On the Beverly HillbilIies the

other evening, when Granny

was asked what the Civil War
was, she answered: That was
when the North invaded
America.
After serving in the Union
Army, James A. Garfield served
for seventeen years in the U.S.
Congress, before becoming
President of the United States.
In his first speech in the House
of Representatives on January
28, 1864, he called for the con-
fiscation of the land of the Con-
federate planters, and its redis-
tribution among freed slaves
and white Unionists in the
South.
1
(p. 4) Garfield went on
to say that, after
tarian preachers of New En-
gland]. The Abolitionist
Wendell Phillips was the most
articulate spokesman for a revo-
lutionary policy. He insisted
that the Civil War 'is primarily
a social revolution .... 'The war
can only be ended by annihilat-
ing that Oligarchy which
formed and rules the South and
makes the war-by annihilating
a state of society-The whole so-
cial system of the Gulf States
must be taken to pieces: The
congressional leader of the radi-
cal Republicans, Thaddeus
Stevens, was equally outspo-
ken. We must 'treat this war as
a radical revolution,' he said.
Reconstruction must revolution-
lution, (p. 7), meaning by that
they, as the radicals of the
French Revolution of 1789,
were radical blood-thirsty' fa-
natics who craved the over-
throw of a Christian moral or-
der in America. Other newspa-
pers described these radical
pro-war Republicans as the
Committee of Twelve of the
days of Voltaire, the Reign of
Terror and the guillotine dur-
ing the French Revolution. (p.
7)
At this point, I should ex-
plain the French Revolution of
1789, not only as a bloodywar
2
,
but as a religious movement,
which finally came to America
in 1861. Our War Be-
their land was confis-
cated, the [Confed-
erate] leaders of this
rebellion must be ex-
Till: Mi\UUlSr MOST INFl'I,vIOLJS
REVOlUiiO\: h l"STORY
tween the States can-
not be understood
apart from that ear-
lier revolution.
ecuted or ban-
ished .... These were
harsh measures,
Garfield admitted,
Tiw Rcii"iOIl\ Clll\t' of'rlll' \'ifar BCIWl'CIl
c'
The French Revo-
til(' SLttC\ allci lilt' RCCOIl,tlll(rioll of'rllt' SUlith
lution of 1789 was the
first war of its kind
in the his tory of the
world. Many wars
but let no weak sen-
timents of misplaced
sympathy deter us from inau-
gurating a measure which will
cleanse our nation and make it
the fit home of freedom. (pp. 4-
5)
In 1866, in another speech
before the U.S. House, Garfield
renewed his call for revolution-
ary change to be imposed on the
South by its northern conquer-
ors. Since southern whites, he
said in early 1867, 'would not
cooperate with us in rebuilding
what they had destroyed, we
must remove the rubbish and
rebuild from the bottom ... :
(p.5) This rhetoric of revolution
was hardly unique to Garfield.
Numerous abolitionists, radical
Republicans, and radical army
officers were saying the same
things, [not counting the Uni-
Joe Morecraft, III
ize Southern institutions, hab-
its and manners .... The founda-
tions of their institutions ...
must be broken up and re-laid,
or all our blood and treasure
have been spent in vain: (pp.5-
6)
This view that the War Be-
tween the States was a religious
and social revolution was inter-
nationally held. Karl Marx,
who followed the war with
keen interest, described it as a
world transforming ... revolu-
tionary movement. (p. 6)
Georges Clemenceau of France
wrote of it as 'one of the most
radical revolutions known in
history. (p. 7) The pro-Confed-
erate Times of London de-
scribed the radical Republicans
[of the North] as the Jacobins
of the second American Revo-
had been fought in France prior
to 1789, but never was there a
war like this one. It was the first
revolution which had as its ex-
press purpose the total over-
turning of Christianity and a
Christian moral order.
3
The
wars of the Nineteenth and
Twentieth Centuries, including
the War Between the States,
World Wars " I and II, are con-
tinuations and extensions of that
Revolution.
The French Revolution,
which led to the tyranny and
wars of Napoleon, was inevi-
table once Europe embraced
unbelief and turned from the
supremacy of God and the di-
vine authority of the 'Bible to
man and human reason as the
supreme gods of t ~ universe.
Unbelief unchecked always
breeds bloody revolution.
4 - THE COUNSEL of Chalcedon - February/March, 1999
The Declaration of the Rights
of Man and the Citizen was the
confession of faith of the French
Revolution. It sets forth the re-
ligious and philosophical basis
of the revolutionary establish-
ment of a new antichristian or-
der; Kings, aristocrats, tyrants
of every description are slaves
in revolt against the Sovereign
of the e;lrth, which is HUMAN-
ITY, and against the Legislator
of the universe, which is REA-
SON. To celebrate their faith in
man and nature, the French
revolutionaries created a statue
of a prostitute and crowned her
the goddess, Reason. They car-
ried this harlot-goddess
through the streets, and the
crowds bowed in worship and
submission before her as she
passed.
Over one hundred years be-
fore the French Revolution of
1789, during the Enlightenment,
Europe began her apostasy
from the Christian Faith and
Worldview. She stopped believ-
ing in the sovereignty of God
and began believing in the sov-
ereignty of man and the su-
premacy, not of divine revel;l-
tion, but of human reason. As
a result of its apostasy from the
God of the Bible in the hearts
and minds of Frenchmen, and
other Europeans, the bloody
French Revolution was inevi-
table. God says in Proverbs 8;
those who hate Me love
death!
One of the most insightful
critics of the French Revolution
was the Dutchman, Groen Van
Prinsterer, (1801-1876), whose
book on the revolution is en-
titled, UNBELIEF AND REVO-
LUTION. He emphasizes the
inevitability of this revolution,
because the humanistic
worldview of the supremacy of
man and human reason of the
Eighteenth Century would re-
sult in the redefinition of West-
ern Civilization in terms of a
self-consciously antichristian
worldview, which always is
bloody.
With the tree of life planted
once more in the European
soil by the Reformation all but
dead, the ground was ready
to receive the deadly seed [of
humanism]. Theology, politi-
cal theory, literature, and
education; all these were soon
permeated by the new doc-
trine. This leaven leavened
the whole lump. At the out-
break of the French Revolu-
tion virtually all of Europe
was ripe for upheaval. The
eruption of a volcano is inevi-
table long before the mountain
mass is torn asunder. The
French Revolution was inevi-
table long before it broke out.
lt [the Revolution] is more
than just a political revolution
ending in democracy .... It is
THE Revolution; with its
baleful influence which,
though tempered in its perni-
cious effect by the blessings of
a higher providence, continues
even in our day to frustrate
the operation of truly whole-
some principles. lt is THE
Revolution; with its systematic
application of the philosophy
of unbelief; with its atrocities
and destructiveness; with its
self-deification and its adora-
tion of Reason on the ruins of
the ancient state.
... as early as 1770 the king
was told by the clergy; "Impi-
ety bears a grudge against
both God and men. It will not
be satisfied until it has de-
stroyed all authority, divine
and human. lt will plunge
France into all the horrors of
anarchy and give birth to the
most unspeakable revolutions.
What happeped in 1789 had to
happen." - Van Prinsterer,
UNBELIEF AND REVOLU-
TION, pp. 29f, 56L
And now, against this his-
torical backdrop, let us return
to the social revolution of the
War Between the States. After
quoting these men who lived
during the time of the War Be-
tween the States and Recon-
struction, James McPherson
gives his own conclusion; the
Civil War was indeed the Sec-
ond American Revolution,
[Edmund Burke, an Eighteenth
Century critic of the French
Revolution, was the first, I be-
lieve, to use this term for the
War Between the States], if not,
in a strict sense, the First
[American Revolution]; "The
first 4 because the Revolution of
1776 had produced no such
changes in the distribution of
wealth and power among
classes." (p. 8) He then goes on,
in his book, ABRAHAM LIN-
COLN AND THE SECOND
AMERICAN REVOLUTION, to
describe how sweeping this
revolution was. "The Civil
War," he writes, "DID partially
overthrow the existing social
and political order ofthe South-
overthrow it at least as much as
did the English Revolution of
the 1640's or the French Revo-
lution of the 1790's. - The
events of the 1860' s in the
United States equally deserve
the label, revolution .... " (p. 21)
One man who lived through,
what he called, the maddest,
most infamous Revolution in
history, was George Ticknor,
born in 1791, who was a
Harvard historian four years
after Appomattox. He wrote
that this national trauma had
February /March, 1999 - THE COUNSEL of Chalcedon - 5
created" a great gulf between
what happened before in our
century and what has happened
since, or what is likely to hap-
pen hereafter. It does not seem
to me as if I were living in the
country in which I was born."-
P!;'eface in McPherson's book.
In 1865 Richard Taylor, a Loui-
siana planter who returned
home afte!;' four years as an of-
ficer in the Confederate Army,
wrote to Samuel Barlow: 'Soci-
ety has been completely
changed by the war. The
[French] Revolution of1789 did
not produce a greater change in
the Ancient Regime than has this
in' our sodallife." - McPherson's
Preface. . And in 1991
wrote: "Abraham
Lincoln was not Maximilien de
Robespierre. No Confederate
leaders went to the guillotine.
Yet the Civil War changed the
United States as thoroughly as
the French Revolution changed
that country." (p. viii)
Richard Weaver, (1910-1963),
whose books, SOUTHERN
TRADITION AT BAY and THE
SOUTHERN ESSAYS OF RICH-
ARD M. WEAVER should be
read and re-read by every
Southerner, taught at the Uni-
versity of Chicago for two de-
cades and was one of the most
important philosophers of the
Twentieth Century. Unasham-
edly pro-Southern, he also re-
ferred to the War as America's
Second Revolution, and stated
that "to the extent that the
South haS preserved social
structure and avoided the cre-
ation of the masses, it has main-
tained the only kind of world
in which values can long sur-
vive."5 (p. 20). He explains this
statement with this cOIDIIIent: 'A
society in the true sense must
have "exclusive minorities of the
wise and good who will bear
responsibility and enjoy pres-
tige. Otherwise either it will be
leaderless, or its leadership will
rest on forces of darkness; for
there is "little difference be-
tween the tribal chieftain who
wins his place by brute force
and the demagogue of the mass
state who wins his by appeal to
mass appetite. -The notion that
all ideas of rank are inimical to
liberty is found only among
those who have not analyzed
the relationship between free-
dom and organization. It is the
process of leveling which dis-
torts reality and leaves us With
a situation that is, literally, im-
possible to conceive." (pp. 20-
21). And yet, this leveling is ex-
actly what the North sought to
accomplish by war and recon-
struction.
Weaver's thesis is that the
North's attempt to oblitera'te
the Southern social order, which
he has just described, and its in-
stitutions was a self-conscious
assault on the religion of the
South, because, he writes, "re-
ligion [was] a bulwark of those
institutions." (p. 89) He contin-
ues: "a religious scHid" South
preceded the political solid
South," (p. 82), because "rever-
ence for the 'Word of God'
[was] a highly important aspect
of Southern religious ortho-
doxy." - (p. 89). "Belief in a re-
vealed knowledge [was] the
essence of religion" in the
Southern sense. (p.89) But with
the rise of Unitarianism" in New
England, and with it the grow-
ing condemnation of the older
Christian orthodoxy and Cal-
vinism', so dominant in the
South, and the growing appeal
of socialism;,the North was con-
demning as error the centuries-
old faith in revealed religion
which the South was striving to
preserve. (p. 91) Conflict was
inevitable.
In his historical survey of
Southern literature, Weaver
concludes: "In broad outliri.e the
victory of the Yankee was
viewed by the South as atri-
umph of the forces of material-
ism, equalitarianism and
irreligion." (p. 206) Weaver tells
us that "the French Revolution
[with its dedication to destroy
a Christian moral and social or-
der and to replace it With a secu-
lar one], had not corne to the
South by 1860." (p; 207) Bilt it
carne with all its fury and dev-
astation in the War Between the
States and Tn Reconstruction.
"Southerners of the postbellum
epoch were men of the Eigh-
teenth Century, [more correctly,
of the Sixteenth and Seven-
teenth Centuries with their
Protestant Reformation], sud-
denly transported into a Nine-
teenth Century world, [with its
cold and life-negating human-
ism, rationalism, materialism,
statism and antichristianity]."
(p.207)
With Reconstrtiction "the old
formulations were gone, and a
previously well defined struc-
ture of society was giving way
before the parvenu', whose title
to place rested upon some spe-
cial-and not always praisewor-
thy-achievement. Everything
betokened the breaking up of
the old synthesis in a general
movement toward abstraction
in human relationships. The in-
dividual was becoming a unit in
the formless democratic mass;
economics was usurping the
right to determine both politi-
cal and moral policies; and stan-
dards supposed to be unalter-
able were being affected by the
new standards of. relativism.
Topping it' all was the groWing
6 - THE COUNSEL of Chalcedon - February/March, 1999
spirit of skepticism which was
destroying the religious sanc-
tions of conduct and leaving
only the criterion of utility." (pp.
207-208)
What is the point of all these
quotations from Yankees and
Confederates and eye-wit-
nesses in the 1860' s, as well as
from contemporary pro-North-
ern and pro-Southern histori-
ans?9 It is this: the War Between
the States and Reconstruction
comprised America's French
Revolution, with similar causes,
tactics, goals and effects. The
chief cause, other than the com-
monly given political and eco-
nomic causes, was the desire of
the humanists in places of power
in the North to destroy the
Christian moral and social ba-
sis of the United States and their
Constitution so as to develop a
strong central authority based
on an antichristian {ounda tion.
The tactics: bloody war and
forced reconstruction of society.
The results: the destruction of
a free and just society and the
establishment of tyranny. As
someone has said, Americans in
both North and South entered
the War as citizens and came out
of it subjects.
That the old South repre-
sented a sincere and high, al-
though not perfect, expression
of Biblical Christianity cannot
be successfully argued against.
Francis Simpkins, who did not
favor a Christian South, could
nevertheless write in his THE
HISTORY OF THE SOUTH:
"Christian conservatism com-
pletely engulfed the unortho-
dox who had been imported by
liberal aristocrats of the post-
Revolutionary period .. .. When
Jefferson invited Thomas Coo-
per a refugee from Northern
anti-Jacobin sentiments [be-
cause Cooper was a Deist and
Unitarian], to become a profes-
sor of chemistry in the newly
founded University of Virginia,
the vehement objections of the
people of Virginia forced Coo-
per to decline the offer." (pp.
160-161). Cooper became presi-
dent of South Carolina College,
but when his critical views of
the Bible offended the clergy
there, he was forced to resign
and was replaced by Dr. James
Henley Thornwell, an orthodox
Cal vinis t-Pre s byte rian.
Simpkins continues: "By 1860 re-
ligious liberalism was virtually
extinct in the South .... Thomas
Cooper was the last of the skep-
tics to arouse a widespread
public antagonism; after his re-
tirement so few skeptics re-
mained in the South that con-
troversy seldom occurred. -
By 1860 Puritanism, [vigorous,
life-affirming, Reformed Chris-
tianity] was ... deeply embed-
ded in the Southern conscious-
ness .... In fact, it was more
prevalent in Alabama and Mis-
sissippi than in Massachusetts
and Connecticut." (pp. 160-
161,164)
W.J. Cash, in his book, THE
MIND OF THE SOUTH.,
wrote: "The South, men said
and did not doubt, was pecu-
liarly Christian; probably, in-
deed, it was the last great bul-
wark of Christianity." (p.8;l).
He noted: "For as the pressure
of the Yankee increased, the
whole South ... would move to-
ward a position of thoroughgo-
ing Calvinism in feeling if not
in formal theology ... God
would continue to be, in consid-
erate measure, a sort of consti-
tutional monarch ...... (p. 84)
Therefore, if the humanistic,
socialistic, antichristian Unitar-
ians, and their ilk, were to ac-
complish their goals, the United
States had to be moved off their
Christian base, and to do that
the Christian South had to be
totally broken. As Richard
Weaver has written concerning
the War:
This is a matter of prime im-
portance in the history of the
American past, because the real
significance of the war of unlim-
ited aggression is that it strikes
at one of the bases of civiliza-
tion. As long as each side plays
according to the rules ... with
no more infraction than is to be
expected in any heated contest,
the door is open for reconcilia-
tion and the eventual restora-
tion of amity. But when one
side drops the restraints built
up over a long period and com-
mits itself to the total destruc-
tion of the other by any means,
no longer distinguishing be-
tween combatants and noncom-
batants, then the demoralization
is complete, and the difficulty
of putting relationships back on
a moral basis is perhaps too
great to be overcome. In war,
as in peace, people remain civi-
lized by acknowledging bounds
beyond which they must not
go.- W.J. Cash, THE MIND OF
THE SOUTH, (pp. 214-215)
The leading and thoughtful
participants of the War, on both
sides, understood its religious
character. They understood
that it was more than a war
over sectional rivalries, slavery,
tariffs, control of the Missis-
sippi, states rights. It included
all these issues, and these issues
were used by those in the pro-
war party to veil their true mo-
tives. The War was fought by
the South to preserve a Chris-
tian moral and social order; it
was fought by the North to de-
stroy that order. Testimonies
February IMarch, 1999 - THE COUNSEL of Chalcedon - 7
from both sides are plenteous
to prove the point, as we have
shown.
No one said it more clearly
and forcefully than three Con-
federate Presbyterian ministers:
James H. Thornwell of South
Carolina, Benjamin M. Palmer of
Louisiana and Robert L. Dabney
of Virginia. Ten years before
the War, concerned the crises of
that day would lead to war,
James H. Thotnwell wrote:
and spiritual impetus to seces-
sion and the creation of the Con-
federacy.
The abolitionist's spirit is
undeniably atheistic. The
demon spirit which erected its
throne upon the guillotine in
the days of Robespierre,
which abolished the Sabbath
and worshipped reason in the
personof a harlot, yet sur-
vives to work other horrors of
which those of the French
Revolution are but a type.
Among a people so generously
religious as the Americans a
disguise must be worn, but it
is the same old threadbare
wars against constitutions and
laws and compacts, against
Sabbaths and Sanctuaries,
against the family, the state
and the church, which blas-
phemies invade the preroga-
tive of God and rebuke the
Most High for the errors of
His administration."."
Iri his lecture entitled, 'The
New South," given in 1882,
Robert L. Dabney, professor at
Union Seminary in Virginia
and formerly adjutant general
for Stonewall Jackson, in .
'comparing the reconstructed
South with the old South,
laments:
"The War we1S fOllghl by the SOllth
to preserve Cl Chrislielll lI10ral alld
social unler; it we15 {{llIgllt by the
~ u r r to destroy lhell order."
These are mighty questions '
which are shaking thrones to
their centers, unheaving the
masses like an earthquake, and
rocking the solid pillars of this
Union. The parties in this
conflict are not merely
abolitionists and
slaveholders-they are
atheists, socialists, com-
munists, red republicans,
jacobins, [antichristian
leaders of the French
Revolution] on the one side, and
the friends of order and regu-
lated freedom on the other. In
orie word; the world is the
battleground-Christianity, and
atheism the combatants; and
the progress of humanity at
stake. One party seems to re-
gard society with all its compli-
cated interests, its divisions,
and its subdivisions as the ma-
But this century has
seen all this reversed;
and conditions of human
society have grown up,
which m'ake the system
of our free forefathers
obviously impracticable
in the future. And this is
. chinery of man, which, as it has
been invented and arranged by
man's ingenuity and skill, may
be taken' to pieces, recon-
structed or repaired, as experi-
ence shall indicate defects or
confusions in the original plan.
The other p(lrty beholds this
moral order as the ordinance of
God.
10
Benjamin Palmer's assess-
ment of the situation was pow-
erfully presented in his famous
Thanksgiving Day Sermon in
1860, which gave theological
disguise of the advocacy of
human rights. From a thou-
sand Jacobin clubs here and iD.
France the decree has gone
forth which strikes at God by
striking at all subordination
and law. Under the spacious
cry to reform, it demands that
every evil shall be corrected
or society become a wreck.
The sun must be stricken from
the heavens if a spot is found
upon the disk. These self-
constituted reformers. must
quicken the activity of Jeho-
vah and compel His abdica-
tion. It is time to reproduce
the obsolete idea that Provi-
dence must govern man, but
not that man should control
Providence. To the South is
assigned the high position of
defending before all nations
the cause of all religion and of
all truth. In this trust we are
resisting the power which
so, not because the old forms
were not good enough for this
day, but because they were
too good for it. .
I would place as the first of
these adverse conditions the
silent substitution, under the
same nomenclature, of another
theory of human rights, in
contrast with, and hostile to,
that of our fathers. Those
wise men did indeed believe
in a certain EQUALITY of all
men; but it was thatwhichthe
British constitution (whose
principles they inherited) was
. wont to express by the maxim:
tllat every British citizen was
"equal before the law." The
particular franchises of the
peer and the peasant were
very unequal, but in this
important respect the two men
were "equal before the law."
The peasant's smaller fran-
chises were protected by the
8 ~ THE COUNSEL of Chalcedon - February/March, 1999
same law which shielded the
peer's Jarger one. This is the
equality of the golden rule,
the equality of the Bible which
ordained the constitution of
human society out of superi-
ors, inferiors and equals; the
equality of the inspired Job,
(31:13-15) who in the very act
of asserting his right to his
slave, added: Did not He
that made me make him?
If I did despise the cause
of my manservant or my
maid-servant when they
contended with me,
canism,the supreme law is the
will or caprice of what hap-
pens to be THE MAJOR MOB,
the suggestion of the dema-
gogue who is most artful to
seduce.
12
Conclusion
As we approach the Twenty-
First Century, we find ourselves
in a world created by the
French Revolution: a world of
blood, myth, war, violence,
civil slavery [which is worse
than social slavery), lawless-
ness, and tyranny-a world with-
What can be learned from
the experience of the revolu-
tionary era? That man, with-
out God, even with the cir-
cumstances in his favor, can
do nothing but work his own
destruction. Man must break
out of the vicious revolution-
ary circle; he must turn to
God whose truth alone can
resist the power of the lie.
Should anyone consider this
momentous lesson of history
to be more sentimental lament
than advice for politics, he is
what then shall I do
when God rises up?
This is the equality
The Revolution can be stopped. The
Power of the Reformation can
forgetting that the power
of the gospel to effect
order and freedom and
prosperity has been
reconstruct what the evil of the substantiated by world
which is thoroughly
consistent with that wide
diversity of natural
capacities, virtues,
1 has d d
history. Let him bear in
l';;;==_R_e_vo=u_tl_' o_n==_e_st_[_oYioe=.===.I mind that whatever is
- useful and beneficial to
station, sex, inherited posses-
sions, which inexorable fact
discloses everywhere and by
means of which social organi-
zation is possible. But in the
place of this '" our modern
politician now teaches, under
the same name, the equality of
the Jacobin ... which absurdly
claims for every human the
same specific powers and
rights.
Our fathers valued liberty,
but the liberty for which they
contended was each person's
privilege to do those things
and those only to which God's
Law and Providence gave him
a moral right. The liberty of
nature which your modern
politician asserts is absolute
license; the privilege of doing
whatever a corrupt will
craves, except as this license is
curbed by a voluntary" social
contract." The fathers of our
country could have adopted
the sublime words of Melville:
Lex.Rex The Law is king. -
But now, by this new Republi-
out God. We live in an
anti christian culture. Ours is a
world of ongoing revolutions
and wars, which are always in-
evitable whenever a culture
cuts itself loose from God and
seeks to live in unbelief and in
rebellion against the one, true
and living God. Thanks to the
effects of America's French
Revolution in the 1860's, the
Twentieth Century has been the
bloodiest era in human history.
And it is not over yet! Many
more will die before THE Revo-
lution is stopped.
But, make no mistake about
it, the Revolution can be
stopped. The Power of the
Reformation can reconstruct
what the evil of the Revolu-
tion has destroyed. But only
one thing can stop the Revolu-
tion and begin the Reforma-
tion: JlAITH IN AND OBEDI-
ENCE TO THE WORD OF
GOD. Groen Van Prinsterer,
the famous Dutch critic of the
French Revolution, explains
with this answer:
man is promoted by the fear
of God and thwarted by the
denial of God. He should
bear in mind especially that
the revolutionary theory was
an unfolding of the germ of
unbelief, and the poisonous
plant which was cultivated by
apostasy from the faith will
wilt and choke in the atmo-
sphere of a revival of the
faith.13
If we are to rescue our
children from tyranny and
from a future of meaningless-
ness and emptiness urged on
by the gods and demons of
our modern American culture
and by our own moral defeat-
ism toward culture and the
future, then we must give the
common man a worldview
completely different from that
which he has constructed out
of his irrational commitment
in blind faith to the autonomy
and competence of human
reason as a source of truth
and knowledge. Without a
thoroughly Biblical, consis-
February fMarch, 1999 - THE COUNSEL of ChaIcedon - 9
tently Christian, comprehen-
sive worldview, all of man's
efforts to correct his situation
and to returrt to liberty and
justice for all are futile.
What man thinks about the
world when he is driven back
to his deepest reflections and
most secret promptings will
finally determine all that he
does. (R. Weaver, pp. 375-76).
- The South had this view
and fought for it long, behind
the barricades of revealed
Christianity ... it battled
somewhat ineptly for lack of
adequate weapons, but with
inner conviction. Now it can
return to the house of its
fathers.
The creation of a religious
moral wodd [a culture based
on the Word of God rather
than on a principle of revolt ,
against God], will bring an
end to the downward conver-
sion which today threatens
institutions and culture, -
... the present tendency of the
world's great states is in the
direction of dicta tor or em-
peror worship. -We are being
narrowed down to one nation,
to one world .... - The em-
peror or dictator, of com-
pletely pervasive authOrity,
backed by the oligarchy of
scientists-that is the situation
into which forces are hurrying
us. The state becomes a
monolith, rigid with fear that
it has lost control of its des- .
tiny. We all stand today at
Appomattox, and we are
surrendering to a world which
this hypostatiz,ed [deified)
science has made in our de-
spite. - Considetations of
strategy and tactics forbid the
use of symbols of lost causes.'
There cannot be a return to
the Middle Ages or the Old
South under slogans identified
with them. The principles
must be studied and used, but '
in such presentations that
mankind will feel the march is
forward."
As long as we keep our
course clear, straight and un-
swerving by acknowledging the
primacy of the Word and the
sovereignty of God and resist
surrender to the superstitions
of humanism, post-modernism
and materialism, we can and
will reconstruct our Southland,
and all of the United States into
a just, free and godly Christian
Republic to the glory of our
great God and King.
'This quote and the following by
and about Garfield are from James
M. McPherson' s book, ABRAHAM
LINCOLN AND THE SECOND
AMERICAN REVOLUTION, (New
York: Oxford University Press,
1991).
>rhe French Revolution
popularized the guillotine .
During that revolution, particu-
larly during the Reign of Terror,
thousands of men, women and
children were beheaded by the
guillotine. At one point, little,
poverty-stricken peasant boys
and girls were thrust beneath the
blade of the guillotine and were
mutilated because they were too
small to fit into the fatal plank.
On more than one occasion
hundreds of these children were
driven into an open field outside
the city, shot, clubbed down,
sabered by the assassms, aroUnd
whose knees these little children
clung, weeping and ctying for
mercy. The gliillotine was too
slow for the blood-thirstiness of
Robespierre and the other
leaders. They instituted a new
method of extermination. Men"
children, priests and
nuns were herded together and
mowed down with cannon, or
simply blown up with large
charges of gun powder. Still the
executions were too slow. This"
problem was soon solved by a mad
genius named Carrier, who in-
vented mass drownings, which he
laughingly called 'bathing parties.
Over 300,000 people were killed by
guillotine, cannon and drowning
during the French Revolution. Orte
ot the leaders said, 'Let us make a
cemetery of France rather than not
regenerate her after our manner.
Everything, yes, everything must
be destroyed, since everything must
be remade: - William F. Jasper,
Stoking the Fire: Celebrating the
Atrociti.es of French Revplution,
THE NEW AMERICAN, July 3, 1989,
Vol. 5, No. 14, p. 26f.
'Mirabeau, one of the leaders of
the FreI\ch. Revolution summarized
the attitude of the people behind
the" Revolution: We must overthrow
all order, suppress all laws, annul all
power, and leave the people in
anarchy. We must caress their
vanity, fiatter the people's hopes,
promise them happiness .... But as
the people are a lever which
legIslators can move at their will,
we n'tllst necessarily use them as a
support and render hateful to them
everything we wish to destroy, and
sow illusions in their paths. The
clergy, being the most powerful,
through public opinion, can only be
destroyed by ridiculing religion,
rendering its ministers odious, and
only by them as
hypocritical'l'onsters. Liables must
at every moment show fresh traces
of hatred against the clergy: to
exaggerate their riches, to make the
sins olan individual appear ,to be
common to all, to attribute to them
all vices-murder, iIreligion, immo-
rality, sacrilege."
'And, the First, I might add, be-
cause our War of Independence in
1776 was not a revolution, but a war
the colonies fought in self-defense
against the lawless totalitarianism of
King George and the English Parlia-
ment.
'The following references are
taken from Richard Weaver' s excel-
lent book, THE SOUTHERN TRADI-
TION AT BAY, (Washington, D.C.:
Regener>: Gateway, 1989),
'Unitarianism was imported into
the United States from Europe and
the Enlightenment in the late Eigh-
teenth Century. It held (1).
10 - THE COUNSEL of ChaIcedon - February/March, 1999
Human reason is supreme in the pur
suit of truth; (2). The Bible is not a
book of comprehensive moral and
social absolutes of divine authority;
(3). Man is basically good, not basi-
cally sinful; (4). Man is perfectible and
human society isperfectible; (5). A
utopia on earth for perfected man is
possible by means of state-controlled
education in a state-regulated society.
Man is not evil, as the despised Cal-
vinists taught. Evil is rooted in Cal-
vinism and in the U.S. Constitution.
Therefore, Reformed Christianity and
those terrible institutions it ~ s cre-
ated must be destroyed, along with
the moral, social and political order
that has sustained them. Hence. the
French Reyolution! These Unitarians
not only despised Biblical Christian-
ity, they al50 hated the U.S. Constitu-
tion, because of its Christian roots
and character. Long before 1860,
there was widespread talk among
New England Unitarians about seces-
sion from the Union in order to es-
cape the Constitution, which they
described as II a covenant with death
and an agreement with hell."
'Calvinism is the effort to
interpret every area of life on this
planet from the perspective of the
written Word of God. Its total God-
centered character confesses: For
of Him and through Him and
to Him are all things; to Him
be the glory forever, Romans
11:36.
8A parvenu is "one who has re-
cently or suddenly risen to wealth or
power and has not yet secured the
social position appropriate to it."-
THE MIRRIAN-WEBSTER DICTIO-
NARY
9Historian and author, Otto Scott
has documented the conspiracy of
Unitarian ministers in New England
to push the Federal government
into war with the South in order to
break the back of a Christian
worldview and social order by their
financing of the terrorist, John
Brown, to foment revolution in the
South among the black slaves
against their masters. See his book,
THE SECRET SIX: JOHN BROWN
AND THE ABOLmON MOVE-
MENT, (NY: TImes Books, 1979).
"Quoted in Greg Singer's book,
A THEOLOGICAL INTERPRETA-
TION OF AMERICAN HISTORY,
(Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Re-
formed Publishing Co., 1964), pp. 84-
86.
"Ibid., 87.
URobert L. Dabney, DISCUS-
SIONS, Vol. IV, (Harrisonburg, VA:
Sprinkle Publications, 1979), pp. 5-7.
"Groen, Van Prinsterer, UNBE-
LIEF AND REVOLUTION,
(Amsterdam: The Groen Van
Prinsterer Fund, 1975), p. 22.
"Richard M. Weaver, SOUTHERN
TRADITION AT BAY, pp. 376-77, 377-
79.
The college of Christendoms future
Biblically correct Reformed theology
without apology Biblical worldview
Classical curriculum/great books
component Gospel optimism, biblical
law, literal six;day creation, Christian
economics, etc. taught
OTaER FACTS: four .. year. two .. year degrees; one .. year certificate;
located in Vrrginia piedmont near Blue Ridge; small city; safe; low O S ~
of living; "conservative"; many historic sites nearby (Patrick Henry
home, Appomaaax, Danville-last Confederate capital, Montccdlo,
etc.); small classes; great Reformed professors (oo.-site and visiting) .
Life pl'eparation i)' om'goal-for the
adlJflllcelllcllt "f Chn'st's ki"gdom
CHRIST COLLEGE
434 RivermontAvenue Lynehburg. VA 24504
804/528/9552
February /March, 1999 - THE COUNSEL of Chalcedon - 11