David Mowaljarlai' s fathe r wa s a Ngarinyi n ma n an d hi s mothe r wa s
Worora. Davi d live d a s a chil d a t Kunmuny a an d mad e th e mov e wit h
others t o Mowanju m i n th e 1950s .
According t o Worora , Wodoj an d Djungun agree d t o giv e t o eac h othe r
their daughter s i n marriage a s wel l a s engage i n othe r forms o f exchange .
I n thi s wa y the y establishe d th e wunan.
Banman i s translate d a s ' medicin e man ' i n t h e 199 7 translatio n o f
Lommel' s book .
Nort h o f th e Leopol d Ranges , countrie s o f Ngarinyi n wer e take n b y
pastoralists and , a s Mar y Ann e Jeb b ha s shown , b y th e 1930 s a whol e
generation o f Ngarinyi n ha d entere d int o comple x relation s wit h Whit e
station managers , whic h wer e based o n fundamental inequitie s o f power ,
but di d allo w some Ngarinyi n t o remai n o n o r clos e t o thei r traditiona l
The art of country 179
lands. Bu t b y th e 1960s , pastora l station s wer e onl y marginall y viable ,
and ther e ha d als o bee n shift s i n governmen t policies , includin g acces s
for Aborigina l people s t o welfar e payments , an d th e implementatio n o f
the Pastora l Award s Act . Thes e change s furthere d th e displacemen t o f
Ngarinyin fro m thei r countrie s t o town-base d reserves . I n mor e norther n
and wester n part s o f th e Kimberley , th e countr y prove d to o rugge d fo r
past oral i st s, bu t t h e Worora , an d som e Ngari nyi n an d Wunambal ,
increasingly ' came in' t o the mission o f Kunmunya, wher e they had some
protection fro m th e violenc e o f thi s period . Se e Jebb (1998 , 2002) .
Woolagoodja wa s probabl y bor n abou t 1906 .
Note a simila r exampl e o f th e Nyigin a man , Jo e Nangan , provide d b y
Akerman (1993 : 111) .
Lalai wa s release d i n 1973 .
This i s on e o f th e essay s i n a collectio n edite d b y Rya n an d Akerma n
(1993a), produce d i n conjunctio n wi t h th e exhibi t 'I mage s o f power :
Aboriginal ar t from th e Kimberley' hel d at the National Galler y of Victori a
in 1993 . Rya n an d Akerma n not e tha t i n t h e Kimberle y t h e earlies t
portable paintings o f Wandjina wer e o n bar k an d probabl y dat e from th e
1930s (Rya n an d Akerma n 1993b : 15) .
Several i nst i t ut i on s ha d begu n t o collec t Wandjina painting s fro m
Mowanjum, includin g the Australian I nstitut e of Aboriginal Studie s (no w
the Australian I nstitut e o f Aboriginal and Torres Strai t I sland Studies) . I n
1972, a Mowanju m man , Watti e Karuwara , wa s commissione d t o pain t
Wandjina image s i n a roc k shelte r replic a a t th e Wester n Australia n
Museum i n Pert h (se e Rya n an d Akerma n 1993b : 16) . Thi s replic a 4ias
been reincorporate d i n th e Museum' s recentl y renovate d exhibits . *^ -
These nut s ar e th e frui t o f th e boa b tre e [Andansoma gregorii), whic h i s
found i n th e coasta l area s o f north-wes t Australia . Measurin g abou t 1 5
cm ( 6 inches) i n lengt h an d 8 to 9 cm ( 3 to 4 inches) i n diameter , th e pul p
of th e frui t ha s bee n par t o f Aborigina l people' s die t (ofte n mixe d wit h
honey). Sinc e th e lat e 1800s , Aborigina l peopl e o f th e Kimberle y hav e
engraved boab nut s wit h variou s images for sal e t o tourists . See Akerma n
1993.
As Bo b Layto n (1992 : 37 ) ha s recorded : 'Woolagudj a viewe d retouchin g
rock paintings o f the heroes and acting sociall y i n the ways the Wandjina
laid down a s two aspect s o f copyin g th e ancestors. '
These painting s ar e see n i n a scen e i n Michae l Edols' s film, Floating
This time, mad e i n th e earl y 1970s .
Cf. Elki n (1973 : 119) , who write s regardin g the childre n a t Mowanjum i n
1971 that 'fro m earl y years, these children ar e led into a double life patter n
a pattern o f obligation s an d expectation s stemmin g fro m tw o worlds' .
180 Valda Biundell
33
Michae l Edols' s film, Floating This time, give s a sens e o f dail y lif e a t
Mowanjum a t thi s time , includin g th e natur e o f Aborigina l people' s
interactions wit h th e Mowanjum missio n staf f a s well as Whit e resident s
of Derby .
34
Thi s wa s th e cas e a t a camp tha t Rober t Layto n an d I visite d i n 1977 ,
where a group o f Mowanju m peopl e wer e livin g i n a Ngarinyi n countr y
as par t o f a study t o determin e ho w eatin g bus h food s woul d affec t thei r
health. (Se e Biundel l 1978 ; O'Dea 1984 ; O'De a e t al . 1987. )
35
Fo r example, the Kimberley Land Council , the Kimberley Law and Cultur e
Centre an d th e Kimberle y Languag e Resourc e Centre .
36
I n 1992 , th e Hig h Cour t o f Australi a altere d th e nation' s commo n la w
with it s decisio n i n Mabo and Others v the State of Queensland. Th e
court hel d that Australi a wa s not terra nullius ('lan d belonging t o no one' )
when settle d by the Britis h i n 1788 , that nativ e titl e t o land survive d th e
Crown' s annexatio n o f Australia , an d tha t nativ e titl e ma y exis t i n area s
where i t has not been extinguishe d by an act of government (Bartlet t 1993 ;
Nat i onal Nat i v e Titl e Tribuna l 1998 , 2000) . Thi s decisio n an d t h e
subsequent Native Title Act 1993 opene d th e wa y fo r nativ e titl e claim s
such a s those being lodged by Mowanjum peoples , although amendment s
to t hi s Ac t mad e i n 199 8 b y t h e Federa l Gover nmen t hav e ha d a
significant, an d man y clai m a detrimental , impac t o n the administratio n
of nativ e titl e applications .
37
Ther e i s a large literature regarding thi s controversia l project , wit h divers e
points o f vie w (e.g . se e Mowljarla i an d Pec k 1987 ; War d 1992) .
38
Fo r Canada , se e Biundel l (2002) .
39
On e of these ar t instructors , Kimberle y artis t Mar k Norval , describe s thi s
art programme i n a recent boo k (Norva l an d Schie l 1999) .
40
I hav e argue d elsewher e (Biundel l 1993 ) tha t a culture' s 'imag e base ' i s
recognised i n international conventions a s fundamental t o a cultural grou p
and, therefore , subjec t t o protection fro m unauthorise d uses , for example ,
in convent i on s o f UNESC O an d t h e Worl d I nt ernat i ona l Propert y
Organization (WI PO) , an d mor e recentl y i n document s suc h a s t h e
'Proposals fo r th e Recognitio n an d Protectio n o f I ndigenou s Cultur e an d
I ntellectual Property ' prepare d fo r th e Australia n I nstitut e o f Aborigina l
and Torres Strai t I slander Studies (AJATSIS) (see www.icip.lawnet.com.au) .
I n callin g fo r protectio n o r regulation o f suc h images , I would argu e tha t
such convention s an d position s advanc e th e cultura l specificit y o f a
people's share d artisti c forms an d thei r associate d cultura l meanings .
41
Fo r example, the lat e Derek Oobagooma' s 'Warrio r Wandjina Reedjimara' ,
Kirsti Burgu' s ' Namaral i th e warrio r Wandjina', o r Donny Woolagoodja' s
' Namarali an d hi s wife' . Anothe r exampl e o f a paintin g (editione d a s a
The art of country 181
print) t ha t convey s people' s solidarit y a s 'Wandjina people ' i s t h e
col l ect i vel y pr oduce d ' Ki mber l e y Wandjina i mages' , b y Ashl e y
Oobagooma, Marjori e Mungulu , Penn y Bidd , Sandr a Mungulu , Roby n
Mungulu, Jeanni e Dut chi e , Jo y Morl umbun , Roge r Burgu , Margare t
Mungulu, Mable l King , Gud u Mungulu , an d Donn y Woolagoodja .
For exampl e , pai nt i ng s b y Mabe l King , an d Donn y Woolagoodja' s
' Namarali speared' .
This i s al l th e mor e remarkabl e give n th e ongoin g an d divers e effort s o f
some Aboriginal peopl e at Mowanjum t o articulat e Christianit y wit h thei r
beliefs abou t Wandjina, whic h i s als o par t o f th e legac y o f Rev . Love' s
tenure a t Kunmunya . Regardin g strategie s o f ' innovativ e traditionalism' ,
see Bennet t an d Biundel l (1995 : 5).
Here, followin g Raymon d William s (1981 : 187) , I want t o conceptualis e
' tradition' a s a proces s o f cultura l 'reproductio n i n action' .
Cf. Trigge r (1997 : 99) regarding lan d clai m proceedings .
The polic y implication s her e ar e significant , namely , tha t suppor t o f
Aboriginal ar t require s thei r increase d acces s t o traditiona l lands,
%
as i s
also argue d fo r b y t h e Mangkaj a Art s Resourc e Agenc y Aborigina l
Corporation i n it s respons e t o th e draf t Nationa l Aborigina l an d Torre s
Strait I slande r Cultura l I ndustr y "Strategy (Par t One) .
Quoted wit h permissio n fro m Donn y Woolagoodja .
I n th e mid-1990 s Ngurrar a lan d claimant s painte d a n enormou s mura l
depicting the cultura l geography of thei r homeland a s a form o f 'evidence '
for a meetin g wit h th e government' s Nativ e Titl e Tribunal . Th e projec t
is documented i n the film, Jila: Painted Waters of the Great Sandy Lfesert;
produced i n 199 8 b y Mangkaj a Art s Resourc e Agenc y Abori gi na l
Corporation an d th e Kimberle y Lan d Counci l i n associatio n wit h SB S
I ndependent an d Deser t Pictures .
Cf. discussio n b y Cliffor d (1988 : 256), who draws o n th e wor k o f Miche l
Leris, regarding ways that societie s represented by Westerners ' writ e back '
through ' a ne w multivoca l fiel d o f intercultura l discourses' . My inten t
here i s t o include visual discourse s withi n thi s ' multivocal field' . Se e also
Ashcroft, Griffith s an d Tiffi n (1989 ) regarding post-colonia l literatures .
Valaskakis's depictio n o f Nort h American I ndigenous connection s t o lan d
is equall y ap t fo r th e Woror a , Ngarinyi n an d Wunambal .
For example , Elki n (1973 : 117 ) indicate s th e same assumption .
As Geert z acknowledges , th e phras e 'primar y documents ' come s fro m
Robert Goldwate r (1973 : 10) .
A recen t issu e o f th e ar t quarterly , Arthnk, prepare d fo r Sydney' s 200 0
Olympic Game s an d the Centenar y o f Federation i n the year 2001 locate s
the discours e o n contemporar y Aborigina l ar t withi n th e discours e o n
182 Valda Biundell
Reconciliation. Fo r example , i n he r articl e i n thi s issue , Marci a Langto n
asks whet he r Aborigina l ar t ca n promot e reconciliatio n i n Australi a
(Langton 2000) .
54
Tha t is , a s i n th e interdisciplinar y fiel d o f cultura l studies , I wan t t o
concept ual i se ' cul t ur e ' a s ' everyda y action , discours e an d event s '
(Valaskakis 1996 : 151) . Se e als o Biundel l (2000 : Ch. 4) .
55
Cf . Clifford' s discussio n o f ethnographi c text s (1986 : 7) .
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