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Chinese clothes for Chinese women:

Fashioning the qipao in 1930s China


Wessie Ling
Abstract
From a background of political chaos, the qipao, a sleek sheath with a stand-
up collar, rose in an effort to survive and negotiate with uneven power and
desire. Following its emergence in mid-1920s China, the qipao gained
immediate currenc as standard wear for Chinese women until the earl
19!0s. "espite numerous regulations on dress and women#s bodil
appearance in the $epublican %ra &1911'19!9(, the qipao has been
constantl revamped through new stles and cuts. "espite its national status
in late 1920s in China, its most feminine form in the 19)0s was as a
fashionable dress favoured b Chinese women of the emerging middle class
in modernising and booming cities.
*t a time when nationalism conflicted with the influ+ of imported goods and
,estern-stle garments, wearing Chinese clothes like the qipao was often
seen as cultural resistance to ,esternisation. -owever, the widespread
adaptation of the qipao in the 19)0s cannot be reduced to a result of
nationalism. $ather, its adaptation suggests Chinese women#s resistance to
the .ationalist agenda for their bodies and appearance. Fashioning the qipao
became a silent tool for Chinese women to struggle against state regulation of
their bodies. /hrough changes in stle and responses to ,estern fashion
trends, Chinese women tacticall intervened, using the qipao to rebel against
the nation#s authorit, challenging the dominant ,estern aesthetic standards.
/he social practice involved in wearing and developing the qipao manifested
a set of aesthetic 0udgments that was uni1ue to Chinese clothes at that time.
/his paper e+amines how the qipao was worn in negotiation with
institutional repression through the stud of Linglong, a popular women#s
maga2ine in 19)0s China. Chinese women#s attitudes towards ,estern-stle
fashion and aesthetic 0udgment, mediated through resistance and negotiation,
will be analsed alongside the creation of new aesthetic standards of Chinese
clothes for Chinese women of that time.
Key Words: Qipao, fashion, Linglong, China, women, bod, identit,
nationalism.
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1. Linglong
* weekl women#s maga2ine, Linglong was published in 5hanghai
from 19)1'19)6. 7t was primaril concerned with women#s matters and
represented women#s voice in the nation. /he stud of Linglong in this
discussion of the qipao is twofold. Firstl, Linglong is fairl representative of
Chinese women of the time, and offers a realistic account of the qipao in the
19)0s. ,omen#s voices were prevalent in Linglong, largel because of its
female editor and interactivit with its readers. .ot onl are its views and
published photos fairl representative of literate oung women in China#s
cities, but it also presents a realistic representation of the clothes worn b
Chinese women in 19)0s China.
5econdl, the short life span of Linglong coincided with the
widespread adaptation of the qipao. "uring the 19)0s, the qipao was
developing, with ,estern-stle fashion blossoming into man different
stles, all influenced b the modernit and nationalism of the time. /hrough
studing its fashion illustrations, readers# photos, and readers# views on
Chinese women#s bod and clothes, Linglong helps us to understand Chinese
women#s attitudes towards the qipao and their relationship with ,estern-
stle fashion.
7n the vain hope of overturning authorit, certain social behaviour
b ordinar people can reclaim autonom from pervasive forces, and at times
challenge the legitimate power &Certeau 198!(. /hrough changes in stle and
responses to ,estern fashion trends, Chinese women tacticall intervened
using the qipao to rebel against the nation#s authorit, challenging the
dominant ,estern aesthetic standards. /he social practice involved in
wearing and developing the qipao manifested a set of aesthetic 0udgments
that was uni1ue to Chinese clothes at that time. 7 begin b the background of
the qipao alongside Chinese women#s fight for gender e1ualit and
nationalism. /his is followed b discussion of the various restrictions upon
women#s bodil behaviour and the qipao. -ow Chinese women intervened
with their qipao under institutional repression will also be discussed with the
aid of Linglong. /hrough the materials in the maga2ine, 7 will demonstrate
how a set of aesthetic 0udgments about Chinese clothes graduall emerged to
e1uate the qipao with ,estern-stle clothing.
. !ender e"#ality and nationalism
/he origin of the qipao is closel associated with the Chinese
menswear of the time &Finnane 2008, 1999, .g 2009: 100'1(. /he earl-
1920s qipao had a wide, ;angular and puritanical# cut, resembling the men#s
changpao and worn b women advocating gender e1ualit. *t the peak of
women#s emancipation in the earl 1920s, women#s cross-dressing reflected
their desire for e1ual rights and respect for their individualit. Chinese
women began to wear the changpao ;because the wanted to look like men#
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&Chang 200) <19!)=: !)>(. "ressing in men#s clothes gave the impression
that the could perform male duties in societ, including saving the nation,
which had much to do with nation building at that time &Croll 199>: !0(.
-owever, China#s reformist intellectuals in the modern metropolis were
engaged in a discourse on gender issues that was almost entirel dominated
b men, with the ma0orit more concerned with advancing their political
power than advocating women#s role in politics &%dwards 2000, ,ang 1999,
?ilmartin 199)(. 7n the fight for e1ualit, Chinese women were increasingl
repressed and politicall marginali2ed. /heir disillusionment turned to cross-
dressing in order to obscure their womanhood. -owever, those that wore the
1920s angular qipao were not limited to women activists and students &.g
2009: 262-!, 5cott 19>8: 81')( who had returned from studies aboard, but
also trend women who followed new ideas &,ong 196>: 98(. "espite man
suggested names to differentiate the dress from @anchu ladies# wear of the
Aing dnast ' for instance, changsan, changyi, changpao, zhonghua pao '
none were adopted. /he name qipao was eventuall accepted, but its stle
bore little resemblance to the indigenous @anchurian costume.
*t a time when Chinese women were the sub0ects of social progress,
their bodies became smbols of the nation. /he angular and puritanical qipao
led the transition towards the adoption of women#s national dress. *s part of
the .ew ,omen discourse, e+ternal manifestations of modernit such as
clothing, hairstles, and footwear were fre1uentl discussed in women#s
maga2ine columns and forums in newspapers. @ale writers dominated the
press during that time, and their criticism of women#s appearance in man
publications resulted in more confusion than useful advice for Chinese
women. 5ome men complained about women wearing men#s clothing, while
some preferred the qipao for Chinese women. /he turning point for the qipao
came with the @a /hirtieth @ovement in 192> when anti-,estern
demonstrations raged across the nation &-arrison 2000: 166, Finnane 1999:
11>(. .ationalism was fuelled all over the countr, and Chinese clothes were
called for to replace ,estern garments. ?iven that the qipao was alread
worn b some women who were seen as open-minded reformers and
advocates of strengthening the nation, its adoption seemed to answer the
.ationalist cr.
.ationalism hastened the qipao#s popularit, but not as a distinct
factor in its widespread adaptation. Chinese women who refused to totall
submit to ,estern culture saw the qipao as an alternative to the countr#s
intensified nationalism. /hose who were attracted to ,estern-stle garments
but found the si2ing and stling a poor fit chose the qipao as a comparable
fashionable dress. /he qipao accompanied Chinese women under political
and social hardship, and its earl adaptation filled the awning gap between
the genders. 7t marked an end to ;hair in three tufts, clothes in two pieces#
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&Chang 200) <19!)=: !)>(, b which traditional Chinese women had been
identified for dnasties. 7ts acceptance signalled a farewell to the past.
3. $ational dress % e&eryday dress
*n official declaration in the Clothing $egulations of 1929 finall
announced the qipao as the accepted formal dress for women. /he .ationalist
government declaration was not an attempt to force its adoption, but partl to
address the chaos of women#s cross-dressing, and partl to encourage the
qipao in order to strengthen the nation#s integrit. "espite the inclusion of
regulations on length, the use of materials and matching accessories for the
qipao, none of these regulations were followed. .ot onl did Chinese women
not wear pants beneath their qipao, which was one of the re1uirements in the
regulations, but silk stockings were worn or bare legs were revealed under
the slits, and high heels replaced flat-sole cotton shoes. Chinese women made
no distinction between the qipao as a national and an everda dress. /he
dress as a national smbol clashed with its everda usage. Chinese women
did not respect the 1929 Clothing $egulations, nor did the accept a unifing
stle for the qipao. /he qipao of Linglong#s readers was not uniform, and
variations in stle, length, and material flourished. /he stle of the qipao
changed based on the season and function.
,hen the qipao became women#s standard wear, it began branching
out into a diverse range of stles. @ost of Be#s illustrations in Linglong
featured dresses, seldom tops and bottoms. *lmost ever new stle in the
illustrations revolved around the qipao. .o matter whether the dress was
flared, slit-less, or waist-0oint, it was still considered a qipao. /he ;collarless
qipao# &Linglong >!, 19)2: 196C Linglong 90, 19)2: !>!, Linglong >>, 19)2:
21)(, ;smmetric-oke qipao# &Linglong 90, 19)!: )>>(, and ;puff-sleeve
qipao# &Linglong 0!, 19)!: 228( all included non-standard features. *lthough
the dresses were not restricted to the qipao#s ;usual# features, their form and
silhouette had a resemblance, allowing comprehension of how the new stle
of dress could be made. /he drawings included instructive details such as
;adding one-inch of black fur along the hem and slits# &Linglong !>, 19)2:
1819(, and ;the dress to be three-inches below the knee with trumpet-stle
sleeves# &Linglong >6, 19)2: )10(. *part from the use of ,estern-inspired
clothing features, none of the drawings proposed distinctive ,estern-stle
garments. /he dress illustrations in Linglong included the qipao with
matching coats and accessories. Far from uniformit, the qipao illustrations
in Linglong varied greatl, with timel stles. *d0acent to one drawing, the
instructions read:
For the sake of convenience in dancing, wh not appl pleats on
the bottom part of the qipao making it flare like in ,estern-
stle, that would make it easier to walk. /his ear#s trend
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includes light coloured satin. @oon white, light blue, pale
ellow satin can be used for the qipao.
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5uch instructions gave Chinese women immediate access to
dressmaking knowledge. Following the abolition of foot- &1911( and breast-
binding &1928(, Chinese women#s bodies e+perienced a transformation that
re1uired a new wardrobe. 3esides these changes, variations in the si2e and
form of Chinese women across the countr were another issue. /he si2ing
and fitting of most read-made and ,estern-stle garments remained a
problem for man Chinese women. /he qipao emerged at the right time in
order to address the problem of bodil change and si2e variations, and the
dilemma that man fashion-trend followers were unable to fit into read-
made or ,estern-stle garments. /he qipao was a custom-made dress, which
re1uired fitting to an individual bod. Chinese women plaed an active role
in fashioning their qipao. *t a time of political and social upheaval, where
visiting the tailor remained an occasional treat for man, it was not
uncommon for Chinese women to hand-sew their qipao.
/he qipao in its most basic form comprised two pieces &front and
back( of fabric, with no darts or complicated fastenings, which made it
economical to make and eas to sew. Choices of cut, fit, materials, colors,
and trimmings were often based on the wearer#s personal preferences.
Chinese women made their qipao according to the taste of the time, their
needs, and ;their own 0udgment on color matching# &Linglong !), 19)2:
1610(. *n illustration on an ;earl summer new stle# in Linglong reads:
7t would be rather dull to wear the same stle of qipao for four
seasonsC heav coat was the past when onl long qipao filled the
streets, came and went. 5ome ladies ma want to have a change,
now please pa attention to this stle: Dpper top to be made
looser, the rest of the dress remained tight. 5mall white Eokka
dots as pattern would be nice. /he complete look would appear
dnamic.
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/he illustration, together with the instructive details, generated imagination
among Chinese women, who were both consumers and producers of their
own qipao. /he qipao became the foundation for both a new stle of dress
and for Chinese women to implement stlistic changes in their clothing.
7rrespective of its national status, Chinese women embraced its stlistic
changes that made it part and parcel of the fashion ccle, in tune with
,estern trends and influences. /he adaptabilit and versatilit of the qipao
made it ideal for stle changes. *uthenticit was never called into 1uestion
thanks to the dress#s hbrid origins &Fing 2006( and the failure for it to be
used in its intended national smbolic role. /he dnamic of the qipao saw it
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in tune with ,estern fashion. /he 19)0s qipao was a fashionable dress that
had alread e+perienced ;numerous stlistic changes, from loose to tight,
tight to short, short to long# &Linglong 6>, 19)2: 1162(.
!. 'odernity and cons#mer c#lt#re
*fter the 19)0s, the qipao became tighter fitting ear after ear,
emphasi2ing Chinese women#s demure curves and graduall becoming a
dress smboli2ing Chinese femininit. 7ts silhouette was in line with the
trend --line ,estern-stle clothes of the time. /he materials &fabric, colour,
pattern(, ke to the stlistic character of the dress, were in the hands of the
wearers, who were then able to determine their choice of Chinese or ,estern
stle. Bet, the qipao had an indissoluble link with the capitalist drive for
,estern modernit and commerciali2ation. 7ts Chinese sartorial tradition can
hardl be considered distinct. $eformers in the $epublic period sought to
combine the strengths of both Chinese and ,estern cultures, promoting the
co-e+istence of both worlds. @odernit became one of the nation#s goals,
along with the desire to pursue the new and progressive in building a stronger
nation. *t the same time, ,estern powers had long imposed modernit on
China via an ever-widening and interactive network of communication and
e+change with the capitalist ,est.
,estern and Chinese merchants co-operated in the move towards
capitalism, promoting a leisure and consumer culture in 5hanghai. /he
movement towards moderni2ation fostered acknowledgement of the
significance of ,estern cultures and ideas, underscoring the hbridit of
Chinese modernit &Carroll 200): !!>(. 3oth the qipao and its wearers were
stitched into the rubric of such modernit. /he 19)0s qipao e+pressed a
newness in response to the $epublican search for the .ew ,oman, the
growing industrial comple+, and consumer culture. /he qipao#s perceived
Chinese sartorial tradition, materialit, and wild partnership with ,estern-
stle accessories prevailed. 7ts wearers in the 1920s and 19)0s represented an
emerging middle class with some education, financial independence, and
social and cultural awareness: the are the signifiers of the hegemon of the
modern. /hose women wearing their qipaos were significant in the creation
of a progressive China and were co-opted b the state as $epublican icons.
/he $epublican endorsement of the qipao underlined the dress#s
iconic status. *lthough the growing consumer culture slowed down the
consumption of ,estern imports, ,estern influence upon Chinese women#s
dress continued. Gpinions about women#s consumption of imports and the
pursuit of ,estern fashion reflected nothing more than the an+iet to open up
the nation#s econom. Fearful for the nation#s wealth and of competition
from ,estern goods, Chinese merchants accelerated the rapid growth of
nationalism b promoting national products. -owever, Chinese manufactured
goods were encouraged, not Chinese-stled products &.g 2009, Faing 200)(.
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7mports from the ,est had alread spread like wildfire as 5hanghai opened
up more and more trade routes after the 1920s. Cosmopolitan 5hanghai was
marked b the influ+ of ,estern cultures, where people appropriated
,estern ideas and lifestles. ,hile ,estern goods were not foreign to
Chinese women, the were customi2ed to suit their lifestle.
>. Qipao with Western(ins)ired feat#res to )rogress and im)ro&e
*t a time when Earis fashion arrived in 5hanghai )'> months after
its release, getting rid of ,estern garments and accessories was a hard task
for .ationalism. For those in ma0or cities, the visibilit of ,estern products
spread from consumer maga2ines to department stores. ,hen discarding
,estern imports was a target for the nationalist, wearing the qipao became a
desirable choice. /he influ+ of ,estern fashion soon saw the incorporation of
,estern-stle clothing features into the qipao. /he use of ,estern elements
&such as fabrics and accessories( in the qipao became a prevailing trend in
19)0s China. Chinese women embraced their new found democrac in the
qipao, making it a tool for a fashionable lookC tailors merel followed the
masses leading the trend. /he qipao provided Chinese women with an
autonomous territor from which to silentl rebel against the nation#s
betraal of their bod. -ence, ,estern puffed sleeves, slits split higher to the
thigh, the collar modified or removed, matching scarves, long fur coats, and
leather heels ' the qipao held hands with ,estern fashion. /hose keeping up
with the fashion trends ' movie stars, students, and prostitutes ' determined
new stles for the qipao, which were 1uickl circulated among, and adopted
b, the masses. 7t is debatable how far the dress departed from Chinese
sartorial traditionC the whole point was to be desirable in the new-stle qipao.
/he practice through which Chinese women incorporated ,estern-inspired
clothing features into their qipao was paralleled b the nation#s desire for
moderni2ation. /o Linglong readers, including ,estern influences in the
dress was born out of the nation#s drive for progression and improvement
rather than a submission to ,estern cultures and ideas. /he pursuit of the
new was the result of the nation#s drive to modernit. ,estern-stle garments
were new to Chinese women, so were adapted through the qipao. Gne article
in Linglong reminded readers that ;not everthing from %urope and the 5tates
is newH<and= everthing Chinese is old#, as ;new# and ;old# were based on
Chinese people#s ;thoughts, action and speech# &Linglong !), 19)9C ))29(. 7n
its puritanical form, the qipao could hardl be considered new vis-I-vis
,estern-stle garments in 19)0s China. -owever, its stle-changing nature
was the manifestation of newness to Chinese women#s wardrobes.
Gverwhelmed b the visibilit of ,estern imports, Chinese women took
inspiration from features of ,estern-stle clothing. /he trend of ankle-length
--line dresses in the ,est coincided with the popularit of the qipao, which
further facilitated the adoption of ,estern-inspired elements in qipao-
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making. /he qipao shortened with the trend for short skirts in %urope &.g
2009: 269(, then in later ears the length dropped to the ankle, corresponding
with the trend in %uropean fashion. @an photographs of Linglong readers in
their qipao reveal a great deal of innovation and creativit.
-owever, not all fashionable qipao received praise. /hose worn b
the ;@odern ?irl# were critici2ed b Linglong readers. Gne Linglong writer
considered the inconvenient ;ma+i-length qipao# with ;high and stiff collar#
in ;high heels# to be a decadent look for the ;@odern ?irl# &Linglong )0,
19)): 1>9)(. /he widespread adaptation and versatilit of the qipao
flourished in numerous stles for a diverse range of women in societ,
ranging from prostitutes to teachers, students to housewives. /he 1uestion
was not about wearing or not wearing the qipao, but about what made it
acceptable et prett, stlish, and trend.
* +armony and concealment amid style change
,hat were the criteria for a decent qipaoJ /hese criteria constituted
man commentaries in Linglong. Functionalit and appropriateness were the
starting point for the dress. Functionalit referred to its practicalit for
different occasions such as work, parties, dancing, and shopping. 7ts
appropriateness pointed to women of different ages, occupations, roles in
societ, and bodil features &Linglong 2>, 19)>: 1921'2(. 7ndividualit was
taken into account so much that the dress had no standard stle. Gne article in
Linglong categori2ed Chinese women into nine different stles: posh, sport,
cute, motherl, comical, household, boish, elegant, and msterious
&Linglong 2>, 19)>: 1919'20(. Dnder each was a proposed appropriate stle
of clothing and accessories. -armon was ke to embrace women#s new-
found individualit. *ccording to Linglong writers, what constituted a
desirable women#s dress was the use of harmonic colours, materials, patterns,
and accessories, all based on the stle, figure, and role of the wearer
&Linglong !2 19)9: )28)'!C Linglong 2>, 19)>: 1921'2(.
7t appears that ,estern-inspiration did not feature so prominentl in
the new-stle qipao, neither did ,estern-stle garment for Chinese women,
but rather emphasi2ed Chinese 1ualit. ,ang &1992: 18-22( observed that the
harmon embedded in Chinese clothing had an intrinsic link to Chinese
people#s relationship with the nature. /he Chinese, e+plained ,ang, believed
that woKmen and nature were inseparable, the were a single entitC same
interpretation went to clothes and woKmen. /o translate the oneness of clothes
and woKmen is the use of patterns and colours that are inspired b the nature,
such as colors of different seasons, birds, flowers, moon, mountain and so on.
5o much as woKmen and the nature are one, so do the patterns, colours and
materials of clothes. @aterialit and the dress are e+pected to live in harmon
that made harmon a deliberate character for Chinese clothes.
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/he commentaries on women#s dress stle in Linglong were based
on the assumption that women#s clothing was custom-made. /hus, materials,
colours, and patterns were the ingredients for harmon when designing their
qipao. Chinese women e+ercised their full capacit to ad0ust these elements
to their own standard, which read-made and imported ,estern-stle
garments could not reach. /he fact that man ,estern-stle garments did not
compl with Chinese#s standard of harmon meant that the became
unappealing in terms of Chinese women#s taste and aesthetics.
*nother function of clothing for Chinese women, according to
Linglong#s commentar, was concealment. Gne article pointed out that
clothes were used to hide bodil weaknesses such as a flat or full chest, or a
disproportionate figure, and to avoid the e+aggeration of nice bodil features,
adopting a posture of modest instead &Linglong 09, 19)6: 98)'>(. /he
characteristics of Chinese clothing outlined in Linglong echoed those
proposed b Chinese scholar Fin Butang &189>'1969(. Fin &1988 <19)!=:
)>1'!( encouraged Chinese people to wear Chinese clothes, and stressed the
dichotomous aesthetic of Chinese and ,estern clothing ' the former served
to conceal, the latter to reveal the bod. *ccordingl, ,estern clothes suited
onl the oung and beautifulC it would be cruel to those old and fat. 7n
contrast, Chinese clothes offered e1ualit to wearers: beaut could be
revealed and ugliness could be concealed. Fin#s point about the concealing
nature of Chinese clothes is their abilit to accommodate varied bodil
features, whether desirable or undesirable. ,hile ,estern-stle garments
present the bod onl in a flattering light, Chinese clothing remains neutral to
all bodil shapes and forms. /he concealing nature of Chinese clothes
encompasses a dualit that implies hiding defects and revealing appealing
features. /he beaut of Chinese clothes lies in its adaptabilit and
inclusiveness.
*lthough Fin#s article was published in the heat of nationalism,
these features of Chinese clothing were picked up b Linglong writers, not as
a resistance to ,estern culture and ideas, but as a point of departure in
perceptions of clothing and beaut. /he 1uestion of whether ,estern-stle
garments could be worn b Chinese women was asked repeatedl in
Linglong. /he differences in bodil features and aesthetic standard between
,estern and Chinese women discriminated against Chinese women wearing
,estern-stle garments &Linglong 0), 19)9: 199(. /he common notion that
the ;chest-e+posed stle of clothes was not suitable for Chinese women due
to their bodil development# &Linglong >!, 19)2: 196( acutel pointed to the
inadaptabilit and e+clusiveness of imported ,estern-stle garments.
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, -ody liberation in the new(style qipao
/he discussion of women#s wardrobes in Linglong further
emphasi2ed the presence of harmon and concealment in Chinese clothes.
/he became prime considerations when a new qipao was made. ,hen stle
change became the norm for the qipao, an new stle was meant to ;enhance
natural beaut# &Linglong 09, 19)6: 98)(, hence the ;collarless qipao# was
proposed as a result of the popularit of phsical e+ercise that led to jianmei
&health beaut(. Chinese women could finall show off their chest in this
new stle of qipao, as suggested alongside one Linglong dress illustration
&Linglong >!, 19)2: 196(. 5ports and swimming were enthusiasticall
promoted under the 5tate#s .ew Fife @ovement in 19)2, which aimed to
replace Chinese women#s weak and fragile image with one of strong and
health beaut. Linglong#s women readers welcomed this image of health
beaut as a move towards personal achievement. /anned skin, a strong and
robust bod, and a tall and sport figure were all considered health and
beautiful &Linglong 61, 19)2: 1009(. 5pecial sports issues and photos of
women#s nudit were seen from Linglong. Chinese women felt increasingl
confident with their strong and health figure. Linglong readers were not
ashamed to publish their photos in swimsuits, /-shirts, and shorts, and man
bare legs were displaed in sport outfits. 5hapel figures were eventuall
shown through the tighter-fitting qipao, with a longer slit to reveal bare legs.
?iven the result of the abolition of foot- and breast-binding and the
goal to ac1uire health beaut, Chinese women found a new form of
femininit. /he qipao provided a means for them to celebrate their bodies. 7t
was a natural progression for the ;revealing of the legs# to be the focus of the
qipao &5cott 19>8: 8!(. /he figure-hugging qipao underwent an inevitable
evolution from Chinese modernit and the immersion of ,estern cultures,
overshadowed b political movement.
* ban on qizhuang yifu strange and outlandish clothes in 19)!
including restrictions on qipao#s length and measurement onl highlighted
social oppression of women and the double standard of male authorit on
women#s bodil appearance and behaviour: on one hand, Chinese women
were encouraged to wear the qipaoC on the other hand, unreasonable
impositions kept placing on their qipao and appearance. .o discussion on the
regulations of the qipao was found in Linglong though resistance to the ban
on other items such as hairstle and accessories was widel recorded &Ben
200>: 16)-!, 5pence 2000: )>6(. 19)!#s regulation on the qipao was unlikel
to be in full force as Linglong reader#s photos onl demonstrated its varied
and unaffected stles.
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$otes
11
1
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2
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