Digest # 3 (1994)

INTERVIEW

WE HAVE INSTITUTIONS, BUT NO FACTITIOUS STATE

Interviewed by: BATON HAXHIU/Prishtina

KOHA: As we see it, the matter of Kosova is SUI GENERIS. What do you think about this?

AGANI: The problem of Kosova withholds all the characteristics of those problems that are
essentially important, they are complex, hard to solve and they implicate different dangers,
and nevertheless are missing the direct warring attribute. The problems of Croatia and Bosnia
are problems of zones, with many people being killed, and they have their tragic actuality. I
don't think the issue of Kosova has been forgotten, but as a cause of its characteristics, it will
be solved slowly, objectively, since the problem of Kosova is more complex and delicate, as a
result of its political and geo-political nature.

KOHA: It seems as if in Kosova we are lacking a decision-making center. As a consequence,

it seems as if our issue is being presented in different ways, and that there is a mixture of
competencies.

AGANI: I don't think that Kosova is lacking a decision-making center. We have reached an
institutionalization enough to identify and legitimate our political representative who
represents the Albanian interests. We have the institution of the President of the Republic,
who got his mandate in the massive elections. This means that we have the authorized center
to discuss about the issue of Kosova. Of course, the force of a political center will depend on
the force of the political movement in general.

KOHA: In times when we don't have institutions, it seems as if all the burden falls on the
back of one individual. How will we enter the negotiations with the Serbs, when we know
how well they are professionally prepared?

AGANI: The burden does not rely only on one individual, for we have the institution of the
President of the Republic and the Government of Kosova. We could constitute a division of
the Parliament (which is not constituted yet), by constituting parliamentarian groups, and
other subjects. This is not burdening an individual, even though it is clear that the
non-constitution of the Parliament has created a handicap of the political legitimization of
Albanians. It is a handicap, but it doesn't make the legitimization impossible.

KOHA: In times of occupation, the activation of the parties is unfavorable...

AGANI: I say once again, even if we are far away from the sought institutionalization,
nevertheless we have a structure of competencies, tasks and obligations. I think that we are

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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lacking the air of consolidation and coordination of the acting subjects. Unfortunately, we
can't compensate the missing Parliament. But, once again, we have a professional structure
that represents our political interests.

KOHA: As we have no Parliament, it seems as if the Coordinating Body of the Political

Parties of Kosova took its competencies. In a certain way, it is supposed to be the
Government's supervisor. Since this didn't occur either, then who has the control over the
Government and the other political subjects?

AGANI: First of all, I just want to say that regardless of the being of the different institutions
and bodies, this Coordinating Body could have existed. At the beginning it was established,
not to replace the lacking institutions, but to create them. From this aspect, it has fulfilled its
obligations. It is not a matter of the Coordinating Body to have a control over the
Government, because it is supervised by the Parliament and the President.

KOHA: We don't have a Parliament. Then who should act as a parliament?

AGANI: In that case, it is good if the Coordinating Body is informed. Now the President of
the Republic is the supervisor, but it is good to keep informed the Coordinating Body about
the activities of the Government.

KOHA: Has the Coordinating Body been informed about its activities?

AGANI: Not really. There was lack of initiative to ask for information about the activities of
the Government. The informations came partially, even though I must say that the
Coordinating Body can't act as controller of the activities of the Government, because of its
structure and actions.

KOHA: It seems as if the other political parties in Kosova have been marginated. Leaders of
political parties have declared that the meetings with foreign delegations have been
privatized, and that they posses no information regarding the future of the political status of
Kosova.

AGANI: The impression about the privatization of contacts doesn't stand. Rugova is the
President of the Republic of Kosova, and at the same time he is chairman of the LDK. He
represents the Albanian interests and he has the faith of his people on him. It is impossible to
have consultations with the other subjects in Kosova. I want to stress that marginality doesn't
exist, but I emphasize that there is a lack of permanent coordination and consultation.

KOHA:The last statements of President Berisha in London, and Prime-minister Bukoshi in

New York, about the status of Kosova differ very much. It is obvious that there is no
coordination. Is this a consequence of the above mentioned center of decision-making?

AGANI: Bukoshi's statement about the autonomy as a transitory phase was interpreted by
"Voice of America". Bukoshi says he hasn't made that statement. I suppose it is a
misinterpretation. There are no discrepancies in the political presentations, because these are
all postures taken after the 1991 Referendum, and they are compulsory.

KOHA:It happens very often that when there is no way back from a factitious situation to the
juridical one, the state disappears. How can Kosova get over this problem, for it is known that

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any return to a new Serbian state, would mean losing the aspirations for a statehood?

AGANI: It is big misfortune that we haven't created in fact the Republic of Kosova. If we'd
have created the factitious situation, we would easily create the juridical forms. None of the
international institutions have anything against the Republic of Kosova and its independence.
They eventually would think of giving Kosova an autonomy, as a transitory solution to escape
the Albanian-Serbian conflict. The problem remains in the issue of how to convert the will of
the people of Kosova into a factual situation.

KOHA: International trusteeship and neutrality are two random categories of International
Law. Our political orientation has been based on these two categories. Is this just a political
bluff?

AGANI: It is not ideal to request a trusteeship, but taking into account the need of a political
gradation, it was thought that the UN Trusteeship would be only one step towards the
realization of the sovereignty of Kosova. I personally think that this idea has no chance in
Kosova, for the UN hesitates, having in mind the enormous costs of having UNPROFOR in
here. Nevertheless, we think that the proposal is good, because it proves that we are for a step
by step solution, and a peaceful one too. We still think that UN Trusteeship could enable us
to realize our political will, through a Referendum or political declaration.

KOHA: How about neutrality?

AGANI: Maybe this term is not adequate, but with it we wanted to express the idea that
Kosova should be open towards its neighbors what would enable us to cooperate with all and
make it possible for our neighbors to realize their interests in Kosova.

KOHA: Is there any divergences between Albania and Kosova regarding the divisions in the
PPD?

AGANI: I wouldn't say divergences, but only dissonant tones. This is a big handicap for the
Albanian movement in Macedonia. But, nevertheless it is not a tragedy. Our posture is clear
and I think that it is the proper one. We should try to develop an urgent cooperation between
the two created fractions.

KOHA: Do you think that the posture of the Albanian News Agency (ATA) and the political
structures in Albania regarding the problem of the PPD, aims at the creation of the political
loyalty of the Albanian parties towards Albania?

AGANI: It is important to know the relationship between the PPD and the political structures
in Albania, and I have no information about the "fact" that Albania is aiming at the creation of
dependency of the Albanian political parties.

KOHA: Do you think the same model can be applied towards the political parties in Kosova?

AGANI: There are no objective conditions for that. It would be a great illusion to create such
relationships between Albania and Kosova. I don't think that there are, or will be such
relationships.

KOHA: What happened in the PPD, the Social-Democratic Party of Kosova, the Democratic

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Party in Albania, can easily be repeated in the LDK. It is said that there are many differences
in actions and ideas, and that fractions are evident. Can the LDK get easily over these
problems, or...

AGANI: I think there are no premises of division in the LDK. Not because we don't have any
problems, but because of the reactions it would cause among the public. There is another
reason: all people holding posts in the LDK, immediately get a new obligation, and this
excludes the possibility of division.

KOSOVA

THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE LDK AND THE GOVERNMENT

by: BATON HAXHIU/Prishtina

Even though mystified, the conflicts between the LDK and the Government are present and
clear. They are consequence of the non existence of the Parliament, the lack of the
controlling organ and the non functioning of the Coordinating Body as its surrogate. The
interview Bukoshi gave to "Bujku" was the first occasion in which the homogeneity
cosmetics were removed. Bukoshi had then criticized the bureaucracy and the careerist
tendencies of some LDK individuals. There were no reactions to this. Several months passed
until we understood that there was a conflict Bukoshi and the LDK, and that after that
interview, his destitution was requested. This we found out from a member of the Presidency
of the LDK. Now, the vice-chairman of the LDK Fehmi Agani declares: "There are no
grounds for the comments on the divisions between the Government and the LDK. This
doesn't mean that there are no different reciprocal evaluations of the Government and the
LDK. Bukoshi has expressed his criticism against the LDK in his famous interview to
"Bujku" and "Rilindja" which was broadcasted by different stations. On the other hand, the
impression is created, inside the LDK and some other political parties, that there are
problems, there is no collective work, there are hastened improvisations, lack of coordination
with other subjects even when this is possible, etc.

Ibrahim Rugova, President of the Republic of Kosova, speaking of the same issue, says:
"...many words are being said about a conflict between Bukoshi and the LDK. There is no
conflict. Therefore, it is not true that we have requested his destitution. It is normal to speak
of the Government in a democratic system". Regarding the same issue, Bukoshi announces
himself again through "Bujku" saying that "..the difficulties that we could've had are
exclusively difficulties of communication, and it would be much more productive if those
who waste time criticizing the Government and its work, and there surely are mistakes and
problems, concentrate on the institutionalization of life in Kosova".

Bajram Kosumi, chairman of the Parliamentarian Party of Kosova says: "I have never been
officially informed (as member of the Coordinating Body), by either the Government or the
LDK, that there are serious conflicts between the LDK and the Government. In principle, I
don't want to be part of the speculations of different clans and political couloirs, regardless of
how important are the agreements under the blanket". An official of the Peasant's Party says
that "...the conflicts between the Government and the LDK are the result of the political non
determination, the mixture of competencies, the lack of the existence of the decision-making
center and the center of action control".

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"The divergences between the political subjects in Kosova and the Government are
impressive. The case of the political organization of Albanians is a precedent in the political
history," says Behlul Beqaj, political scientist, "for nothing can be denied or admitted
categorically. One gets the impression, based on the informations and the wrinkled hints, that
the differences are mainly a result of the mixture of competencies and the impossibility to
start actions". To this, Agani adds that "...there are weaknesses when it comes to the
information about the activities of the Government. But, these differences, even if it would
be worked in normal conditions, would have been solved in a normal proceeding of
reciprocal conclusions. The comments on the conflicts are based partially on these
differences, but also partially come from the ill-purposed."

The big dilemmas about the activities and the functioning of the Government are a result of
not finding an authorizing institution, as well as the one that would exercise the control. It is
said that the President of the Parliament that doesn't function, has turned over some of its
competencies to the Government. Bukoshi, when asked about the authorizations and
responsibility, says: "According to the Constitution, the Parliament of Kosova and the
President of the Republic have the mandate and legitimacy to discuss about my personal
responsibility as president of the Government, as well as the responsibility of the whole
Government", whilst Rugova, in his last press conference declared that "..in this situation, the
Government is responsible to the Coordinating Body of the Political Parties, and there is
nothing wrong with that". But, Bajram Kosumi claims that "...the other parties were never
informed about the activities of the Government. That is why in a situation where there is no
parliamentarian supervision, a monopoly of Government has been created. It is even more
than monopoly, when the Government has no contact with the electorate, and when it makes
impossible to have any contact with it and even less allow the control of its labor."

An official of the Peasants' Party says that "..the lack of these institutions has caused the
privatization of contacts, and the state competencies have been reduced to one person".
Even the resignation of Rexhep Ismajli is related to the dissatisfaction with the activities of
the Government and the privatization of contacts. The resignation is a result of the lack of
total cooperation regarding the events and conversations about the political status of Kosova,
therefore the conclusion comes out, and it is, that the activities of the Government in exile
and the lack of the control of its activities represent a serious detachment from our political
reality.

Nevertheless, the Government is responsible as much as the other political subjects, starting
from the President, the non existing Parliament, the Coordinating Body and up to other
political subjects. Behlul Beqaj says: "Objectively serious and major mistakes have been
made, and I consider it to be an even bigger mistake to try, at the end of this phase, to find the
guilty. We must understand that Albanians are participants of a process in which it is more
important to keep on playing the game". His opinion, nevertheless, is not shared by Bajram
Kosumi, chairman of the Parliamentarians, who says that "..the institution that does not
respect its own provisions, doesn't respect itself, and does not deserve the respect of the
others. Unfortunately, in the start, instead of institutionalizing our political life, we have
created space for the rule of mediocrity and the clans' logic." Finally, Bukoshi declares that
"the real reasons for this kind of a situation, are a result of the pressure of Serbia over Kosova
and our internal organization. Purposely or not, we have started dealing with ourselves in the
worst time possible".

The new activation of the Government in Kosova depends on many factors, which totally

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depend on the wish and actions of the largest party as well as the activation of the marginated
parties. Speaking to the leaders of the political parties in Kosova, all of them hesitate to
speak about the monopolization of the political life in Kosova and the monopolization of the
Government's activities. Bajram Kosumi is the only one to say something in this respect: "If
the LDK has the monopoly over the Government, then it can't be in conflict with the
Government, but there can be differences in opinions of different wings of the party, etc. The
LDK has the monopoly over the Government as much as it has over the political life".

President Rugova, on his last press conference spoke of the re-activating of the Government,
and renewing the cabinet. He said that many political parties, who have established and are
represented in this Government, request its completion and strengthening. He also said that
we were aware of the conditions in which half of the Government in exile worked, and "...that
we are trying to find new people and groups that can help the activities of the Government
and other things regarding Kosova. These ideas will be discussed with other political
parties". Other political parties in Kosova don't know nor are they informed, officially, about
any proposals. Bajram Kosumi has heard of such an initiative and comments it thus: "Over
one year and a half we are speaking, insisting and tried to create a general opinion that we
should make a move towards the institutional creation of politics, towards the creation of
joint political and executive institutions. Nevertheless, all this accumulated energy is now to
be used, not for the creation of new contents, but on the contrary, to preserve the present
non-efficacious forms, making superficial changes, changes of individuals, but not touching
the essence of the problem. If we declare that the Government of the Republic of Kosova is a
government of consensus of the main political subjects of Kosova, then the best thing to do is
to give up on the pluralist life, because without the basic political-juridical regulator, without
the Parliament, a plural party life in conditions of occupation means the monopolization by a
larger political structure. In the case of the Government in exile, it is more an expression of
an imposed political reality than, it expresses the aims and the adequate composition of the
political forces. Objectively, a government in exile can never be a Government in the full
sense of the word, and for the time being, there ares no serious proposals to have the
Government work in Kosova". Nevertheless, Kosumi thinks that the foundations of the
Government should be established in Kosova, and people, regardless of the political
convictions and appertaining, should be included in it. But still another thing remains
unclear: who will constitute this Government and whom it will be responsible to. Bukoshi
declared to "KOHA" last week that the Government in exile was a Government of consensus
of the major political subjects of Kosova, and that its actions were made in harmony with
those of the President and the other political subjects. But, on the other hand, all the chairmen
of the other political parties knew nothing of the activities of the Government in exile. It is
still unclear who will establish the new government and to whom will it be responsible, if
constituted. If the consent for the establishment of the new Government comes from the
Coordinating Body again, or other parties and sub-parties, then we might fear of entering the
Kosovar political roulette.

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EDITORIAL

PEOPLE OF PERSECUTED DREAMS

by Veton Surroi

Dawn had caused Mr. A, the blow of having to face the attack of daylight and the explosion
of one own's ideas. One of them was that the next time he is asked about his posture
regarding the Kosova issue, he would, by all means, reply: "I want unification with
Switzerland!". If he is not asked, then he'd speak of the aptness of the onions to renew each
spring, the possibilities of people to communicate through eyes, and the problem of the Italian
car shells facing the challenge of the German resistance.

But, why not Switzerland?

Placed on the rational plane, not very many countries would offer better services of
unification, ever. The rational plane would request the application method too, but this does
not belong to the dreamers. This belongs to the executors of the dreams. Even if practical
solutions are not found, let the dreams be there, they don't harm anyone.

Should Mr. A be accused of being a "time-waster"? I think not. I would support him, if for
nothing else, then because of his sense of solidarity with the dreamers. The dreamers, in
essence, move the world around. And while the lack of dreams merge the night and the day,
it will lose one of the main existential conflicts, it will lose the duality of existence.

When there is no night, then there is no day, is there?

If this is true, then where is the environment we are living in, when it comes to dreaming? As
far as I can see, days and nights have merged, and if a major cosmic decomposition has not
occurred, all of this might have happened because of the dreams. That is, the lack of dreams.
Just follow our political speech: the "repression continues", "Kosova may cause a Balkan's
war", "We are threatened by an even worst scenario than Bosnia". Ergo: we want protection.

We speak with the wish to get rid of the words as soon as possible, and I don't doubt of our
interior wish to spit after each outspoken word, thus believing that there'll be no jinx. Once
rid of them, we are ready for another undefined period of time until the new cleansing words
come. We have allowed the dreams to persecute us. What would our vocabulary be, if we
would send out messages of this kind: we want freedom, we want peace, we want democracy,
we want human rights? And at the same time: we offer peace, we offer freedom, we offer
democracy, we offer human rights. And, what would happen if somebody would have to
present one's own messages, hidden, wrinkled and stratified underneath the messages of fear?

War would start, the uncontrolled situation would be created, say the people of the persecuted
dreams.

Why should it happen?

Why should it be of Serbia's convenience to have a war, instead of the absolute repressive
control it has over life in Kosova? Why should it put at risk the last instance of

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internationalization of the Kosova issue, right then when the West will evaluate that the crisis
of the Former Yugoslavia is trespassing the former Yugoslav borders? Or, why should it be
convenient for Albanians to have a war where they'll lose people, territories and development
prospects, when they could win a new future of new tones?

With the persecuted dreams we have reached the optimal repressive compromise: we shall
not dream, and you will not attack us. And, at the same time, we have reached the ideal
compromise of mediocrity: the collective responsibility doesn't allow us to dream, because on
the contrary... Shut inside our homes, or completely resettled from Kosova, we resist. That is
what is said. Really, we resist to that irrational part of ours that wants expression of freedom,
which wants to free itself from the crush of the mediocre vocabulary.

COORDINATING BODY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES

WHO DOES POLITICS IN KOSOVA?

DUKAGJIN GORANI/Prishtina

What will happen if during this week, a possibility of the long expected dialogue about
Kosova is offered? What would happen if it would be insisted on an "ad-hoc" decision to be
made by the governmental subjects of Kosova?

Who deals with politics in Kosova and around it?

The Kosova Parliament was never constituted. Kosova has been declared a republic and it has
a President. The Government in exile has a Premier, one minister and one Fund. Actually,
the state institutions which function and operate in Kosova are the Financing Fund of the
Government of Kosova and the institution of the President of the Republic.

The first one, would very hardly be the one to take the determining existential decisions, and
the second one consists of only one person, who has unanimously been declared as the leader
of national aims: freedom and self-determination. It is clear that the institution of the Premier
and the President of the Republic both belong to the executive sense of the national postures,
but which are the centers that actually design the political posture and thought in Kosova?

On July 22, 1991, a meeting of the leaders of six Albanian political parties of Kosova was
held in Prishtina. The stagnation of the synchronization of the political action and the will for
effectiveness resulted with the engagement to establish a unique body which would serve as a
coordinator of the labors of the major subjects (political and non-political, parties and
non-parties) engaged in the solution of our national cause.

The decision to establish the Coordinating Body of the Albanian Political Parties in Kosova
was a result of an agreement reached between different parties. The initial decision was that
this Body would consist of political parties, social associations and outstanding national
personalities that would gather around the same purpose: the coordination of actions and
postures. Nevertheless, the first formed list, saw people falling down from it, as the time
passed by. They were mainly independent intellectuals and non-party associations.

Thus the Coordinating Body got its final form, and its members were the, then, most
important subjects: the LDK (Democratic League of Kosova), the Peasants' Party, the

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Parliamentarian Party of Kosova, the Albanian Christian-Democratic Party and the
Social-Democratic Party of Kosova.

At that time, the sixth signatary of the document was the Republican Party of Kosova (seated
in Peja), which, after the fractions in the Presidency, was forced to leave the Coordinating
Body.

Of all the persons who signed the document, only two of them still remain in their functions:
Fehmi Agani vice-chairman of the LDK and Hivzi Islami chairman of the Peasants' Party.
The rest, were forced to leave the political scene because of different reasons.

Some days later, a similar coordinating body was established, and it included all political
parties of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia.

And while the first organ continued its labors with long interruptions and still exists, the other
one ceased to exist when the conflict in the Former Yugoslavia started and when Macedonia
became independent.

Point 8 of the Document foresees that "The Coordinating Body will meet at least once a
week".

The chronology of the meetings, can't even get close to the conclusions of the constituting
meeting. It is interesting to know that none of the members of this Body, knew when was the
last meeting of the Coordinating Body held. According to Hivzi Islami (Peasants' Party), the
last meeting was held on August 1993. Academician Mark Krasniqi (Albanian
Christian-Democratic Party) explains that he had no chance to participate in these meetings,
for he just recently became chairman of this party. His deputy, Abdullah Karjagdiu declared
that he didn't assist any of the meetings in the past two years, because of "objective reasons".
His activity is centered in international political contacts. When Shkëlzen Maliqi was asked
about these meetings (he was Chairman of the Social-Democratic Party when the Body was
constituted) he said that he suffered from "total amnesia" and "that he had nothing to add to
this". Bajram Kosumi (chairman of the Parliamentarian Party) claims that the last meeting
was held sometime in October or November of the past year, when the problem with the PPD
happened. The last one to be asked was Fehmi Agani, and he said that the meetings of the
Body had lost continuity, for they were held very irregularly. Nevertheless, he said that there
were some meetings of the Coordinating body during the present year.

When all of them were asked about the information regarding the re-activating of the
Coordinating Body, the answer of all of them was "we have no informations that something
of the kind will take place".

What is the role of the Coordinating Body? Does it replace the decision-making center, that is
the Parliament?, Does it assist the Government in exile?, Does it function at all?

According to its definition, this Coordinating Body was established to coordinate the actions
of all parties in the struggle against the occupant...

Asked about the possibility of the reactivation of the Body, Rugova (who is chairman of the
Coordinating Body) in his last regular press conference replied: "After the elections, we were
not able to constitute the Parliament, and thus neither form the new government. The

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Coordinating Body is the founder of this Government of coalition. It can't take over the
competencies of the Government, but may demand responsibility. It is true that the Body has
not met, but in general, there are no differences between the political parties regarding the
general points of view. It is hard to suppose that the Coordinating Body would act as the
Government..."

According to this, it is clear that the Coordinating Body is a consultative one, exclusively.
Then, where does the question regarding the vital importance of this body come from?

According to Fehmi Agani, political parties are insisting to re-activate the Body again. But at
the LDK we found out that the previous meetings of this Body were "more or less an attempt
to coordinate the postures, in case essential differences between parties appeared." Agani,
further on explains, that "...the Coordinating body was active during the periods where there
were problems in which other political parties had to get involved, such was the Referendum,
the Free elections, etc. Any time such a necessity appeared, the Body met, and was activated."

So much for point 8 of the Document on the Foundation of the Coordinating Body, and the
obligation to hold regular meetings at least once a week.

At the last meeting of the Coordinating Body (whenever it took place), as the
Parliamentarian Party insisted, the body took the joint posture that an analysis of the
efficiency of coordination among parties, be made. "A pretty critical analysis, with small
exclusions, was acceptable for all the participants", says B. Kosumi of the Parliamentarians.
"Nevertheless, the meetings were interrupted. I take as the main reason the lack of interest of
the parties-members of the Body, who decided not to attend the meetings and make the
influence of the decisions of the Coordinating Body lost."

It seems, nevertheless, as if the vagueness of the statutory definition of decision-making and

the respect of the decisions of the Body - is one of the reasons why this institution has
gradually toned down. The factitious lack of vital organs for political decision-making, such
a "facultative and non-obligative" body, seems not to be of great coordinating help of the
political life in Kosova. Even after elections, it was thought that this Body should continue
existing, because the actual circumstances made it impossible for the Parliament to be
constituted.

But the question of the competencies and the role arose. Taking into account Rugova's
statement about the Body, by which it is consultative only and it can't make any decisions and
if it does, they are not obligative, then what is the need to reactivate it?

The non constitution of the Parliament resulted with the creation of mechanisms of
decision-making under the direction of a party. The last cases of misunderstandings inside
different parties might seem natural but are at the same time almost impossible to solve in the
aspect of official legitimation of the subject. Even more, having in mind that their political
life continues in a dualist concept of opponent leaderships "of the same name and program",
when one party excludes the legitimacy of the other party (the case of PPD or the
Social-democrats).

To this, Rugova comments: "It is very probable that the Coordinating Body will deal with the
problems of fractions and recent divergences inside the political parties. We also should have
in mind the participation of other parties that were formed after the constitution of this Body,

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and which have shown outstanding activity." On the other hand, Agani comments: "It is very
hard that the engagement of the Coordinating Body could solve the internal problems of the
parties. Any initiative inside the polarized fractions would be understood by the other fraction
as an intrusion and violation of the integrity of the Party and which at the end would serve as
an additional reason for further divisions. Until now, none of these subjects has shown
interest to have the Coordinating Body act as a mediator. Finally, the Body did not create the
routine of the continuation of consultations. Maybe this is its biggest failure."

The juridical status of the Coordinating Body is very unclear. It is said that there are no
minutes of any of the meetings of the Coordinating Body, whilst its non-obligative character
only increases the irony over its lack of efficiency.

The lack of the decision-making center a.nd the respective mechanisms is the key element
that describes our weaknesses", says Hivzi Islami. "The Coordinating Body must meet by all
means and must be more vigorous to realize its postures, and not just to meet without any
results. It should not be the acting Parliament, but by all means it should fulfil its consulting
task".

The lack of this decision-making center is the biggest danger, as seen by Bajram Kosumi,
because this allows the possibility to create several parallel decision-making centers in
Kosova, which would be a result of the direct lack of inter-party organization.

The present composition of the Coordinating Body, according to some observers, reduces the
seriousness of the political activity, because the representation of the social structures
engaged in the solution of the national issue have been restricted with its political
exclusiveness. This means that in the Coordinating Body there are no representatives of other
associations (non political), and which nevertheless are important to the cause. According to
others, the Body can hardly have an all-national character, because of its party-political
profile, which restricts the responsibility and the broadness of the national issue.

Finally, speaking of the political thought pluralism, among us there are no differences
between parties when it comes to the solution of the national issue. It seems as if there were
pluralism of personal animosities inside the parties which are presented as imputations for the
solution of the national issue.

"Its essential function should continue by all means", thinks Hivzi Islami. "As smaller
subjects, we can insist on having meetings, but we can't call them. This is a competence of the
chairman."

On the other side, the Parliamentarian Party insists on expanding the members of the
Coordinating Body, by including the majority of the Albanian political and social subjects of
Kosova. Thus, the Body could be turned into a liberal and open debate, which would publicly
control the functioning of the Kosovar political and social scene, for this party insists the
decisions to be of imperative character, but with this it doesn't understand that the Body shall
become the Parliament's or Government's surrogate.

If there is no Parliament or derived Government from the Coordinating Body, and if the
political life of Albanians is coordinated by such a Body, maybe only one question remains
without an answer: Where is the compass? Or even worse, is there any compass?

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DEMOGRAPHY

KOSOVA IS (NOT) AGING

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Which are the recent demographic movements in Kosova? This is one issue of which too
much has been spoken, but there is no concrete evidence that would give meritorious answers
to this question. This area was also hit by the ruin of the Kosovar institutions. During this
period, the population census in 1991 didn't take place, the clinic of gynecology was not the
place where Albanian women would give birth any longer, and the books of different
evidences of the newborns or deceased are very often out of the reach of those who try to
make a research. Then, a war in the Former Yugoslavia happened, which forced a large
number of Albanian youngsters to desert the army or evade the draft. But, we shall not forget
the large number of individuals or families, who were forced to leave Kosova because of
economic and social reasons.

Prof. dr. Musa Limani says that a difference between the migration before and after 1989
should be made. "Before 1989, we dealt with economic migration, whilst after this year, the
migration was political. In the past, usually the head of the family went abroad to provide
existence to the rest of the family remaining home, whilst now, the migration of whole
families, as well as youngsters, is more expressed."

For the time being, the only modus to mobilize the youngsters is education. It is true that the
university has gathered a whole army of youngsters, but it is unfortunate that we don't dispose
of data regrading the demographic movements in general. It should not be forgotten that it
was precisely after 1990 that the Albanian woman was forced to give birth at home, or that
new/old diseases reappeared, which can gravely influence the ratio between natality and
mortality.

The demographers in Kosova think that the Albanian population is not in danger of aging,
since its reproduction scale is much higher than of the other parts of the former Yugoslavia.
It is estimated that even today, there are from 53 to 55 thousand new babies born in Kosova,
whilst from 9 to 10 thousand newborns die, all within one year. This means that the natural
increase of the population (43-45 thousand a year), which has been kept at that level for long,
is still the same. But, if the figures of official institutions are compared, then the differences
are enormous. For example, in the Gynecological Clinic in Prishtina, in 1989, there were 12
thousand and 500 births. Last year, there were only 6 thousand. There is also a big difference
in the mortality rate of the newborns, because five years ago 6,86 % of infants died, whilst
last year the percentage was 16,6%. It is an alarming increase of 140%. For sure the situation
in other towns is not better, nor is it in the private clinics, for apart from the good manners of
the medical staff, there are not much possibilities to grant a good health protection to the
newborn and the mother.

Dr. Tefik Basha says that the level of the increase of the population of the Albanians in
Kosova is approximately of the standards that Kosova has had in the past decades. "This I
say because in its structure, the population is very young, that is, only 5% of the population
are elderly, which is not a characteristic of the population in Vojvodina or Serbia, where the

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population is as three times as old as the population in Kosova, or where not even the simple
reproduction is achieved."

A new characteristic can appear nowadays with the massive migration of the youngsters. It
may affect the sexual breakdown of the population, as well as, delay marriages. Before, the
girls used to get married at the age of 21, whilst men at the age of 23. According to Dr. Hivzi
Islami, in 1981 in every 100 females, there was 106,4 males, which meant that there were
52.344 more males than females according to the 1981 census. Such a sexual balance held
the high level of the population reproduction. Today, things seem different. If to get a
conclusion we shall take what is seen on the street, in pubs or classrooms, then it comes out
that there are more females than males nowadays.

The numbers of the emigrated Albanians are not all that verified. At the beginning of 1993,
there were 400 thousand Albanians in Western Europe - this is the number used in many
debates and publications regrading this topic. The majority, or 70% of them, are aged
between 19 and 30. This is the tragic element of the emigrations from Kosova, because the
most vital part of the population is wandering around the streets of the Western-European
major cities. And they represent both the working and reproducing force.

Knowing their ages, then it is understandable why the number of pupils and students has
decreased. This has affected the natural increase of the population, decreasing it from 43
thousand to 32 thousand a year.

Just to illustrate the dimensions of the emigrations, we shall mention that around 80 thousand
Albanians went to the Czech Republic and Slovakia, aiming to cross the German border.
Some of them reached their final destination, and according to some sources, around 73
thousand Albanians have sought asylum in Germany. In the past two years, 25 thousand
Albanians have come back home, which is a small number, compared to the ones that left.

Based on his research and the census of the emigrated Albanians which started in 1992 and
unfortunately never finished, dr. Hivzi Islami claims that in Germany there are over 120
thousand Albanians, in Switzerland over 95 thousand, in Sweden over 35 thousand, in
Austria 23 thousand, in Belgium 8 thousand, in France and Denmark 5 thousand each, in Italy
over 4 thousand in Norway 3,5 thousand, in England 2,5 thousand and in The Netherlands
over 2 thousand Albanians.

There are no accurate data about the Albanians in Croatia, but an estimate is 40 thousand, in
Slovenia there are about 15 thousand, and Bosnia, there used to be over 30 thousand
Albanians. In the past years, over 25 thousand Kosova Albanians fled to Albania, and over 8
thousand of them got double citizenship, or decided to remain there.

The majority of Albanians abroad have no legal status solved, and it is probable that they will
soon come back home. When and how, it is hard to say. Many things will depend on the
solution of the status of Kosova. Nevertheless, Tefik Basha thinks that with little money and
a good organization, the population census in Kosova could be done. "In this way, we would
have the global elements of the demographic movements. It is important to know how many
Albanians are there in Kosova, and based on this we can find out how many of them left or
how many came back."

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U.S./KOSOVA

AUTONOMY OR INDEPENDENCE

by LINDITA IMAMI/Washington

The American experts in general, are of the opinion that Kosova is the most serious threat for
peace in the Balkans and foresee the possibility of the extension of the conflict from the
North to the South. In such case, as they say, it is possible that the neighboring countries
would see themselves involved, therefore they are seeking prevention of such a scenario.
There are different opinions, in all circles inside and outside Kosova, about the best and
rational solution to this problem. there is no doubt that the peaceful resistance of the
Albanians has internationalized it, and has sensitized the big countries about the aspirations
of the Albanian people.

But, what about tomorrow? What after 5 or 10 years? Regarding this issue, the American
experts have different standpoints.

Analyst Stephen Rosenfeld of the Washington Post says that Kosova is the tensest region in
the Former Yugoslavia and maybe the hardest problem to solve. His opinion is that the issue
of Kosova should be solved symmetrically with the issue of Krajina. He thinks that the
solution to both problems should be the autonomy, thus safeguarding the sovereignty of
Croatia and Serbia and guaranteeing full political rights for Albanians in Kosova and for
Serbs in Krajina. Rosenfeld says that the autonomy in both these regions is not the ideal, but
is something reachable that can result with the prevention of war.

In a exclusive declaration for "KOHA", "THE NEW YORK TIMES" journalist David Binder
says that after 10 years Kosova will be autonomous, but not independent. According to him,
the autonomy of Kosova will be broader than the one of 1974. Binder thinks that after Bosnia
and Krajina are solved, the interest will be centered on Kosova. "The policy of the Kosovar
leaders is a very important factor, but it can't be accomplished without the engagement of the
international community. The solution to the problem is an evolution and can't happen
overnight." This is why he carefully chose the term "decade". "These are times when
politicians ought to be rational and cold-blooded. Based on my concepts about the real and
the possible, I imagine Kosova as an autonomy, with close cultural and economic links with
Albania and the Albanians in Macedonia. In today's world, with the telecommunications and
the transports, borders lose importance".

Members of the Albanian issues Caucus are of the opinion that the only way to solve the
Kosova problem is independence. According to Congressman Eliot Engel, autonomy is not a
solution for Kosova. Engel claims that independence will be reached gradually, starting with
free elections, which results will be recognized by the international community, as well as
Serbia, by conditioning Serbia with Kosova, for lifting up the sanctions, the establishment of
an American presence in Kosova, sending peacekeeping forces to Kosova and finally by
organizing a referendum about the political future of Kosova.

Emphasizing that the issue of Kosova is one of the most important topics of meetings with
American officials, the Ambassador of Albania to the US, Lublin Dilja told KOHA: "We
insist Kosova be included in the peace process of the Former Yugoslavia, we request an
international trusteeship over Kosova, the stop to the repression in Kosova, and in this way to

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prepare the conditions for the just solution of the problem". Ambassador Dilja is of the
opinion that a just solution would be the one that respects the expressed political will of the
people of Kosova. Asked how he evaluates the official American standpoint regarding
Kosova, Dilja said that, taking into consideration the efforts to prevent the opening of a new
front in the south, the American administration is showing an interest and trying to find a
solution for a gradual solution to the problem, and this is a process that has an extent, and that
is autonomy. The American administration has thought of using the sanctions, as means to
persuade Serbia.

How will the problem of Kosova be solved, and which will be the most acceptable way for
the Albanian people, is to be seen. The biggest achievement until now has been evading the
open conflict and the saving of many lives.

JUSTICE

dr. Rajko Danilovic, attorney at law

"THE VERBAL DELICT" OF THE NON-SERBS

by: VESNA BJEKIC/AIM/Belgrade

Attorney at law Rajko Danilovic is known to the public opinion as the defender of the
political convicts in all of the Former Yugoslavia. By midst of last year, he published the
book "The Use of the Enemy", which speaks of the political trials in Yugoslavia from 1945 to
1991. He got the idea to write the book when he defended the political offenders, and he was
apt to do so at the beginning of the '90-ies, especially after the "verbal delict" was suppressed.

Asked by the journalist about the oscillation in the reactions of the public opinion towards the
political trials, Danilovic responded that it was clear that in the post war period (late '40-ies),
the public was "blinded" by the police and judicial persecution of all those who thought
differently. But, this "blindness" was trained and to a certain extent it was calculated. The
labor and the decisions of the police were considered to be untouchable. Any doubts about
the chosen enemy would be enough for the skeptic himself to be imprisoned. Serving the
leader and the political oligarchy with loyalty, the political police a priori was right about
everything. Once an enemy, always an enemy. The Communist rule converted people into
blind individuals who wouldn't see what was happening.

It was not until the '80-ies, that the public got emancipated and started resisting openly these
trials. Any political trial, especially that of famous personalities, was expressed by
politicizing it and thus creating the resistance among the public. There was no bigger harm
for the regime than to have political trials. But they were a part of the system the regime
couldn't get rid of. The occasional reaction of the propaganda and the post-holders in defense
of the independence and "against the intrusion in internal affairs", for example of "Amnesty
International" or another international institution for Human Rights, were always weak
arguments before the domestic and foreign public. Nevertheless, the damage of those trials
was calculated and the balance, according to the Government, was positive therefore, they
would not give up on them.

An exception to the rule were the trials organized in Kosova in the '80-ies. Especially after

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the demonstrations and riots in 1981, which were characterized by the authorities as
"counterrevolutionary", the organization of political trials was done massively. The Kosova
Albanians were almost the only political prisoners in Yugoslavia. Whilst the imprisoning
criteria grew harsher and restrictive in Yugoslavia, in Kosova they became more extensive
and unbearable.

The situation in Serbia today is as it is, because an authoritarian sub-conscience is in action,

even in the circles of those who once were considered to be bearers of tolerance and
solidarity. This is a retroactive process: a false sub-conscience has been created - the Serbian
people are convinced that they have been the most endangered one in the Former Yugoslavia,
and thus have been offered the Greater Serbia. It is a therapeutic issue for someone to defend
the minorities. But, no-one wishes to risk, to receive blows or to lose votes. If someone
wishes to become the alternative to something, then by all means should face all the
consequences which it withholds.

In the same line, he was also asked to comment on the recent trials in Kosova, Sandzak and
Montenegro. Danilovic made a long elaboration of this issue, stressing that the process
against 25 people in Novi Pazar is a peculiar one. They have all been accused pursuant to the
old Communist law, and according to the accusation they seek the detachment of Sandzak
from the SFRY (according to that Code) and now FRY, even though, looked at it from the
aspect of the Criminal law, it is not legal. So they were accused of thinking differently and
consequently were subjugated to the imposed discipline by the political police.

The trials both in Kosova and Sandzak were planned and effectuated the same way. The
purpose of the authorities is to prove that there are some groups and circles which, with the
use of force want to detach parts of territories of Serbia and Montenegro. This is, according
to Danilovic, totally lacking any grounds, even though some weapons have been confiscated,
as proof. But, for example, those weapons would not be enough to even arm a unit in Novi
Pazar, and it is very hard to prove and believe that with one unit, one can create a state and
destroy a fully militarized country as is Serbia. So, it is hard to prove, but it serves the
political purpose, and that is the intimidation of the population. The final goal is to make the
people leave, and unfortunately this is precisely happening.

Even though Danilovic is not engaged to defend the accused in Kosova, he is acquainted with
the processes. Since the authorities can't find any material proof to accuse the political
leaders, they invent peripheral groups and accuse them of preparing an armed insurrection.
The authorities, according to Danilovic, are not worried about these groups, but through
them, threaten the Albanian leadership.

Danilovic concludes by saying that the stiff posture of the Serbian authorities has enabled the
Albanians to organize themselves much better than they would in other circumstances. He
explained this by saying that the Albanians do not engage an attorney outside their
environment, which in a sense is proof that not only they do not accept the jurisdiction of the
Courts, but also the legitimacy of those who would like to defend them. "In this sense, they
haven't lost their autonomy", says Danilovic.

The final question put to Danilovic, was regarding the national composition of the
prosecutors and the judges. Danilovic says: "In the past, usually the judges and prosecutors
were of the same nationality as the accused, and this was a wise political move. The
authorities counted on the fact that the chosen prosecutor or judge had to prove his loyalty to

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them. Now the things have changed, and the authorities don't trust the other judges and
prosecutors that are not Serbs or Montenegrins. The case of the judge in the Novi Pazar trial
is specific. The appointed judge suffered a traffic accident, and since hospitalized, he
couldn't attend the trial. It had to be suspended. Over two months and a half had passed, and
the new judge had not been yet appointed. The President of the Supreme Court could have
appointed a new judge, but he couldn't enforce the decision. Strange enough, a judge from
Novi Sad has now accepted to continue the trial, which proves that even the judges nowadays
are reluctant to be at the service of the political authorities."

THE RHOMA

THEIR INTERNATIONAL DAY

April 8 was the day when the First World Congress of the Gypsies started in London. It was
also the International Day of the Gypsies. One of the participants of that congress Faik Abdi,
who along with Nysret Seharsoj (Kosova) and the late Slobodan Berberski (Serbia)
represented the gypsies, is now chairman of the Party for the Full Emancipation of the Rhoma
in Macedonia, speaks for "KOHA":

"The Congress lasted four days, and we approved a series of Declarations and Resolutions:
we determined our name - we were and still are Rhoma; our origin is from India; our anthem
is "Jelem-Jelem"; we decided to use the Latin alphabet and will recognize all dialects and
subdialects until we don't establish a unified literary language. We appealed to all leaders of
the world and the United Nations to insist on the respect of the fundamental rights (civil and
human) of the Rhoma wherever in the world, according to the international documents...
We in Macedonia are a collectivity - we exist, we have our own language, our traditions, our
folklore. We tried to do something in this respect in the times of the Central Committees, but
no-one would listen to us. Luckily enough, once Macedonia became independent, the
constitutional commission included us Rhomas in the preamble of the Constitution. This is a
big victory for us, because for the first time in ages, the Rhoma were defined as a nationality.
We have another reason for satisfaction: we have our radio and TV broadcasts, we have 17
amateurs clubs, our drama ensemble headed by Rahim Burhan has been achieving many
successes in Germany in the past four years. We organized the International Festival of
Rhoma Music which was broadcasted by 24 TV networks in the world. Greece was the only
country that refused to make the broadcast!

The Chairman of the Rhoma Party didn't want to speak of the many problems they are facing.
The only, but the most serious he mentioned is that of their number: "...the statistics say that
we are only 52 thousand, and we expect to come out to be around 200 thousand in the next
census!" When asked about the Egyptians, who have constituted themselves as a separate
national collectivity, he says: "Never mind them! They used to declare themselves as
Albanians. At home they either speak Albanian or Macedonian. Now they've forgotten the
language, they are ashamed of coming back to the Rhoma, and this is why I am not as
astonished with them as with the Egyptian ambassador who has acknowledged them!".

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MACEDONIA

WHEN THE POLICE DIFFERENTIATES THE PPD

It's maybe for encouragement, but the local private radio stations in Kumanova, Shkupi,
Tetova, Gostivar, Kerçova, Struga and down to Manastir, have among others, most often
played this song with the following lyrics: "There is no religion or party/that will divide this
Albaniandom!"

Today, an intellectual from Shkupi, emptying the first glass, will say that all of these "belong
to the ages of one-mindedness" and after emptying the second one, once again in sign of
comfort, he'll mention the VMRO party: "..they have four of five VMRO's and nothing! They
even go public saying that the government can't be removed with the use of democratic
means, and nothing again. With us Albanians, with us from the Prosperitet (Party for
Democratic Prosperity), things are not like that", says the intellectual, but at the end asks his
name not to be mentioned since we Albanians...do everything.

So, we are speaking of the PPD.

Recently, the chief of the Directorate of Internal Affairs of Tetova Vangel Durovski, sent a
letter to Arbën Xhaferi, president of one of the presidencies of the PPD, informing him that
according to their register of the political parties, the Presidency headed by Xhaferi is
characterized as an informal political group, which is not registered even as the "heir" of the
PPD. Therefore, warns the head of the police, "..all presentations in the name of the PPD,
and the eventual use of the seal-stamps shall be considered as activities to be qualified as
violations of legal provisions"!

Some time before this letter was sent, the police chief informed the Accounting Institution in
Tetova, that the right to use the seal-stamps, which understands the use of the money in the
current account too, belongs to the presidency lead by Xheladin Murati.

This is what Arbën Xhaferi has to say regarding the term "informal group" when the police
authorities refer to his party: "It has been some time now since we have been called so by the
Minister of Interior Frckovski, some of our MP's, my opponent and now finally the chief of
police in Tetova. This terminology manifests a political tendency, and from the theoretical
aspect it is absurd. This should have been known better by the intellectual Frckovski, who
has been captivated by the police gene. Informal groups are created by chance, in a subway
wagon, a train, bus, stadium, etc. and they function as long as the moment lasts. We were not
established by chance, and our problem with the authorities, as well as the problem of
Albanians here, is not accidental.

This decision of the police reveals the existence of a structure of power which directs the
political, social and economic developments.

These structures started breaking down the walls of Albanian houses, they started restricting
Albanian education, they surrounded Ladorishtë, manifested their brutality in Bit Pazar,
created the "weapon's affair", arbitrate about who is legitimate, formal and suitable to them.
On the other hand, this decision brings a previous decision by which a political force tries to
be eliminated from the political scene, and will be punished by law for its political activity,
now when the people have to organize for the population census, elections, etc.

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With this decision, these structures are playing games in our own field, and instead of dealing
with them, we have to deal with artificially created problems. Our presentation in the scene
will, nevertheless, uncover these forces which pretend to survive even the democratic context.
Now has the clarification of positions in Macedonia started", concludes Arbën Xhaferi.

The Secretary of the other Presidency Naser Zyberi says that this decision was to be expected.
"The level of democratic development is measured by the level of the respect of the
procedures. The issue of the juridical inheritance of the PPD is procedural. We came to the
head of the PPD by respecting the procedures, and not pushed by someone, as was the case of
the informal group".

How will all this end, several months before the census and elections, it is hard to foresee. In
the name of the procedure, the attorney of the PPD will file a complaint. The ones familiar
with the proceedings, say that it is similar to that of the European Commission (in the case of
the commercial embargo of Greece against Macedonia): it can last over a year and even more.

One must be reminded that in Macedonia there are three registered Albanian parties and it is
not excluded that there might be another one - that of the former chairman of the PPD, Nevzat
Halili.

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