Anda di halaman 1dari 24

Dialogic Dreams: Creative Selves Coming into Life in the Flow of Time

Author(s): Laura R. Graham


Source: American Ethnologist, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Nov., 1994), pp. 723-745
Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/646837
Accessed: 09/10/2008 08:24
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.
Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the
scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that
promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Blackwell Publishing and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
preserve and extend access to American Ethnologist.
http://www.jstor.org
dialogic
dreams: creative selves
coming
into life in
the flow of time
LAURA R.
GRAHAM-University
of Iowa
[A]
person
is not
absolutely
an individual. His
thoughts
are what he is
"saying
to himself," that is
saying
to that other self that is
just coming
into life in the flow of time. [Peirce 1955
[1940]:258, 1931-58,
5:421
The road to a semiotics of culture winds
through
the semiotics of
dialogue. [Singer
1984:102]
As an avenue toward
overcoming "many
of the dilemmas that have haunted
[theories
of the
self]
for several hundred
years,"
Milton
Singer
(1980:500, 1984:72)
proposes application
of
Peirce's
general theory
of
signs
to
produce
a semiotic
conception
of the self that is both
pragmatic
and
phenomonological. Among
the dilemmas
Singer
cites as
impeding progress
toward a unified
theory
of the self are those of materialism versus
mentalism,
objective
versus
subjective, quantitative
versus
qualitative,
collective versus
individual,
and
cognition
versus
feeling
and action. The common denominator
among
these
competing
dichotomous
paradigms
is,
according
to
Singer,
their basis within a
persisting
Cartesian
dualism,
a dualism which he
notes Peirce
began
to transcend over one hundred
years ago. Singer's
introduction of semiotics
to discussions of an
anthropological study
of the self
has,
as Lee
astutely
observes (1989:193)
"brought
an unusual
vigor
and
rigor...
to a field which for a
longtimewas
locked in a moribund
debate between cultural relativism and
psychoanalytic
determinism."
Although
several critics
of a semiotic
approach
have
perceived
it as
leading
to reductionist
interpretations
of
identity
(see,
for
example,
Fernandez
1986;
Leach
1985;
Saberwal
1985),
the notion that the social
construction of the self is linked with
signs
and
sign phenomena opens up
the
possibility
for
understanding
a
multiplicity
of selves within individuals and social
groups,
as well as for
conceptualizations
of creative and
emergent identity
(see
Singer
1989;
Urban
1989;
also Urban
and Lee 1989).
In this
article,
I endeavor to illuminate the semiotic
processes by
which Xavante
youths
creatively
establish
multiple
identities
through song performance.
Youths create individual
novitiate identities
by re-presenting
dreams in the form of novel
song compositions.1
Novitiates
then share their
individually
dreamed
song compositions
with the members of a
corporate
group, thereby contributing
to a
repertoire
of
collectively
owned
songs.
In
public performances,
This article discusses male Xavante
youths' experience
of
subjectivity through
exploration
of
dream-songs using, following Singer,
a Peircian model of the
semiotic self. Dreamed
songs
are shown to straddle the
territory
between the
domains of individual
subjectivity
and
publicly circulating
discursive
practice,
mediating
between the
creativity
and
experience
of individual selves and the
experience
of
collectivity.
Preinitiates construct
images
of the
dream-song "type"
through performance
with
seniors,
then share dreamed
compositions
with a cohort
to
merge
individual
experience
with collective
experience
in
performance.
Per-
formance links
participants
to
seniors,
past performers,
and,
ultimately,
to the
ancestors.
[dreams,
song/dance,
semiotics,
expressive performance,
Brazilian In-
dians]
American
Ethnologist
21(4):723-745.
Copyright
?
1994,
American
Anthropological
Association.
dialogic
dreams 723
these same
songs
come to be emblems of a
collectivity
and,
simultaneously, public
markers of
the collective
identity
of the
group's
constituent members. The
dream-songs,
da-fnore,
and their
performances
thus
point
to a
young
man's individual
creativity
and novitiate status at the same
time
they,
in a
seemingly paradoxical
manner,
signal
a collective
identity
that minimizes
individuation. In
performance
and
through
the formal features of
performance,
da-rnore
embody multiple potential meanings
to
represent
the self as a
complex, emergent,
and
many
faceted cluster of identities.
While not
adhering
to the
"simplistic
view" that culture acts on a
person
or that "dictates of
a culture" can be taken for
granted
to
explain why
a
person
does
something
(Riesman 1986:91),
I
suggest
that the creation and
expression
of
subjectivity
is
intimately
linked to
surrounding
discursive and
expressive practices
(see Basso
1990a, 1990b;
Hendricks
1990;
Hill
1990;
Lee
and Urban
1989:301;
Roseman
1991;
Urban and Kent
1991;
also Kratz 1991). The
processes
by
which da-no?re
songs,
conceived of as a distinct
expressive type,
are learned and then
individually composed,
illuminates the
dialogic relationship
between
processes
of "inner"
subjectivity
and external forms of
representation:
external forms
shape
"inner"
experience,
while the
expression
of "inner"
experience
influences the
shape
of the
emergent
da-no?re
tradition. Since each
dream-song
is a
novel,
individually
conceived
composition
(however,
one
whose form must conform to the
parameters
of the
da-inore
type)
the
sharing
of
dream-song
compositions
illustrates how individual
agents actively participate
in
maintaining
the
continuity
of a
culturally recognized expressive
form.
Moreover,
since da-noZre
performance helps
to
establish affective bonds between
performers,
individual
agents, by engaging
in da-no?re
performance, actively participate
in the creation and maintenance of social
formations,
as well
as relations of dominance based on
age
and
gender,
that
give
Xavante
society
its
unique
dualistic
form. Xavante da-no?re thus illustrate the
principle
formulated
by
Jackson and
Karp
that "the
integrity
and
perpetuation
of
every
collective order
depends
in the last
analysis
on the initiatives
and actions of individual
persons"
(1990:29).
semiotics of the self: "inner"
subjectivity
and external discursive
practice
By situating
the locus of
identity
and
continuity
of the self in
processes
of semiotic commu-
nication rather than within the human
organism,
Peirce's anti-Cartesian formulation of the self
embraces the
potential
for
creative,
emergent,
and
multiple
self-identities.2 Similar
to,
yet
arguably
more
systematic
than,
conceptions developed by
members of Bakhtin's circle of
linguists
and
by
the Soviet
psychologist Vygotsky,
Peirce viewed the self as
consisting
of an
"outreaching identity" whereby
the
feelings, thoughts,
and actions of one individual are linked
with those of others
through processes
of semiosis
(1931-58, 7:591;
Singer
1984:57). For
Peirce,
the self also consists of internal
knowledge
and, therefore,
subjectivity,
which "is derived
by
hypothetical reasoning
from
knowledge
of external facts"
(1931-58, 5:265) is
experienced
via
semiotic inferences. The semiotical
ly
constituted self is thus a self that is
constantly
in the
process
of
coming
into
being through,
to borrow Volosinov's
terminology, processes
of "inner
speech"
and external
dialogue;
it is not a self that is
given,
but one that
emerges
and solidifies out of its
interactions with others (see Straus 1989:53). Yet,
it is
simultaneously
a self that is held
together
through
its
past experiences
and its
history
of
previous cognitions.
Thus,
as
Singer
observes,
Peirce's
conception
of the self is not
only logical,
it is
"dialogical"
(1984:63),
"both a
product
and
agent
of semiotic
communication,
and therefore social and
public"
(1984:57).3
Rather than
delving
into
philosophical questions regarding
the extentto which
consciousness,
or "inner
speech,"
exists
independently
of external discursive
forms,
questions
that others have
addressed with much
sophistication
(for
example,
Lee
1989;
Lucy
1986;
Lee and Urban
1989;
Volosinov
1973[1929], 1987[1976/1920];
Whorf
1956),
my objective
here is to illustrate the
links between discursive
practices
that
publicly
circulate within communities and the
expres-
724 american
ethnologist
sion of individual
subjectivity.
Since
subjectivity
is
necessarily
an internal and individual
experience,
it can
only
be known to others
through representations
in the form of
publicly
interpretable signs. Consequently,
inner
experience inevitably
can
only
be
hypothetically
inferred
by
others,
and
possibly
even retrieved to
self-consciousness,
by
means of
externally
circulating
semiotic
media,
that
is,
the
expressive practices
shared within a
community.
Simultaneously,
as the external discursive forms
practiced
within a
community shape
the
expression
of inner
experience,
each novel
expression
contributes to
defining
the new
shape,
no matter how
minimally
differentiated,
of
publicly circulating
discursive
practices. Subjectivity
is, thus,
socialized
through
its
dependence
on
public
discursive
practices,
while those same
publicly circulating
discursive formations are
constantly
renewed and
regenerated through
each
expression
of
subjectivity.
Dreams and dream
expression
straddle the terrain between internal
subjectivity
and outward
expression, thereby offering
fertile
ground
for
analyses
of the
interrelationships
between these
two domains. In
fact,
Dorothy Eggan's pioneering
remarks
concerning
the creative
relationship
between dreams and folklore (or "cultural
provision"), although
not focused on discursive
practice
or semiotic
processes per
se,
prefigure
a
specific
focus on the creative
relationship
between the
expression
of
subjective experience
and
publicly circulating
discursive
practice
(see
Eggan
1955, 1966,
also 1961). Because a
dream,
conceived of as a series of internal
psycho-physiological processes,
can
only
be
experienced by
the
person
who "has"
it,
dreams
necessarily pertain
to the domain of individual
subjectivity.4
Yet,
as soon as the individual
attempts
to share this
personal experience,
she or he must
put
it into a
culturally interpretable
form
using
the
culturally appropriate
means of
signification,
narrative,
song,
or visual
imagery
for
example,
within the
appropriate
context(s) for dream
sharing
(Herdt 1987;
also Mannheim
1987). Thus,
external
expressive practices shape
how a dream
experience
is
expressed (possibly
even its
presentation
to
consciousness),
as well as how it is
manipulated
and
interpreted by
members of a
society.
There is a
dialogic process
at work between the individual's conscious
experience
of a dream and the social context that influences the
way
a dream is
outwardly
expressed.
Dreams
then,
are
analogous
to the "word" or "utterance" within Volosinov's
theory
of
expression
(1973[1929]). Like
speech,
dreams consist of an "inner
experience,"
a semiotic
process
located within the individual
consciousness,
and an "outward
expression,"
the formal
means
through
which dreams are communicated in social interaction. Volosinov's
theory
of
expression presupposes
the
reciprocal
interaction of the two: consciousness exists
through
its
dialogue
with
exterior,
social
expressions;
it
conveys
the material of its inner
processes through
acts of
objectification. "Consequently,
the whole route between inner
experience
(the
'express-
ible') and its outward
objectification
(the 'utterance') lies
entirely
across social
territory"
(Volosinov 1973[1929]:90).
Regardless
of where
they
are
culturally positioned along
a con-
tinuum between
sleeping
and
waking
realities (Price-Williams 1987), dreams,
like Volosinov's
utterance,
take
place
in the individual
consciousness,
draw from cultural and social circum-
stances,
and are
publicly expressed
in
socially interpretable
forms.
Since dreams
belong
to the domain of individual
subjectivity
while their
expression depends
upon
socialized forms of
signification,
dream
re-presentation
offers a
particularly potent
means
of
signaling
the
uniqueness
of individual
subjectivity,
as well as
sociability
between individuals.
Xavante celebrate the
complex dialogic processes
between
subjectivity,
or "inner
experience,"
and "outward
expression"
in the
process
of
sharing songs, represented
first as
individually
dreamed
compositions,
then in collective
performances
in which the
dream-song, representing
subjective experience,
becomes
socially
shared
experience.
I nowturn to the Xavante to
explore
the
relationships
between individual
dream-song composition
and collective
song perform-
ances,
a
type
of discursive
practice
that
literally
circulates
acoustically
and
physically
within
Xavante communities.
dialogic
dreams 725
da-fo?re: within the Xavante discursive milieu
Among
the
Xavante,
members of the central branch of the Ge
linguistic family,5
the
parameters
of
age
and
gender regulate
access to various forms of discursive
practice.
Men and
women have differential access to situations where
expressive
skills in distinct
speech styles
can be
developed,
moreover,
this
accessibility
is
age graded.
For
example,
it is considered
inappropriate (except
in
extremely
unusual
circumstances),
for women to attend the wara men's
council,
the forum for
public
debate
(among
males) of issues and decisions that are
perceived
to affect the entire
community (including
women). Since this is the arena in which men hone
their
ability
as
public
orators and
interpreters
of orated
speech (Graham 1993),
women do not
become
public
orators.
In contrast to
political oratory,
which is both
age graded
and
gender specific,
ceremonial
lament is an
expressive style
available to both men and women but restricted to members of
the senior
age grades
(see Graham
1984, 1986). Children and
youths
do not
engage
in this form
of
expressive
behavior for serious
expressions
of
grief. Occasionally,
however,
children
pick
out the salient features of the
style
and,
in
jest,
mock the
expressive style
of
grieving
adults.
Coupled
with the formal markers of the
style (creaky
voice,
particular
melodic
contour,
microtonal
rising),6
a child's
inappropriate age
make such utterances
hilariously funny
to
Xavante,
and
they provoke laughter
both on the
part
of adults and other children.
da-hnore is a form of
expressive
behavior that is
practiced primarily by
men,
particularly
during
those
phases
of the male life
cycle
in which
solidarity
between males is at a
peak.
Indeed,
da-noere
performance
is instrumental to the creation and maintenance of affective bonds
between males, and male
solidarity
varies in
proportion
to the
frequency
of da-noZre
perform-
ance.
During
the
preinitiate, novitiate, and
young
men's
age grades,
when
age-set
members
frequently engage
in da-no?re
performance,
the
strength
of bonds between
performers
is
maximal. Later, during
the mature
phases
of the life
cycle,
domestic concerns and
political
factionalism
displace
the
solidarity
of
youth,
and men
engage
less
frequently
in da-nIoxre
performance.
In those instances when mature men do
engage
in collective
singing performance,
for instance, prior
to collective
hunting trips,
in
curing ceremonies,
or when
embracing
a new
age-set
into the mature men's
age grade, participation effectively engenders
a
spirit
of cohe-
siveness that
prevails
over the factionalism that
typically
characterizes the mature men's
age
grade.
Although
women
may join
men in
some,
but not
all,
occasions of
public performance, only
men have the
ability
to
compose
da-inolre. Moreover, only
men
systematically perform
da-no?re
publicly
in
groups.7
da-fnore
performance
is thus an
expressive modality
that
emphasizes gender differentiation,
differential access to forms of
expressive performance,
and
male
solidarity
versus the
segmentation
of women into domestic
groups.
Each instance of
da-fnore
performance highlights
this
gender differentiation,
even occasions when women
join
the men in
song performance,
since women neither
compose songs
nor
systematically
share
and
perform
them with their
age-set
cohort. This differentiation is rooted in Xavante notions
regarding
the
origin
of da-hno2re,
the
way
in which da-ffnore circulate within communities and
between
generations,
as well as in the
process by
which individual
songs
are
composed
and
then shared with members of a
group
for
regular public performances
around the
village.
da-fnore: at the intersection of "inner"
subjectivity
and external discursive
form
In Xavante, da-fnore refers to a
collectively performed
combination of
song
and dance.8
Participants sing
and move
together forming
a circle with
clasped
hands (see
Figure
1). When
Xavante
speak
of da-noire, they
refer to a unified
performance complex,
not
simply
the acoustic
726 american
ethnologist
Figure
1. iritaiiwa novitiates
performing
da-no?re in 1987
(photo by
Laura Graham).
features
produced by
voices. As in
Suya
musical
performance
as
Seeger
has observed
(1979,
1987),
in Xavante
da-inore,
sound and movement cannot be
separated.
According
to most Xavante
adults,
both men and
women, da-nozre
originate
with the
immortals,
the dead elders or
ancestors,
and
hoimanauZio,
literally
"the
always living"
(hoimana
"to I
ive"; IZui
"always")
creators.
They report
that
sleeping
Xavante
men,
adolescent
novitiates,
ZritaiZwa,
in
particular,
receive da-noZre from the immortals and
hoimanazuzo
creators in their
dreams. Some
young
men claim not to know the
identity
of
figures
who
appear
in their dreams.
For
example,
Lino
TsereZubudzi,
one of
my
assistants,
described his dreams of
obtaining
da-no
Zre as visions of men
singing
and
dancing, although
he said that he did not
usually recognize
the members of the
dancing group.
Most
seniors, however,
elaborate that these
are,
in
fact,
the
immortals and the
hoimanaZuzo
creators. In
fact,
it is older
people
who tend to make the
connection between dream visions and the immortals. For seniors who
speak
of
them,
the
figures
that
appear
in one's dreams are dreamed
personifications
of the ancestors.
Despite
the
difference in their
acknowledgment
of
sources,
all
Xavante,
both
young
and
old,
as well as men
and
women,
concur that
sleeping
men,
adolescent
novitiates,
in
particular,
are the most
prolific
dreamers.
Individuals with whom I have
spoken
about dreams recount that
everyone experiences
dreams.
However,
the
ways
in which an individual
presents
his or her dream
experiences
varies
according
to
gender
and
position
within the life
cycle,
as well as with the
accessibility
and
appropriateness
of distinct discursive
practices.
For
example,
as mentioned
above, seniors,
both
women and
men,
publicly present
dreams as da-wawa
sung
laments. In
contrast,
young
men
re-present
their dreams as
da-noZre,
while some small
children,
particularly boys
(and their
parents),
often
say they
hear
songs
but then
qualify
these remarks
by stating
that
they
do not
remember them.9 In an unusual
event,
an
exceptionally prestigious
elder man
re-presented
his
dream in narrative form as an interaction with the ancestors (as
opposed
to the
passive
contact
dialogic
dreams 727
:I :
of
youth)
and then mobilized the
community
to dramatize his dream
(see Graham
1995). The
variability among ways
that Xavante
re-present
dreams illustrates the
inseparability
of dream
expression
and
publicly circulating
discursive
practice. Moreover,
this
variability
illustrates that
the
way people
talk about dreams accords with the discursive
practices
that circulate within a
community.
Thus,
regardless
of whether or not Xavante men
actually experience
da-inore in
dreams,
it is nevertheless the case
that,
in talk about
da-noZre,
they
situate the
compositional
process
in this arena:
through
their
discourse,
Xavante link da-no?re
compositions
with dreams
and individual
subjective experience. Following
Xavante metadiscursive
practice,
when
speak-
ing
of a
"song's
dreamer" and of
"receiving" songs
below,
I
employ expressions
as Xavante use
them.
A
young
man's
ability
to
re-present
his dreams as
songs
is an
important
criteria of his social
status as an adult male. Male initiation culminates with the
ear-piercing ceremony, da-pDzre
puzu.
At this
time,
an adolescent
novitiate, ZritaiZwa,
receives his ear
plugs,
and with them the
means
to,
as
young
men
say,
receive
songs
from the ancestors
through
dreams.
Today young
men make the
analogy
between ear
plugs
and antennae:
they say
their ear
plugs give
them the
ability
to "tune in" to the ancestors in their dreams.
It is
particularly significant
that the
ability
to
re-present
dreams as da-no?re co-occurs with a
man's formal
recognition
as an adult member of Xavante
society.
da-no?re
publicly display
his
direct contact with the immortals.
They represent
his new role as an active bearer of Xavante
tradition and
signify
his
participation
in
perpetuating
these traditions
through
time.
The
novitiates,
whom the Xavante consider to be the most
prolific
dreamers of
da-inore,
are
generally
unmarried,
or
only recently
married. Xavante men cite this as an
important
fact to
explain
novitiate's
particularly prol
ific abilities to receive
songs
in
dreams;
sexual relations, men
say,
interfere with one's
ability
to receive and remember da-fnoZre.10
zritai?wa
novitiates who
have
relatively
little sexual
contact,
or none at
all,
have not
yet
"clouded" their
reception by
relations with women.
Notably,
the decrease in
dreaming
and
sharing
da-inore
with the
members of his
age-set
correlates
inversely
with
increasing intimacy
between a
young
man and
his wife.
Decreasing
da-rnolre
composition
thus
signals
an increase in the
sharing
of
subjective
experiences among partners
in
marriage
and
diminishing solidarity
between members of an
age-set
cohort. Mature men do continue to
re-present
dreams in da-inore
form,
although
with
less
frequency
than novitiate Zritailwa. In
fact,
the
songs
associated with
particular
ceremonies
such as the
waiza
are said to dreamed
exclusively by
adult
men.'1
Generally speaking,
however,
Xavante consider that notiviate
Zritaizwa
and
young
men,
T-prsup-E,
have the
greatest facility
to dream da-no?re.
Before novitiates can
publicly present dream-songs
of their
own, however,
they
must
complete
an
apprenticeship
with a
sponsor group during
their
preinitiate waptE phase.
Prein-
itiates,
waptE,
not
being
adult members of
society
and, moreover,
not
possessing
the
earplugs,
which Xavante cite as
providing
the means for
acquiring
da-nozre
through
dreams,
are unable
to receive
da-inore
on their own.
Instead,
they
learn and
perform
the da-hnoZre of their
age-set
sponsors,
the tsimnohu. The
waptE boys
learn the
sponsor's repertoire
and with it the form for
their own future
compositions.
The
teaching process primes
them for the eventual
process
of
receiving personal
da-no~re
from the ancestors.
Furthermore,
this
teaching process
models the
technique they
will later use to
incorporate individually
dreamed
da-no~re
into their
age-set
repertoire. Finally,
the
teaching
method illustrates the correct method for
performing
da-no?re
publicly.
Within Volosinov's
scheme,
it is
during
the
preinitiate period
that a
boy begins
to
systemati-
cally
internalize
expressive
forms that will become the
sign
material for his inner
expression
in
dreams.12
Only
later,
after his
initiation,
will he
outwardly re-present
his dreams in
da-noire
form.
Indeed,
once a
wapt
has been initiated and
possesses
the
earplugs
that enable him to
728 american
ethnologist
receive
songs
from the
ancestors,
he will be
expected
to share his
song
with the members of
his
group
for them to
perform
without the tsimnohu
sponsors.13
Singing
with the tsimnohu
sponsors
is the first
activity
the
preinitiate waptE engage
in
collectively
as an official
age-set.14 Immediately
after the ceremonial induction of the
waplE
into the bachelors'
hut,
the tsiminohu
begin
to teach one of their own da-noZre. In
1986,
when
the first
group
of
boys
was inducted into the new bachelors' hut of the hotora
age-set,
Benedito's
song
was the first one the new
waptE performed
with their
sponsors.
Amidst the chatter of the
preinitiate waptE
in the bachelors'
hut,
their new
home,
Benedito
quietly began
to
sing;
his
cohort
gradually joined
him to
complete
the
song
in hushed voices before
going
on to
sing
again
at full volume. In this
rehearsal,
as in all other instances of
waptl/tsimnfohu performance,
the
waple join
the tsimnohu
sponsors
as
they begin
to
perceive
the
pattern.
Their voices blend
with those of the tsimhohu and the two
groups acoustically merge
into one.
After
practicing
the
song
in this
manner,
the
boys
then file out of the bachelors'
hut, ho,
and
make their
way
to the
patio
of the first house where
they
will
sing
for a
public
audience.15 The
tsimnohu
join
them
shortly
and
together they perform
the
song
in front of
predetermined
huts
around the vi
llage; depending
on their
agamous moiety
affiliation,
singing groups
rotate in either
a clockwise or counter-clockwise direction.
Benedito,
who
originally
dreamed the
song,
establishes the
rhythm by beginning
the dance movements. As the
song's
dreamer,
he has the
right
to wear an elaborate
leg
rattle,
the
popara,
which he shakes to start the dance (as shown
in
Figure
2). He then adds his voice to initiate the
singing.
The
popara,
and the fact that the
dreamer initiates the
singing
and
dancing, highlights
the
individuality
of the
song's
dreamer. At
the same
time,
all other features of the
performance
minimize attention to
any
one
performer.
The
performance effectively highlights
the cohesiveness of the
singing group
rather than the
identity
of individual
performers.
The
performers sing
the same
song
once in front of each house
designated
for
da-inore
performance.16 They
therefore
sing
the same
song many
times on their
performance
tour around
the
village,
a form of
parallelism
that
repeatedly
calls attention to the da-noZre form itself
(Jakobson 1960) as well as to the collective
identity
of the
performing group.17
After a
complete
round of
singing,
the
waptE
and their tsimnohu
sponsors
then make their
way
back to the
bachelors' hut where the
boys
learn another
song.
This
process
is
repeated
all
day.
By singing
the seniors'
da-nozre,
the
preinitiate waptE expressively
link themselves to their
sponsors.
In this
fashion,
the
sponsors'
da-nozre
continue to be heard and
performed
within the
village
at a time when the
sponsors
have retired as
independent performers.
These
performances
physically
and
acoustically bring
the
sponsors
back into the
public
arena.
They expressively
promote continuity
between
age-sets
of the same
agamous moiety
and create a cohesive
soundscape
within the
village
over time.
Being
novice
performers, wapt
make
plenty
of
mistakes,
to the amusement of adult
spectators.
Not
only
do their
high-pitched
voices
distinguish
them as novice
singers, waptE
frequently
miss breaks and make errors in the
accompanying
dance
steps.
Also,
wapE singers
typically
do not
sing
at full volume on all
loudly sung
notes. While the
sponsors carry
the
melody
and
responsibility
for
continuing
the
rhythm, waplE
chime in on the
highest
and loudest notes
where
they
are most confident. These features make the
waptEs'voices
stand out in
perform-
ance.
Notably,
these
outstanding
voices
correspond
with the initial
phases
of the collective
experience
and
effectively
mark the fact that the
young preinitiates
have neither
fully
internal-
ized the da-fnore form nor solidified into a firm
collectivity.
With time and
practice, boys
miss
breaks less
frequently,
and this serves as an index of their coordination and hallmark of their
cohesiveness.
Throughout
the
waptE phase,
the bachelors
repeatedly sing
da-nozre
together
with their
sponsors
(see
Figure
2).
In these
joint performances,
the
waptE
learn,
in addition to the
da-no~re
form and
proper performance practice,
the entire da-hnore
repertoire
of their
sponsor group.
dialogic
dreams 729
Figure
2. Preinitiate
waptw (wearing
headband)
performing
da-iinore
with the
tsimiiohu
sponsors;
the
song's
dreamer wears the
popara
feather
leg-rattle (photo by
Laura Graham).
Through
these
repeated performances,
the
preinitiate wapte
construct an
image
of da-fno?re as
a
type,
which each individual will later draw
upon
in the
composition
of novel
tokens,
once
he has
completed
his initiation and
possesses
the ear
plugs
that enable him to receive da-nfore
from the immortals in dreams.
Notably,
the notion of
type,
as the da-fnore case
illustrates,
is
built
up through
instances,
or
tokens,
of actual behavior.18 A
type
is a
precipitate
of its
instantiations,
or tokens.
Thus,
although
a
type
can be considered an
abstraction,
its existence
as such
depends
on actual instances of concrete
sign
behavior,
apart
from which it has no
independent
existence. This Peircian distinction does not
distinctively separate
"structure" from
"practice,"
or in the case of
language, langue
from
parole,
in the Saussurian sense. In the case
of
da-nozre,
it is on the basis of actual
practice,
as
young preinitiates
are immersed in
performances
with their seniors
during
the
wapte phase,
that individuals construct their own
image
of the da-fnore
type.
In a
very
literal
sense, then,
young
men do "receive"
song,
as a
general type,
from the
ancestors,
as
they say. They
learn the da-inore form
by singing
with their senior
sponsors,
who
learned the form
by singing
with their
seniors,
and so on back
through
time. Actual
songs,
however,
are
only
transmitted from one
generation
to the next: one
generation
of
performers
learns the
songs
of its senior
sponsors,
and
then,
after
initiation,
its members
compose
and
perform
their own new
songs. Only
these new
songs
are
eventually passed
on to a
group's
juniors
when the
group eventually
becomes the tsimniohu
sponsor.
The life of
any given song
therefore
spans only
two
generations
of da-fnozre
performers.19
730 american
ethnologist
the da-fno2re
type: blending
voices and movements to minimize
individuation
Xavante
classify
three distinct
performance types
under the
generic
term da-inore.
da-praba,
da-dzarono,
and
da-hipDpo
are differentiated on the basis of the
accompanying physical
movements of the dance
steps
and the time of
day
suitable for their
performance
(see Graham
1990:116-118,
also
Aytai
1985).20
Despite
the formal distinctions of each of these da-no2re
categories,
all share a number offormal characteristics that Xavante draw
upon
in
distinguishing
da-fiore as a
general type,
a
type
that is distinct from other musical forms of
expression
such
as
hedza,21
or from da-wawa ceremonial lament.
The
complex
intersection of formal characteristics and features of
da-inore
performance
practice promotes participants' experience
of
merging
their
individuality
into a cohesive whole.
Singing
and
dancing formally emphasize group
cohesiveness and
foreground
collective
identity
while
minimizing
differentiations
among
individual
performers.
Thus,
each instance of da-fnore
singing represents acoustically
and
visually
the
merging
of individual identities. As in
Suya
unison
songs, ngere,
in which men
try
to blend their
voices,
the
individuality
of the
singers
is
not
important;
with whom one
sings
is, however,
of utmost
importance (Seeger
1979).
Repetition
is a
key
feature of
da-hnore, which,
instantiated at
multiple
formal levels and in
performance practice, effectively
absorbs individuals into the
group. Repetition
is
prominent
in
the
process
of da-inore transmission across
generations
(as discussed above) and the
process
by
which novel
compositions
are
incorporated
into a
group repertoire. Through repetition
of a
composition
itself,
an individual's
song
becomes the
property
of the
age-set;
at this
point,
the
age-set
is able to
perform
it
publicly
around the
village.
The
pattern directly parallels
the
process
by
which distinct
groups
become
part
of
larger
collectivities: the
preinitiate waplE
become
part
of an
agamous moiety by repeating
their
sponsors' songs,
and novitiate
zritaizwa
become
part
of
society
as a
totality by
first
hearing,
then
joining
their voices to
sing
the
songs
of the ancestors.
Within a
composition, repetition
of
multiple
formal elements blends the individual dreamer's
voice with the voices of others.22 In addition to
repetition,
voice
quality, pitch range,
melodic
contour,
rhythmic,
and
linguistic
structures are each used in
da-niozre
composition
so as to
minimize individuation and to
promote
the
experience
of cohesiveness. Features of da-io?re
performance practice,
such as the
physical
dance movements and
choreography
with the
village
space,
as well as
body paint design,
also advance the
spirit
of
group solidarity
and distract
attention from a focus on
any
individual.23
Moreover,
their
simple
melodic and
rhythmic
structures render
composition relatively easy
once a man has internalized the form
through
repeated performances
with the tsimfnohu
sponsors.
In
fact,
I have never heard of
anyone
who
was not able to
compose
at least one
song. Consequently,
as Basso notes
regarding expressive
performance among
the
neighboring Kalapalo
(1985:6),
formal
complexity
does not lead to a
class of virtuoso
composers
from which certain individuals are excluded
by
virtue of their
musical talents. Some
men, however,
do
attempt
to
promote
their individual interests
by
composing many songs,
an issue to which I will later return.
This
blending process,
which is achieved
through repetition
at
multiple
formal
levels,
is
mirrored in each
singing performance.
Each
da-inoreconsists
of
repeated
combinations of
only
a few short
phrases.
For
example,
the
da-inore
(da-hip3po) transcription
in
Figure
3,
which I
have selected to illustrate features common to the
da-inozre
type,
divides the musical material
into three sections of two
phrases
each. In the
transcription,
each section
occupies
a
system,
a
line of modified staff notation. The sections are labeled
A, A',
and B. The first two sections are
labeled A and A' because
they
show
similarity
in their melodic and
rhythmic
structures;
the
third section is labeled B because of the distinct melodic and
rhythmic
structures of its first
phrase.
The
performance
consists of
repetitions
of these
sections;
the overall form of the
performance,
as indicated
by repeat signs
in the
transcription,
is the
following:
dialogic
dreams 731
AA'A B B A'A B BA'A B BA A'
Several features of the
performance
are not indicated in the
transcription.
For
example,
the
song's
initiator,
who is
generally
the
dreamer,24
sings
the first
phrase
alone;
the rest of the
group
joins
in
throughout
the second
phrase.
In most
performances,
the initiator
gives
a solo cue to
initiate new
phrases during
the
singing. Again, through
the
repetition
within each
singing
performance,
the initiators' voice is absorbed into the others. Outside of these
phrasal
introduc-
tions,
if ever an individual's voice stands out above the
rest,
or if someone misses a break
between
phrases,
Xavante consider the aesthetic to be disturbed.
Ideally,
no individual voice
should stand out
during
a break.
The
voice-quality
characteristic of the da-noere
delivery style
further obscures the distinctive
identity
of individual voices. Marked
pharyngeal
constriction
together
with
loud,
forced voice
characterize
delivery.
The acoustic timbre thus
produced
lies somewhere between
singing
voice,
as we conceive
it,
and
shouting:
a voice
quality
similar to that found elsewhere
among
lowland South American
groups
in forms of ceremonial
dialogue
and which
may
be used as
an index of
masculinity
(Urban 1986). Indeed,
a continuum seems to exist between
song
and
speech
voice in da-noire
singing;
at some
points
musical
pitch
becomes obscured. In the
da-inore transcribed in
Figure
3,
this occurs
only
in the first utterance of
phrases
in the sections
labeled
A,
as shown
by
the
special x-shaped
note. In other
performances, pitch
identification
can be more
problematic
(see Graham
1984, 1986). This voice
quality
renders distinct
pitches
and individual voices difficult to
identify.
To the
degree
that
pitches
are
distinguishable
in each short
phrase, they
are found within a
very
narrow
frequency range.
With the
exception
of the less definite
pitch
that
begins
each
phrase
within section
A,
the
pitch range
is less than a minor third in the standard Western
well-tempered
scale. The melodic contour thus remains within a
relatively
narrow
range,
as
can be seen in the
transcription
(see also
Aytai
1985:55).
da-no~re
have a distinctive melodic contour characterized
by
movement between
proximate
pitches.
The
proximity
of
pitches
facilitates the
shouting delivery style. Although
the Xavante
gloss
da-ino?re as
canto,
"song,"
in
Portuguese, songs
are
considerably
less melodic than
ceremonial
wailing,
which the Xavante do not consider to be
song
in
any way
(see Graham
1984:164, 1986:86). Both melodic contour and the narrow
pitch range operate,
in this
case,
to
minimize features of individual voice
quality
and obscure individual
differences,
since the
physical requirements
for the
production
of the full
pitch
set do not
vary considerably.
Rhythmic
structure,
the horizontal
organization
of sound in
time,
rather than
linguistic
text
and vertical
parameters
of
pitch,
is the
principle organizing
feature of da-no?re (see also
Aytai
1985:79).25
Rhythm
is what coordinates
singers'
movements in
space
and time. The
importance
Xavante attach to
rhythm
is evidenced
by
their
descriptions
of
receiving
da-no?re in dreams.
Young
men
say
that one first
perceives
the
rhythm
and dance
steps,
and then the text and tune.
Rhythmic parameters
include
tempo,
or
speed, systematic organization
of
pulses
into
discernible
phrases,
and the
rhythmic
structure within each
phrase
in a
composition.
The three
basic da-inoZre
types
exhibit some variation in
tempo: da-praba
(afternoon
songs)
are fast and
danced with
energetic sideways stepping; da-hipDpD26 (evening
to
early morning songs)
are
performed
more
slowly
and
accompanied by pulsing
or
slightly bouncing
knee
movements;
and da-dzarono
(mid-morning
to afternoon
songs)
are characterized
by
an intermediate
tempo
and danced with a shuffle
step
in which one foot moves
slightly
forward on stressed beats then
back with the next unstressed beat. In all three da-no?re
types,
the dance moves set the
tempo.
Physical
movements therefore coincide with
pulse.
In
fact,
each
performance begins by
the
initiator
setting
a
steady,
immutable
pulse
before
adding
his voice. After
establishing
the
pulse,
others
join
the initiator and the same
tempo
is maintained
throughout
the
performance
of each
composition.
There can be some variation in
tempo
between
villages.
Lino,
for
example,
marveled at the fast
tempo
in which
da-praba
are
performed
in Pimentel Barbosa relative to
732 american
ethnologist
performance tempo
in his
community
(Sao Marcos). However, within a
given village,
the
tempo
for each
da-fiozre
is recreated with as much
consistency
as
possible
across
performances.
.The
systematic grouping
of
pulses
into discernible
phrases,
like the
rhythmic parameter
of
tempo,
varies across the three basic da-no2re
types.
For
example, da-hipapo consistently
have
six beats
per phrase,
as shown in the
transcription,
whereas
da-praba
are less
regular.
However,
the
patterning
of
phrasal organization
is consistent in a
composition;
Xavante do not
improvise
in da-noire
performance.
Within a
given
da-nozre
composition,
each
phrase
has a
unique rhythmic
structure built
up
from the
pattern
of
stress,
or accented
beats,
and utterance duration. Stressed
beats,
especially pronounced
in
da-praba
and
da-dzarono,
are marked
by strong
attack and loud
volume;
unstressed beats are
sung
more
softly
and with a weaker attack in the voice onset.
The sound
envelope,
the
shape
of the utterance's wave form for each stressed
utterance,
has a
large
initial
amplitude
that
tapers
off toward the end of the utterance. Unstressed
utterances,
having
a smaller initial
amplitude, display
less differentiation in sound
envelope
owing
to the
relatively
uniform
amplitude throughout
the utterance. The
repetition
of this
envelope
form
produces
a
rhythmic pattern
that is distinctive to da-noZrewithin the Xavante
expressive repertoire.
The texts of da-nozre are
vocables,
either
syllables
or words from the Xavante
language;
they
do not communicate
any propositional
or semantico-referential
meaning
and thus
neither
permit
nor
encourage
the
metapragmatic
differentiation of individual identities
through dialogue.
The entire
linguistic inventory
of the da-nozre transcribed below is
typical;
the text consists
entirely
of the
syllables ju,
hi, Zi,
and ha.27
Moreover,
in contrast
to canonical
dialogic
forms,
which
highlight
individual
differentiation,
the
linguistic
struc-
tures of
da-inore
do not involve
dialogicality
and, therefore,
pragmatically deny
overt
recognition
of the "other."28 Instead of
formally representing acknowledgment
of individual
difference, da-inore utterances,
in the form of
vocables,
ideally
take
place simultaneously.
The
elders,
whom the Xavante
identify
as the
target
audience,
do not
participate
as
interlocutors in
any way. They
rather "overhear" and comment on the
performance
from
their
position
outside the circular
boundary
described
by
the
dancers;
at the end of a
song,
elders often
express
their
approval by uttering,
with a
good
deal of
diaphragmatic explosion,
he te
pari
te
pri,
which
young
men
gloss
in
Portuguese
as
obrigado,
"thank
you," although
the
expression
is used
exclusively by
men to indicate
appreciation
for
da-inore
perform-
ance.
Apart
from these
comments,
there is
generally very
little,
if
any,
verbal evaluation.
While I think it unreasonable to assume a
relationship
of inherent
causality
between the
absence of
referentiality
and the
experience
of
sociability,
such as Hinton
(1980)
proposes
for
Havasupai
vocables,
the Xavante da-fiolre
provide
an
especially interesting
case in
support
of Hinton's thesis. da-inore vocables are
only
one
among many
modalities that
pragmatically
function to
promote
and
signify
a
spirit
of collective
solidarity.
Each individ-
ual
participant
moves
identically
and
simultaneously
utters the same vocables and short
phrases
over and over. This
complex repetition
of
multiple
identical units and
multiple
performance
modalities
effectively
effaces individual differences and
promotes group
solidarity.
The intersection of these
expressive
modalities
signals
the
merging
of individual
experience
into collective
experience by formally displaying
the
absorption
of individual
expression
into collective
expression.
The
pattern by
which an individual
composes
a
song
and then shares it with the members
of his cohort so that it becomes
part
of a
group repertoire
for
public
collective
performance
further underscores the movement from individual
subjective experience
into shared
experience.
The locus of individual
creativity
lies within the
process
of
dream-song
composition,
while the
sharing
and
subsequent performance promotes sociability
between
performers
as well as the
continuity
of da-noire
performance practice
over time.
dialogic
dreams 733
Transcription Key:
the four note
pitch
set shown on the
left
approximately corresponds
to
the
pitches
shown on the staff below:
14 4,4
4' pitch lowered
slightly
4,4,
strong
accent
sustained
slightly;
weak accent
less definite
pitch
pitch
lowered a
quarter
tone
4 staccato
-
-
slide
up
to
pitch
slide down to
pitch
-_
division between
phrases
Movement: The dance moves are in a
consistent,
regularized pattern
that
establishes the basic meter. In this
dance,
a
da-hipopo,
performers
remain in the same
place,
bend
slightly
at the knees and return to
a more erect
position.
The
completion
of these moves
represents
a basic beat and is
represented
in the
transcription
as a
quarter
note value.
Therefore,
as shown
below,
there are six beats
per
phrase throughout
the
composition.
Text: The utterance
[?i] appears
in the
transcription
as "i."
Duration: The duration of this
piece
is one minute and six seconds.
Figure
3. da-no?re
transcription (da-hip3p3,
85.1
B),
transcribed
by
T. M.
Scruggs.
individual
creativity
and
group repertoire
Once a
boy's
ears have been
pierced
and he has been
reintegrated
into
society
as a ?ritaiZwa
novitiate,
he is
eligible
(in
fact,
obliged)
to receive his own da-noZre
through
dreams.
By
composing
his own
song,
he
signals
his initiate status and
represents
his
personal
dream-contact
with the ancestors.
Simultaneously,
his
composition
demonstrates his individual
creativity,
since each da-no?re
composition
is
unique
and no two tokens of
any
da-inore
type
are
exactly
alike.
734 american
ethnologist
A
(A)
> I L L
k )I
_^
Jr J
J^
.P
;,1
J
^
J) J)
J J
J
!
ju
hi i i i i i i ju
hi i i i i i
(A')
ju
hi i i i i i i ju hi i i i i i i
(A)
.> - _J
>
- _ _ %
J
J
ju
hi i i i i i ju hi i i i i i i
(B)
IR.
>
ju
hi ha ju hi ha ju
hi i i i i i i
(B)
/i- /I.... . ..
I hi hahi
ju
hi ha ju hi ha ju
hi i i i i i i
(A')
ju
hi i i
ii
i i ju hi i i i i i i
(A)
repeat
3 times
LLLLLL2 4ffnifi22 R
ju
hi i i i
i ju
hi i i i i i
Figure
3. (Continued)
Each new da-no?re
composition
constitutes a varied
manipulation
of the melodic
pattern
and
rhythmic
structure,
as well as an
entirely
novel vocable text. For
example,
within the basic
restrictions of a
song type,
the
composer
can
vary
the number of beats
per phrase
and the
ordering
of these
phrases
within a
composition.
In
da-praba
afternoon
songs,
in
particular,
the
dreamer/composer enjoys
a certain latitude in
choosing
the number of
pulses
to
group
into
phrases,
not all of which must be
equal
in number. For all da-no?re
types,
an individual
may
vary
both the number of accents within a
phrase
and the
pattern
of accentuation. The
song
dreamer also determines the
tempo, setting
it
by beginning
the dance movements when
initiating
a da-no?re
performance.
The second
principle
arena of individual
creativity
in da-nfozre
composition
is in the text. The
text of each
composition
is
unique;
each is a novel combination of
referentially meaningless
dialogic
dreams 735
vocables. To Western ears, innovation at the level of texts is
perhaps
the most obvious and
easily
detected area of formal
manipulation
in da-noZre
composition.
The three
sample
marawazwa
texts
below,
a
type
of
da-hipapD,
which is
performed
in the
early morning
between
midnight
and 2:00
a.m.,
illustrate the
unique
texts of each individual
composition.
1. marawadwa
by
aihobuni29 (anarowa
age-set)
wara hu ma are wa
jE?
wara hu ma are wa
j8?
wa
je
wara hu ma are wa
jsg
2. marawaZwa
by Supto
(tsadazro
age-set)
waT horo ha hi ha ri ha ha ha
i i hi hi ha i i hi hi
ha i i hi hi ha ha ha
wa7 horo ha hi ha ri ha ha ha
3. marawaZwa
by
Bill (anarowa
age-set)
wa Zra,ai horo
ha ia ha ha
wa IraZai horo wa Zra
hai i ha ha
According
to Xavante
men,
a
composition
resu ts
when,
in his
sleeping
dreams30 an individual
sees and hears the immortals and
"always living"
hoimanaZuZo creators
sing
and dance
da-nozre.
All men I
spoke
with
report hearing many
more
da-inore
than are
actually mentally
"recorded" for later recall.
According
to
young
men,
to remember a
song
after
seeing
and
hearing
it in a
dream,
the dreamer wakes and
sings
the
song through softly
one time.
They say
a man
"sings quietly
so as not to
forget"
te ti-inore tsiru di tete
waihuzu
da. He then
repeats
the
song loudly
to etch it
indelibly
in his
memory.
At this
point,
Xavante consider the dreamer to be the "owner" of the
song;
the
composition
represents
an intimate and
highly personal
experience,
a
unique expression
of his individual
subjectivity.
At the next
appropriate opportunity,
however,
the dreamer will call the members
of his
age-set together
and teach it to the members of his
group.31
The
process
of
imparting
the
individual's
song
to the
group
mirrors the
process by
which men
say
an individual receives a
song
in his dreams.
This,
in
turn,
mirrors the
process by
which
waptl preinitiates
learn the
songs
of their tsimnfohu
sponsors.
The
process
unfolds in the
following
manner. After the members of
the novitiate Zritaizwa
age grade
have
assembled,
for
example,
in the wara central
plaza
after
midnight,
the
song
dreamer
begins
to teach his
song.
He
sings
it,
first
softly,
then
loudly
a second
time. The others
join
as
they pick up
the
pattern. Through repetition,
the individual's voice
blends with the other
voices,
producing
a sound that is more or less
monophonic.
In
teaching
and then
performing
the
song
with the members of his
age-set,
an individual
moves his inner
experience
outward,
making
his individual
experience
accessible to others so
that,
in collective
performance,
it can become a shared
experience. Through song,
an
expressive
form that is
metapragmatically represented
as a dream
experience,
an individual
opens
a
window into his
personal
domain;
his
expression exposes part
of his most intimate self to others.
By sharing
his intimate
experience through song,
a
young
man
publicly signals
his
sociability
in
ways
similar to the
sociability
that elders
signal through
ceremonial
wailing
(see
Urban 1988).
However,
in contrast to ceremonial laments
which,
among
lowland South American
Indians,
are
compositions sung exclusively by
their
composers,32
a
dream-song composer
then offers
736 american
ethnologist
this
expressive experience
to the others so
that,
in collective
performance,
his
personal
experience
can become shared
experience.
In
singing
and
dancing
a da-hnore
composition
of one of its
members,
members of the
group
collectively experience
what was
originally presented
as the
song
dreamer's
personal, highly
subjective experience,
his dream.
Together,
in
performance, they
feel the
composer's
dream
experience.
At this
point,
the
song
becomes the
property
of the
age-set.
It no
longer belongs
exclusively
to the individual who dreamed it. Via
performance, ownership
of the
song
transfers
from its its
original dream-composer
to the
performing group.
Through
this
sharing,
a
composition
becomes
part
of an
age-set repertoire,
an
expressive
aggregate
constituted of the
expressive
contributions of individual selves. Each
age-set
member
contributes
compositions
that are
expressive representations
of
subjective experiences
of his
individual self. In
fact,
the
repertoire
is an
expressive
whole
analogous
to the
age-set
social
formation itself: a
group
of
boys
establish themselves as a cohort
through
the
process
of
sharing
of
experiences
over time
and,
notably,
da-nozre
performance publicly displays
this
sharing
of
experience.
The
process
of
taking
a dreamed
composition
into an
age-set repertoire
transforms what was
originally
the material
expression
of an individual's
subjective experience
into a collective
experience
and
expression
of
group solidarity. Through
this
sharing,
the
expressive
self becomes
co-extensive with a
community
in which the
expressions
of similar selves makes
up
the whole
(Urban 1991:171). The
expressive pattern
of
da-foZre
sharing
and
performance
thus
crystalizes
the
monologic
model of the
relationship
between self and
community
that Urban identifies for
central Brazil societies and the Ge in
particular.
In
da-inore, "[t]he
boundaries of the self are
extended to
encompass
others-and
they
do not
encompass just
one or a few others but the
entire
community"
(Urban 1991:171, 1986;
see also Basso 1985).
In
sharing
da-noZre,
a
dreamer extends the boundaries of himself to embrace those who
may
enter into his
experience
through performance.
The shared
experience thereby
transforms the
experience
of individual
subjectivity
into
group experience.
Although
Xavante
identify
da-no re
songs
first and foremost with an
age-set, people
who have
close
kinship
or emotional ties to a
song's
dreamer continue to associate the
song
with that
individual even after the
composition
has been
incorporated
into a
group repertoire.
In most
cases,
when asked to
identify
a
song's
dreamer,
Xavante first
respond by giving
the name of the
age-set,
tsadazro inore (the tsadazro
age-set's song),
for
example.
However,
for the members of
a
group,
and those
closely
associated with the
group
(tsimnohu
sponsors,
close
kin,
and
affines),
the
identity
of the
song's
dreamer remains
salient,
even
long
after
ownership
has transferred
from the individual dreamer to the
group,
and from one
age-set
to its
juniors.
For
instance,
recalling
the
repertoire
of the tsimnohu
sponsors,
for most
men,
invokes fond memories of
days
in the bachelors'
hut,
details of who dreamed which
songs,
and discussions of events recounted
by
individuals who dreamed
particular songs. Similarly,
in afternoon conversations or conver-
sations that take
place
at other
times,
fathers and uncles
sing
their own
songs,
and the
songs
of
members of their
group,
as well as recount memories of their
performances
to sons and
nephews.
And,
in some
instances,
hearing
an individual's
song may provoke
an elder to
da-wawa lament. This
occurred,
for
example,
when the
tsadazro
age-set,
in
performing
its
repertoire
around the
village,
included the
song
of one of its deceased members. When the
singing began
on the
patio
of the father of the deceased
composer's
house,
the
elderly
man
began
his tuneful
weeping.
Stimulated
by
the sound of his son's
song,
he wailed to
express
his
personal experience
of
grief
and his
memory
that his son was not
physically present among
the
performing group.33
For
intimates,
as this
example
shows,
a
composition
continues to bear the
mark of
individuality.
While all novitiates and
young
men are
expected
to dream and share da-noereto
signal
their
maturity
and contact with the
ancestors,
and to demonstrate their
ability
to
bring
the voice of
dialogic
dreams 737
the ancestors into the
present,
some
young
men
represent
themselves as
especially prolific
dreamers and share more
songs
with the members of their cohort than others. Such an individual
creatively
draws
upon
da-no?re as an
expressive
means to advance his
personal prestige
and
notability
within the
community. Composing
and
sharing
da-no?re
is,
for an ambitious novitiate
or
young
man,
the
principle expressive
means
by
which he can
publicly
demonstrate his
ambitions to
positions
of
prominence
and
leadership.
At one
level,
in
choosing
da-nodre,
he
signals
his
conformity
to established norms and
thereby
his
sociability
(Urban
1988, 1991).
Further,
getting
the members of his
group
to
repeatedly sing
his
compositions effectively
demonstrates an individual's
prominence among
his
peers.
Yet,
the features of
performance
practice,
combined with the formal features that
mitigate against
the
prominence
of
any
particular
individual,
effectively
minimize the chances of
any
one individual
gaining
too much
notability.
As in wara
political
discourse,
a
principle
of
negativity
(Graham 1993;
Warner 1990)
achieved
through performance
and formal features of the da-noZre
style, promotes anonymity
as a condition of
legitimacy
and
thereby
counteracts the
expressive notability
of
any
one
individual.
SuptD, during
his
iritaiZwa
novitiate
phase,
for
instance,
called the members of his
group
together
to learn and
perform
his
early morning
marawaZwa
songs nearly
twice as much as
other members of his cohort
during my
visits in Pimentel Barbosa between 1981 and 1985. In
this
way, SuptD
established a
prominent position among
the members of his
group.
As a
committed
performer,
he
gained
a
reputation
within the
community
for his alertness and
enthusiasm for valued traditional
practices. Through
his active
participation,
he increased his
visibility
relative to other members of his cohort and
strategically positioned
himself for active
participation
in the
political
arena.
By contributing
more
songs
to the collective
repertoire, Supti
actually expanded
the
quotient
of himself in the
collective;
in the literal sense of the
group
repertoire,
more of
Supt:'s
self is
represented
than is that of others.34
Now,
several
years
later,
Supt:
has
gained recognition
within the
political sphere. Recently,
following
the death of the
previous
chief and a
leadership
crisis in the
community,
he was
chosen to become
cacique,
the
community's political
leader and its official
representative
to
the
larger
Brazilian national
society. SuptD's
case illustrates
that,
despite
the fact that Xavante
men
downplay
the issue of
ownership
in talk about
da-no~re,
young
men do
employ
their
expressive
skills in
composing
da-notre as a form of what Bourdieu (1977) has called "intellec-
tual" or "cultural
capital"
as a means of
achieving
social status.
Undoubtedly, many
factors influenced the elders in their selection of
Supto
as
cacique, among
them his
ability
to
speak good Portuguese
and his
familiarity
with Brazilian national
society.
Nevertheless,
his
reputation
as a
prolific
dreamer and committed da-noire
performer certainly
inspired
confidence in his
leadership
abilities and his commitment to the
continuity
of
highly
valued traditional
practices.
In
sharing many
da-no~re,
Supti
chose the
appropriate expressive
means and
signaled,
above
all,
his
sociability
in the form of the
spirit
of collaboration that is
the hallmark of the da-noere
style.
The nature of
da-no?re,
an
expressive
form that
overtly signals
collaboration and the
collectivity,
allowed
Supt:
to avoid
calling explicit
attention to his actions.
In
fact,
he
gained
a sanctioned form of
recognition
from the
elders,
as well as from his
peers,
as an individual whose interests embrace those of the wider
community.
The elders' choice of
Supt:
as
cacique
underscores the fact that he
successfully represented
himself as an individual
whose self and interests extend
beyond
the domain of his individual
person.
conclusion
Xavante da-no?re straddle the
territory
between the domains of individual
subjectivity
and
publicly circulating
discursive
practice, mediating
between the
creativity
and
experience
of
individual selves and the
experience
of
collectivity.
Their
performance publicly displays
the
738 american
ethnologist
reciprocal interchange
between
exposure
to external discursive
forms,
inner
experience
(dreams),
and the socialized outward
expression
of
unique subjective experience
in the form
of novel
da-nozre
compositions.
da-no?re thus
publicly
and
metapragmatically
instantiate
Peirce's anti-Cartesian dialectic of the self
by representing
the locus of
identity
and
continuity
of the self in
emergent processes
of semiotic communication.
da-inore
performance practice publicly represents
the
creative,
emergent,
and
multiple
self-identities that
performers experience
in
mastering
this
expressive
form,
then in
composing
and
sharing unique da-no?recompositions. During
the
preinitiate phase,
the
process
of
learning
how to
perform
da-hnore immerses future
song
dreamers within the tradition of
public
expression.
In this
phase,
each individual constructs his own
image
of the da-no?re
type through
repeated
da-inore
performances
with the tsimnohu
sponsors.
After
initiation,
an individual
indicates his successful internalization of these external forms
by sharing
his own dreamed
composition
with the members of his
group.
The factthat Xavante
saythat da-no?recomposition
originates
in
dreams,
regardless
of whether or not this is in fact the
case,
underscores an
attempt
to
represent
da-noire as
expressions
of
unique, individually subjective experience,
since
dreams,
for
Xavante,
take
place
when an individual
sleeps. Among
the
Xavante,
da-no?re
mediate the translation of individual
subjectivity
into
public
discursive
expression.
Because
each
song
is a novel
composition,
each individual
expresses
his
uniqueness
and
creativity
through
da-no~re.
This
creativity
however,
must fit within the aesthetic boundaries of the
da-noZre
style,
or fit within the Xavante
"groove"
(Feld 1988), so to
speak.
Collective
performance,
then,
transforms the individual's dream
composition,
the
expression
of
personal experience,
into an
experience
that is
collectively
shared.
Sharing
one's
da-inore
with the members of a
group
moves the individual's
experience
outward such that the
individual's
experience
becomes
group experience
(Herdt 1987:79). Performance extends the
boundaries of the self to embrace the other members of the
performing group. Through
performance,
the individual
experience
and
identity
are transformed into collective
experience
and
identity.
da-fnore thus
metapragmatically display
the
dialogue
between
subjectivity
and
public
discourse;
they explicitly represent
the model of
dialogicality conceptualized by
Bakhtin (1981)
and Volosinov
(1973[1929]),
and in Peirce's anti-Cartesian formulation of the semiotic self
(Singer
1980, 1984). da-fnore's
re-presentation
of dream
experience highlights
the
dialogic
process
between "inner
experience"
and external
expressive
form
which,
as Volosinov
(1973[1929])
and others have
argued, necessarily
lies across social
territory.
da-nofre
publicly
display
the self as
dialogical,
"both a
product
and
agent
of semiotic
communication,
and
therefore social and
public" (Singer
1984:57).
Within this
dialogic process
creative selves
emerge.
Yet,
in da-inoZre
performance,
each self
experiences
its links to members of
larger groups,
as well as to the
past,
and to the future. In
each
performance,
a
young
man
expressively merges
his own
experience
with the collective
experience
of his
cohort;
in
singing
with the members of his
group,
he
experiences
his ties to
those who
sing
and move with him.
Simultaneously,
each
performance
ties him to
performers
from the
past,
as well as to those who will
perform
da-nore in the future. Each da-inore
composition
and
performance
recalls the
original
links between novice
preinitiate performers
and their
sponsor group.
In these
joint performances,
the
sponsor group
had shared its own
expressive repertoire
with the
preinitiates,
modeled for them the
proper
form for
"receiving"
da-inore
in
dreams,
as well as the
process by
which the
preinitiate group
would
eventually
incorporate
the dreamed
songs
of its individual members into
group
a
repertoire;
it had also
taught
the
preinitiates
the
proper
format for
public performance.
These
sponsor-led perform-
ances
are,
in
turn,
bound to the
songs
and
performances
of other senior
sponsors, ultimately
forming
a chain of
performance
and
composition
that extends back
through
time and across
generations.
dialogic
dreams 739
Thus,
song performance engenders
a sense of
continuity;
da-nozre
performance
links an
individual to his
age-set
seniors,
to their
seniors, and,
by
extension,
to the
singing
of all males
that have
sung
before him.
Singing
is what
young
men have done as far as
memory
can reach
into the
past,
to the time of the creators, the
"always living"
hoimanaZu?o.
It it is from the
hoimanaZuZo,
according
to senior Xavante whom I have
asked,
that a man "receives" his own
da-nozre
compositions
in dreams. In
singing
da-no?re,
performers acoustically bring
the
ancestors into the realm of the
living. Performing
da-nozre
promotes
the
continuity
of
singing
voices,
the
very continuity
of Xavante
culture,
insofar as it is
experienced
and re-created
by
males.
Composing
a new
song expressively places
a
young
man within the
expressive
flow of
time. This flow connects an individual with the discursive tradition of his seniors
and,
simultaneously,
moves toward the
future,
opening up
the
possibility
for
change;
it extends back
to the
beginning
of time and forward for as
long
as creative individuals
dream, share,
and
perform
da-nodre.
notes
Acknowledgments.
For their comments on earlier versions of this
article,
I would like to thank Charles
Briggs,
Steve
Feld,
Marina
Roseman,
T. M.
Scruggs,
Milton
Singer,
Mariko
Tamanoi,
Greg
Urban,
partici-
pants
in the
session,
"Re-Presentation of Dreams," at the 1991 annual
meetings
of the American
Anthropo-
logical
Association,
and
participants
in the
University
of Iowa
Anthropology Colloquium.
I am
grateful
to
T. M. and Steve for their
help
and
suggestions regarding analysis
of Xavante musical
expression;
to T.
M.,
I
extend
special
thanks for his
help
with the musical
transcription.
I would also like to thank the
anonymous
AE reviewers and Don Brenneis for their critical
readings
and
helpful suggestions.
I
express my gratitude
to
those institutions that have
generously supported my
research
among
the Xavante:
Fulbright-Hayes,
Inter-American Foundation,
National Science Foundation (#BNS-8507-401),
Social Science Research
Council,
Tinker
Foundation,
the
University
of Iowa and the
University
of Texas at
Austin;
and the Brazilian
institutions
FUNAI,
CNPq,
as well as the Universities of Sao Paulo and Brasilia which facilitated
my
research
in Brazil. Above
all,
many
thanks to the
people
of
e?nitEpa
(known,
in
Portuguese
and
hereafter,
as Pimentel
Barbosa),
especially
those who
put up
with
my clamoring
about after
midnight
as I
prepared my tape-re-
cording equipment.
1. I use the term
"re-presenting"
to make the
analytical
distinction between the dream
experience
and
its
public presentation
to others.
2. For an excellent discussion of semiotics and Cartesian dualism see Lee 1989.
3. Culture itself,
from this
perspective,
rather than
being conceptualized
as an abstract
system
of shared
meanings,
is conceived of as situated in
emergent processes
of
semiosis,
and in discursive
practice
in
particular
(see Urban 1991).
4. It is a
biological
fact that all human
beings
dream and that the
biological activity experienced by
the
individual
"having
the dream" is a
uniquely
individual
experience
which,
to be
shared,
must be
put
into
some
culturally interpretable
semiotic form (for a review of
laboratory
research on
dreaming,
see Tedlock
1987:12-20). Nevertheless,
since cultures deal with dreams in different
ways
(see for
example, papers
in
Tedlock,
ed.
1987; Ewing
1990;
and
papers presented
at the American
Anthropological
Association session
"Re-Presentation of Dreams" [1991 ),
differentially
construe the
relationship
between consciousness and
unconsciousness,
between
sleeping
and
waking
realities,
or the continuum between them (Price-Williams
1987),
and
attempt
to understand the
activity
of
dreaming
itself in various
ways,
it is
conceivable,
at least
in
theory,
that
through
discourse the
experience
could be construed as
involving
more than one individual.
To the best of
my knowledge,
no
ethnographic
accounts exist to date that
suggest
evidence of cultural
representations
of
dreaming
as shared
experience.
Even were such documentation
found,
reports
would
necessarily
have to be considered at the level of
metapragmatics.
As it is
presently
understood,
the
phenomenon
occurs within an individual
organism
and
may
be considered as an endo-semiotic
experience
(Sebeok 1 978).
5. The Xavante
currently
reside on six
indigenous
reserves in the state of Mato
Grosso,
Brazil. Their social
organization
has been well described
by Maybury-Lewis
(1974[1967], 1979, 1989) and
Lopes
da Silva
(1 986).
6. See Urban 1986 for a discussion of the formal characteristics of ceremonial lament
among
central
Brazilian
groups.
7.
During my
visits to Pimentel
Barbosa,
which now
span
over 12
years,
I have met
only
one woman
who claims to
compose
her own da-inore. Her
ability
is
recognized
within the
community by
both men
and women and is considered to be
extremely exceptional.
8. The most extensive
study
of Xavante
song
to date has been
completed by
Desideiro
Aytai,
who
pioneered
the
study
of
indigenous
music in Brazil. The culmination of his detailed
study, O
Mundo Sonoro
Xavante
(Aytai
1985),
brings together
an
impressive corpus
of
transcriptions
and
analyses resulting
from
740 american
ethnologist
extensive fieldwork initiated in 1960.
Aytai's
work
lays
the
groundwork
for further work in the
analysis
of
Xavante music.
9. As this remark
suggests,
it is also the case that Xavante tell dreams
among
intimates.
During my
field
research,
I was
present
on several occasions when dream narratives were told
informally
within the
household. In the case of
young
men
receiving songs
from the
ancestors,
accounts of the dream vision
may
be shared with a wife or other intimate friend but not with the
age-set
cohort as a whole. The
relationships
between
tellings among
intimates and
public performance
awaits future
study.
10.
Seeger reports
a similar connection between
"hearing" songs
and sex
among
the northern Ge
Suya
(1981:108).
11.
Only
men from the owawe
moiety
who
belong
to the wai?a dzoretsi-lwa
grade
have the
ability
to
dream waiia-nio~re.
12. Little
boys,
even
toddlers,
may
be
encouraged
to
join
in some da-nolre
performances. They
are not
expected,
however,
to make it
through
an entire set of
singing
around the
village;
their
participation
is
considered
amusing
and humorous.
Despite
this ludic dimension of small
boys' performance,
this
partici-
pation plays
an
important
role in the
youngsters'
internalization of the form. It
effectively
extends the
period
of active internalization of the
da-inore
form
beyond
the
wapte phase.
13. Members of the
sponsor group may,
however,
participate
with their
sponsored group
even after the
waptE
have become ?ritailwa. This is the
case,
for
example,
after the uiwede
log rages.
The
tsimniohu
of
novitiate iritailwa show
up
less
frequently
for nocturnal
performances,
but
occasionally
when a man feels
nostalgic,
he
may put
in an
appearance.
In these
instances,
the Iritailwa defer to their senior and
perform
his
song
rather than one of their own.
14. There are
eight
Xavante
age-sets
divided into two
agamous
moieties:
tsadalro, hotor3, et
pa,
nodzoZu
(agamous moiety
A); anarowa, ailrere, tirowa, abarezu
(agamous moiety
B).
15.
Maybury-Lewis mistakenly distinguishes
between
"public"
and
individually
dreamed
"private" songs
(197411967]:111).
The
"private"
components
of
song performances,
which take
place
in the ho for
waptE
and in the central
plaza
for the
?ritaiZwa
and mature
men, are,
in
fact,
rehearsals of the same
song
that will
be
performed
on the
patios
of houses around the
village.
This latter
singing
is what the Xavante intend for
public consumption
and
may
indeed be considered
"public" performance.
There
is, however,
a difference
between
individually
dreamed
songs
(most Xavante
songs)
and a small number of
songs
that are not
dreamed,
but are
passed
from one
generation
to the next. The
songs
of the
euZu ceremony,
for
instance,
are
of this latter
type.
16. I was unable to determine
by
what criteria a house was
designated
to have da-noere
performed
on
its
patio.
I could infer no obvious
pattern.
It did not
appear
that the
prestige
of the household head was
considered
important.
In Pimentel
Barbosa,
for
instance,
dancers
stopped
at the house of a man who was
generally
considered to be an imbecile. In a few
da-iiore
performances,
such as the da-inore
performed
by
the mature men
prior
to a ritual
hunt,
the dancers
performed
on the
patios
of houses where men did not
usually perform.
It
may
be that certain ceremonial
songs
are
performed
at houses that are not
routinely
on
the
itinerary
of
waptE
or
Zritailwa performances.
17. In this
discussion,
I include strict
repetition
as a
type
of
parallelism, thereby differing
somewhat from
Jakobson's
usage
of the term as
repetition
with variation. For discussion of
straight repetition
as a form of
parallelism,
see Urban
1991,
chapter
5
especially.
18. The technical
terms,
type
and
token,
which are now
widely
used in
linguistics
and semantics were
defined and introduced
by
Peirce
(1931-58, 4:537; 2:245).
19. There are a few
exceptions
to this
general
rule. A number of
songs
are
specifically
linked to certain
ceremonies,
such as the
lu?u,
which are
replicated
as
closely
as
possible
in each
performance.
20. A
major portion
of
Aytai's
work is devoted to da-nolre classification. In addition to
classifying
da-iiore
into the three
types according
to time of
day,
his
classificatory
scheme
designates
a number of
separate
da-rfnore
types according
to the
songs' correspondence
with various activities (for instance,
songs
related to economic
activity,
war
songs,
or situational contexts). While the correlation between da-fnolre
and
type
of
activity
is a
significant observation,
Aytai
overlooks the fact that Xavante
classify
all of these
activity-related songs
within the three basic da-no~re
types.
In
fact,
each da-Fnore
type
is further subdivided
so as to indicate not
only
association with other ceremonial
practice,
but
also,
in some
cases,
to
specify
more
precisely
the
appropriate performance
time.
The formal
analyses presented here,
for the most
part,
accord with
Aytai's analyses
of Xavante musical
structure (for
example, melody, rhythmic
structure, text). However,
my analysis
differs from that of
Aytai
on
some
points,
such
as,
for
example,
his statement that "the manner
[voice
quality]
in which the Xavante
sing
does not
significantly
differ from our own as heard when
singing
folk
songs" (Aytai
1985:93,
my
translation).
21. The term hedza is borrowed from
Portuguese
reza
"prayer"
or
"sung prayer."
hedza are distinct from
da-inore in several
respects,
most notable
among
them are that: (1) hedza are texted whereas da-niore are
not; (2) hedza have no
accompanying
dance
movements; (3) women are
principal performers
of
hedza,
although compositions
are dreamed
by
elder men. hedza have overt
spiritual
themes codified in seman-
tico-referential
texts,
which I
suspect
were
originally inspired by missionaries,
a
suspicion
that
is, however,
unconfirmed at the
present
time.
22.
According
to Marina Roseman (1991:105-118
especially),
features of Temiar dream
song perform-
anceoperate
in
similarways. Specifically, phrase overlap
and
repetition
act as
leveling
devices;
they collapse
the distinction between roles of leader
(spirit
medium) and chorus (also see,
Feld
1984;
Roseman 1984).
23. For discussion of Xavante
body decoration,
see Muller
1976,
1992.
dialogic
dreams 741
24. After an individual is
deceased,
the members of his
group
do not
drop
his
compositions
from their
repertoire; similarly sponsored groups sing
their
sponsor groups songs
after the
composers
no
longer sing
publicly
(in
community performances
that include women). In these cases the
songs'
dreamer does not
initiate
performance.
25. See Zuckerkandl (1956) for discussion of
temporal
and
spatial parameters
in music.
26.
da-hi-papa:
da (collective
genetive)
- hi (n.
leg)
-
papa
(v. to bounce).
27. As
Aytai
(1985) has
observed,
it
appears
that some
syllables
and words occur with relative
frequency
in da-fnore texts. Before conclusive statements can be made
concerning possible regularities
in da-hnore
texts, however,
further
investigation
must be carried out.
Regarding
this
particular text,
the
approximant [j]
is an
allophonic
variant of the voiced
stop
/dz/.
28. Forms of ceremonial
dialogue formally
demonstrate overt
recognition
of the "other"
and,
as Urban
(1988) shows in the case of lowland South American
societies,
can be correlated with societies with
permeable
boundaries (see also Bowen 1989). These contrast to societies with
relatively impermeable
boundaries where ceremonial
wailing
is
practiced
as a
greeting
form (see also Urban 1986).
29. The title aihobuni is
given
at the time a
group
of
boys
is inducted into the bachelors' hut to one or
more
boys,
considered to be
exceptionally
mature,
who
belong
to the
poridza
Zono
exogamous moeity.
aihobuni have their ears
pierced
at this time in contrast to the other members of their
cohort,
who have their
ears
pierced
when
they
leave the bachelors' hut.
30. As far as I am able to
distinguish,
Xavante divide the continuum between
waking
and
dreaming
realities on the basis of
sleep;
I am not thus far aware of
any
notions of
waking
dreams. For discussion of
the
waking/sleeping
dream
continuum,
see Price-Williams 1987.
31.
Depending
on the
type
of
song
he
dreams,
the individual will
impart
his
composition
to the members
of his
age-set
at
gatherings
in the
early morning,
afternoon,
or
evening. Although
I have never witnessed an
instance in which a
song
is
rejected, Aytai
(1985:24-25) describes a
ceremony
in which elder men
judge
songs
based on their merits for inclusion in
important
festivities.
Although Aytai
does not
specify
which,
if
any,
other formal elements
may prompt
a
negative response,
he notes that a weak voice or monotonous
execution (which
I take to refer to lack of variation in volume) is
likely
to
prejudice
the elders
against
a
song
(1985:25).
Aytai's experience
that Xavante are unable to formulate the criteria for
rejection
accords with
my
own
attempts
to elicit aesthetic
metacommentary.
I have never witnessed the
ceremony
described
by
Aytai
nor the
rejection
of a
song
and am therefore at
present unfortunately
unable to further illuminate an
understanding
of Xavante aesthetics or criteria for
acceptance
into a
group repertoire.
32.
Among
the
Xavante,
as
among
the Kaluli (Feld 1982),
one individual's ceremonial lament
may
provoke
others to wail. When this
occurs, however,
in contrast to
da-no?re,
each individual wails a
unique
lament
song.
33. I have also witnessed elders
wailing
in
response
to
songs
that were not
composed by
a relative but
performed by
the
age-set
to which the individual
belonged
when the relative was not
present
in the
village.
In such instances,
the
age-set's performance provoked
the
memory
that the individual was absent. Similar
responses,
where
songs provoke
others to
weep,
are described
by
Feld (1 982) for the Kaluli.
34. I thank an
anonymous
reviewer for this observation.
references cited
Aytai,
Desiderio
1985 O Mundo Sonoro Xavante. Coleao Museu
Paulista,
Etnologia,
5. Sao Paulo: Universidade de Sao
Paulo.
Bakhtin,
M. M.
1981 The
Dialogic Imagination:
Four
essays.
M.
Holquist,
ed. C. Emerson and M.
Holquist,
trans. Austin:
University
of Texas Press.
Basso,
Ellen
1985 A Musical View of the Universe:
Kalapalo Myth
and Ritual Performances.
Philadelphia: University
of
Pennsylvania
Press.
1990a Introduction: Discourse as an
Integrating Concept
in
Anthropology
and Folklore Research. In
Native Latin American Cultures
through
their Discourse. Ellen
Basso,
ed.
Pp.
3-10.
Bloomington:
Special publications
of the Folklore Institute.
(Originally published
as a
special
issue of the
Journal
of
Folklore Research
27[1/2].)
1990b The Last Cannibal. In Native Latin American Cultures
through
their Discourse. Ellen
Basso,
ed.
Pp.
133-154.
Bloomington: Special publications
of the Folklore Institute.
(Originally published
as a
special
issue of the Journal of Folklore Research 27[1/2].)
Bourdieu,
Pierre
1977 Outline of a
Theory
of Practice. Richard
Nice,
trans.
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Bowen, John
1989 Poetic Duels and Political
Change
in the
Gayo Highlands
of Sumatra. American
Anthropologist
91:25-40.
Eggan, Dorothy
1955 The Personal Use of
Myth
in Dreams. Journal
of American Folklore 68(270):445-453.
742 american
ethnologist
1961 Dream
Analysis.
In
Studying Personality Cross-Culturally.
Bert
Kaplan,
ed.
Evanston,
IL:
Row,
Peterson,
and
Company.
1966
Hopi
Dreams in Cultural
Perspective.
In The Dream and Human Societies. G. E. Von Grunebaum
and
Roger
Caillois,
eds.
Pp.
237-265.
Berkeley
and Los
Angeles: University
of California Press and
London:
Cambridge University
Press.
Ewing,
Katherine
1990 The Dream of
Spiritual
Initiation and the
Organization
of Self
Representations among
Pakistani
Sufis. American
Ethnologist
17:56-74.
Feld,
Steve
1982 Sound and Sentiment:
Birds,
Weeping,
Poetics,
and
Song
in Kaluli
Expression. Philadelphia:
University
of
Pennsylvania
Press.
1984 Sound Structure and Social Structure.
Ethnomusicology
28(3):383-409.
1988 Aesthetics as
Iconicity
of
Style
or
"Lift-Up-Over Sounding": Getting
into the Kaluli Groove.
Yearbook for Traditional Music 20:74-11 3.
Fernandez, James
W.
1986 Review of M.
Singer,
Man's
Glassy
Essence. American
Anthropologist
88:768-769.
Graham,
Laura
1984
Semanticity
and
Melody:
Parameters of Contrast in Shavante Vocal
Expression.
Latin American
Music Review 5(2):161-185.
1986 Three Modes of Shavante Vocal
Expression: Wailing,
Collective
Singing,
and Political
Oratory.
In
Native South American Discourse.
J.
Sherzer and G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
83-118. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter.
1990 The
Always Living:
Discourse and the Male
Lifecycle
of the Xavante Indians. Ph.D.
dissertation,
University
of Texas at Austin.
1993 A Public
Sphere
in Amazonia? The
Depersonalized
Collaborative Construction of Discourse in
Xavante. American
Ethnologist
20:71 7-741.
1995
Performing
Dreams: Discourses of
Immortality among
the Xavante Indians of Central Brazil.
Austin:
University
of Texas Press.
Hendricks, Janet
1990
Manipulating
Time in an Amazonian
Society:
Genre and Event
among
the Shuar. In Native Latin
American Cultures
through
their Discourse. Ellen
Basso,
ed.
Pp.
11-28.
Bloomington: Special
publications
of the Folklore Institute.
(Originally published
as a
special
issue of the Journal of Folklore
Research 27
[1/2].)
Herdt,
Gilbert
1987 Selfhood and Discourse in Sombra Dream
Sharing.
In
Dreaming: Anthropological
and
Psycho-
logical Interpretations.
Barbara
Tedlock,
ed.
Pp.
105-131.
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Hill, Jane
1990
Weeping
as a
Meta-Signal
in a Mexicano Woman's Narrative. In Native Latin American Cultures
through
their Discourse. Ellen
Basso,
ed.
Pp.
29-50.
Bloomington: Special publications
of the Folklore
Institute.
(Originally published
as a
special
issue of the Journal of Folklore Research
2711/2].)
Hinton,
Leanne
1980 Vocables in
Havasupai Song.
In Southwestern Indian Ritual Drama. C.
Frisbie,
ed.
Pp.
83-118.
Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press.
Jackson, M.,
and I.
Karp
1990 Introduction to Personhood and
Agency:
The
Experience
of Self and Other in African Cultures.
M. Jackson and I.
Karp,
eds.
Pp.
1-29.
Uppsala: Uppsala
Studies in Cultural
Anthropology
14. (Acta
Universitatis
Upasliensis monograph
series,
distributed in the United States
by
Smithsonian Institution
Press.)
Jakobson,
Roman
1960
Concluding
Statement:
Linguistics
and Poetics. In
Style
in
Language.
T. A.
Sebeok,
ed.
Pp.
350-377.
Cambridge:
MIT Press.
Kratz,
Corinne
1991 Amusement and Absolution:
Transforming
Narratives
during
Confession of Social Debts. Ameri-
can
Anthropologist
93:826-851.
Leach,
Edmond
1985 Review of M.
Singer,
Man's
Glassy
Essence. American
Ethnologist
12:1 54-156.
Lee,
Benjamin
1989 Semiotic
Origins
of the
Mind-Body
Dualism. In
Semiotics, Self, and
Society.
B. Lee and G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
193-228. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter.
Lee,
Benjamin,
and
Greg
Urban
1989
Afterthoughts.
In
Semiotics, Self,
and
Society.
B. Lee and G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
297-303. Berlin:
Mouton de
Gruyter.
Lopes
da
Silva,
Aracy
1986 Nomes e
Amigos:
Da Pratica Xavante a uma Reflexao sobre os Je. Sao Paulo: Universidade de
Sao Paulo.
dialogic
dreams 743
Lucy,
John
1986 Whorf's View of the
Linguistic
Mediation of
Thought.
In Semiotic Mediation: Sociocultural and
Psychological Perspectives.
E. Mertz and R.
Parmentier,
eds.
Pp.
74-97. Orlando: Academic Press.
Mannheim,
Bruce
1987 A Semiotic of Andean Dreams. In
Dreaming: Anthropological
and
Psychological Interpretations.
B.
Tedlock,
ed.
Pp.
132-153.
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Maybury-Lewis,
David
1974[1967]
Akwe-Shavante
Society.
New York: Oxford
University
Press.
(Originally published by
Oxford: Clarendon Press.)
1979 Cultural
Categories
of the Central Ge. In Dialectical Societies. D.
Maybury-Lewis,
ed.
Pp.
218-248.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press.
1989 Social
Theory
and Social Practice:
Binary systems
in Central Brazil. In The Attraction of
Opposites:
Thought
and
Society
in the Dualistic Mode. D.
Maybury-Lewis
and U.
Almagor,
eds.
Pp.
97-116. Ann
Arbor:
University
of
Michigan
Press.
Miller,
Regina
1976 A
pintura
do
corpo
e os ornamentos Xavante: Arte visual e
communicacao.
Master's
thesis,
Universidade de
Campinas.
1992
Mensagens
visuais na
ornamentacao
corporal
Xavante. In Grafismo
indfgena.
Lux
Vidal,
organ-
izer.
Pp.
132-142. Sao Paulo:
EDUSP,
Studio Nobel Ltda.
Peirce,
Charles Saunders
1931-58 Collected
Papers.
C. Hartshorne and P.
Weiss, eds.,
vols. 1-6. A. W.
Burks, ed.,
vols. 7-8.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press.
1955[1940]
Philosophical Writings
of Peirce. J. Buchler,
ed. New York: Dover Publications.
Price-Williams,
Douglass
1987 The
Waking
Dream in
Ethnographic Perspective.
In
Dreaming: Anthropological
and
Psychological
Interpretations.
B.
Tedlock,
ed.
Pp.
246-262.
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Riesman,
Paul
1986 The Person and the
Lifecycle
in African Social Life and
Thought.
African Studies Review
29(2):71-198.
Re-Presentation of Dreams
1991 Invited Session of the annual
meetings
of the American
Anthropological
Association,
Chicago,
organized by
Laura Graham and
Greg
Urban;
papers presented by Greg
Urban and Patricia Kent,
Laura
Graham,
Waud
Krake,
Marina
Roseman,
Katherine
Ewing,
Bruce
Mannheim,
and Barbara
Tedlock,
with Charles
Briggs
and Enest
Wolf, M.D.,
as discussants.
Roseman,
Marina
1984 The Social
Structuring
of Sound: The Temiar of Peninsular
Malaysia. Ethnomusicology
28(3):411-
445.
1991
Healing
Sounds from the
Malaysian
Rainforest: Temiar Music and Medicine.
Berkeley: University
of California Press.
Saberwal,
S.
1985 Review of M.
Singer,
Man's
Glassy
Essence. Contributions to Indian
Sociology
19:211-212.
Sebeok,
Thomas
1978 Semiosis in Nature and Culture. In The
Sign
and Its Masters. T.
Sebeok,
ed.
Pp.
3-26. Austin:
University
of Texas Press.
Seeger, Anthony
1979 What Can We Learn When
They Sing?
Vocal Genres of the
Suya
Indians of Central Brazil.
Ethnomusicology
13(3):373-394.
1981 Nature and
Society
in Central Brazil.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press.
1987
Why Suya Sing:
A Musical
Anthropology
of an Amazonian
People. Cambridge: Cambridge
University
Press.
Singer,
Milton
1980
Signs
of the Self: An
Exploration
in Semiotic
Anthropology.
American
Anthropologist
82:485-507.
1984 Man's
Glassy
Essence:
Explorations
in Semiotic
Anthropology. Bloomington:
Indiana
University
Press.
1989
Pronouns, Persons,
and the Semiotic Self. In
Semiotics, Self,
and
Society.
B. Lee and G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
229-296. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter.
Straus,
Terry
1989 The Self in Northern
Cheyenne Language
and Culture. In
Semiotics, Self,
and
Society.
B. Lee and
G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
53-68. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter.
Tedlock,
Barbara
1987
Dreaming
and Dream Research. In
Dreaming: Anthropological
and
Psychological Interpretations.
B.
Tedlock,
ed.
Pp.
1-30.
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Tedlock, Barbara,
ed.
1987
Dreaming: Anthropological
and
Psychological Interpretations. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Urban,
Greg
1986 Ceremonial
Dialogues
in Native South America. American
Anthropologist
88:371-386.
744 american
ethnologist
1988 Ritual
Wailing
in Amerindian Brazil. American
Anthropologist
90:385-400.
1989 The "I" of Discourse. In
Semiotics, Self,
and
Society.
B. Lee and G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
27-51. Berlin:
Mouton de
Gruyter.
1991 A Discourse-Centered
Approach
to Culture: Native South American
Myths
and Rituals. Austin:
University
of Texas Press.
Urban,
Greg,
and
Benjamin
Lee
1989 Introduction to
Semiotics, Self,
and
Society.
B. Lee and G.
Urban,
eds.
Pp.
1-13. Berlin: Mouton
de
Gruyter.
Urban,
Greg,
and P. Kent
1991 The
Royal
Road to the Collective Unconscious.
Paper presented
in the invited
session,
"Re-Pres-
entation of
Dreams,"
at the annual
meetings
of the American
Anthropological
Association,
Chicago,
November 20-24.
Volosinov,
V. N.
1973[1929]
Marxism and the
Philosophy
of
Language.
L.
Matejka
and I. R.
Titunik,
trans.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press.
1987[1976/1920]
Freudianism: A Critical Sketch. I. R.
Titunik,
trans. N. H. Bruss and I. R.
Titunik,
eds.
Bloomington:
Indiana
University
Press.
Warner,
Michael
1990 Letters of the
Republic. Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press.
Whorf,
Benjamin
L.
1956
Language, Thought,
and
Reality:
Selected
Writings
of
Benjamin
Lee Whorf. J. B.
Carroll,
ed.
Cambridge:
MIT Press.
Zuckerkandl,
Victor
1956 Sound and
Symbol:
Music and the External World. Willard R.
Trask,
trans.
Princeton,
NJ: Princeton
University
Press,
Bollingen
Series XLIV.
submitted
April
14,
1992
accepted
June 2
3,
1992
dialogic
dreams 745