Renewing Black Politics

A discussion pamphlet by Dr Sanjiv Lingayah

About the Author
Dr Sanjiv Lingayah is a researcher
and author working on issues of
equality and social justice. His re-
cent PhD is a study of contempo-
rary policy debates on nation, mul-
ticulture and race equality and the
role of Black and Minority Ethnic
(BME) social sector organisations in
inuencing this agenda.
Sanjiv has been a strategic advisor to
Voice4Change England who also
provided him with a Fellowship to
support his PhD studies at the London
School of Economics.
He began his career at the new eco-
nomics foundation (nef ) think tank
and is a Board member of Charities
Evaluation Services the UK s leading
provider of evaluation support for the
voluntary and community sector.
Sanjiv is a 2014 Clore Social Leader-
ship Fellow the Fellowship provides
a unique programme that develops
leaders with a social purpose.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank the fol-
lowing people for their support in pro-
ducing this paper: Kunle Olulode and
Saqib Deshmukh, from Voice4Change
England; Nabila Munawar from the
London School of Economics and Dr
Malcolm James, from City University
for his comments on an earlier draft.
2
3
Voice4Change England commis-
sioned this pamphlet to explore the
question of whether advocates for
race equality and justice are adapt-
ing to changing identities or just
repeating the same campaigns to
smaller audiences without reecting
or adapting. The reason is for looking
at this question is simple: there are
many community conferences that
rightly castigate decision-makers and
the media for failing to address insti-
tutional racism and for the virtual ab-
sence of race on the political agenda;
yet despite mounting evidence of
unequal racial outcomes - in employ-
ment, health, housing and criminal
justice we are not seeing diverse
communities responding to activists
and demanding change in the way
they might be expected to in this age
of austerity.
Somehow campaigners and commu-
nity workers do not seem able to fully
mobilise for change and connect with
their core audience. Is that because
advocates of change have themselves
failed to adapt to the changing land-
scape of race, racism and identity?
This pamphlet are the views of Dr San-
jiv Lingayah not necessarily V4CE. Per-
haps every individual activist would
have written a unique take on these
issues or would have referenced dif-
ferent aspects of the BME experience
and history in the UK. However we
are pleased to publish his thought-
provoking work and we hope that it
will act as a catalyst to stimulate de-
bate at the Alternative Perspectives:
Flipping the Script conference on 26
June. Here are some questions aris-
ing from this paper:
What does this think-piece mean to
the BME voluntary and community
sector and its members and what
does it ofer them?
Is Dr Lingayah right in his critique
of a mindset of Black collectivity
among activists that has failed to
embrace fragmenting identities
and multiple identities?
Has the nature of the struggle
changed even if many of the old
issues remain? Is there still a Black
struggle today?
If identities have changed so much
over time, can we realistically ex-
pect to build a mass movement for
race equality even with a diferent
outlook on identity and race?
What is Stuart Halls legacy and the
role of critical race thinking in 2014?
KEY ISSUES EMERGING FROM THIS PAMPHLET
4
Introduction
In the postwar period, especially
through the 1970s and the 1980s,
Black was the political colour of oppo-
sition to racism (Back, 1994: 3). Black-
ness was based on peoples direct,
rst hand, experience of racism
and how they are treated by white
society, rather than what culturally
distinct groups they belong to (Jef-
fers, 1991: 63). However, as both racial
and ethnic identities and identica-
tion fragment (Hall, 1991, 1992) and
racism adapts and spreads its reach,
Blackness, as a political perspective,
struggles to keep up. Convention-
ally, Black anti-racist politics is more
comfortable in dealing with forms of
old racism, such as the killing of Mark
Duggan, a young African-Caribbean
man in Tottenham, than responding
to examples of new(er) racism (Barker,
1981), such as that advanced by the
United Kingdom Independence Party
(UKIP) about European migrants (The
New Statesman, 2014) or the moral
panic about Muslims (Dodd, 2013;
Garner and White, 2014; New States-
man, 2012).
This paper asks whether, in these
times when the politics of race and
racism are more complex and not
black and white, there is a future for
a recongured Black politics in a col-
lective struggle for equality. The argu-
ment made here is that while there
are (politically) Black actors currently
making anti-racist interventions there
is not a broad, popular or meaningful
Black politics in existence. Without re-
form and reconguration, the demise
of Black politics will continue; the pol-
itics of equality and social justice will
be weakened; and Black and Minority
Ethnic (BME) populations will remain
at signicant disadvantage when
compared to their white British coun-
terparts (Equalities and Human Rights
Commission, 2011; Phillips, 2009).
A brief history of Black
politics
There is a long history of BME/Black
organising for race equality in Brit-
ain (Ramdin, 1999; Solomos, 2003).
Ethnic associations were established
before World War I in maritime in-
dustries and port cities and spread in
the 1950s after immigration from the
Caribbean and Indian sub-continent
(McLeod et al., 2001). In the aftermath
of World War II, BME organising in Brit-
ain was based on geographical links
such as to the colonies and struggles
for independence back home (Bru-
baker, 2005). In addition, there were
cultural/welfare groups which includ-
ed faith organisations and activities
such as education about heritage as
well as providing advice to deal with
the day to day realities of education,
5
housing, working with young people,
elders and so on (Goulbourne, 1990).
The building blocks of some kind of
collective political Blackness were
set in place in the early post-war pe-
riod of the 1950s and 1960s as the
British state homogenised people of
African, Caribbean and South Asian
heritage into the category of co-
loured Commonwealth immigrants
(Shukra, 1998) and/or simply saw a
black mass (Ramdin, 1999). By the
end of the 1960s, the orientation of
black politics in Britain was based on
black power and black conscious-
ness, spurred on by developments
across the Atlantic, where US civil
rights organisations appeared to be
at the heart of a vibrant mass move-
ment (Shukra, 1998).
Through the 1970s and the early
1980s Black was a political colour
(Back, 1994; Sivanandan, 1990) that
was established to recognise and re-
sist African-Caribbean and Asian ex-
clusion from Britain and Britishness
(Gilroy, 2002: 323). Blackness direct
experiences of racism and was not
about cultural distinctiveness (Jeers,
1991: 63).
Stuart Hall named this form of collec-
tivity and organising the rst phase
of Black politics (Hall, 1992a: 252) or
Identity Politics One (Hall, 1991: 52).
Hall explained that Black in this con-
text is not a question of pigmen-
tation. The Black Im talking about is
a historical category, a political cat-
egory, a cultural category (Hall, 1991:
53). Hall argued that this form of Black
was the basis of a counter-politics
(Hall, 1991: 52).
The unsettling of Blackness
At its height Blackness was a unied/
unifying concept. However, it was
never without problems. In order for it
to bring people together it contained
problematic silences to set aside dier-
ences, e.g. in relation to the specicity
of Asian languages, traditions and his-
tories (Banton, 1977; Hall, 1992; Haza-
reesingh, 1986; Modood, 1988, 1992).
Hall also noted that Black collectivity
silenced African-Caribbean dissent-
ers who did not subscribe to Black
political identity and, perhaps more
signicantly, Black treated individuals
and groups in exactly the same way
and, as a consequence, an unre-
constructed conception of Black was
to reconstitute the authority of Black
masculinity over Black women (Hall,
1991: 56). Therefore, Black Identity
Politics One was homogenising, male
and disinterested in or even hostile to
culture and ethnicity.
In the mid to latter part of the 1980s,
Hall (1988) pointed to the work of
young Black and Asian cultural pro-
ducers who were reecting the ex
6
traordinary diversity (Hall, 1992: 252)
of social experiences and cultural
identities amongst the BME popula-
tion. For Hall, this shift represented a
second phase of Black politics built
on an understanding that there were
a variety of Black experiences and no
Black essence. In contrast to old eth-
nicities which attempted to side-step
cultural dierence in order to main-
tain Black unity, new ethnicities rel-
ished such diversity, disrupting xed
notions of minority ethnicity and
Blackness.
Counter-politics in this context need-
ed to engage with the diversity of ex-
periences and diversity of identica-
tions that people carried with them
and the resulting counter-politics
needed to, somehow, combine anti-
racism, anti-sexism, and anti-classi-
cism (Hall, 1991: 57).
However, as Hall recognised, shifting
from phase one of Black politics to
this more complex phase two was a
risky enterprise involving political ac-
tors being plunged headlong into
the maelstrom of a continuously con-
tingent, unguaranteed, political argu-
ment and debate (Hall, 1992: 254).
We are still in that period of turbu-
lence and, if anything, the tumult has
increased over the past two decades.
New ruptures and fault lines
Further developments since Hall rst
mapped out the territory of new eth-
nicities have made the idea of a rst
phase of Black politics/Identity Politics
One/old ethnicities even more prob-
lematic and perhaps even redundant.
These developments have both re-
duced the numbers of BME people
that might identify themselves as part
of some collective politically Black
population and they have made it
more dicult for activists to galvanise
BME collective action against racism
based on a recognisably Black politi-
cal model.
Alternatives to Black
In terms of personal dis/identication
the past two decades has seen a rise
in Muslimness as a political and per-
sonal identity. This deeper and broad-
er Muslim identity has generally been
tied to the framing of Muslims as a
threat to security (Kundnani, 2007,
2014; McGhee, 2005) and British val-
ues (Blair, 2006) due to events such
as the unrest in Bradford, Burnley and
Oldham in 2001; 9/11; the 7 July Lon-
don bombings; and more recently in
the Trojan Horse Islamic takeover of
schools in Birmingham (Garner and
White, 2014). The Muslim question
also has a geo-political dimension in-
cluding connection to wars and mili-
tary action in Iraq, Af
7
ghanistan, Mali and elsewhere. The
vilication of Muslimness may have
encouraged some people to iden-
tify as Muslims in solidaristic de-
ance to such animosity (Alexander, et
al., 2013) and Muslimness may have
become a primary political or ethnic
identier for some people who might
have previously have self-identied
as south Asian and/or Black. The rise
and suspicion of Muslimness has also
had knock-on consequences, such as
attempts by some Hindus to distance
themselves from Muslims.
A second reason for the decline of
identication of the common identi-
er of Blackness is that, by the 1980s,
the state increasingly began to view
and treat coloured Commonwealth
immigrants dierently (Sivanandan,
1990), for example along cultural lines
in certain modes of multiculturalism
(Anthias and Yuval-Davis, 1992). Fur-
thermore, Asians, Africans and Ca-
ribbeans also experienced dierent
kinds of structural positioning, dis-
advantage and socio-economic tra-
jectories (Ramdin, 1999) as evident
in equalities data on educational at-
tainment, household incomes, em-
ployment and so on (Equalities and
Human Rights Commission, 2011;
Phillips, 2009), implying the need for
specic kinds of organising and in-
tervention beneath and beyond the
Black umbrella.
A third, less obvious, possible cause
of decline in personal identication
with Blackness is due to the multiple
identities that people may assign im-
portance to. For example, Kimberl
Crenshaw (1989) in her analysis of
black womens employment in the
United States found that gender, race
and class combined forces to lead to
disadvantage. This work led Crenshaw
to dene the term intersectionality as
the multidimensionality of marginal-
ized subjects lived experiences (Cren-
shaw, 1989: 139). By way of contrast
the rst construction of Blackness as a
(political) identity emphasised mono-
dimensionality of marginalisation
and the need to downplay other
identity features, even if they contrib-
uted to experiences of discrimination.
Recognition of intersectional and
multiple identities make the idea of a
dominant Black identity appear some-
what simplistic and less appealing to
people wishing to assert their person-
al complexity and individuality.
New Racism
The developments above have served
to undermine aliation with Black as
a collective identity. Other develop-
ments have also made it dicult to
intervene against racism from a Black
political perspective. The issue here is
not how BME people identify but how
racism operates. Racism never
8
stands still and it can and does take
unfamiliar but logical turns in order to
carry out its work of excluding certain
groups from mainstream society and
its rewards.
White people can also be subject to
racism, as evident in the case of white
central and eastern European migra-
tion to Britain. Through a form of new
racism (Barker, 1981) Nigel Farage,
leader of UKIP, has objected to Roma-
nians as neighbours (The New States-
man, 2014) and non-English speak-
ers on rush hour trains from London
Bridge (Hodges, 2014). It is a small
step to move from this anti-white
immigrant-bashing to more familiar
forms of racism, as illustrated when a
UKIP Member of the European Parlia-
ment referred to Bongo Bongo Land
(BBC, 2013). At the same time, racism
is also steadfast in its pursuit of Brit-
ains non-white populations. And it is
these forms of racism and inequalities
that aect settled black and brown
people which conventional Black
politics is most equipped to campaign
against. For example, this form of poli-
tics understands and is able to eec-
tively respond to episodes such as the
killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham
in August 2011 or the prosecution of
Nicky Jacobs for the killing of Police
Constable Keith Blakelock in the 1985
Tottenham riots. It is much less well-
placed or used to dealing with UKIP-
style anti-immigrant sentiment.
It is not that Black political actors do
not care about or have not spoken
out against the anti-immigrant or an-
ti-Muslim turn. Instead it is the case
that two decades after Hall argued
that new ethnicities demanded a new
Black politics, a reconstructed concep-
tion of Blackness is not yet in place to
cope with the mobility of identity or
of racism itself.
The question about why Black poli-
tics is not more adapted is an im-
portant issue. One reason for this ap-
parent rigidity in Black politics is that
although Black was not a question
of pigmentation (Hall, 1991: 53) the
place of white people in Black poli-
tics has always been a dicult one.
Black politics contrary to the rest
of society has prioritised the ad-
vancement of black and brown lives.
At the same time this organising has,
largely, been informed by secular
leftist leanings. This is not to say that
faith communities were not involved
in anti-racist organising but some
Black political activists are not at ease
with faith and politics that is located
in and ultimately for the benet of a
faith community.
Whatever the exact points of resis-
tance, it is clear that Black political ac-
tivism has not yet come to terms with
more uid multicultural, multi-ethnic
9
and BME times where both identity
and racism are on the move.
Black politics in BME times
In some ways the section above
points to a tale of two politics: the
politics of racism and race-thinking
and the Black politics of anti-racism.
The politics of racism combines anti-
immigrant, anti-Muslim and (tradi-
tional) antagonism towards brown
and black-skinned people together
to form a broad interconnected front.
In contrast, the Black politics of anti-
racism has been more fragmented,
struggling to cope with shifts in iden-
tication amongst people that may
have once identied as politically
Black but no longer do so. Therefore
a broad racist front has been met by
pockets of resistance. Neither a Black
political perspective nor a pro-immi-
grant position nor an anti-islamopho-
bic stance alone can resist racism in its
various guises and draw attention to
the common logic and threat of rac-
ism. Instead, the eect of fragmented
resistance is that: racist norms are al-
lowed to develop unchecked; these
become part of the common sense
that drives public and policy debate;
and the usual (black and brown) sus-
pects, as well as other marginalised
groupings suer.
When Stuart Hall (1991) argued for a
renewed Black politics capable both
of adapting to new ethnicities and
producing a counter-politics it was a
time of ux. Today those processes of
unravelling that Hall identied have
become supercharged and even
more complicated. However, in a per-
verse way, the scale of the change in
BME identity and developments in
racism might make a renewed Black
politics somehow easier to imagine
in that this conjuncture has new di-
mensions compared to when Black
politics was rst being formed.
Towards a new black politics
In order that Black political perspec-
tive might become more relevant
to the current moment and help to
lead and shape a renewed debate
about discrimination, disadvantage,
inequality and injustice, there are two
areas that have shaped conventional
Black politics that require particular
attention.
One such consideration is about con-
struction of race as a pillar of Black
politics. A second issue is about the
conduct of Black politics itself and
discussion of how this constrains the
redesign of Black politics.
It is widely recognised that race is not
a meaningful scientic or biological
category (Denton and Deane, 2010)
but is an important social and politi
10
cal one (Gilroy, 1987; Solomos, 2003).
Race or racial categories can be in-
vested with important identications,
e.g. black African-Caribbean people
may attribute a version of history and
heritage to their race and this might
dier compared to Indian-Caribbean
people.
However, identity and personal stories
are not xed. Nor, even, is heritage a
settled thing, as new understandings
and dierent interpretations devel-
op about ancestor practice and cul-
ture. Therefore, as minority identities
change shape and de-identication
with Blackness takes place, rather than
insisting on certain racial classication
and identication, a more productive
stance for a renewed Black politics
might be based on race critical think-
ing (Bhattacharyya and Murji, 2013).
This would recognise the relationship
between race, racism, and power; ac-
cept the desire to deploy Blackness as
a constructed political resource; but
also maintain an intention to be able
to work beyond racial category (Ali et
al., 2004) with the ultimate aspiration
to allow people to be human in the
manifold ways that this might entail.
In this way Black might be maintained
as a meaningful political identity but
Blackness is not used as a disciplin-
ing device to bring brown and black
people into line which is, anyway, a
hopeless project. In opening out the
category of Blackness in this way it
might become something that peo-
ple feel more comfortable identifying
with, e.g. as a counter-politics against
discrimination that is not about pig-
ment or authentic ways of being.
A second, related, area that might
contribute to a renewal of Black poli-
tics is to alter the conduct of Black
politics itself. Here again we can look
to Stuart Hall for inspiration.
In 2013 John Akomfrah produced a
multi-media installation and a docu-
mentary lm about cultural theorist
and social activist Stuart Hall. Tell-
ingly the installation was called The
Unnished Conversation and there
is something in the idea of ongoing
dialogue, reection and renewal that
could helpfully inform the process to
recongure Black politics. In the lm
by Akomfrah, called the Stuart Hall
Project, one can see images of Hall
on the frontline for example speak-
ing at Campaign for Nuclear Disarma-
ment (CND) rallies but also behind
the lines discussing, and debating,
crafting and honing a politics of social
justice with colleagues.
Black politics certainly of the tradi-
tional form has a frontline bias. The
frontline has been dened by Phil Co-
hen in the following way:
11
The Frontline is where barricades
are custom built, and wars of fxed
positions waged, where revolu-
tionary vanguards make their frst
and last stands and where the mili-
tarisation of the body politic rules
OK (Cohen, 1997).
The Black politics of the rst phase
was certainly synonymous with the
frontline. The frontline would often
be located in dangerous and con-
tested physical space, for example
those streets where marches, dem-
onstrations and battles against racists
and racism took place. The frontline
is also a state of mind. It is the home
of hard politics and a politics of hard-
ness. The frontline is where ideas do
battle. There is no space for ambigu-
ity on the frontline; you are either in
or you are out. Furthermore, the poli-
tics of the frontline is conventionally
masculine and patriarchal without
room for tenderness, creativity and
other ways of being Black and male
that have been written out of Black
masculinity (hooks, 2004).
Yet there is another space where re-
ection or meditations on Black poli-
tics might take place. Cohen calls this
space the backyard and according to
him: Backyards privilege everything
that is marginalised by the rhetoric of
front lines (Cohen, 1997). The backyard
is a less gendered and (alpha) male
space than the frontline. It is a place
for lived reality, complexity, working
out and working through issues. It is
potentially a site and a state of mind
where alternative perspectives and
another phase of Black politics can be
contemplated. There is still absolutely
a role for the frontline although it
is important to think about less pa-
triarchal and masculine versions of
the frontline but the renewal and
re-imagining of Black politics cannot
take place there or with that state of
mind. For that project to be advanced
the physical and metaphorical back-
yard needs to be cultivated.
A fnal word: Back to Black?
Black politics has made an important
contribution to the progress in race
equality that has taken place in this
country and in facing down some of
the most blatant and violent forms of
racism that were once prevalent. Black
political actors still carry out vital work.
Against this reality, this paper may
seem overcritical and unduly pes-
simistic. It is intended to be neither.
Instead it attempts to respond to the
fact that the old lines of Black solidar-
ity can no longer be relied upon as a
collective basis of resistance to racism
that works across issues of race, eth-
nicity, faith and immigration status to
marginalise a variety of groups in so-
ciety. This paper is a call to renew
12
and recongure anti-racist politics on
new lines.
However, a new Black politics is un-
likely to take hold quickly or easily.
Hall described the deeply destabilis-
ing eects of the shifts that necessi-
tate such a renewal as akin to plung-
ing Black activists into a maelstrom.
The only way through is, in the words
of Brett St Louis, to face the hard ethi-
cal labour of working out what their
ideals, commitments and aspirations
are and might be (St Louis, 2009: 571).
This paper is a reminder that this work
still needs to be carried out. Further-
more, I suggest that, despite decades
of Black struggle, it appears as if the
hard labour for renewed social justice-
orientated Black counter-politics has
only just begun.

13
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cmmddbcssss
Published by:
For our Alternative Perspectives: Flipping the Script
conference, June 2014