Emotional Remembering: The Pragmatics of National Memory
Author(s): Geoffrey M. White
Source: Ethos, Vol. 27, No. 4, The Pragmatic Turn in Psychological Anthropology (Dec., 1999), pp. 505-529 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/640711 . Accessed: 29/11/2013 14:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Wiley and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Ethos. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering: T h e Pragmatics of N ational M emory GEOFFREY M . WHIT E ABST RACT T h is paper examines spaces in between th e "out th ere" of collective representation and th e "in h ere" of personal cognition and emotion by f ocusing on acts of public remem- brance th at are at once individual and collective, personal and national. Reporting on research carried out at th e U.S. national memorial to th e bombing attack at Pearl Harbor th at drew America into World War II, th e paper analy zes th e discourse of "survivors" wh o present personal stories in th e memorial con- text. T h e analy sis argues th at a repertoire of discursive strate- gies f unctions to emotionalize national narrative, wh ile at th e same time works to nationalize personal pasts. O ~ne of th e core problems of psy ch ological anth ropology - possibly th e core problem in recent decades-h as been th e relation of individual selves to th e collective representa- tions and productions of culture. From Durkh eim and Freud to Geertz and Spiro, th is relationsh ip h as been conceptual- ized in terms of interior worlds of individual th ough t and f eeling set in oppo- sition to collective or "cultural" sy stems of sh ared meaning. Despite wide th eoretical dif f erences concerning th e kinds of variables one migh t need f or an adequate th eory of social action, most modern paradigms h ave separated th e "psy ch ological" f rom th e "cultural," and th e "individual" f rom th e "col- lective." In th is paper I want to complicate th ese binaries by examining th e spaces in between: practices th at traverse th e "out th ere" of collective rep- resentation and th e "in h ere" of personal cognition and emotion. I f ocus par- ticularly on acts of remembrance th at represent and enact national identity in perf ormative acts th at are at once individual and collective, personal and national. In line with th e "pragmatic turn" identif ied by O'N ell and Desjarlais in th eir introduction to th is collection, th e investigation of representational Eth os 27(4):505-529. Copy righ t ? 2000, American Anth ropological Association. This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 506 ? ET HOS practices requires attention not only to cultural texts, but to th e contexts with in wh ich th ose texts are marked as signif icant f or individual lives and identities. T o attend to both text and context is to notice th at neith er is f ixed or singular, but usually in play , being made up or routinized in th e course of interaction. So, f or example, h istorical narratives as texts h ave no determinate meaning and certainly no given emotive signif icance f or individuals. In contrast, acts of narrating h istorical events are alway s ac- companied by metacommunicative signs th at index relations between speaker, audience(s) and events represented, including emotions th at mark th e involvement of speakers and audiences in th e narrated past. T h e metaph or of internalization is of ten used to conceptualize th e process wh ereby cultural sy mbols and texts obtain emotional signif icance f or th e individual, presupposing separate sph eres of collective culture and individual psy ch ology . In th is metaph or, sy mbols or texts become per- sonal wh en th ey are interpreted and processed by individual minds, wh ere th ey are inf lected by th e experiential memory of th e cognizing subject. But wh at is it th at is internalized? Cultural meaning, like th e self , emerges in dialectic relations between minds and oth er persons and texts. T h e liabil- ity of th e internalization metaph or is th at it directs attention away f rom practices of representation th at f ix (h owever momentarily ) th e relevance and value of perf ormed identities f or individuals and collectivities. T exts obtain th eir cultural signif icance in public sph eres of interaction wh ere th ey are f ramed by metacommunicative markers th at signal th eir value f or interlocutors, especially th eir relevance f or key social identities. T h rough out th e 20th century , national identities h ave been among th e most powerf ul and contested f oci f or social and emotional identif ica- tion. And with in th e arena of nation-making, one of th e most common means of creating national consciousness h as been h istorical narra- tive-stories about th e collective past th at, wh en repeated and conven- tionalized, become national h istories. So, f or example, in a recent essay on emergent nationalisms in postcolonial M elanesia, Joh n Kelly asks, "Wh at makes a nation if a state doesn't (and perh aps, even if a state does)?" T o th is h e answers, simply : "A narrative" (1995:257). Kelly 's view resonates with Benedict Anderson's (1983) widely cited concept of th e nation as "imagined community ." Both emph asize th e sy mbolic and con- structed nature of national identities, enabled by cultural f orms and com- municative media capable of reach ingdispersed populations. Yet, if lef t at th e level of narrative as text, h ow is it th at certain narra- tives gain truth value, repeatability , and emotional f orce? Even th ough nationalisms h ave been of interest precisely because th ey evoke strong f eelings, th e dominant th eories of nationalism h ave f ocused less on th e f ormation of national subjectivities th an on th e cultural-sy mbolic bases of sh ared identity and discourse structures th at enf orce ideological h egem- This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering ? 507 ony . How do national narratives engender a sense of belonging or acquire emotional valence f or individual speakers and audiences? T h is question is less about national identity as a cultural construct th an about processes of identif ication th rough wh ich national narrative and self narrative interre- late (Bruner 1990; Och s and Capps 1996). N ational narrative is actively produced in social contexts wh ere meaning, value, and emotion are all at risk. In th ese contexts, collective h istories and sentiments are interactively f ormed as people variously learn, argue over, celebrate, and resist representations of th e past. In th e analy sis th at f ollows, I explore th e production of national identity and emotion in contexts wh ere personal stories and collective h istories inter- twine. How are th ese genres of personal and collective discourse marked in ordinary talk, and h ow do th ey inf orm and validate one anoth er? In addressing th is question, th is paper considers two discursive means used to interpolate personal narrative and national h istory : (1) th e use of pro- nouns (I and we), and oth er indexical signs to link personal and collective perspective in narrative perf ormance (Benveniste 1966; Urban 1989); and (2) th e use of personal stories as allegories to embody and emotionalize national h istories. If we are going to ask wh at stories get "internalized," we must also ask wh at stories get "externalized." Wh o is telling wh at stories to wh om, in wh at contexts, h ow of ten, with wh at ef f ects? M ore importantly f or th is paper, h ow do certain externalizations become f ixed th rough repetition and institutionalization such th at th ey gain th e status of collective or cul- tural texts? Silverstein and Urban (1996) use th e term entextualized to describe th e routinization of discourse th rough repetition and/or institu- tionalization. In th eir view, "entextualized discourse .. . can maintain its status as emblematic of th e culture only if th ere are periodic reperf or- mances or re-embeddings in actual discourse contexts th at count as pro- jectively 'th e same'" (1996:13). Here I look at th e process of entextualization in one particular, h igh ly institutionalized site: th e public memorial to th e bombing of Pearl Harbor th at propelled th e United States into World War II. T h e public recitation of key moments of th e national past works to solidif y and emotionalize collective h istory . In particular, th e voice of "survivors" play s a key role in both entextualizing and personalizing national memory . Survivor dis- course is part of most memorial sites. At th e Pearl Harbor memorial, a small number of military survivors of th e attack now volunteer to tell th eir stories on a regular basis. I f ocus on one particular veteran's public pres- entation of h is experience, drawing on interviews and observations con- ducted during several y ears of on-and-of f f ieldwork at th e memorial. As institutions devoted to social acts of remembrance, public memo- rials would seem to be almost th e prototy pic Durkh eimian institution. This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 508 ? ET HOS Self -consciously constructed f or th e purpose of curating collective mem- ory , memorials employ all manner of semiotic means to convey messages about th e sh ared past marked as both politically and emotionally signif i- cant. Yet, in today 's complex social spaces traversed by a multitude of publics, memorials are as likely to elicit boredom and contestation as any - th ing else. How, th en, does h istorical discourse create and sustain national sentiment? In th ese contexts, acts of "remembering" bringpersonal mem- ory and collective h istory into th e same discursive space, th ereby working to simultaneously emotionalize h istory and nationalize understandings of self and community . Approach ing national narrative not as text, but as interactively pro- duced social understanding illuminates th e interplay of institutional, cog- nitive, and emotional f orces th at make th em up (Holquist 1981; Wertsch 1985). Having said th is, culture th eory today h as made much of th e unsta- ble, partial, and contested nature of cultural representations, wh ile sh ow- ing less interest in processes th at essentialize and emotionalize dominant constructions. As Crapanzano describes, selves are alway s emergent in social interaction, alth ough much of th at interaction is concerned pre- cisely with producing momentary "arrests" in th e dialectics of self h ood (1990). For national selves, some of th e most powerf ul arrests occur in public spaces devoted to institutionalizing national memories. Beginning with th e observation th at memorial spaces are f requently h igh ly emotion- alized spaces, I look at th e pragmatic role of emotion, and of emotionality , in processes of identif ication. I take up th ese issues in th e context of one of America's sacred sites of war memory : th e national memorial to th e Pearl Harbor attack th at killed over 2,000 people and drew th e United States into World War II.1 T h e Pearl Harbor memorial-f ormally named th e USS Arizona M emorial af ter th e sunken battlesh ip Arizona th at blew up, killing 1,177 crew- serves as a monumental reminder of th e attack and th e death s associated with it. T h e memorial and its visitor center make up a complex institution th at tells its stories to diverse audiences using multiple representational strategies. T h e presence of Pearl Harbor survivors wh o tell th eir stories at th e memorial on a day -to-day basis personif ies national h istory , reminding th ose wh o move th rough th e memorial th at its stories are about events with in livingmemory , even if just on its very edge, about to pass into th e realm of textually mediated h istory . M y purpose h ere is to ask h ow, in th is context, survivor discourse works to create a sense of personal, emotional participation in th e M emorial's h istory . SURVIVOR DISCOURSE Given th e power of war to af f ect wh ole populations, nations every - wh ere h ave undertaken to institutionalize war memory (or war memories) This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering ? 509 in th e service of national imagination. With in th ese sph eres of remem- brance, th e voices of th ose wh o experienced war are among th e most prominent and resonant over time. Frequently recorded and projected on a larger national screen th rough f ilms, books, and mass media, such voices speak about national and global events in th e idiom of personal experi- ence. For some wh o h ave lived th rough particularly intense, traumatic moments of war and wh olesale killing such as th e Holocaust or th e atomic bombings of Hirosh ima and N agasaki, such events can become lif e-def in- ing moments, establish ing th eir identities as "survivors." As th e genera- tion of survivors passes away , th eir experiences are of ten retained in th e f orm of f irst-person narratives represented in popular media and key sites of public memory . N ation-states f requently work to institutionalize th ese sorts of survivor narrative in sites such as th e U.S. Holocaust M emorial M useum or th e Hirosh ima Peace M emorial M useum-places th at double as sites of pilgrimage and as centers of public education. Even th ough combat veterans are also survivors of war, th eir experi- ences are not usually packaged in th is way , perh aps because battlef ield experiences h ave long been normalized by conventional military h istories. One of th e exceptions to th is is th e group of veterans wh o lived th rough th e Pearl Harbor attack. For th em, th e survivor identity is institutionalized in a national organization of th e same name, "Pearl Harbor Survivors," with local ch apters all over th e country . M embersh ip rules state th at any - one wh o was serving in th e military on th e island of Oah u on December 7, 1941, is eligible to join. Pearl Harbor Survivors constitute th emselves in much th e same way th at all veterans' organization do: with local meetings, reunions, anniversary ceremonies, and march ing in parades, as well as distinctive emblems and f orms of dress. T oday h owever, nearly 60 y ears af ter th e bombing, Pearl Harbor sur- vivors are a declining population. Indeed, th ey of ten joke about th eir age, talking about th emselves as "endangered species" and so f orth . For th e Arizona M emorial, Pearl Harbor survivors are a privileged constituency , h olding national ceremonies th ere every f ive y ears (th e last took place December 7, 1996, on th e 55th anniversary of th e bombing). On a more regular basis, a h andf ul of Pearl Harbor survivors living in Honolulu volun- teer th eir time at th e M emorial to talk about th eir experiences and h elp out in oth er way s. On any given day , two or th ree survivors may be f ound on th e grounds of th e visitor center givingtalks, answeringquestions, and doing various jobs f or th e Park Service. In th e context of th e M emorial, survivor stories are simultaneously personal recollections and constitutive of larger narratives of nation. It is th is ambiguity , in th is context, th at is signif icant. Survivors re-create "h is- toric" events in th e idiom of personal experience, giving collective h istory meaning th rough th e recitation of individual lif e stories. In th ese contexts, This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 510 * ET HOS personal stories become allegories of national agency . M uch of th e talk of th e survivors at th e M emorial interweaves collective h istory and personal reminiscence in way s th at alternate between th e ref erential sty le of report- age and th e conf essional sty le of testimonials. In speaking f rom th e van- tage point of experience, survivors talk in th e conversational f ormats of ordinary speech , rath er th an in th e generalized distillations of h istory texts, educational lectures, or documentary f ilms. T h e presence of survivor testimony in th e context of a h istoric site and memorial, alongside museum exh ibits, h istory texts, a documentary f ilm, and interpretive lectures by th e N ational Park Service, inevitably calls attention to contrasts between popular notions of "h istory " and "memory " (Gedi and Elam 1996; Linenth al 1995; N ora 1989). T h e distinc- tion between prof essionalized h istory and personal recollection lies be- h ind th e common perception th at survivors' talk is, at base, personal.2 T h eir involvement in th eir stories is communicated in a variety of way s, including f eatures of voice and emotion th at index connections between th e subjectivity of th e speaker and objects of representation. M EM ORIALIZIN G: M AKIN G A CON T EXT Originally f orged in th e context of a nation mobilizing f or war, images of Pearl Harbor continue to be produced, f irst and f oremost, f or national audiences-as a means of imagining th e nation as a moral community . T h e Arizona M emorial is operated by th e N ational Park Service and th e U.S. N avy as a national park site with in an active military base. Wh ile Americans are empowered to voice th eir opinions about h ow national h is- tory is presented th ere (th rough , f or example, letters to Congress),3 th e memorial is part of Honolulu's international tourist economy and h osts up to 4,000 visitors a day , spanning a wide cultural, national, and generational diversity . One of th e dilemmas th at conf ronts custodians of th e M emorial (by wh ich I mean th e Park Rangers and veteran volunteers wh o interpret h is- tory th ere) is th at of creating a context with in wh ich statements about Pearl Harbor acquire cultural importance or personal meaning. How do acts of representation become moments of "remembrance"? Af ter all, wh en th e name Pearl Harbor f irst entered th e lexicon of American popular culture, it was as an event not to be f orgotten, with wartime songs, f ilms, and news media urging th e national public to self -consciously "Remember Pearl Harbor" f or th e war ef f ort. Park Rangers and veteran volunteers of ten talk about th e problem of convey ing th e importance of th e M emorial to tourist audiences, of h aving to counteract th e mindset of people wh o see th e place as just one more recreational stop on a busy itinerary of sigh tseeing in Hawai'i's tropical This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 511 paradise. Any one viewing th e scene at th e Visitor Center on a busy day as th rongs of vacationers mill about, taking in th e h arbor views and museum exh ibits as th ey await th eir turn to see th e documentary f ilm and take a boat to th e M emorial can readily understand th e dif f iculty of def ining th e space as a sacred site and burial place (Kelly 1996).4 For th ose wh o work at th e M emorial, and many oth ers wh o visit, th ere is more at stake h ere th an just reminding tourists to be respectf ul. T h ere is th e ongoing need to valorize models of th e past th at are th emselves in jeopardy in th e larger culture, and th at require just th e kind of public af f irmation af f orded by a state-sponsored memorial site. In th is setting, perf ormative acts of remembrance contextualize people's lives in relation to th e imagined communities of nations (instantiated, partly , by th e small audiences moving th rough th e M emorial). By def inition, representations of Pearl Harbor in th is context take on th e signif icance of of f icial, collective h istory . T h e interpolation of th e personal in h istorical narrative simulta- neously gives experience collective signif icance and collective repre- sentations personal meaning. T h is is one reason th at representational practices of th e memorial are so closely monitored and regulated (eliciting more letters to Congressional of f ices th an any oth er location in th e N a- tional Park Service and N ational M onument sy stem [see Linenth al 1993; Wh ite 1997b]). It is also wh y th e site is continually described as a deeply emotional place. One of th e most commonly h eard ref rains in descriptions of th e M e- morial is th at it evokes strong emotions. T h is is especially so f or Pearl Harbor survivors, World War II veterans, and Americans of th e war gen- eration (and th eir kin). Wh en we survey ed responses to th e M emorial's documentary f ilm in terms of a set of af f ect categories, f or example, one of th e clearest f indings was th at older Americans report a greater intensity of f eeling, across th e wh ole spectrum of emotions we asked about (Wh ite 1997a). At th e center of th is emotionality is th e experience of death and loss, signif ied most poignantly by th e sunken sh ip as tombf or th e crew of th e Arizona, most of wh ose bodies were never extracted. (see Inglis 1993).5 One of th e major "interpretive th emes" promoted by th e Park Service, especially th rough a documentary f ilm sh own to all visitors, is th at th e M emorial is a place "deservingspecial respect." In draf ting a standardized set of remarks f or use by Park Rangers introducing th e f ilm to visitors, park h istorian Daniel M artinez ch aracterized th e M emorial in precisely th ese terms: T h eM emorial itself deserves special respect. T h e sh ip af terall is th e f inal restingplace f or th e crew of th e Arizona. It is th eir tomb. Out of respect f or th is cemetery -like atmosph ere, we ask th at y ou keep y our voices low wh ile at th e M emorial. It is a place wh ere y ou can ref lect on th e past and contemplate th e f uture. [M artinez 1997] This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 512 ? ET HOS Having th us def ined th e memorial context as th at of a cemetery or tomb (rath er th an as a landmark, museum, or th eme park), th ese pref atory remarks turn to emotions, f urth er establish ing th e nature of th e context by telling th e audience th at th ey are likely to react to th e M emorial and its h istory with strong emotions: Formost of y ou today , th is journey back to th e day s of 1941 will probably evoke some kind of f eeling or emotion: sadness, despair, may be even anger. Places wh ere tragic events unf olded may evoke such f eelings. Forth e people of Hawaii, th e United States and th e world, lives were ch anged f orever. World WarII was now truly global. Wh en th e smoke and th e dust of th e warsettled in 1945, nearly 55 million people were dead. [M artinez 1997, emph asis added] T h ese ref erences to th e emotionality of Pearl Harbor presuppose a background th eory of emotions as responses to important events, with specif ic emotions signif y ingspecif ic ty pes of events. Wh ile allowing f or a range of dif f erent emotions, and, by implication, dif f erent interpretations of th e events th at evoke th em, th ese remarks noneth eless ch aracterize th e h istory at h and as "tragic," and specif y "sadness" and "despair" as likely responses, with "anger" a lesser possibility . Here ref erences to emotion f unction as communicative markers th at index th e salience of certain statements f or th eir audiences, indicating th at th ey acquire th eir signif i- cance in relation to existing, valorized cultural models. T h e discussion th at f ollows explores some of th e way s th at expres- sions of emotion in th is context work to link interlocutors, social catego- ries, and represented events. N ote th at th e text in th e above passage moves f rom a list of emotions to a list of identities (sadness, despair, and anger to "th e people of Hawaii, th e United States, and th e world"). T h is juxtaposi- tion-in th is case between emotions and an expanding circle of involve- ment th at ultimately makes th e memorial a global memorial-is indicative of th e discursive f unction of emotions as markers of th e relevance of nar- rative f or speakers and audiences. N o analy sis of th e textual productions of th e M emorial will reveal th e diverse way s audiences compreh end th em in relation to th eir own lif e- worlds. Certainly some do not respond at all to talk of "tragic events." But f or many , th e of f icial Park Service def inition of th e situation as one likely to evoke personal f eelings f oretells a broad range of af f ective responses. In museums and oth er public places wh ere sh ared h istory is interactively produced, h istorical discourse f requently entails small acts of identif ica- tion, in wh ich th e subjectivity of viewers and objects of interpretation come into mutually contingent relations. One of th e primary means th rough wh ich th is is accomplish ed at th e Arizona M emorial is th rough Pearl Harbor survivors wh o, by th eir very presence, embody th e Pearl Har- bor story as livingh istory . In th is way th e past becomes present and per- sonal, someth ing th at can be engaged as part of one's own interactive This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 513 experience-if not one's ordinary lif e, at least as part of one's vacation to exotic lands such as Hawai'i. SURVIVOR VOICES: IN DEXIN G N AT ION AL SUBJECT IVIT Y As part of my work at th e M emorial, I h ave become f amiliar with a number of th e Pearl Harbor survivors wh o volunteer th ere. Beginning in 1994 with th e assistance of M arjorie Kelly and th e support of a grant f rom th e Wenner-Gren Foundation, I recorded about 40 h ours of public presen- tations and individual interviews with survivors. Since th at time, I h ave pursued more in-depth interviews with th ree of th em, discussing th eir sto- ries, th eir own views of th eir activities at th e M emorial, and th eir lif e h is- tories, including alway s th e events of th e Pearl Harbor attack. As an anth ropologist entering th is h igh ly narrativized space, talking to individuals wh o h ave taken on personae as witnesses to h istory and wh o are interviewed f requently by journalists, writers, and video makers, my interactions with veterans may also be interpreted as one more occasion f or telling of ten repeated stories.6 Even wh en f raming an interview as f o- cusing on "lif e h istory ," th e topic of Pearl Harbor-th e events of th e day and its consequences-of ten predominates. It may seem ironic th at war memories th at may be traumatic, re- pressed, and h idden are also th e object of public perf ormance. T h is, h ow- ever, is precisely th e point. M any wh o lived th rough th e Pearl Harbor attack continue to h ave dif f iculty talking about th eir experiences, and only over time h ave begun to discuss th em. And, in f act, a number of th e indi- viduals wh o volunteer at th e M emorial describe a transitional point in th eir lives wh en th ey began to talk openly about Pearl Harbor. For some, th e 50th anniversary of th e attack in 1991 was such a transitional moment. For oth ers, f inding th e Pearl Harbor Survivors Association (PHSA), or be- ginning to work at th e Arizona M emorial proved to be th e enabling expe- rience. Each survivor wh o volunteers at th e M emorial h as developed a dis- tinctive set of activities f or engaging people. T h ey all wear a green Park Service sh irt and Pearl Harbor Survivor cap with th e words "Pearl Harbor Survivor" inscribed on th e side (alth ough th ese are also h igh ly individual- ized with pins and badges of all sorts). M ost will assist in taking tickets and introducing th e documentary f ilm as groups take th eir turns f iling into th e th eater. Oth ers develop individual routines. Rich ard Fiske's sty le, f or ex- ample, is to walk th e grounds of th e visitor center with a th ree-ring binder f ull of ph otos of h is war experiences. T h e binder mediates h is interaction with people wh o engage h im in conversation, of ten posing f or ph otos. In some cases, individual survivors h ave prepared organized talks f or presen- tation on a regular basis in th e small museum. Of th ese, some present This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 514 * ET HOS personal stories wh ile oth ers give h istorical overviews of th e events of th e attack, detailing casualties and bomb damage. One of th e personal talks, f or example, is given by Reverend Joe M organ, ch aplain of th e Oah u ch ap- ter of th e PHSA, wh o tells a story about a postwar encounter with th e Japanese commander of th e attackingplanes (wh o, incredibly , h ad h imself converted to Ch ristianity ). M organ's story is presented as a parable f or th e transf ormation of anger and h atred to f orgiveness. Consider now th e way one survivor, Rich ard (Dick) Husted, presents Pearl Harbor h istory (and h is story ) f or museum audiences. In discussing h is museum presentations, I compare h is recollections of th e attack in several distinct contexts, beginning with h is presentations to museum audiences, and th en drawingupon inf ormation f rom interviews with h im and f rom a videotape in wh ich Dick Husted tells h is story as one of several survivor recollections recorded by th e N ational Park Service in 1996. Dick Husted is a retired navy commander wh ose sh ip, th e battlesh ip USS Oklah oma, suf f ered th e second-greatest number of casualties in th e attack (at least 429 killed). Since 1991, Husted h as been volunteering at th e M emorial two day s a week during th e six month s of th e y ear h e lives in Honolulu. He h as a prepared talk th at h e presents in th e museum twice each morning, standing in f ront of a h uge aerial ph otograph taken by one of th e Japanese planes looking down on "battlesh ip row" under attack. As h e stands bef ore th e ph otograph with pointer in h and, h e quickly attracts th e attention of visitors circulating th rough th e museum. A cluster of peo- ple gath er around h im, listening h ard to h is sof t-spoken narration. Some drif t in and out of th e listening area, wh ile oth ers skirt th e edges.7 T y pi- cally 10 to 20 people will remain attentive th rough th e entire 45-minute narrative. Some leave wh en th ey are called away to view th e documentary bef ore th ey board th e boats to see th e memorial. T h e panoptic aerial view of th e scene of th e attack display ed in th e museum ph otograph is well-suited to th e kind of f act-driven h istorical overview th at Husted presents, using a pointer to indicate sh ips and loca- tions ref erred to in h is narrative. He is an avid reader of military h istory and f requently ref ers to th e knowledge h e h as gained f rom books about th e attack. He uses th is background knowledge to present a summary account of events on December 7, organized on a sh ip-by -sh ip basis, f ocusing on th e main battlesh ips and th e damage and casualties incurred by each dur- ing th e attack, wh ile also drawing on h is own personal experience. Alth ough Husted's talk is distilled f rom a variety of sources, h e inter- sperses h is narrative with observations and anecdotes f rom h is own experi- ence as a navy veteran and as a survivor (wh ich , in any case, is immediately evident f rom h is dress, including h is cap, inscribed "Pearl Harbor Survi- vor," and h is self introduction). As most of th e survivors do wh enever th ey address a group audience at th e M emorial, Husted introduces h imself by This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 515 giving h is name and military rank at th e time of th e attack. On one occa- sion, wh en h e started talkinginf ormally with two or th ree people and th en f ound h imself with a larger group gath ered f or h is talk, h e interrupted h im- self to mark th e beginning of h is narrative with an introduction: 98: Back down, my name's Dick Husted. 99: I came out h ere aboard th e battlesh ip Oklah oma. 100: I was a seaman f irst class wh en th is occurred. 101: T h e Oklah oma got out h ere December 6, 1940, a y ear and a day bef ore th is h appened (tape 97-2, 2/13/97) Here Dick Ilusted places h imself on h is sh ip, one of th e f ocal points f or h is sh ip-centered narrative, and f or Pearl Harbor iconograph y generally , wh ere ph otograph s of exploding and burningsh ips h ave become th e signa- ture image of th e attack. In h is introduction, Husted locates h imself in both th e time and space of th e h istoric events h e is going to talk about. And, wh en h e talks about coming "out h ere" aboard h is sh ip, h e f urth er indexes th e location of th e present speech event as th e location of h is story . Fur- th ermore, by identif y ing h imself as both a veteran and a survivor, Husted indicates th at h e not only talks f rom experience, but f rom th e particular experience of national military service. Having introduced h imself as a Pearl Harbor survivor and a U.S. N avy veteran, Husted can talk in th e subjective I-voice of personal experience. He also talks in th e th ird-person voice of documentary h istory , occasion- ally ref erencing th e texts wh ere h e f inds h is inf ormation (see below). Wh ile th ese perspectives are sometimes placed in opposition, as contras- tive modes of h istoriograph y , survivors f requently switch between th em, and even meld th em in th e voice of th e national we, ph rasing h istory as collective experience. We h ave recorded Dick Husted speaking in th e museum on f our sepa- rate occasions over th e course of th ree y ears. T h e narrative structure of h is presentations are h igh ly consistent. He uses th e plural voice in a vari- ety of way s to f rame h is narrative: th e "we" of th e nation, th e "we" of Pearl Harbor survivors, th e "we" of battlesh ip sailors, and even th e "we" of h is- torians (wh at "we" now know to h ave h appened), in addition to th e occa- sional "we" of h imself and th e people listening to h im. First, th e "we" of battlesh ips and th eir crews. In setting th e stage f or th e attack, Husted talks about th e reasons th e battlesh ips were in th e h ar- bor, describing events f rom th e vantage point of th e "we" of battlesh ips and th eir crew, a usage th at implies a close identif ication between self , men, and sh ips. (Alth ough , as is conventional in navy talk, Husted ty pically per- sonif ies battlesh ips with gendered pronouns "sh e" and "h er.") 54 T h e reason th e battlesh ips were in, we couldn't keep up with th e carriers. 55 Admiral N imitz, or Kimmel rath er, did not want us at sea with out air protection. 56 Carriers could do 33 knots and we could only do 21. This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 516 ? ET HOS 57 In f act, task f orce two wh ich my sh ip was part of .... Wecame in Friday because th e carrier was putting to sea. . . . [tape 94-4, 2/8/94] T h e second ty pe of plural subjectivity evident in Husted's museum talks is th e "we" of th e nation, ref erring in th is case to America at war. In th ese cases, it is h is national identity as a citizen of th e United States th at f rames h is speaking identity . For th e most part, also, th is identif ication lo- cates th e speaker in h istory as well, as a citizen at th e moment of th e out- break of war, alth ough th ere is some ambiguity wh eth er th e "we" in th ese statements also encompasses th e "we" of today 's citizenry . For example: 112 Wewere at undeclared warin th e N orth Atlantic. 113 Wewere loosing 50 percent of our sh ipping ... 114 Wh en th is occurred h ere, we h ad already lost th e destroy er Ruben James. 115 But it ended up we h ad th ree battle divisions out h ere ... [tape 97-2; 2/13/97] Wh en ref erring to th e same events wh en giving th is talk on anoth er oc- casion, Husted added an aside th at makes it clear th at th e "we" of Ameri- cans is also th e "we" of th e older generation of Americans wh o experienced th e war: 433 By th e way ... we were at warbef ore Pearl Harbor h appened. 434 It was just an undeclared war.... 435 For y ou people in my agebracket, y ou remember th e Ruben James sunk up th ere.... 436 So we were at war wh eth er people wanted to admit it or not. [tape 94-4, 2/8/94] T h is is ty pical of th e way in wh ich Husted interjects commentary about as- pects of sh ared (or unsh ared) knowledge th at implicate h imself and h is lis- teners in th e same social and temporal f rame of ref erence. Lastly , Husted speaks in th e "we" of h istory or, rath er, h istorians wh o sh are a vantage point f rom th e inf ormed present. T wo passages serve to il- lustrate: 145 [pointing to th e aerial ph otograph ] T h is is th e Arizona ... 146 We really don't know h ow many bombs actually h it h er. 147 We know of two def initely . 148 T h e guy s th at survived, th ere were 334 survivors ... 243 [T h e bomb] went all th e way down and came in on th e starboard side h ere righ t adjacent to number one and number two turret. 244 And we estimate may be seven levels below bef ore it exploded. 245 It eith er exploded in or adjacent to, doesn't make much dif f erence, th e magazine f orth e two f orward guns. [tape 97-2, 2/13/97] Just as Dick Husted sh if ts between vantage points in dif f erent parts of h is narrative, h e may also sh if t voices with in th e same stretch of talk. T h e rapidity of th is in some instances ref lects th e ease with wh ich perspectives can be combined by a narrator wh o occupies multiple subject positions. In some of th e most poignant passages of h is talk, th e subject is th e wartime navy . For example, wh en h e describes attempts to rescue sailors trapped This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 517 inside sunken and capsized sh ips af ter th e bombing, th e principle actor is th e U.S. N avy , ref erenced as both "we" and "th ey " in alternating sentences. In th e excerpt below, h e tells about of th e f ate of th ree crew members of th e USS West Virginia wh o were trapped below decks and f inally died af ter two weeks of pounding on th e h ull to attract h elp. 375 Wecouldn't h ave got down to th em. 376 T h ey didn't know wh ere th e noise was coming f rom, number one. 377 N umber two we h ad th e old h ard h ats with th e airh ose and th e big cumber- some rubber suits. 378 Wh en th ey raised th e sh ip in '42 and f ound out wh ere th ey were at, th ey couldn't h ave gotten down to th em with modern equipment [tape 97-2, 2/13/97, em- ph asis added] In th e course of describing th e attack, Husted f requently makes th ese kinds of sh if ts in voice. T h e longest stretch es of talk describe events and ac- tions in th ird-person, alth ough th ese are at times personalized with th e use of f irst-person pronouns or with th e interjection of stories about individual experience. Sh if ting between "th ey " and "we" also ref lects a broader dual- ity of h istory and memory th at pervades (American) discourses of th e past. M any of th e survivors wh o volunteer at th e M emorial utilize both text- based modes of h istorical auth ority (sometimes accompanied by ref er- ences to sources)8 as well as conf essional speech th at derives its auth ority f rom experience. In general, it is only war veterans and Pearl Harbor survi- vors wh o talk in th e f irst person about th e actual events memorialized at Pearl Harbor. And it is th e park h istorians, curators, and interpreters wh o speak in th e mode of prof essionalized public h istory , distilled in a more ref - erential language th at must utilize quoted speech and oth er devices to per- sonalize narrative representation. Of all th e genres of public h istory presented by th e Park Service, th e documentary f ilm speaks in th e most consistent, auth oritative voice. It gives an eloquent, 25-minute overview of th e Pearl Harbor attack, using newsreel f ootage and visual images f rom th e period to give a ref erential commentary about wh at h appened and wh y . Alth ough producers of th e f ilm made a strategic decision not to include personalized stories about individual, h eroic acts, it also mixes ref erential and subjective voices (Wh ite 1997a). M arking its sh if ts between past and present by transitions f rom color f ilm to black and wh ite, th e f ilm concludes its narrative in th e plural "we," asking: How sh all we remember th em, th ose wh o died?.... Let our grief f orth e men of th eArizona bef orall th ose wh ose f utures were taken f rom th em on December 7th , 1941. [M artinez 1997] Here th e "we" voice links audience and narrator in a kind of collective agency , f raming th e occasion of f ilm-viewing and memorial visiting as perf ormative acts of memory and th e emotional expression of grief . Wh ile This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 518 * ET HOS th e rh etorical "we" h ere extends, potentially , to a global audience, th e practical exigencies of language and translation restrict th e f ilm's reach . A limiting case is th e Japanese audience members wh o speak little English and, until two y ears ago, listened to th e f ilm with out th e benef it of trans- lations (now provided by rented earph ones). T h ere is a certain similarity between Rich ard Husted's sty le of narrat- ing Pearl Harbor and th e f ilm's somewh at unusual mixture of documentary and testimonial sty le. T h e f ilm was made to specif ically prepare audiences f or visiting th e M emorial. Like Rich ard Husted, th e f ilm presents retro- spective views f rom th e vantage point of th e present, inf ormed by contem- porary h istorical knowledge. But Husted also speaks as one wh o was th ere. Alth ough h e may draw f rom texts, th e reason h e talks to audiences at th e M emorial, and th e main reason people are interested in listening to h im, is h is identity as a survivor. LIFE ST ORY/N AT ION AL HIST ORY T h e example below, taken f rom one of Dick Husted's museum talks, il- lustrates one way th at Husted personalizes h istorical narrative by splicing in h is own subjectivity into a larger h istory , wh ich in th is case, h e con- structs as a sequential review of damage to sh ips and h uman casualties. Here h e discusses th e f ate of th e USS Utah , wh ere 57 men died wh en th e sh ip was torpedoed and rolled over wh ile tied up at its dock. Pointing to th e Utah in th e aerial ph otograph , Husted ref ers to th e sh ip's Ch ief Petty Of f i- cer, Peter T h omas, wh o died wh ile going back into th e sh ip to save some of h is men. As a medal of h onor winner, T h omas is of ten mentioned in Pearl Harbor h istories. In th is instance, Husted notes th at, like T h omas, h e, too, h ad been a Ch ief Petty Of f icer in h is navy career, th ereby connecting h im- self with th e narrative th rough a principle of similarity . 90 But any h ow, y ou can see th e old Utah is startin' to capsize righ t th ere [pointing to th e aerial ph otograph ]. 91 T h ere's 57 souls aboard h er. 92 Sh e's th e only sh ip th at remains out h ere, outside of th e Arizona, sunk th at morning. 93 I'm a mustang. 94 T h at means ah (ch okes up) I come up outta th e ranks. 95 And I wore th e Ch ief Petty Of f icer's h at in th e process f orseven y ears. 96 I belong to th e national Ch ief Petty Of f icer's Association. 97 T h e ch apters of th e association arenot called ch apters, th ey 're called Ch ief s Quarters. 98 And a Ch ief s Quarters in T exas is named Peter T h omas. 99 And th e reason I bring h im up is because h e was th e ch ief water attendant on h er. 100 He got th e Congressional M edal of Honor posth umously . This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 519 101 Heh ad gone down th e th ird time f rom th e sh ore to make sure all h is men were out f rom down below and never made it back up (pause). [tape 97-3A, 2/13/971 T h is passage illustrates one of th e discourse strategies th at personalize th e h istories presented by survivors at th e M emorial. In th is case th e speaker links h is own identity as a navy man and f ormer Ch ief Petty Of f icer with th at of one of th e central f igures in th e Pearl Harbor drama. Indeed, any time a survivor talks about Pearl Harbor h istory at th e M emorial, h is iden- tity as a veteran implies a similar sort of substitutability between repre- senter and represented, with th e speaker embody ing th e kind of national, military subjectivity constructed in th e Pearl Harbor stories. In th e example above, wh en Dick Husted ref ers to h is own career and f ormer rank as a Ch ief Petty Of f icer, th e topic transition is marked by a brief expression of emotion (line 94). As someone wh o spent h is entire career in th e N avy , Husted f ormed strong attach ments to sailors, com- manders, and sh ips. In general, th ese attach ments are not verbalized or made explicit in h is M useum talks. However, wh en h e does touch on sub- jects th at relate to h is own lif e, as in th e above passage, h e sometimes marks th e intersection of narrative f rames by inserting a brief aside about h imself . T h ese asides, like th e use of f irst-person pronouns to talk about Pearl Harbor h istory , bring lif e story and national story into mutual rele- vance, such th at each may af f ect th e oth er, allowing national h istories to acquire a degree of emotionality and personal experiences to become to- kens of national subjectivity . In th e interviews I h ave done with Rich ard Husted, asking h im to expand on h is lif e h istory , some of th e sources of h is sentimentality be- come apparent. He talks about th e sh ips h e served on as h omes and sources of nurturance th at bred a sense of collective identity among th eir crews, particularly h is "f irst sh ip," th e USS Oklah oma. He also expresses af f ection f or of f icers wh o h elped h im at various junctures in h is career. Wh en h e talks about Pearl Harbor h istory , and especially th e destruction of sh ips and death of certain individuals, h e draws upon h is own under- standings of sh ips, sailors, and of f icers f ormed in th e context of h is lif e experience. Alth ough Husted presents h is museum talk in th e register of a public h istorian, h is primary identity h ere is th at of a Pearl Harbor survivor. As a result, h is audiences are inevitably curious about h is place in th e action, and ask to h ear more about h is own story . Because h e presents h is talk in a ref erential mode, h owever, including details of th e sinking of h is own sh ip, h is audience f requently h as to ask about h is personal experience. In two of th e f our presentations we recorded, audience members asked Husted about h is experience at similar junctures in th e narrative. In th e examples below h e h ad just described th e death toll on th e USSArizona and was dis- cussing h is sh ip, th e Oklah oma, wh en someone asked if h e was on th e sh ip. This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 520 ? ET HOS 160 RH: . .. th at's th e reason we h ad th at h uge loss of lif e 161 95 percent of th e people were aboard th e battlesh ips 162 98 percent aboard th e cruisers 163 Visitor: (inaudible) 164 RH: T h e gentleman asked if I was on th e Okie 165 N o, I wasn't. 166 ... I was in th e liberty section and I h ad, th e th ing th at set me aside f rom th ose oth er poor souls, I h ad relations out th ere. (tape 94-6, 2/10/94). In th e second example, Husted was discussing th e extraction of bodies f rom th eArizona and h is sh ip wh en one of h is audience interrupted with a similar question, seeking to locate th e speaker in th e scene of action: 91 RH: T h e people h ere on th eArizona (pointing to th e ph otograph ), th ose people up f orward were vaporized wh en th at explosion took place 92 Back h ere f orward of th e main mast, th ose people were burnt and blown apart lit- erally . 93 T h e people th ey did get out, as I said, 110, 130 bodies were so badly burned, th ey couldn't identif y th em, most of th em. 94 T h ey areburied in Punch bowl as unknowns. 95 T h ey got bodies out of my sh ip 96 Visitor: Wh ere were y ou? 97 RH: Very f ortunately I was ash ore. 98 I was up h ere at Haleiwa. 99 I wasn't married, but if y ou were in th e liberty section and y ou h ad bona f ide re- lations ash ore [y ou could get sh ore leave]. (tape 94-4, 2/8/94) In both of th ese cases, once th e question, "Wh ere were y ou?" is asked, Husted sh if ts into a narrative of h is own actions th e morning of th e bomb- ing. Ironically , th ough , th e central th eme of h is personal story -and th e point th at h as unsettled h im ever since-is h is absence f rom th e main events of th e attack, and especially f rom h is sh ip at th e f atal moment of its sinking. Because h e h ad taken overnigh t sh ore leave with relatives on th e oth er side of th e island, h e was not on th e Oklah oma wh en it came under attack. Wh en h e arrived back at Pearl Harbor as th e attack was ongoing, h e f ound th at h is sh ip h ad already capsized with h eavy loss of lif e. T h ese were traumatic events th at continue to trouble Dick Husted. For many y ears h e h ad dif f iculty talking about h is experiences during th e attack, and now th at h e does, h is recollections are marked by signs of trauma: partial amnesia and strong emotions. Despite repeating th e story of th e bombing several times a week f or th e past f ew y ears, h e h as no memory at all of th e drive back to th e h arbor to rejoin h is sh ip wh ile th e attack was underway (wh ich would h ave taken about 30 minutes). N o mat- ter h ow many times h e h as talked about th ese events at th e M emorial, to media reprentatives, or in conversation, h e still f inds th at h e is easily over- come with emotion wh en talking about th e loss of h is sh ip, as well as about oth er losses th at day . As a result, h e usually makes only brief ref erence to This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering ? 521 h is personal experience in h is museum talks, until someone interrupts h im. Because h e was not on h is sh ip wh en it came under attack, Husted f eels th at h is own story is not th e kind of h istory h is museum audiences are most interested in wh en th ey come to th e M emorial. For th is reason, and no doubt because of h is own ambivalence, h e h as ch osen to f rame h is pres- entation as a h istorical overview based on textual sources rath er th an as personal testimony . Wh en I asked h im in an interview if h is audiences want to h ear about h is experience, h e replied th at th ey do, but because h e was not in th e middle of th e action, some of h is listeners lose interest wh en h e relates h is own story : 135 GW: You must f ind th at wh en y ou're givingy our talks th at people want to h ear about y our experience. 136 RH: Oh , th ey do. 137 T h at's interesting experience.... 138 (th ey ask,) "Wh at h appened to y ou?" 139 So th en I h ave to backwater and tell 'em [wh y I wasn't aboard] .... 140 So I was out th ere [on th e opposite sh ore of th e island] and wh en y ou tell peo- ple th is, some of 'em y ou lose, and some y ou don't. 141 GW: Some y ou lose because? 142 RH: Well, I'm no h ero. 143 GW: Oh , th ey 're looking f ormore smoke and f ire 144 RH: Blood and guts 145 GW: (overlapping:) Yeah . 146 RH: and so f orth . 147 But I've got th eir attention, so I go on with th e talk. 148 I tell 'em wh at h appened. (tape 97-2A, 2/13/97) In th is exch ange, Husted notes th at h e of ten h as to "backwater" (interrupt h imself ) to tell h is own story , just as in th e two examples above. He de- scribes th e expectations of h is audience with quoted speech , "Wh at h ap- pened to y ou?" (1. 138). He sees h is audiences' interest f ocused on scenes of battle and death (alth ough in th e talks we h ave observed, we did not see evidence of th is). In contrast, wh en I f irst interviewed Husted, h e not only talked about h is experiences on December 7th , h e assumed th ey would be my primary interest. With in minutes of our f irst session, h e was describing th ose expe- riences. In anoth er interview, h e repeated almost th e same description of events leading up to and f ollowing th e discovery th at h is sh ip h ad been sunk in th e h arbor: 413 We h it th e main gate wh en th e attack started on Wh eeler Field. 414 And quite obviously , it was obvious we were at war. 415 And I lef t h im [h is uncle T ed] at th e main gate. 416 And like I tell 'em I don't know h ow I got down to Pearl Harbor. 417 Followed th at old road.... 419 T h e attack was still on. 420 T h ey were out f irin' and stuf f . This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 522 ? ET HOS 421 I made it down to th e subbase and I was inf ormed th at my sh ip h ad already capsized. 422 All y ou could see out on battlewagon row was f ireand smoke. 423 And I became emotional I guess. 424 Sh e was my f irst sh ip. [tape 97-2A, 2/13/97, p. 13] In th e interview situation, Dick Husted talked about "becoming emo- tional" (423) wh en h e saw th at th e h uge battlesh ip rolled over on its side. Elsewh ere h e h as described th e moment as a "traumatic experience" and ref lected on th e interplay of narrative and emotion wh en h e gives h is mu- seum talks. He commonly uses psy ch ological terms such as guilt or trauma to describe h is psy ch ological states, both past and present. Wh en talking to museum audiences, h e may tell th em about th e blank in h is memory about driving back to h is sh ip, and may even say th at a "sh rink" migh t be able to h elp h im f ind th e reasons f or th is. But oth erwise h e adds very little about h is emotions th at day and avoids talking at length about th e loss of h is sh ip and its crew because h e sees th em as "emotional trig- gers" th at bring on tearf ul f eelings. Instead, h e f rames h is talk as one based on h istorical texts. In th e interview passage below, h e h ad been telling me wh at h e normally tells h is audience about getting down to th e h arbor and seeing h is sh ip, h is voice cracked and h e paused ref lectively bef ore going on to say in a resigned tone, "T h en I go on with wh atever I read in th e books. T ry to get my f igures righ t." 510 RH: Lord h as a way of taking care of me. 511 [It was a] very traumatic experience.... 512 I know it h appened. 513 [Sh e was] on h er side wh en I arrived (pause) 514 T h en I go on with wh atever. I read in th e books. 515 T ry to get my f igures righ t. [tape 97-2A, 2/13/97] Wh en Husted returned to Pearl Harbor f or th e 30th anniversary of th e bombing in 1971, at about th e same time h e retired f rom active military service, h e discovered th e Pearl Harbor Survivors Association and began to talk with oth er veterans about th e events of December 7. In later y ears h e moved to Honolulu on a part-time basis and oth er survivors encouraged h im to volunteer at th e M emorial. T h ere h e f ound a context in wh ich h e could begin to talk at greater length about subjects th at continue to trouble h im. He recognizes th at th e opportunity to narrate h is experience-to re- f rame and expand memories of th e attack as a narrative of collective, na- tional h istory -h as h ad a kind of th erapeutic ef f ect. He uses th e word cath arsis to describe th e benef icial ef f ects of narratingh istory at th e M e- morial. Dick Husted recognizes th at h e remains emotional about Pearl Harbor and describes h is interaction with audiences in terms of th e contagious quality of emotion expressed between h im and h is audiences: This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering ? 523 516 I suppose I dramatize a little. 517 N ot try in' to get emotional. 518 If I break up, th e women in th e crowd break up. 519 I don't intend to do th at. 520 I mean I h ate to do it in th e presence of kids. 521 T h ey don't know wh at a 76-y ear-old man is doin' up th ere cry in'. 522 You know, really . 523 It embarrasses 'em. 524 And y ou th ink th at af tersix y ears of th is I'd overcome it. 525 And I do. 526 Ah , I try to stay away f rom but wh en y ou're asked a question y ou're asked a question and y ou get into subjects th at y ou try to stay away f rom. [tape 97-2A, 2/13/97] T h ese comments reveal a good bit about Dick Husted's own conceptions of emotion and narrative perf ormance. He describes emotions as mediating h is interaction with h is audience, such th at h is expression of emotion is ca- pable of evoking audience responses, especially f rom women. Based on similar comments f rom oth er survivor volunteers, cry ing in th e M emorial context is regarded as gendered, with women members of th eir audiences seen as most likely to express emotions. Oth er volunteers h ave com- mented to me th at seeing women in th eir audiences cry ing is enough to set of f th eir own tearf ul reaction. In th e passage above, Husted talks about h is weeping as embarrassing ch ildren, wh o presumably do not sh are knowl- edge of th e h istorical context th at gives th ese emotions meaning, in rela- tion to scenarios of tragic death and grief . Husted's statement above about th e need to "overcome" h is emotion- ality wh en talking in th e museum, and h is strategies f or doing so ("stay ing away " f rom certain topics), indicate th at h e sees h is h istorical talks as best done with out expressions of emotion. Alth ough h e recognizes th at h is own memories of Pearl Harbor remain both emotional and troubling, h e con- ventionalizes th at experience in th e course of giving museum talks. Af ter say ing th at some questions get h im into "subjects th at y ou try to stay away f rom" (526), I commented, "As y ou said bef ore, th ere are some triggers, and y ou just don't go into th ose." T o wh ich h e replied, "But wh at I tell th em is wh at I've read out of books. I went aboard th e Dewey th e next day ." Dick Husted's museum talks, presented by one wh o lived th rough th e attack, work both to narrate and conventionalize h is emotional memories. He describes th e ef f ects of th is kind of talk as "cath artic," as h aving f reed h im up. T h ese ef f ects are commonly described in th e th erapeutic literature on trauma and memory (Antze and Lambek 1996), especially regarding post-traumatic stress disorders among Vietnam veterans wh ere th e impor- tance of sociocultural contexts wh ere war experiences could be talked about with compreh ending and sy mpath etic interlocutors h as been widely discussed. T h e Vietnam veteran and auth or T im O'Brien ch aracterizes th e This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 524 * ET HOS ef f ects of h is writing in much th e same way th at Husted talks about h is presentations: In ordinary conversation, I never spoke much about th e war, certainly not in detail, and y et ever since my return I h ad been talking about it virtually nonstop th rough my writing. T elling stories seemed a natural, inevitable process, like clearing th e th roat. Partly cath arsis, partly communication, it was a way of grabbing people by th e sh irt and explaining exactly wh at h appened to me.... By telling stories, y ou objectif y y our own experience. You separate it f rom y ourself . You pin down certain truth s. You make up oth ers. [O'Brien 1990:179] AFFECT IN G HIST ORY: IN ST IT UT ION ALIZIN G N AT ION AL SEN T IM EN T T h e emotionality th at surrounds Dick Husted's museum talks and, in many way s, th e activities of most of th e survivors at th e M emorial, reso- nate with th e of f icial Park Service th eater program cited earlier, in wh ich visitors to th e M emorial are told th ey are likely to react emotionally to Pearl Harbor h istory and memory . It is th is marked emotionality th at sig- nif ies th e importance of th e M emorial as a site th at is not just a h istoric landmark or tourist destination, but a place th at attempts to speak to in- dividuals in terms of th eir self -understanding. T h e pragmatic role of emo- tion-including both emotion talk and emotional expression-indexically links speaker, audience, and narrated events. Examining th e perf ormative context of one survivor and h is public presentations of Pearl Harbor h is- tory h as been aimed at outlining some of th e complexity of th ese relations, such th at speaker, story , and context are all potentially transf ormed in th e course of perf ormative enactments of h istorical narrative. T h e duality of h istory and memory (or, more precisely , of discourses of h istory and memory ) permeates th e Pearl Harbor memorial. T h e public expression of emotion in th is context simultaneously marks its h istories as signif icant f or personal experience and, by virtue of institutional con- text, collective (national) h istory . T h e modalities of h istorical repre- sentation th at th e Park Service uses to tell th e Pearl Harbor story complicate th e of ten opposed registers of prof essionalized (collective) h is- tory and personalized (individual) memory . So, f or example, museum ex- h ibits include personal ef f ects, letters h ome, ph otos, and so f orth (T urnbull 1996) and, as mentioned earlier, th e documentary f ilm f rames its documentary account as an act of memorializing, of remembrance.9 Amidst th e array of representational media at th e M emorial and visitor center, th e voice of survivors is nearly unique as an embodied link be- tween personal memory and national h istory (even if each survivor brings a distinct story and mode of presentation). Alth ough th e f olksy sty le of many of th e veterans may at times seem to marginalize th em in relation to th e glossy productions of exh ibits or th e lavish ly produced documentary f ilm, th eir stories do resonate with many This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 525 visitors, wh o of ten may be seen posing f or ph otograph s with a survivor, capturing iconically th eir own presence in th e M emorial's living h istory . T h eir stories h ave also resonated with national media, wh ich periodically f ocus on Pearl Harbor h istory (especially in terms of entanglements be- tween American and Japanese war memory [Wh ite 1997c]). Wh en th ey do, th e h andf ul of survivors wh o volunteer at th e M emorial are of ten inter- viewed f or purposes of (inter)national representation. T h e 50th anniver- sary brough t a great amount of attention to th e survivors and th eir stories. T h is included production of several f ilms, including a commercial 60- minute video, titled "We Were T h ere ... Pearl Harbor Survivors: Ey ewit- ness to History ," produced with both English and Japanese narration. Survivor voices, it would seem, constitute one of th e most signif icant "arrests" in th e dialectics of national self h ood, h ere coded in both print and electronic media f or diverse national publics. Wh ereas th e diversity of visitors to th e M emorial ensures a wide range of interpretations and emo- tions,10 th e perf ormative construction of sadness and loss f rames Pearl Harbor stories as a certain kind of narrative: one th at f its specif ic cultural models of emotion. T h e Arizona M emorial and th e conf essional h istories of survivors institutionalize th ese f rames as a means f or reproducing na- tional narrative th at is both collective and personal, auth oritative and emotional. Given th e small, aging coh ort of Pearl Harbor survivors, th eir pres- ence at th e M emorial today marks a transitional moment f rom lived h is- tory to ref erential h istory . It will not be many y ears bef ore veteran survivors are no longer present at th e M emorial in person. But th e survivor voice will not be so much silenced as transf ormed into oth er textual or electronic media, ultimately to be h eard only th rough magnetic and digital traces. As an indication of th e importance of th ese voices in th e operation of th e M emorial, th e N ational Park Service recently undertook to produce a video in wh ich several veterans wh o volunteer at th e M emorial tell th eir stories on camera. T h e f ilm, a 30-minute video completed in 1996, pre- sents a series of vignettes in wh ich six Pearl Harbor survivors and one oth er veteran volunteer (a Japanese-American) tell th eir stories in brief , uninterrupted narratives. (T h e inclusion of a Japanese American veteran, talking about internment, represents a distinctive voice th at cannot be discussed h ere due to limits of space.) Af ter a standard opening th at summarizes th e timing and strategic details of th e attack-using stock f ootage f rom earlier documentaries-th e narrator describes th e purpose of th is video by emph asizing th at it pre- sents veterans speaking about th eir own experiences, as contrasted with textbook h istories. He makes explicit th e h istory /memory opposition th at is implicit in many aspects of th e M emorial's h istory . In th is case, th e "real This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 526 ? ET HOS lif e stories" of th e veterans are described as constitutive of a distinctive kind of h istory based on emotional understanding. In th e next f ew minutes, we'll meet six survivors of th e attack on Pearl Harbor. We'll also meet a Japanese American interned by th e U.S. government at Heart M ountain, Wy oming. As th ese braveand th ough tf ul men speak, we'll learn about th eir experiences th en and th eirf eelings today . We'll also h onor anew th e memories of th eir comrades and f riends wh o gave th eirlives in service to our country . By listening caref ully to th ese real lif e stories we can discover new meanings to th e words duty , h onor, and country . And if we pay h eed with our h earts as well as our minds, we'll learn valuable lessons about courage, f ear, war, peace, anger, and f orgiveness. [N ational 1996, emph asis added] Here ref erences to th e psy ch ological and emotional states of th e speakers f rame th e narrator's statement of wh at th e video is all about. T h e statement works at a metapragmatic level to ch aracterize th e veterans' speaking as a specif ic kind of activity , one th at does emotion work at th e same time as h istorical work. T h eir speaking is of interest not only because th ey describe signif icant experiences, but because of "th eir f eelings," ex- pressed in th e course of narrating "real lif e stories." Wh en packaged as textualized video perf ormance, th e pragmatics of veterans' story telling be- come an object of narrative commentary . By describing th e purpose and modalities of veterans' stories, th e narrator establish es a context f or viewer participation and th e involvement of viewer and viewed, just as th e ph y sical presence of veterans talking and interacting with visitors does at th e M emorial. T h e idiom of emotion of f ers a culturally constituted means f or conceptualizing th is kind of involvement, f or bridging th e temporal separation of past events and present-day selves. T h e temporal dimension at work in th e video is presupposed wh en th e viewer is invited to learn about experiences "th en" th at obtain meaning in relation to f eelings "to- day ." T h e common identif ication of narrator and viewer is f urth er indexed by th e narrator's use of th e pronoun we at various points, as in a passage wh ere both narrator and viewer are constituted as spectators interested to break th rough th e gaps of time and experience th at separate th em f rom survivors' experience. As stated at th e outset, national narratives are also self -narratives con- structed on th e basis of cultural f rameworks of meaning, identity , and emotion. In a study of common pictorial images in American h istory , Sch wartz concludes, "T h e one commonality among th e images ... is th at all are designed to make personal experience of th e world tangible and, th rough th is tangibility , public and meaningf ul" (1998:28). Even more th an pictorial images, narrative perf ormance f orms social and emo- tional identif ications. T h is paper h as suggested some of th e way s th is migh t work. In particular, emotions and emotionality , expressed th rough institutionalized discourse practices, work to sch ematize understandings about h istorical events in terms of th eir signif icance f or th e self . This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emotional Remembering * 527 Given th e routinization of context and means of representation, places such as th e Arizona M emorial may be regarded as emotive institu- tions th at work, pragmatically , to sch ematize emotional understandings of h istory and identity . So, f or example, emotions of sadness and grief emerge as f ocal emotions in th e M emorial's present representations of Pearl Har- bor. But th ese work only th rough dialogic relations with oth er competing or ambivalent emotions. Seen f rom a longer h istorical perspective, th ese emotions and th eir stories migh t be seen to obtain th eir signif icance in relation to oth er emotions and stories, including th ose of wartime anger and outrage. But th is is anoth er story . GEOFFREY M . WHIT E is Senior Fellow at th e East-West Center and Adjunct Prof essor of Anth ropology at th e University of Hawai'i, Honolulu. N OT ES Acknowledgments: T h is paper is based on research at th e USS Arizona M emorial, man- aged by th e N ational Park Service (N PS) in Honolulu. I am indebted to th e all of th e N PS staf f and volunteers at th e M emorial wh o h ave assisted th is study in a great variety of way s. I particularly want to th ank Dick Husted and oth er members of th e Pearl Harbor Survivors Association wh o h ave sh ared th eir stories and taugh t me a great deal. T h e Wenner-Gren Foundation provided support at th e outset of th is project, includingsupport f or th e involve- ment of Dr. M arjorie Kelly , wh o h as contributed energy and insigh t th rough out. I want to th ank Bob Desjarlais and T erry O'N ell f or organizing th e session, wh ich proved to be an ideal context f or writing, presenting, and revising th is paper. In addition to comments f rom oth er session participants, I h ave benef itted f rom th e comments of two discussants well-suited to critique th ese articles: Don Brenneis and Vincent Crapanzano. 1. Intrigued by events organized to mark th e 50th anniversary of Pearl Harbor in 1991, I began part-time work at th e memorial in 1992 th rough conversation with members of th e Park Service wh o work th ere. Data collection was greatly f acilitated by a grant f rom th e Wenner-Gren Foundation f or f ieldwork at th e M emorial f or nine month s during1994, car- ried out by my self and M arjorie Kelly , to wh om I am gratef ul f or many contributions to th is project. 2. Survivor memory occupies an ambivalent position in th e context of a public institu- tion, wh ich is both a site of remembrance and a site of public education. Personal memory derives its auth enticity f rom experience, f rom th e I-voice of someone wh o witnessed events in th e context of th e times. Wh ereas th e immediacy and directness provides one kind of narrative auth ority , th e auth ority of th e speaker is undercut by perceived limitations of th e same subjectivity . T h e common-sense distrust of memory as a source of distortion stems f rom assumptions th at personal recollections are given to both error and bias: error f rom cognitive limitations, and bias f rom th e ef f ects of perspective and power. 3. In recent y ears, th e Park Service h as increasingly made ef f orts to reach non-American, non-English -speaking audiences. Visitors arriving at th e Visitor Center now f ind inf orma- tional broch ures printed in most major European and Asian languages, and h eadsets with Japanese translations of th e f ilm soundtrack and boat-ride narration may now be rented f or a nominal f ee. This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Fri, 29 Nov 2013 14:49:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 528 ? ET HOS 4. As an aside, h ere, th e arch itectural duality of th e visitorcenter on sh ore and th e actual M emorial and sh rine built overth e sunken sh ip out in th e h arbor gives a spatial reality to th e opposition of sacred and secular th at permeates th e f unctions of th e M emorial. 5. Some visitors also discover th at not only th ose wh o died in th e bombing raid on th e Arizona areentombed on th e sh ip. Beginning about ten y ears ago, members of th e crew wh o survived th e December 7th attack h ave been permitted to request to h ave th eir ash es in- terred on th e sh ip. Formal interment ceremonies are h eld by th e N ational Park Service, usually with assistance f rom U.S. N avy divers. 6. I am reminded, h ere, of th e ease th rough wh ich I entered rural Solomon Islands com- munities in th e 1970s, already h igh ly self conscious of th e value of "traditional" culture, giving an "anth ropologist" a ready -made identity as a student of custom. 7. M ost notably , th e large, mostly Asian tour groups th at move th rough th e M emorial are led th rough th e museum by th eir own tour guides, and usually do not stop f orth e museum talks given by th e survivors. 8. T wo examples of Dick Husted's ref erences to h is reading illustrate h is citation prac- tices. Wh en describing th e presence of large numbers of people of Japanese descent living in Hawai'i at th e time of th e attack, h e tells h is audience: "I'm reading a book now wh ich ac- quainted me with th ings I didn't know as a kid. And one of th ose th ings areth at any ch ild born of Japanese parents, no matter wh ere h e was born, is a Japanese citizen orwas at th at time" (94-94). And, later, wh en talking about th e critical details of battlesh ip speed, arma- ment, and so f orth , h e say s, "I get all of th ese f acts out of Jane's. I read a lot. I was invincible at th e age of 20. I could sh ip any body and any th ing. Well, I woke up th at morning and f ound out I couldn't quite do th at. But I wanted to know wh y every th ing h appened so I read a lot" (94-4). 9. T h e f ilm's emotional quality is accentuated by th e tone of th e f emale narrator (Stockard Ch anning) and lilting oboe soundtrack th at maximize its path os. 10. 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