Soldiers and Society in Late Roman Belgica

A thesis submitted to the University of

Manchester for the degree of Master of
Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities

2!"


Ashley R # Hern
School of Arts$ Languages and %ultures





2

Table of Contents
Abstract "
Author&s 'eclaration (
%opyright Statement )
Ac*no+ledgements ,
Map of Belgica -- .
-ntroduction /
%hapter !0 Military identities in the (
th
and )
th
centuries "1
%hapter 20 Archaeology 2 the material evidence for the late Roman Army ,,
%hapter "0 3elgica -- %ase Study /1
Section !0 Military structures and identity in 3elgica -- during the late 4mpire /1
Section 20 Forts in Belgica -- !1
Section "0 Soldiers and cities in 3elgica -- !"!
Section (0 #he militari5ation of the countryside in Belgica -- !))
Section )0 #he Fifth %entury !."
%hapter (0 %onclusions !/,
3ibliography !1
Appendi6 !0 Forts in Belgica -- 2!.
Appendi6 20 %ities in Belgica -- 22,
Appendi6 "0 4pigraphy of Belgica -- 2(,

7ord %ount0 )$!1 8+ithout footnotes9: /2$11 8+ith footnotes9


"

ABSTRACT


#his thesis e6plores military identity in late Roman Belgica --; -t e6amines the central idea of
a gradual blurring of lines bet+een soldiers and civilians +hich is often identified as as a
distinctive feature of the late 4mpire; #his is mediated through t+o scholary paradigms0
integration and militarisation; According to these$ late Roman society +as dominated by the
military in cultural terms as +ell as through domination of the social and economic net+or*s
of ordinary life0 i;e; the cities and countryside; #his study see*s to refine this vie+ through
an e6amination of the province of Belgica --; #his province +ould appear to be an e6treme
e6ample of the militarisation process$ but a closer study +ill reveal a more nuanced picture;
#his study uses the idea of identity and the sociological concepts of constructed and
comple6 identities to e6plore the dynamic nature of military identity and argue that the late
Roman period should be ta*en on its o+n terms$ rather than being compared +ith an
idealised past; #he study uses archaeological and historical material$ but adopts a post<
processualist approach$ +here relevant$ +ith the material evidence in an attempt to get
a+ay from older scholary ideas such as$ =>ermanisation$? +hich often obscures our
understanding; A survey of the literary record from >aul on military identity is follo+ed by
an e6amination of military identities in Belgica -- through the remnants of its soldiers$ forts$
cities$ countryside and finally a brief survey of the changing +orld of the )
th
century;
%emetery evidence is used occasionally to deepen the analysis$ +here appropriate; -t is
concluded that the terms of the debate are probably too crude and underplay the
importance of the long<term changes in northern >aul as drivers of social and economic
change;





(

Declaration
#he author declares that no portion of the +or* referred to in the thesis has been submitted
in support of an application for another degree or @ualification of this or any other
university or other institute of learning;



























)

COPYRIGHT STATEMENT

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Manchester certain rights to use such %opyright$ including for administrative purposes;
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may be made only in accordance +ith the %opyright$ 'esigns and Patents Act !1// 8as
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of any such copies made;
iii. #he o+nership of certain %opyright$ patents$ designs$ trade mar*s and other intellectual
property 8the =-ntellectual Property?9 and any reproductions of copyright +or*s in the
thesis$ for e6ample graphs and tables 8=Reproductions?9$ +hich may be described in this
thesis$ may not be o+ned by the author and may be o+ned by third parties; Such
-ntellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and must not be made available for use
+ithout the prior +ritten permission of the o+ner8s9 of the relevant -ntellectual Property
andAor Reproductions;
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regulations 8see http0AA+++;manchester;ac;u*AlibraryAaboutusAregulations9 and in #he
University&s policy on Presentation of #heses




,

Ac!no"le#$e%ents
Profoundest than*s go to Andre+ Fear and Paul Fouracre for their patience and good
humour over the years; -t +as their persistence that ensured something of the +or* over
the last fe+ years sa+ the light of day; -f ever a hagiography needed to be +ritten it +ould
to them;
#han*s also go to Alain Dac@ues$ 'idier 3ayard$ FrEdEric Lemaire$ Raymond 3rulet and
Sophie Fanhoutte for help +ith @ueries on the intricacies of >allic archaeology; %athy Ging
at the Ashmolean Museum provided some valuable help on "
rd
century coinage of Amandus;
#han*s must also go to Manchester >rammar School for financial support and to my
colleagues in the History 'epartment$ past and present$ for their toleration of the time -
have dedicated to a topic they mostly found peversely arcane; >iven that - spend some of
my professional life dealing +ith the soldiers +ho lie in the +ell maintained cemeteries in
northern France$ casualties of the +ar fought a century ago$ there is some perspective to be
gained spending time studying their professional ancestors;
Many than*s go to Rachel Hatton for proof reading: to #homas Hern and Paul Hern for their
help +ith bibliography; Dames Hern$ Linda Hern and Rachel Hern should also be than*ed for
their help; Most of my gratitude goes to my +ife$ Anne$ and our sons Feli6 and Rufus$ +ho
have suffered the most from this +hole process through my absences in the library;








.

Bel$ica in t&e 'ate Ro%an Perio#
(


(.Ciitas ca)ital *. +ortifie# ,ic-s .. +rontier +ort /. Interior fort 0. R-ral alley
fortification 1. R-ral &illfort 2. Ref-$e 3. Praefecti 'aetor-% 4. +leet (5. Ar%s +actory

6ey sites %entione# in te7t
8rban sites +orts R-ral sites
!! 3avay
!2 Famars
!" %ourtrai

(. Aardenburg
(/ Hudenburg
,) Liberchies
,, >ivry
,. Morlan+el5
. Revelles

A Seclin
3 3erry<au<3ac
% %onde<sur<Aisne
' Saint Pierre<sur<Fence
4 %hatel %hEhEry
F Hmont
4 Ioufa@ues


!
Adapated from R; 3rulet $ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119

/

Intro#-ction
#he traditional narrative of the Roman 4mpire dra+s a sharp contrast bet+een ho+ it
functioned during the 2
nd
and (
th
centuries;
2
From the narro+ perspective of this study$ a
crucial @uality often identified about the earlier period of the Roman 4mpire +as its ability
to maintain a clear distinction bet+een the military and civilian spheres of society$ most
dramatically in the Augustan military marriage prohibitions;
"
Jot only +ere there legal and
social distinctions but$ as milites +ere generally stationed on the frontiers during the !
st

century A' on+ards$ there +as a geographical separation too; -n the face of the subse@uent
e6istential threats to its security during the so<called K"
rd
century crisis& the provinces$ in
both their urban and rural aspects$ became increasingly dominated by military concerns
+hich sa+ an increased role of the army both in terms of direct management of the physical
resources of the 4mpire$ but also by having a more direct impact on Elite culture and the
values of the leading social groups found in the provinces;
(
#his study +ill attempt to assess
the merits of this vie+ for the soldiers serving in the province of Belgica -- during the late

*
#his has its roots$ of course$ in the 4nglish spea*ing +orld to 4; >ibbon$ Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
8London$ !.., L !./19 and follo+ed by most subse@uent historical traditions +hich distinguish bet+een the
early and late Roman periods e;g; early 4mpireAlate 4mpire: Haut-Empire/Bas-Empire: Frhe und hohe
Rmische aiser!eit/Sp"tanti#e etc; #his difference has been reflected in most modern te6tboo*s treating the
early and late Roman periods as separate topics$ though +ith interesting differences in chronological range
e;g; A; H; M; Dones$ $he Later Roman Empire %&' - ()% 8H6ford$ !1,(9: S; Mitchell$ * Histor+ of the Later Roman
Empire *D %&' - (', 8H6ford$ 2.9: 'avid S; Potter$ $he Roman Empire at Ba+- *D ,&)-./0 8London$ 2(9;
.
For a recent appraisal of the marriage issue see S; Phang$ $he 1arriage of Roman Soldiers 2,. B3-*D %.045
La6 and Famil+ in the 7mperial *rm+ 8Leiden$ 2!9 and 7; Schiedel$ KMarriage$ families and survival0
demographic aspects&$ in P; 4dr*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+8 Blac#6ell 3ompanions to the
*ncient 9orld 8H6ford$ 2.9$ pp; (!. L ("(; 3oth argue that the ban reflected reality to some e6tent$ though
one that served a rhetorical and practical purpose 8ma6imising soldierly loyalty to the state$ and *eeping +age
demands do+n9 rather than being something that +as rigorously enforced;
(
M; 7hitby$ KArmies and Society in the Later Roman 7orld&$ in A; %ameron$ 3; 7ard<Per*ins and M; 7hitby$
eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+ ;ol8 <7= Late *nti>uit+5 Empire and Successors *D '%0 - ()) 8%ambridge$
29$ pp; (,1 L (1,; #his study +ill ta*e a rather s*eptical attitude to the characterisation of the =#hird
%entury? crisis especially as one defined by devastating barbarian attac*s; For further discussion of the vie+
that the +hole Kcrisis& has been overplayed see %; 7itschel$ KRe<evaluating the Roman 7est in the "
rd
%entury&$
?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+- !. 82(9$ 2)! L 2/! contra the vie+s of >; AlfMldy$ K#he %risis of the #hird
%entury as Seen by %ontemporaries&$ Gree#- Roman and B+!antine Studies- !) 8!1.(9$ /1 L !!!; For a summary
of recent vie+s and a restatement of the +ord&s validity for the Roman 4mpire of the "
rd
century see 7;
Liebeschuet5$ K7as #here a %risis of the #hird %enturyB&$ in H; He*ster$ >; de GleiNn$ '; SlootNes$ eds;$ 3rises and
the Roman Empire5 @roceedings of the Se;enth 9or#shop of the 7nternational Aet6or# 7mpact of Empire
2AiBmegen- ?une %)-%'- %))(4 8Leiden$ 2.9$ pp; !! L 22; Much of course depends on ho+ the +ord Kcrisis& is
defined and used; #here can be no doubting that there +ere significant disruptions in many parts of northern
>aul during the "
rd
century$ but they +ere the intersection of many different factors$ +hich are still poorly
understood$ and focus on political and military events in such a poorly documented period is unli*ely to grasp
the full picture; - +ould place this period as best understood as part of the longue durCe of north+estern
mainland rather than its histoire C;Cnementielle;
1

Roman period$ and suggest the e6tent these ideas rely on a series of stereotypes about the
Late Roman army and its predecessors;
#he term =Late Roman? is defined here as the years of direct rule by a government acting 8in
name at least9 on behalf of a recognised Roman 4mperor 8*ugustus9;
)
For northern >aul this
is the period follo+ing the political and military problems during the second half of the "
rd

century A' and lasts until the fragmentation and evaporation of imperial authority in the
second half of the )
th
century$ and its replacement by a variety of groups +ho +ere
eventually unified into a ne+ grouping under %lovis$ that that can be called the =Gingdom of
the Fran*s? by the early ,
th
century;
,
'efining the end of the period is inherently more

)
#his is arguably a disingenuous point as +hen defining +hat one means by a =recogni5ed Roman 4mperor$?
the ne6t @uestion is necessarily L recogni5ed by +homB -n the ( years bet+een "/" and (2" this +as a
particular problem given the regular emergence of usurpers in the +estern half of the 4mpire; For an overvie+
of these rebellions see R; Urban$ Gallia Re:ellis5 Erhe:ungen in Gallien im Spiegel *nti#er Deugnisse 8Stuttgart$
!1119$ pp; !!! L !!,; #here +ere particular problems during the reign of Honorius 8"1)<(2"9; He +as on many
occasions only able to claim a titular control over the >allic provinces in the face of usurpers and the actions of
the Fisigoth; For the e6ample of %onstantine --- and the confused politics around the end of the first decade of
the )
th
century see D;F; 'rin*+ater$ K#he Usurpers %onstantine --- 8(.<(!!9 and Dovinus 8(!!<(!"9&$ Britannia$
21 8!11/9$ 2,1<21/: Honorius& successor in the +est$ Falentinian --- 8(2) L ()(9$ fared little better in controlling
policy in >aul given the dominance of the magister militum and patrician Aetius; -n the four decades follo+ing
the latter&s murder in ()($ and Falentinian&s death in ())$ -mperial control of >aul dissipated in the face of
several competing groups such as the Fran*s$ Fisigoths and provincials such as Aegidius$ +ho e6ploited the
political uncertainty surrounding Falentinian&s successors Avitus and MaNorian; For an outline of this period see
P; Heather$ K#he 7estern 4mpire (2) L (.,&$ in A; %ameron$ 3; 7ard<Per*ins and M; 7hitby$ eds;$ 3am:ridge
*ncient Histor+ ;ol8 <7= Late *nti>uit+5 Empire and Successors *D '%0 - ()) 8%ambridge$ 29 and S; Mitchell$
* Histor+ of the Later Roman Empire *D %&'-(', 8H6ford$ 2.9$ pp; !!)<!!.; For the sa*e of simplicity and
given that +ho +as the legitimate holder of imperial po+er is some+hat tangential to this proNect the
proposed definition +ill not be given further discussion;
,
#here is a huge historiography on the origins of the *ingdom of the Fran*s +hich is necessarily highly
controversial given the paucity of source material and the part it plays in the +ider debates on the move from
the KRoman& to the KMiddle Ages&; #his essentially revolves around the e6tent to +hich the Fran*s emerged as
con@uerors and colonisers: maintaining their ancient social and political structures as they too* over northern
>aul$ +hich many had argued +as an empty landscape any+ay$ and those +ho argue for a continuity of
Roman structures +hich incorporated the Fran*s; For a summary of the debate see #; F; O; Joble$
K-ntroduction0 Romans$ 3arbarians and the #ransformation of the Roman 4mpire&$ in #; F; O; Joble$ ed;$ From
Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8Je+ Por*$ 2,9$ pp; ! L 2/; #he K>ermanist& position has long been
challenged by various authors e;g; 7; >offart$ Romans and Bar:arians *D ',& E *D 0&'5 $echni>ues of
*ccommodation 8Princeton$ !1/9 and P; >eary$ Before France and German+ 5 the creation and transformation
of the 1ero;ingian 6orld 8Je+ Por*$ !1//9: though this had already found its +ay into the historiography of
Fran*ish origins e;g; the Roman origins of the Fran*ish military system is already put for+ard by 3; 3achrach$
1ero;ingian militar+ organi!ation- '&,-F0, 8Minneapolis$ !1.!9 and for the acceptance of the importance of
Roman la+ and economic as creating the foundations of the early Merovingian state see D; 7allace<Hadrill$ $he
Long-Haired ings 8#oronto$ !1/29$ pp; ! L 1; For a measured$ detached version of events that emphasi5es the
non<Roman influences on the emergence of %lovis$ as +ell as the +ider Roman social and political conte6t see
-; 7ood$ $he Fran#ish ingdoms 8London$ !11(9; 'evelopment of the vie+ that the foundations for the
*ingdom of %lovis +ere made by a long period of co<operation +ith Roman authorities and +ider social
integration into northern >aul see 4; Dames$ $he Fran#s 8H6ford$ !1//9$ pp; "( L ..$ developed by >; Halsall$
Bar:arians 1igrations and the Roman 9est 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ p; 2,1: pp; "" L "(: +ho argues that the
Fran*ish *ingdom emerged out of a Roman field army on the Loire;
!

comple6 than identifying its beginnings$ given the fragmentary nature of the source
evidence and the difficulties interpreting it;
.
#he main foundation of the study +ill be on the
late "
rd
and (
th
century$ +ith the )
th
century used to provide a comparative frame+or*;
#hese arguments are part of the +ider intellectual tapestry of KLate Anti@uity& over the last
fe+ decades as scholars have sought to nuance concepts such as Kcontinuity& and Kchange&
+hen e6plaining such an important period;
/
Hlder ideas of Kdecline and fall& have been
replaced by discussions of the degree of continuity and ho+ far the Late Roman period
represented a clear brea* from the past; Scholars no+ usually deploy more neutral terms
such as Ktransition& and Ktransformation& to sho+ a loss of confidence in the traditional
narrative of violent overthro+ of a decadent Roman system by outside groups;
1
#here has
been subse@uent reaction to this and a restatement of traditionalist vie+s of change
emphasising the ruptures of the )
th
century$ though the disputes on the =big story? of the
KFall of the Roman 4mpire& do often reflect geographical fault lines$ +ith optimists focusing
on the eastern half of the 4mpire +hile pessimists tend to deal +ith the 7est;
!
#he
traditional military narrative also began to shift in the !11s +hen a series of boo*s argued

.
-; J; 7ood$ K%ontinuity or %alamityB0 #he %onstraints of Literary Models&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$
Fifth 3entur+ Gaul5 a 3risis of 7dentit+G 8%ambridge$ !1129$ pp; 1<!/; #here is also difficulty in defining a
=recogni5ed Roman 4mperor? as the ne6t @uestion is necessarily$ recogni5ed by +homB -n the ( years
bet+een "/" and (2" this +as a real problem given the regular emergence of usurpers in the +estern half of
the 4mpire$ particularly during the reign of Honorius 8"1)<(2"9; He +as on many occasions only able to claim a
titular control over the >allic provinces in the face of usurpers and the actions of the Fisigoth; His successor in
the +est$ Falentinian ---$ fared little better in controlling policy in >aul given the dominance of the magister
militum and patrician Aetius; -n the ( decades follo+ing the latter&s murder in ()($ and Falentinian&s death in
())$ -mperial control of >aul dissipated in the face of several competing groups such as the Fran*s$ Fisigoths
and provincials such as Aegidius$ +ho e6ploited the political uncertainty surrounding Falentinian&s successors;
For the e6ample of %onstantine --- and the confused politics surrounding the end of the first decade of the )
th

century see D;F; 'rin*+ater$ K#he Usurpers %onstantine --- 8(.<(!!9 and Dovinus 8(!!<(!"9&$ Britannia$ 21
8!11/9$ 2,1<21/;
/
S; F; Dohnson$ KPreface0 on the Uni@ueness of Late Anti@uity&$ in S; F; Dohnson$ ed;$ $he HIford Hand:oo# of
Late *nti>uit+ 8H6ford$ 2!!9$ pp; 6i L 666;
1
A good e6ample of this approach 8although very controversial9 is 7; >offart$ Bar:arians and Romans- *8D8
',&-0&'5 $he $echni>ues of *ccommodation 8#oronto$ !1/9; For a general overvie+ on ne+ historiographical
trends see S; Mitchell$ * Histor+ of the Later Roman Empire *D %&'-(', 8H6ford$ 2.9; A particular e6ample of
this approach can be seen in the multiple volumes of the 4uropean Science Foundation K#ransformation of the
Roman 7orld& proNect carried out bet+een !112 and !11. +hich reflected many of these approaches;
!
A pair of popular history boo*s addressing these @uestions from different vie+points +ere published in
2); Hne focused on the social and economic conse@uences of the collapse of a comple6 society0 3; 7ard<
Per*ins$ $he Fall of Rome and the end of ci;ili!ation 8H6ford$ 2)9: +hile the other focused on the e6ternal
pressures that provo*ed a series of crises that eventually over+helmed the +estern 4mpire +hile forcing the
eastern half to adapt: P; Heather$ $he Fall of the Roman Empire5 * Ae6 History 8London$ 2)9;
!!

for a far more positive assessment of late Roman military capability;
!!
Rather than focus on
the traditional approach to military history 8campaigns$ strategy$ tactics$ e@uipment etc;9
there is merit on e6ploring a less common approach0 trying to e6amine a social history of
+hat it meant to be a miles$ and ho+ that changed during the period under investigation in
one small part of the 4mpire; 3y using the many theoretical tools that have been developed
by recent scholarship to e6plore Kidentity& this may give a more satisfying understanding of
the process of change than a simple move from dichotomy 8soldierAcivilian9 to convergent
harmony 8soldier C civilian9;
-t +ould be contrarian to argue against any fundamental changes during this period; Belgica
-- arguably e6perienced some dramatic changes during the Late Roman period; #here is a
strong argument that fiscal determinism +as a fundamental dynamic of change; #he Roman
Army in the Late Anti@ue 7est seems to have e6perienced continual reorganisation so that
by the 4arly Medieval period military force +as organised in @uite a different +ay in the
various successor states to ho+ it had been in the -mperial period;
!2
7ic*ham summarises
this change as a move from0
An army that +as :asicall+ paid 8though given land +hen necessary9 to an army that
+as :asicall+ landed 8though supplied +hen necessary or useful0 on campaigns$ in
garrisons$ or as one<off royal largesse9;
!"


#his process +as one of enormous importance for the social and economic organisation of
provincial societies and their transformation into the period called the =4arly Medieval?; A
central @uestion is ho+ this change occurred$ but also +hether it +as a cause or
conse@uence of deeper changes +ithin society and the impact of this on the various cultural
aspects of those +ho fought for the 4mpire$ and their identities; 'id they move from being

!!
See for e6ample H; 4lton$ 9arfare in Roman Europe5 *D .0)-'%0 8H6ford$ !11)9: M; Jicasie$ $6ilight of
Empire 8Amsterdam$ !11/90 both specifically target the thesis of Kbarbarisation& of the Late Roman Army and its
associate$ the idea that the 4mpire fell due to military ineffectiveness of the Roman Army brought on by its
composition of mercenaries from outside the imperial frontiers as had been recently restated by D;H;7;>;
Liebescheut5$ Bar:arians and Bishops 8H6ford$ !119;
!2
-; J; 7ood$ $he 1ero;ingian ingdoms 8London$ !11(9$ p; !"$ argues for @uite rapid change as the sources
sho+ the army moved from a primarily Roman to a primarily barbarian force the period from ( to (";
!"
%; 7ic*ham$ Framing the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8H6ford$ 2)9$ p; ,$ +hich is a developed summary of his
earlier article K#he Hther #ransition0 From the Ancient 7orld to Feudalism&$ in %; 7ic*ham$ Land and @o6er5
Studies in 7talian and European Social Histor+- ')) E ,%)) 8London$ !11(9$ pp; . L (2;
!2

Ksoldiers& to K+arriors&B
!(
7ic*ham&s formula is necessarily dichotomous$ presenting t+o
ideal types that may never have e6isted in totality; -ts deterministic approach is also
arguably too narro+ and unsatisfying; Many of the debates underpinning the social position
of the Roman Army are similarly oppositional and often lac* empirical testing in a narro+
case study$ instead relying on evidence from across a broad chronological and geographical
area to create a composite version of events;
!)
#o move for+ard$ this study +ill attempt to
outline ho+ military structures and identities evolved in one province$ Belgica --$ across the
outlined period; A +ide variety of historical information +ill be used$ to see ho+ far e6isting
e6planatory models are valid;
!,

-t +ill be argued that narratives have too often framed this subNect on overly generalised
ideas constructed on evidence empirically e6tracted from +ritten sources that have failed to
reflect the rhetorical concerns of the authors +ho not necessarily compatible +ith
describing ho+ things +ere in reality; #he very comple6 and partial archaeological evidence
has often been fitted into these historical models$ rather than allo+ing different
perspectives of the multiple pieces of evidence to spea* for themselves; #his study +ill
attempt to argue that$ +hile the evidence is still too fragmentary for firm conclusions$ +hat
can be described as a formal Roman military structure remained in place in Belgica -- until
the )
th
century0 longer than some suggest +ith its cultural impact as a distinct Kidentity&
persisting for longer; 7hile there +as inevitably a process of Kintegration& bet+een soldiers
and local communities +hen units +ere stationed in close pro6imity for considerable
periods of time$ the crude teleological approach of MacMullen is an e6cessive

!(
Dorgensen argues that anthropologically those +ho fight can be organised into " groups0 +arriors$ soldiers
and conscripts; 7arriors are defined as those for +hom +arfare is their vocation$ a +ay of life aimed at
achieving personal glory; Soldiers& profession is +arfare +hich entails a focus on military strategy and technical
efficiency; %onscripts are ordered to +ar and civilians +ere given military training$ and instilling military values
+ere a problem; 7hile there is a problem of using such ideal types$ as these categories do overlap to some
degree$ it can be argued that the end of the Roman 4mpire moved the emphasis of military service from
=soldiers and conscripts? to =+arriors;? L; Dorgensen$ K7arriors$ Soldiers and %onscripts of the Anthropology in
the Late Roman and Migration period Archaeology&$ in 3; Storgaard$ ed;$ 1ilitar+ *spects of the *ristocrac+
in Bar:aricum in the Roman and Earl+ 1igration @eriods- 2@u:lications from the Aational 1useum8 Studies in
*rchaeolog+ and Histor+ 04 8%openhagen$ 2!9$ pp; 1<!1;
!)
See for e6ample P; Southern$ $he Roman *rm+5 a Social and 7nstitutional Histor+ 8H6ford$ 2.9;
!,
#here are several good recent e6amples of this approach on Roman 3ritain$ though they do ta*e a
specifically archaeological approach0 A; >ardner$ *n *rchaeolog+ of 7dentit+5 Soldiers and Societ+ in Late
Roman Britain 8H6ford$ 2.9 and R; %ollins$ HadrianJs 9all and the End of Empire5 the Roman Frontier in the
'th and 0th centuries 8London$ 2!29;
!"

simplification;
!.
Finally it +ill be argued that the oft<used theme of the =militarisation? of
late Roman society has been overdone$ as it generalises the comple6 changes in northern
>aul +hich have @uite specific chronological and regional variations; 4ven in a province
+hich appears to present these developments in such star* terms as Belgica --$ such a term
+ill be argued to be insufficient to e6plain the comple6 transformations that occurred;
!/

-nstitutional transformation +hereby traditional principles adapted to ne+ political and
social realties +as a *ey element of the entire history of the Roman 4mpire$ and from this
perspective$ the =late Roman army? remained part of that continuum for longer than +e
often thin*;

(.* T&e Historio$ra)&y of Sol#iers an# Society in t&e 'ater Ro%an E%)ire
#he relationship bet+een the Roman army and +ider society in the later Roman 4mpire has
been dealt +ith in three main paradigms0 military identity$ integration and militarisation;

(.*.( Military i#entity
>iven increasing disillusion +ith older e6planatory frame+or*s for change such as
KRomanisation& and K%hristianisation& scholars have increasingly become attached to
Kidentity& as a means of e6plaining the comple6 interaction of individuals +ith the cultural
po+er of the Roman state and imperial society;
!1
#here are t+o main threads to such a

!.
=%ivilian turned soldier$ soldier turned civilian in a rapprochement to a middle ground of +aste and
confusion; 3y the process each influenced the other$ but one direction of influence$ the militari5ation of
civilians$ +as particularly significant and did much to change society;? R; MacMullen$ Soldiers and 3i;ilians in
the Later Roman Empire 8%ambridge$ Mass;$ !1,"9$ p; !)2;
!/
=#out le monde est militarisE: le territoire de la 3elgica devient une 5one militaire ou paramilitaire;? D;
Mertens$ KLimes et territoire intErieur en >aule du Jord&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la
Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ p; 1;
!1
#here is an enormous body of literature e6ploring these issues e;g; R; Miles$ ed8$ 3onstructing 7dentities in
Late *nti>uit+ 8London$ !1119; Most of this is concerned +ith religious identity$ +hich is no surprise given the
cultural and social history popular since the publication of P; 3ro+n$ $he 9orld of Late *nti>uit+ *D ,0) E *D
F0)5 from 1arcus *urelius to 1ohammed 8London$ !1.!9; See also -; Sand+ell$
Religious identit+ in Late *nti>uit+5 Gree#s- ?e6s- and 3hristians in *ntioch 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ to pic* Nust one
of many e6amples; For the late Roman +est the issue has mainly focused on the creation of ne+ identities in
the aftermath of the Kbarbarian invasions&0 see R;7; Mathisen and '; Shan5er$ eds;$ Romans- Bar:arians- and
the $ransformation of the Roman 6orld5 3ultural 7nteraction and the 3reation of 7dentit+ in Late *nti>uit+
8Farnham$ 2!!9; For arguments of the adoption of Kidentity& as a tool to understanding Roman imperial
society better than concepts such as Romanisation see '; Mattingly$ K%ultural crossovers0 >lobal and local
!(

theme0 ho+ the individual vie+ed themselves and their relationship +ith the outside +orld$
and the +ider group identities +ith +hich individuals could interact to measure similarities
or differences bet+een those they came into contact +ith; For this study the @uestion is
ho+ far a universal$ military corporate identity e6isted in the late Roman period in relation
to a regional one +hich +as specific to Belgica -- and ho+ much variety there +as in the
+ays that soldiers e6pressed their o+n sense of +hat a Kmiles& +as; 'evelopments in
sociological theory suggest that human social identities are actually very dynamic$ and the
cumulative everyday actions of individuals through routine actually construct these
identities;
2
7ithin this frame+or* changing identities are only to be e6pected0 the @uestion
is ho+ far they retained their distinctiveness; >ardner uses these schemes effectively to
argue for the maintenance of a distinct military identity in Roman 3ritain during the later
Roman period$ though it +as an identity +ith strong regional aspects$ +hich integrated into
local net+or*s during the )
th
century after it lost contact +ith the imperial centre;
2!
Hne
thread in late Roman studies has been the concern that it is impossible to distinguish
bet+een a Kmilitary& and a Kcivilian& identity: that military identities become subsumed into
local or regional patterns and that military and civilian relationships +ere transformed into a
similar paradigm as =barbarian? and =Roman? in the early Medieval period;
22
#his +ill be
e6plored both in terms of the military identities that are reflected in contemporary te6ts$
but also through material culture +hich +ill allo+ us to understand more directly ho+
soldiers sa+ themselves;

(.*.* Et&nicity
An important aspect of the discussion on identity is the issue of ethnicity; Many scholars still
e@uate the discovery of K>ermanic& artefacts in northern >aul to the presence of groups
from outside imperial frontiers$ and thus to >ermans serving in the army;
2"
#his is e6tremely
problematic; #he documentary record of the army in >aul is dominated by the many named

identities in the %lassical 7orld&$ in S; Hales and #; Hodos$ ed;$ 1aterial 3ulture and Social 7dentities in the
*ncient 9orld 8%ambridge$ 2!9$ pp; 2/" L 21.;
2
See for e6ample >idden&s structuration theory in A; >iddens$ $he 3onstitution of Societ+5 Hutline of the
$heor+ of Structuration 8%ambridge$ !1/(9 and for the ha:itus theory of 3ourdieu$ see P; 3ourdieu$ Hutline of a
$heor+ of @ractice 8%ambridge$ !1..9;
2!
A; >ardner$ *n *rchaeolog+ of 7dentit+5 Soldiers and Societ+ in Late Roman Britain 8H6ford$ 2.9;
22
>; Halsall$ Bar:arian 1igrations and the Roman 9est .F( E 0(& 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ pp; !! L 2;
2"
#his has a huge bibliography +hich +ill be dealt +ith further in chapter 2;
!)

groups +ho fought for the 4mpire; Soldiers +ith different ethnicities and cultures +ould
maintain and change the boundaries bet+een military and civilian communities$ and
identifying ho+ far this +as allo+ed to continue +ithin the institutional conte6t of the army
is a useful focus for this study; 3ut e@uating a military identity +ith a K>ermanic& one is a
circular argument based on several layers of assumptions i;e; that artefacts reflect ethnicity
and all K>ermans& in >aul +ere there to serve in the army;
2(
4ven the very @uestion of
K>ermanic& ethnicity is itself moot$ given that it +as an idea that emerged in the !1
th
century
as a response to nationalism and imperialism;
Questions of ethnicity and the origins of the various barbarian groups are e6tremely
problematic$ and are outside the remit of this study;
2)
Most scholars$ influenced by +or* in
the social sciences$ +ould no+ agree that these groups +ere often a diverse range of
individuals brought together by circumstance and the leadership of individuals +ho

2(
#he first assumption is e6tremely controversial see for e6ample S; Dones$ $he *rchaeolog+ of Ethnicit+5
3onstructing 7dentities in the @ast and @resent 8London$ !11.9 and inter alia >; Halsall$ K#he Hrigins of the
ReihengrRber5ivilisation0 Forty Pears Hn&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ !1, L 2.; #he
second is palpably false given that there +ere settlers +ere also brought in for agricultural purposes;
2)
#he barbarian groups associated +ith the end of the Roman 4mpire 8Fisigoths$ Hstrogoths$ Fandals$ Alans$
Fran*s$ Alamanni$ Lombards etc;9 in the +est +ere traditionally seen as being discrete groups of common
descent$ culture and language +ho moved from their ancestral homelands under the leadership of +ar chiefs
and royal leaders due to pressure from rival tribes; #heir ethnic cohesiveness prevented them from being
absorbed into Roman society and thus allo+ed them to retain their solidarity and in conNunction +ith other
>ermanic tribes their presence fatally +ea*ened -mperial structures; For historiography of this issue see P;
Heather$ Goths and Romans 8H6ford$ !11!9$ !<!/ and M; #odd$ $he Earl+ Germans 8H6ford$ !1129; K>ermanist&
scholars in the !1
th
century follo+ed this to suggest that the end of the Roman 4mpire +as due to >erman
Knational spirit& and allo+ed them to overcome the decadent and +ea* Romans$ +ho +ere civilised beyond
repairS #his +as opposed to KRomanists& +ho +ere more inclined to stress the Roman contribution in creating
the institutional frame+or* of the post<Roman *ingdoms; #he creation of KFisigoths& and other groups +as
seen as occurring 6ithin the 4mpire and produced by Roman cultural and social influence; 7hile many of the
biological assumptions behind this +ere discredited by events of the 2
th
century$ they +ere recreated by
scholars in Fienna$ +ho developed the theory of Kethnogenesis& by +hich a small Kcore& of leaders +ere able to
create a Kpeople$& by political success in +ar; #his success attracted outsiders from a +ide range of
bac*grounds$ and this ne+ly created people +ere forged together by adoption of a common language$ la+ and
culture; $raditons#ern idea +as developed by R; 7ens*us$ Stammes:ildung und =erfassung 8!1,!$ Fienna9 and
developed by his pupils0 see H; 7olfram$ Histor+ of the Goths 83er*eley$ %A$ !1//9 and 7; Pohl and H; Reimit5$
eds;$ Strategies of Distinction5 $he 3onstruction of Ethnic 3ommunities- .))E&)) 8Leiden$ !11/9; See also the
articles and boo* chapters collected in #; Joble$ ed;$ From Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8Je+ Por*$
2,9$ pp; ! L 2/; #his has been vigorously attac*ed by several historians$ including >offart$ +ho restated the
KRomanist& position +hereby the post<Roman *ingdoms and the ethnic groups +ho formed their basis +ere
created +ithin a solidly Roman cultural and political conte6t; -ndeed he argues that the core te6ts of the
traditions#ern are origin myths created in the ,
th
L /
th
centuries by contemporary political leaders +ho used
rhetorical artifice to gain themselves legitimacy see 7; >offart$ $he Aarrators of Bar:arian Histor+ 2*8D8 00)-
&))45 ?ordanes- Gregor+ of $ours- Bede- and @aul the Deacon 8Princeton$ !1//9; Further criticism of the KFienna&
school is found in the articles contained in A; >illett$ ed;$ Hn Bar:arian 7dentit+5 3ritical *pproaches to Ethnicit+
in the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8#urnhout$ 229;
!,

emerged from the difficult situation;
2,
Arguments range over the e6tent of Koriginal&
migrants as opposed to those +ho Noined later;
2.
As a result the differences bet+een
Kbarbarian& groups li*e the Fisigoths and the Roman army of the late 4mpire are increasingly
reduced as both are products of a similar process$ +hereby different individuals are brought
together by the Roman state and e@uipped in a very similar manner;
2/
-t has been argued
that the Roman army had a long tradition of creating e6pressions of ethnicity amongst its
heterodo6 recruits to create solidarity amongst its different units;
21
Amory in an e6treme
case has argued strongly that ethnic distinctions that appear in the sources for the )
th
and
,
th
centuries are merely rhetorical and these different groups that appear to serve in
3y5antine armies are in fact a professional distinction as soldiers and they all form part of a
K3al*an& military culture;
"
-n this proNect ethnicity +ill be regarded as a comple6 and
dynamic process in +hich identities are formed$ and deconstructed;
>ardner argues that the late Roman military identity had a distinct regional tendency$ and
this could be observed in >aul 8as opposed to 3ritain9 by the strong ethnic aspect of military
service;
"!
#his proNect +ill therefore need to establish$ as far as possible$ +hat is meant by
the term KRoman& in the conte6t of understanding ho+ soldiers related to the Kcivilian&
provincial population; 7e are clearly hostages to both our o+n modern conceptions of +hat
these terms mean$ and to the rhetorical conventions of the sources +hich impose
potentially misleading dichotomies such as barbarianARoman upon us; -ndeed such
definitions and meanings +ere fluid at this period$ as can be seen from the amount of

*1
#; F;O; Joble$ ed;$ From Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8Je+ Por*$ 2,9$ pp; ! < !!; Recent
debates on ethnicity have been felt in almost all areas of archaeological and historical research; As one recent
study of ethnicity in the Late 3ron5e Age Mediterranean puts it0 =4thnic spaces turn out to be very differently
structured at different places in the +orld and in different periods of human history: there is a great variation
in the +ay in +hich people demarcate ethnic groups through distinctive cultural attributes 8for instance
language9 and through historical consciousness;? 7; Fan 3insbergen and F; 7oudhui5en$ Ethnicit+ in
1editerranean @rotohistor+ 8H6ford$ 2!!9$ pp; "" L "(;
2.
#his is the nub of the ethnogenesis argument; Heather for e6ample argues for a considerable proportion of
the Fisigoths being made up of those +ho crossed the 'anube in "., and its aftermath +hile fleeing the Huns0
P; Heather$ Goths and Romans *D ..% E '&/ 8H6ford$ !11!9;
2/
M; Ga5ans*i$ Les Goths 27erE=77e aprKs ?8-384 8Paris$ !11!9$ pp; "1L)); #his vie+ is discussed by >;Halsall$
9arfare and Societ+ in the Bar:arian 9est '0) E /)) 8London$ 2"9$ p; 2,; #his idea is challenged as
impossible to prove in the light of the +ritten evidence by M; Guli*o+s*i$ KJation versus Army0 a necessary
contrast&$ in A; >illett$ ed;$ op8 cit8 8229$ pp; ,1 < /(;
21
>; Halsall$ Bar:arian 1igrations and the Roman 9est .F( E 0(& 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ pp; !" L !!;
"
#he *ey point that Amory ma*es is that the individuals are given different identities in different conte6ts see
P; Amory$ @eople and 7dentit+ in Hstrogothic 7tal+- '&/-00' 8%ambridge$ !11.9$ pp; 2..<"!";
"!
A; >ardner$ *n *rchaeolog+ of 7dentit+5 Soldiers and Societ+ in Late Roman Britain 8H6ford$ 2.9$ 2)/ L 2,!;
!.

e6change in people and ideas across the Rhine frontier in the (
th
century;
"2
#he study +ill
argue that the tendency to over<militarise the K>ermanic& population of northern >aul is
misleading$ and based on anachronistic ideas of ho+ (
th
century >aul functioned; #his leads
to further @uestions on the cultural and social impact of the KRoman& army and ho+ far the
Kcreation& of the KFran*s& that +ould ta*e political po+er in Belgica -- from the central
-mperial authorities too* place +ithin the institutional frame+or* of the Roman army; 7ere
they distinct groups +ho replaced Roman distinctions bet+een soldier and civilian +ith
those of RomanAnon<Roman or +ere they the product of a (
th
and )
th
century Kmilitary
culture& described in rhetorical terms by classicising authorsB

(.*.. Inte$ration or Se)aration9
A particularly relevant debate to the subNect of this thesis is the e6tent to +hich the Roman
army integrated into local provincial society$ and ho+ far it remained a sub<community
separated from the surrounding population by its organisational structures and corporate
identity: almost an elite micro<society;
""
-n the conte6t of this study one can as* at +hich
date that one can continue to discuss a =Roman Army? in >aul$ acting as a tool of -mperial
government$ rather than regional armies of >aul acting as distinct communities in their o+n
local interests; #his social approach has been very common for the 4arly 4mpire +ith studies
arguing that the army had a *ey role integrating pre<Roman societies into the ruling
structures of the 4mpire after Augustus; -n the +est$ for e6ample$ auIilia regiments
functioned as a means of KRomanising& local elites by co<opting their martial values to the
service of the state and spreading language and culture;
"(
Soldiers& pay provided a cash<rich

"2
H; 4lton$ K'efining Romans$ 3arbarians and the Roman Frontier& in R; 7; Mathisen and H; Sivan$ ed;$ Shifting
Frontiers in Late *nti>uit+ 8Aldershot$ !11,9$ pp; !2,<!");
""
R; MacMullen$ K#he Legion as a SocietyL$ Historia5 Deitschrift fr *lte Geschichte$ 3d; ""$ H; ( 8!1/(9$ ((<(),;
For the army&s elite position as a distinct group in provincial society see '; Mattingly$ *n 7mperial @ossession5
Britain in the Roman Empire 8London$ 2,9$ pp; !,, L !,1;
"(
J; Roymans$ ed;$ From the S6ord to the @lough5 $hree Studies on the Earliest Romanisation of Aorthern Gaul
8Amsterdam$ !11,9$ argues that the au6iliary regiments served as an important route for the integration of the
ne+ly con@uered 3elgic tribes into the 4mpire0 the pre<Roman burial ritual of depositing +eapons in northern
>aul continued into the !
st
century A'$ but +ith Roman +eapons replacing indigenous styles in the post<
con@uest period: the evidence of the Findolanda tablet can be used to argue for the impressive degree of
integration of 3atavian tribesmen given the @uality of their Latin and the other cultural trappings of Roman life
that had been adopted0 A;G; 3o+man and '; #homas$ $he =indolanda 9riting $a:lets 8London$ !11(9; For
similar e6periences in Roman Africa see 4; Fentress$ Aumidia and the Roman *rm+5 social- militar+ and
economic aspects of the frontier !one 8H6ford$ !1.19;
!/

mar*et for commerce$ +hich accelerated the monetisation of provincial society and led to
communities springing up outside forts 8;ici and cana:ae9 +hich acted as a liaison bet+een
soldiers and local groups;
")
%ities +ith recognisable forms of Roman municipal government
+ere founded on former military sites$ or founded for veterans and this helped spread the
basic tenets of Roman urbanisation;
",
Recruiting grounds for the legions moved from the
Mediterranean basin to the frontier provinces$ sho+ing an integration of the periphery +ith
the centre;
".

-t is possible to argue that integration +as an accelerated feature during the Late Roman
period; #he increasingly stationary nature of military units during the (
th
century is
suggested by the evidence that unit transfers by this point +ere rarer compared to earlier
periods;
"/
A military unit&s station often became the basis of its official nomenclature and
fortifications +ere increasingly constructed near cities and villages$ seemingly inter+eaving
them into settlement patterns;
"1
An increasing reliance on local communities for
recruitment could also act as a +ay of binding soldiers to the civilian population by giving
them natural empathy +ith local cultural and social practices$ as +ell as the increased
li*elihood of *inship ties;
(
#he increased use of billeting in cities to provide accommodation
for soldiers +ould have reduced the physical distance bet+een soldier and civilian and
undermined its institutional coherence;
(!
-f army privileges and status declined during the
(
th
century and military service became less desirable$ as can be inferred from the legal te6ts
concerning conscription$ then one could presume that the social distance bet+een military
and civilian society decreased;
(2

#here is some evidence for this effect in the eastern half of the 4mpire; Alston&s +or* on the
army in Roman 4gypt argues military service became far less desirable in the late 4mpire$
soldiers having lost many of the privileges and re+ards that had made them a privileged

")
#;%;3lagg and M; Millett$ eds;$ $he Earl+ Roman Empire in the 9est 8H6ford$ !119;
",
D;4; Stambaugh$ $he *ncient Roman 3it+ 83altimore$ !1//9;
".
D;%;Mann and M; Ro6an$ eds;$ Recruitment and =eteran Settlement during the @rincipate 8London$ !1/"9$ pp;
2)<";
"/
R;S;H;#omlin$ K#he Legions in the late 4mpire&$ in R; D; 3re+er$ ed;$ Roman Fortresses and $heir Legions8
@apers in Honour of George 38 Boon 8London 29$ pp; !)/<!)1;
"1
See R; Alston$ K#ies #hat 3ind0 Soldiers and Societies&$ in A; >olds+orthy and -;Haynes$ eds;$ $he Roman *rm+
as a 3ommunit+ 8Providence$ R;-;$!1119 pp; !.) < !1,: R;S;H; #omlin$ i:id8- pp; !,!<2;
(
J; Pollard$ Soldiers- 3ities and 3i;ilians in Roman S+ria 8Michigan$ 29$ pp; !)2<";
(!
For references see P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he Late Roman *rm+ 8London$ !11,9$ pp; !.!<2;
(2
Hn the increasing use of conscription see A;H;M; Dones$ $he Later Roman Empire Fol; 2 8H6ford$ !1,(9$ pp;
,!) L ,!1;
!1

elite group; Army units also became thoroughly localised and involved in civilian concerns;
("

-n Syria$ Libanius famously portrays army officers replacing the local aristocracy in villages of
the territory of Antioch during the late (
th
century$ and providing protection for the local
population from the officials of their previous landlords in return for payment;
((
3ac* in
4gypt one of the most valuable records is the Abinnaeus archive +hich contains the letters
of a praefectus stationed in the Fayum bet+een "(! and ")!; #hey appear to sho+ ho+ an
army officer could move out of the confines of his immediate institutional environment and
becoming a figure of local importance to civilian communities$ both as a source of
patronage and as the representative of the -mperial po+er$ for instance in the collection of
ta6ation;
()

Ho+ever$ it +ill be argued that the Kintegrationist& approach is a problem; -t often
e6trapolates +ider social processes from lists of civilian roles occasionally fulfilled by
soldiers; =Separatists? stress the continued importance of the army&s function as a means of
imperial repression;
(,
#he argument runs that the 4mpire&s frontiers +ere not linear
defences aiming to protect the provinces from e6ternal attac*$ but frontier 5ones largely
shaped by logistical concerns and historical accident more than strategic purposes; From
this vie+ soldiers& function +as primarily controlling and policing the provincial
population;
(.
#he soldiers had to be paid and fed by 4mperors +ho +anted to maintain their
hold on po+er;
(/
Roman history is littered +ith military coup dLCtats driven by grievances
against the central government;
(1
#his political importance meant that rapacious ta6ation
and re@uisition of supplies$ accommodation and animals +ere only to be e6pected by the
provincials;
)
-saac has dismissed differences bet+een the army of the (
th
century and the
early 4mpire in the Roman Jear 4ast; Pollard&s +or* on the Roman army in Syria has also
supported the Kseparation& model; He disagrees +ith Alston&s vie+ that there +as a relative

("
R; Alston$ Soldier and Societ+ in Roman Eg+pt5 a Social Histor+ 8London$ !11)9;
((
Libanius$ Hration 'F MHn Patronage&;
()
H;-;3ell et al$ $he *:innaeus *rchi;e8 @apers of a Roman Hfficer in the Reign of 3onstantius 77 8H6ford$ !1,29:
#;'; 3arnes$ K#he %areer of Flavius Abinnaeus& @hoeniI$ "1 8!1/)9$ ",/<".(;
(,
3; -saac$ Limits of Empire5 Roman *rm+ in the East 8H6ford$ !1129;
(.
3; -saac$ i:id8
(/
For the creation of the Kbarbarian threat& to >aul as Nustification of continued high military e6penditure see D;
F; 'rin*+ater$ KAmmianus$ Falentinian and the Rhine >ermans&$ in D;7; 'riNvers and '; Hunt$ eds;$ $he Late
Roman 6orld and its historian5 7nterpreting *mmianus 1arcellinus 8London$ !1119$ pp; !2. L !".;
(1
A; 3irley$ KMa*ing 4mperors0 -mperial -nstrument or -ndependent Force&$ in P; 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to
the Roman *rm+ 8H6ford$ 2!!9$ pp; ".1 L "1(;
)
3; -saac$ op cit8$ 8!1129;
2

decline in soldiers& social position; -ndeed$ he considers that the legal and financial privileges
of soldiers actually increased during the late 4mpire;
)!
#he employment of large numbers of
soldiers from outside the 4mpire during the (
th
century +as another factor that reinforced
the =otherness? of the army$ by increasing the cultural as +ell as the ideological distances
bet+een the indigenous population and the solidery; 3agnall has argued that the Abinnaeus
archive does not actually illustrate integration bet+een military communities at all;
)2

#o carry out this violent role effectively the army had to be a Ktotal institution& +hich
remained clearly separated from civilian society by its routines$ uniform and religious
ritual;
)"
#hus the evidence used to support the Kintegrationist& school has often been turned
on its head; Local recruitment did not necessarily lead to integration; Doining the army$ +ith
its status and privileges$ could Nust as easily dislocate the individual from his previous social
ties; -ndeed$ the +hole concept of Klocalised& recruitment may be misleading; Marriages
+ere more li*ely to have been formed +ithin the +ider military community$ +ith the
children of comrades$ rather than civilian families +ith +hom soldiers had little in
common;
)(
Formal and informal interaction of soldiers and civilians does not necessarily
lead to de facto integration; #he progressive separation of civilian and military careers
during the #etrarchic period also argues against ideas of integration$ though there +as a
great deal of interaction at court bet+een high officials of both types;
))


(.*./ Militarisation
#he integrationAseparation debate has its o+n paradigm +hen discussed in the conte6t of
the +estern half of the 4mpire during the Late Roman period0 =militarisation?;
),
#his idea is

)!
J; Pollard$ op8 cit8-829$ p; 2)2;
)2
R;S; 3agnall$ KMilitary Hfficers as Lando+ners in Fourth %entury 4gypt&$ 3hiron$ 22 8!1129$ (. L )(
)"
3; Sha+$ KSoldiers and Society0 #he Army in Jumidia&$ Hpus5 Ri;ista 7nterna!ionale per la Historia Economica
e Sociale DellJ*ntichitN$ vol; 2;! 8!1/"9$ !""<!)1 and -; Haynes$ K#he Roman Army as a %ommunity&$ in A;
>olds+orthy and -; Haynes$ eds;$ $he Roman *rm+ as a 3ommunit+ 8Providence$ R;-;$ !1119$ !.)<!1);
)(
3; Sha+ i:id- p; !(/;
))
F; Millar$ $he Roman Aear East 8Harvard$ !11"9$ pp; !1<2; For e6amples of senior officials co<operating and
overlapping of responsibilities see R;S;H; #omlin$ KJotitia dignitatum omnium tam civilium @uam militarium&$ in
D;%; Mann$ R; >oodburn and P; 3artholome+$ eds;$ *spects of the Aotitia Dignitatum 8H6ford$ !1.,9$ pp; !/1 L
21;
),
=Militarisation? appears in various guises in the literature; #he argument +as originally articulated in its
most influential form by M; Rostovt5eff$ Social and Economic Histor+ of the Roman Empire 8H6ford$ !1).9 +ho
argues that the urban civilian classes that created the prosperity of the 4mpire in the 2
nd
century +ere
overcome by the army dra+n from the peasantry; #his +as ta*en on by R; MacMullen$ Soldier and 3i;ilian in
2!

venerable; For Rostovt5eff it +as a result of class conflict0 the rule of the #etrarchs
represented the triumph of the armed peasantry over the urban bourgeoisie +ho had
generated the 4mpire&s stability in the 2
nd
century;
).
7hile Rostovt5eff is passC$ the military
nature of late Roman -mperial ideology has been forcibly restated by several modern
scholars;
)/
Rostovt5eff&s model +as also refined by MacMullen in the !1,s +ith his
conclusion that one of the defining characteristics of the later 4mpire +as the blurring of
distinctions bet+een soldier and civilian;
)1
#he *ey evidence in this model +ere the Kfrontier
soldiers&$ limitanei$ +ho MacMullen sa+ as peasant<soldiers$ essentially a militia of part<
time farmers based on the land they used to support themselves; #his Kblurring& process is
also reflected in modern standard accounts of the diverging histories of the eastern and
+estern 4mpires; -n the latter the process had begun in the late (
th
century$ and +as +ell
under+ay by the ,
th
century in the 4ast;
,
%ivilian government in the +est +as dominated
by a series of military figures 8often referred to K+arlords& for +ant of a better term9$ such as
Merobaudes$ Stilicho$ %onstantius$ Aetius$ Aegidius and Ricimer$ amongst others;
,!
#he
46archate$ introduced by the 4ast Roman government in its +estern provinces during the ,
th

century$ +hich combined civil and military po+er$ +as a culmination of these trends;
,2

A criticism of the concept of Kmilitari5ation& +hen applied to the Roman 4mpire is a failure to
define terms; Dames&s thorough definition applies for his study of a =post<Roman? society
and so is not directly relevant to the imperial period$ though this of course leaves a liminal
5one +here there is a transition from KRoman& to Kpost<Roman$& but identifying this +ith
precision is difficult;
,"
>enerally scholars use t+o main elements in the concept of

the Late Roman Empire 8%ambridge Mass;$ !1,"9 and has continued to rear its head through the +or* of
historians and archaeologists +or*ing in the late Roman period;
).
M; Rostovt5eff$ Social and Economic Histor+ of the Roman Empire 8H6ford$ !1).9$ pp; )"<)!!; #his +as
subse@uently pointed out as being too reflective of Rostovs*eff&s e6periences of early 2
th
century Russia see
A; Alfoldi$ Studien !ur Geschichte der 9elt#rise des .8 ?ahrhunderts nach 3hristus 8'armstadt$ !1,.9;
)/
J; Faul*ner$ K#he case for the 'ar* Ages&$ in R; %ollins and D; >errard$ eds;$ De:ating Late *nti>uit+ in Britain
*D .))-F)) 8H6ford$ 2(9$ pp; ) L !2;
)1
R; MacMullen$ Soldiers and 3i;ilians in the Later Roman Empire 8%ambridge$ Mass; !1,"9;
,
M; 7hitby op8 cit8$ 829$ p; (,1;
,!
D; H&Flynn$ Generalissimos of the late Roman Empire 8#oronto$ !1/"9: P; Mac>eorge$ Late Roman 9arlords
8H6ford$ 229;
,2
#;S; 3ro+n$ Gentlemen and Hfficers5 imperial administration and aristocratic po6er in B+!antine 7tal+ *D
00'-&)) 8Rome$ !1/(9;
1.
=3y a militarised society - mean a society in +hich there is no clear distinction bet+een soldier and civilian$
nor bet+een military officer and government official: +here the head of state is also commander<in<chief of
the army: +here all adult free men have the right to carry +eapons: +here a certain group or class of people
8normally the aristocracy9 is e6pected$ by reason of birth$ to participate in the army: +here the education of
22

militari5ation +hen applied as a sociological concept; Firstly$ the Roman military became
increasingly prominent in society and the landscape;
,(
#his increasing influence is detected
in the changing urban structures and architecture from the "
rd
century on+ards$ most
obviously in the enceintes thro+n up around fractions of the early Roman settlements and
the appearance of proNecting to+ers and fortified gates;
,)
Jorthern >aul had a far higher
concentration of fortifications in the (
th
century than in the early 4mpire; Upland areas
around the Meuse and Moselle s+armed +ith hill forts; #here seem to be far more soldiers
stationed around the province$ and cities arguably no+ primarily e6isted to serve military
needs hosting arms factories$ billets$ barrac*s and stores; #his$ it is argued$ reflects the
army&s increasing social and political importance and in everyday life military officers
directly controlled the productive lives of provincials to directly serve their needs;
#he second element is an adoption of military values by civilian elites +ho re<armed
themselves in response to the problems of political and military insecurity caused by an
increasingly ineffective central government; #his is argued to be behind changing patterns
of rural settlement in the late 4mpire;
,,
Fillas changed their form$ +ith occupation
becoming more Ksimple&0 +ood and spolia replaced ne+ly @uarried stone as the primary
building materials$ +hile baths and under<floor heating +ere replaced by artisan activities$
such as metal<+or*ing$ as the main function for buildings;
,.
Rural buildings and villages of
the later Roman period increasingly resembled +hat have been described by scholars as
K>ermanic& forms of settlement L such as sun*en houses or Gr:enhauser; 7hitta*er$
follo+ing Fan Hssel and others$ argued that this is e6plained by a cultural change$ and the
increasing importance of military values amongst the elites;
,/
#hese replaced a Kcivilian&

the young thus often involves a military element: +here the symbolism of +arfare and +eaponry is prominent
in official and private life$ and the +arli*e and heroic virtues are glorified: and +here +arfare is a predominant
government e6penditure andAor a maNor source of economic profit;? 4; Dames$ K#he Militarisation of Roman
Society$ ( L .&$ in A; J; DTrgensen and 3; %lausen$ eds;$ 1ilitar+ *spects of Scandina;ian Societ+ in a
European @erspecti;e *D , E ,.)) 8%openhagen$ !11.9$ p; "2;
,(
A; 'unn$ K7as #here a Militarisation of the Southern 3al*ans 'uring Late Anti@uityB&$ in P; Freeman and
others $eds;$ Limes <=777 @roceedings of the <=777th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 8229$ pp;
.) L .!2;
,)
See S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9 and J; %hristie and S; Loseby$ ed;$ $o6ns in
$ransition5 Or:an E;olution in late *nti>uit+ and the earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot$ !11,9;
,,
P; Fan Hssel$ K-nsEcuritE et militari5ation en >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire; L&e6emple des campagnes&$ Re;ue
du Aord-*rcheologie$ .. 8!11)9$ 2.<",;
,.
P Fan Hssel and P; Hu5oulias$ KRural settlement economy in Jorthern >aul in the Late 4mpire0 an overvie+&
?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !2 829$ !""<!,;
,/
%;R;7hitta*er$ Frontiers of the Roman Empire5 a Social and Economic Stud+ 83altimore$ !11(9$ pp; 2,1 L .!
2"

emphasis on lavish decoration and monumental architectural display and +ere symptomatic
of this Kmilitarisation;& Accompanying these changes +ere transformations in burial rites;
7eapons +ere increasingly deposited as grave goods during the second half of the (
th

century$ and have been interpreted as an attempt to articulate status by association +ith
martial values;
,1
All of these have been argued to represent a militarised 5one +ithin
northern >aul;
.


(.. Met&o#olo$y
Any study of >aul relies heavily on archaeological material$ complemented by other sources
such as epigraphy and numismatics;
.!
Recent innovative approaches to literary sources and
archaeological evidence in other fields promise ne+ insights +hen applied to old material;
.2

Recent +or* has sought to understand cultural patterns in the provinces$ and ho+ clothing
and burial rites reflect ho+ people articulated their identity in the late Anti@ute period;
."

An attempt +ill be made to test ho+ far the concepts outlined above can be detected in the
late Roman province of Belgica --; #his +ill be done by identifying and analysing the
evidence of soldiers from material remains and the surviving +ritten evidence directly
relevant to the province$ having outlined the models and perspectives that can be gleaned
from the broader range of sources that inform us about the +ider conte6t of >aul; 7e +ill
then attempt to see ho+ far this evidence synchronises$ and +hat it tells us about the
coherence of late Roman military identities through the +hole period$ and their relationship
+ith the +ider provincial society;
#his +ill attempt to avoid simply forcing an archaeological synthesis into a pre<e6isting
historical frame+or* derived from +ritten te6ts or ;ice ;ersa; #his is a common$ and
sometimes Nustified$ criticism of older research$ but one that is hard to avoid in historical
archaeology$ as the temptation to lin* patterns on the ground to events mentioned in the
+ritten sources are tempting; #his is not to champion one form of evidence over another;

,1
>; Halsall$ K#he origins of the =Reheingr":er!i;ilisation?0 forty years on&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$
op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; !1,<2.;
.
S; 4smonde<%leary$ $he Roman 9est- *D %)) E 0)) 8%ambridge 2!"9$ pp; (2 L 1,;
.!
See for e6ample R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119;
.2
>; Halsall$ 3emeteries and societ+ in 1ero;ingian Gaul5 Selected Studies in Histor+ and *rchaeolog+- ,//%-
%))/ 8Leiden$ 2!9$ pp; ) L 1;
."
4; S+ift$ Regionalit+ in dress accessories in the late Roman 9est 8Montagnac$ 29;
2(

#here is nothing to be gained by condemning the literary evidence as mere rhetoric +ith no
basis in real events$ as the material evidence is itself subNect to +hole range of difficulties
and intellectual problems; Recent theoretical +or* e6ploring the use of material evidence
and documentary evidence in recent decades has greatly improved understanding ho+
different evidence should be handled$ and this +ill be used to find some means of
integrating the insights offered by the t+o disciplines;
Hne possible reason for the multiplicity of theories is the different forms evidence that are
prominent across the 4mpire; Alston&s study of Roman 4gypt is primarily based on
papyrological evidence$ +hile Pollard&s +or* relies on archaeological e6cavation and survey
in Syria;
.(
Studies of the army in Roman Africa are usually based on epigraphic evidence;
.)

Administrative correspondence bet+een soldiers and civilians could be argued to naturally
emphasise an integrated relationship; Material evidence that can be demonstrated as
military$ either by its nature or conte6t 8forts$ barrac*s etc;9$ involves a value Nudgement that
it is not a civilian site$ +hich reinforces the a priori idea of separation; -saac&s use of
#almudic evidence in his study of the army in the near 4ast could be argued to give a
predictably hostile vie+ of an institution that +as culturally and socially alien to De+ish
religious leaders;
.,
-nterpretations are not merely a function of the evidence; 'isagreements
of interpretation can also arise from the same evidence; #he debate bet+een Fentress and
Sha+ over the army&s role in Jorth Africa during the early imperial period is a useful
e6ample; Sha+ criticises Fentress& broadly integrationist approach as being based on a
misreading of *ey evidence;
..
Hur approach must therefore be as reflective as possible;

(...( :ritten so-rces
Late Roman >aul benefits from a +ider range of literary sources than in the early empire$
and many of these +ere produced by >allic provincials; #hese survivals permit the historian
to understand ho+ the army +as understood on the Kperiphery& of the 4mpire$ rather than
merely in the Kcentre$& to use sociological Nargon; Ho+ever$ these +ritten sources are not

.(
R; Alston$ op8 cit8$ 8!11,9: J; Pollard$ op8 cit8$ 829;
.)
R; Hitchener and '; Mattingly$ KRoman Africa0 a Survey Article&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ /) 8!11)9$ !,) L
2!";
.,
3; -saac$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129;
..
4; Fentress$ op8 cit8$ 8!1.19$ p; .. and 3; Sha+$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129;
2)

simple depositories of fact to be e6cavated by the intrepid scholar L as they have often been
used in the past; Historians have become more concerned +ith understanding late anti@ue
te6ts in terms of their genre$ and the socio<political agendas that lie behind them;
./
#he
influence of literary theorists 8lumped together under the convenient shorthand of
Kpostmodernists&9 has led some to argue for the unobtainability of past events from such
+ritten sources; #hey can be vie+ed as pieces of free standing rhetoric$ divorced from any
concrete reality it might be reporting$ and reflecting only the preNudices and educational
bac*ground of the author;
7hile this perhaps satisfies a deeper longing for comple6ity$ it ignores the fact that authors
+ere *no+ledgeable individuals +ritten deliberately in a real$ contemporary environment;
#heir +ords +ould only resonate +ith a contemporary audience if it referred to shared
cultural and social e6perience; Javigation around the +ritten material must be done
carefully and +ith reflection$ but the paucity of evidence means every scrap must be valued;
#o prevent endless epistemological digression in the main body of te6t$ the main
approaches to different types of sources +ill be outlined belo+;
Unfortunately there is no full$ detailed political narrative for the +hole period; #he record of
political events has to be reconstructed from a clutch of +riters +ho +ere active at different
times and places across the 4mpire; Ammianus Marcellinus provides the bul* of political and
military narrative in >aul covering the years ")( to "./$ but this is a relatively short period
of time and assessing the *ey processes of change is not easy; #he main periods covered are
the campaigns of Dulian 8"))<",!9 and Falentinian 8",(<".)9; Ammianus& use of technical
language and military e6perience$ despite the occasional archaism$ has lead to favourable
assessment by many historians on his usefulness as an informed observer of the Roman
army;
.1
#his is not to say Ammianus is free of distortion; #he rise to po+er of Dulian in ")1<
,!$ for e6ample$ is artfully treated to disguise Ammianus& partisan vie+s;
/
'espite this it is

./
See discussion in >; Halsall$ KSources and their interpretation&$ in P; Fouracre$ ed;$ $he Ae6 3am:ridge
1edie;al Histor+ =ol8 , c8 *D 0)) E *D F)) 8%ambridge$ 2)9$ pp; ), L 12;
.1
See the generally positive assessments of Ammianus as a source0 >;A;%rump$ *mmianus 1arcellinus as a
1ilitar+ Historian 87iesbaden$ !1.)9: J;D;4; Austin$ *mmianus on 9arfare- an in;estigation into *mmianusL
militar+ #no6ledge 83russels$ !1.19 and D;F;Matthe+s$ $he Roman Empire of *mmianus 8London$ !1/19;
/
Ammianus disguises the fact that Dulian +as a usurper by ignoring the @uestion of the legal rights of
%onstantius and Dulian; Dulian&s sei5ure of po+er is Nustified by his handling of it$ +hile %onstantius& legal rights
are ignored and his decision to face Dulian&s claims +ith violence emphasi5ed to disguise his rights; Ammianus
also ignores the precarious position Dulian +as in +ithout the African grain supply and the unfavourable
response of the Roman Senate and the loss of A@uileia to %onstantius see D; S5idat$ Historischer ommentar !u
2,

difficult to reasonably argue that the +or* is not built on a foundation of fact;
/!
Ammianus
certainly visited >aul +hile accompanying his commanding officer and patron Ursicinus in
")) and remained there until ").$ and there seems no doubt that he dre+ on memories of
his e6periences;
/2
3ac* in Rome +ould have probably relied on official accounts of -mperial
actions for information; #here remained literary contacts bet+een Rome and >aul
throughout the (
th
century$ and intervie+ing participants of events in retirement at Rome
+as possible;
/"
#here can be no doubt though that Ammianus&s +or* is artfully constructed$
and many of the events he may have personally described are +rapped in allusion to ma*e a
+ider historical point$ and his +or* shouldn&t simply be mined empirically for data;
/(

Hther historians that deal +ith >aul have more strident rhetorical purposes; Iosimus$ a
pagan civil servant +riting at %onstantinople under the 4mperor Anastasius 8(1!<)!/9
provides information compiled from the +or* of the early )
th
century eastern historians
4unapius and Hlympidorus; Unfortunately he is both garbled and polemical$ especially +hen
discussing %hristian emperors such as %onstantine on +hom he blamed all ills of the 4mpire$
and his vie+ of the Kbarbarisation& of the empire ma*es him problematical as a guide;
/)

Hrosius&s Histor+ against the @agans in Se;en Boo#s +ritten in Spain displays many of the
same faults as Iosimus$ but from the %hristian perspective$ as he attempted to fit his

*mmianus 1arcellinus Buch <<-<<7- $eil 7775 Die onfrontation8 Historia Ein!elschrift &/ 8Stuttgart$ !11,9$ pp;
!!<"!;
/!
#;';3arnes$ *mmianus 1arcellinus and the Representation of Historical Realit+ 8London$ !11/9: see also the
revie+ of 3arnes&s +or* by M; 7hitby$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ 1 829$ pp; 2)!<2)2; D;7; 'riNvers and ';
Hunt$ $he Late Roman 9orld and its Historian5 7nterpreting *mmianus 1arcellinus 8London$ !1119 gives a far
more positive approach to Ammianus +ithout succumbing to positivist naivety +hich 3arnes condemns; For
the basic historicity of the Silvanus usurpation in ")) see '; Hunt$ KAmmianus on the rebellion of Silvanus&$ in D;
7; 'riNvers and '; Hunt i:id8$pp; )! L ,"$ contra D;F; 'rin*+ater KSilvanus$ Ursicinus and Ammianus0 Fact or
FictionB&$ Studies in Latin Literature and Roman Histor+$ F-- 8!11(9$ ),/<).,;
/2
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OF;)$ D;F; Matthe+s$ $he Roman Empire of *mmianus 8London$ !1/19$
pp; ".<"1; Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OF;!2;! contains Ammianus&s famous account of the pugilistic
>allic +ife could be the result of personal e6perience see #;'; 3arnes$ op8 cit8$ 8!11/9$ p; !$ contra D; F;
Matthe+s op8 cit8$ p; "1$ +ho argues that it +as a stereotype; #his is slightly odd given these observations
some+hat contradict the central tenet of each man&s +or* on Ammianus;
/"
#;'; 3arnes$ op8 cit8$ 8!11/9$ pp; 1, L !!$ for a discussion of Ammianus& sources including a list similar to the
Aotitia Galliarum for his account on the >allic cities; Dulian +rote up the accounts of the 3attle of Strasbourg
8")/9 preserved in 4unapius$ frag; !. in R;%; 3loc*ley$ $he Fragmentar+ 3lassicising Historians of the Later
Roman Empire 8Liverpool$ !1/"9$ p; 2": Symmachus and Ausonius began corresponding after meeting at #rier
in ".$ see >; 3o+ersoc*$ KSymmachus and Ausonius&$ in F; Paschoud$ ed;$ 3ollo>ue Gene;ois sur S+mmache N
lJHccasion du 1ille SiI 3entiKme *nni;ersaire du 3onflit de lJ*utel de la =ictoire 8Paris$ !1/,9$ pp; !<!);
3/
See in particular >; Gelly$ *mmianus 1arcellinus5 $he *llusi;e Historian 8%ambridge$ 2/9$ pp; "! L !"$
+hich argues for the grave difficulty e6tracting any precise biographical information from Ammianus given that
it defies the literary genre he +as +or*ing in;
/)
R; Ridley$ tr;$ Dosimus5 a Ae6 Histor+ 8%anberra$ !1/29;
2.

sources into an ideological schema$ i;e; that history represented the +or*ing out of >od&s
plan for man*ind$ but his contemporary observations on events in his lifetime in the early
)
th
century are useful;
/,
Another genre of historical +or* that emerged in the (
th
and )
th

centuries +as the chronicle; #his gre+ out of %hristian +riters such as 4usebius of %aesarea$
+ho sought integrate %hristianity into mainstream historiography; Farious chroniclers of the
)
th
century cover events in >aul such as Hydatius$ Prosper$ as +ell as the %hroniclers of ()2
and )!!; #hese spare accounts of the main events lac* analytical detail$ often have
theological agendas 8particularly Prosper9 and often provide more @uestions than ans+ers;
Ho+ever$ despite these reservations they do have an interest in secular affairs and provide
distinctive$ local perspectives and an understanding of the different reactions individuals to
the events of a tumultuous era 8to varying degrees9;
/.

#he -mperial court +as an arena +here education and rhetorical training +ere high value
s*ills; #his education provided a shared cultural heritage amongst those serving in positions
of administrative responsibility; Literary endeavours +ere an integral part of the court social
net+or*s and a valued leisure pursuit;
//
#his produced a demand for +or*s that presented
-mperial history in a manageable$ digestible format; 7hile they rarely compare in detail +ith
the +or* of Ammianus$ they provide many relevant details; #hey are also deeply ent+ined
+ith contemporary events and policy debates; 4utropius& Bre;iarum$ composed under
Falens$ provides in its historical narrative many details for armies in the +est; -t precise
purpose is uncertain$ though it probably functioned as a history primer for functionaries; -t
does seem to have been composed +ith the aim of Nustifying Falens& aggressive policy
against Persia;
/1
Aurelius Fictor +ho reached high office in -llyricum and Rome under both
Dulian and #heodosius +rote De 3aesari:us +hich covers the period from Augustus to

/,
For an assessment of Hrosius that places him into his proper conte6t$ and is generally positive to+ards his
education and intelligence$ +hile ac*no+ledging the rhetorical purpose of his +or*$ see A; #; Fear$ Hrosius5
Se;en Boo#s of Histor+ *gainst the @agans 8Liverpool$ 2!9$ pp; , L 2);
/.
For an emphasis on the usefulness of these sources$ especially the historical +orth of Prosper$ though less of
the %hronicle of ()2 and Hydatius see S; Muhlberger$ $he Fifth-centur+ chroniclers5 @rosper- H+datius- and the
Gallic 3hronicler of '0% 8Leeds$ !119: +ith specific discussion on >aul and their different analyses of the )
th

century its course of events$ S; Muhlberger KLoo*ing bac* from the mid<century0 the >allic chronicler of ()2
and the crisis of Honorius& reign&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; 2/ L ".; For a
generally positive assessment of Hydatius& value as a historical source see R; 7; 3urgess$ $he 3hronicle
of H+datius and the 3onsularia 3onstantinopolitana 8H6ford$ !11"9$ pp; 1 L !; For the @uality of Hydatius&
*no+ledge on >aul specifically see R; 7; 3urgess$ KFrom >allia Romana to >allia >othica&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater
and H; 4lton$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; !1 L 2.;
//
D;F; Matthe+s$ 9estern *ristocracies and 7mperial 3ourt *D .('- '%0 8H6ford$ !1.)9$ pp; "2 L ))
/1
H; 7; 3ird$ Eutropius5 Bre;iarium 8Liverpool$ !11"9$ pp; 6viii L 66vi;
2/

%onstantius --$ and see*s to provide a moral commentary on the 4mpire$ much li*e his
literary model Sallust;
1
He portrays the rising po+er of the army and other officials as a
disruptive force undermining the health of the state; His rhetorical purpose therefore
re@uires that his +or* is approached +ith caution; 4ven more valuable are surviving
fragments of the eastern diplomat Hlympiodorus$ +ho +rote in the first @uarter of the )
th

century of events in the +est$ are highly valued for their author&s *no+ledge and insight;
1!

#hus te6ts that present the perspective of the -mperial government cannot be ta*en at face
value$ but can illustrate contemporary -mperial concerns; #he series of panegyrics delivered
to various 4mperors by >allic orators during the late "
rd
and (
th
centuries contain accounts
of military and political events and$ more interestingly$ contemporary evidence for +ays in
+hich these +ere presented for a public audience;
12
#he panegyrical poems of %laudian play
a similar role for the policies and events involving the government of Stilicho in the early
years of Honorius$ though the centre of focus had no+ moved to northern -taly;
1"
#he
nature of the audience for these +or*s has been much discussed$ but even a Kminimalist&
vie+ +ould suggest it +as made up of the senior administrative and military officials that
made up the court circles and$ possibly$ representative local elites; #he authors use the
florid late Roman rhetorical style +hich is frustratingly imprecise in detail for the modern
taste$ but aimed to demonstrate to the audience a broad and profound classical *no+ledge;
Ho+ever$ they preserve information that +ould not be *no+n other+ise; 3y preserving
different speeches given at short intermediate periods$ it is possible to detect the changing
Kofficial& line ta*en by the -mperial court in response to events$ especially during the
#etrarchic period and the early years of %onstantine;
1(


1
H; 7; 3ird$ *urelius =ictor5 de 3aesari:us 8Liverpool$ !11(9$ pp; 66i L 66ii;
1!
D;F; Matthe+s$ KHlympiodorus of #hebes and the History of the 7est 8A' (.L(2)9&$ ?ournal of Roman
Studies$ , 8!1.9$ .1L1.$ and R;%; 3loc*ley$ $he Fragmentar+ 3lassicising Historians of the Later Roman
Empire5 Eunapius- Hl+mpiodorus- @riscus- 1alchus$ 2 vols; 8Liverpool !1/!$ !1/"9;
12
%; 4; F; Ji6on and 3; Rodgers$ 7n @raise of Later Roman Emperors5 $he @aneg+ric Latini 83er*eley$ !11(9$ pp;
2, L ""; -t is not clear +hether all of these +ere actually given in the form that they are preserved$ or revised
for publication; #he material referring to the military presumably had to be rendered comprehensible for the
military officers in the audience$ so one +ould assume that technical information +as not grossly distorted$
even if e6pressed in anti@uarian terms;
1"
A; %ameron$ 3laudian5 @oetr+ and @ropaganda at the court of Honorius 8H6ford$ !1.9;
1(
An often observed feature of the panegyrics published bet+een ",<"!) is the +ay they reflect the political
vicissitudes of these years and the changing policies of the different emperors as regards their comple6
relationships$ as +ell as the +ays in +hich %onstantine +anted to be seen see J; Lens*i$ K#he Reign of
%onstantine& in J; Lens*i$ $he *ge of 3onstantine 8%ambridge$ 2,9$ pp; ,! L .;
21

Hther Kcourt& perspectives can be obtained from +or*s by -mperial functionaries +ith an
interest in military matters; #he De Re:us Bellicis preserves a civilian&s memorandum to
%onstantius -- on ho+ the army could be improved by a programme of mechanisation and
fiscal reform$ though the practical +orth of his suggestions are$ at best$ optimistic;
1)
As +ith
the other principal surviving contemporary military treatise +ritten by Fegetius$ the e6tent
to +hich these ideas +ere ta*en seriously is unclear$ and these sources +ith their
anti@uarian tendencies and idealistic aims cannot be ta*en at face value;
1,
Ho+ever$ they do
give a range of contemporary perspectives on military issues and debates that e6isted
amongst those see*ing to influence policy;
Literary artfulness also limits the accessibility of letter collections produced by several
aristocrats; Several relevant items survive in Symmachus& correspondence$ in particular that
bet+een the Roman senator and Ausonius$ +hich record a visit to the Rhine frontier by the
former in ",1; 4specially useful are the letters of the >allic aristocrat Sidonius Apollinaris
+hich provide the main evidence for >aul in the later )
th
century; #hey detail his political
career in the aftermath of Aetius& fall$ as +ell as giving a glimpse into the social and
ecclesiastical life of the period$ albeit a high status vie+; As these letters +ere edited for
publication$ ho+ever$ they are not a collection of official and private memoranda$ but
produced to shape the public memory of these individuals to best fit in +ith the values of
their contemporaries;
1.
Sidonius$ for e6ample$ carefully crafted his letters for the fluid$ and
potentially dangerous$ circumstances of late )
th
century >aul; His contemporaries +ould
have understood his allusions$ but modern readers cannot in the absence of detailed
*no+ledge of the period;
1/
Letter collections such as these provide a perspective$ but one
filtered through the concerns of a small$ literate aristocratic circle; #he use of classical
allusion and deliberately archaising terms ma*e them difficult to use to describe
contemporary circumstances$ but they are +ritten in a real historical conte6t;

1)
4; A; #hompson and 3; Flo+er$ * Roman Reformer and 7n;entor- Being a Ae6 $eIt of the $reatise De Re:us
Bellicis 8H6ford$ !1)29; For the attribution of %onstantius -- as the emperor see A; >iardina$ Le 3ose Della
Guerra 8Milan$ !1/19$ pp; 666vii<lii: D; Arce$ KFrontiers of the Roman 4mpire0 Perceptions and Realities&$ in 7;
Pohl$ -;J; 7ood and H; Reimit5$ eds;$ $he $ransformation of Frontiers from Late *nti>uit+ to the 3arolingians
8Leiden$ 2!9$ pp; ) < !";
1,
For Fegetius see discussion in introduction of J; P; Milner$ =egetius5 Epitome of 1ilitar+ Science 8Liverpool$
!11"9$ pp; 6iii < l6ii; For a date of the mid<)
th
century for Fegetius see M; %harles$ =egetius in 3onteIt5
Esta:lishing the Date of the Epitoma Rei 1ilitaris 8Stuttgart$ 2.9;
1.
D;F; Matthe+s$ 9estern *ristocracies and 7mperial 3ourt *D .('- '%0 8H6ford$ !1.)9$ pp; .</;
1/
D; Harries$ Sidonius *pollinaris and the Fall of Rome 8H6ford$ !11(9$ pp; !!<!2;
"

#his approach is also relevant to the %hristian moralists and hagiographers of >aul +hose
+or*s survive from the late (
th
and )
th
centuries; #he +or* of Salvian$ for e6ample$ gives a
+holly negative picture of the actions of the Roman state; He +ishes to undermine the
+hole idea of secular government and emphasise its inherent corruption for his religious
purpose of emphasising the transient nature of human achievements compared +ith the
eternal security of >od;
11
Hagiography often manipulates the details of the narrative to
bolster the theological points that the author intends; -n Sulpicius Severus& =ita Sancti
1artini$ for e6ample$ the account of Saint Martin&s miraculous escape from barbarian
troops +hen made an e6ample of by Dulian$ the archetypal Kpagan& 4mperor$ raises issues of
chronology given that Martin had probably started his military career over 2 years before
this episode could have occurred$ and Sulpicius implies that the holy man did not actually
serve for very long;
!
Hagiographers in the late anti@ue period increasingly follo+ed earlier
literary models$ such as Athanasius& Life of *nthon+$ to emphasise the sanctity of their
subNect and their place in holy genealogy;
!!
Any historical information that these sources
must be detached from the literary and theological filter through +hich they are +ritten;
#here are also problems of posthumous lives containing anachronistic information more
relevant to the author&s present rather than the time of the subNect; #he life of >ermanus of
Au6erre +as +ritten about ( years after the saint&s death by %onstantius of Lyon$ +hen the
political and social circumstances +ere probably @uite different;
!2
Ho+ever$ the authors
+ere +riting +ithin a real physical conte6t +hich had to ma*e sense to the reader;
!"
#he
concerns of hagiographers +ere different to those of historians and often focused on
ordinary people so are invaluable as a source of social history; 4ach piece of information
dra+n from such sources must be understood in the conte6t of the +or*;

11
M; Maas$ K4thnicity$ orthodo6y and community in Salvian of Marseilles&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$
op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; 2.)<2/(;
!
Sulpicius Severius =ita Sancti 1artini --;2</: #; '; 3arnes$ K#he Military %areer of Martin of #ours&$ *nalecta
Bollandiana$ %O-F 8!11,9$ 2)<"2;
!!
#; Head and #; F; O; Joble$ Soldiers of 3hrist5 Saints and SaintsJ Li;es from Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+
1iddle *ges 8London$ !11)9;
!2
For a positive assessment of %onstantius& understanding of >aul 8though not 3ritain9 see 4; A; #hompson$
Saint Germanus of *uIerre and the end of Roman Britain 87oodbridge$ !1/(9: for a reminder of the
ecclesiastical agendas behind the life of >ermanus$ particularly anti<Pelagianism$ see -; 7ood$ K>ermanus$
Alban and Au6erre&$ Bulletin du 3entre dLPtudes 1CdiC;ales dL*uIerre BO3E1*$ !" 8219$ !2"<!21;
!"
For a positive assessment of hagiography as a source for the realities of life see A; #; Fear$ Li;es of the
=isigothic Fathers 8Liverpool$ !11.9$ pp; 6vii L 66i;
"!

All authors aimed to persuade their readers to perceive events in a +ay that reflected their
o+n political and ideological vision; Hn the other hand$ detecting the rhetorical and partisan
purposes of these +or*s can provide insights into the circumstances of their creation and
allo+ reconstruction of contemporary debates and issues; #he +riting of history in anti@uity
re@uired a search for a deeper truth than simply recording +hat happened; #he rhetorical
tradition gave historians lee+ay in adNusting or creating material that +ould allo+ them to
do this; 3ut +hile it did not re@uire a comprehensive assembly of facts or technical details$
the +riting did have to resonate +ith contemporary audiences; Such material is +hat the
author believed +as li#el+ to have happened$ even if they +ere not completely factual;
#herefore the authors& perspectives$ or preNudices$ are not necessarily unhelpful and +e
can$ +ith caution$ reconstruct aspects of the past +ith them;
4vidence for @uotidian government administration has remained; #his is subNect to similar
difficulties and limitations to other forms of evidence discussed so far; #he manner in +hich
these documents +ere compiled led to a process of selection and editing for particular
purposes other than simply preserving documents in their original form; La+s and edicts
preserved by the t+o maNor codices L the #heodosian %ode 8mid<)
th
century9 and the
Dustinian %ode 8mid<,
th
century9 provide a +ealth of material on the army and its impact on
society; #hese la+s have long been @ueried as to ho+ far they actually reflect social reality;
#he process of compilation for the #heodosian %ode +as ideological and anti@uarian as +ell
as practical; -ts conte6t in the reign of #hedosius -- +as in attempts of the eastern court to
restore unity +ith the +estern court after the death of Honorius in (2"$ +ith the marriage
of 4udocia to Falentinian --- in (".;
!(
#he %ode could also be an e6pression of the
supremacy of the east;
!)
Ho+ever$ the practical implications should not be minimised;
!,

#herefore$ the legal material must be used +ith as full an understanding of the particular
circumstances in +hich it +as issued and preserved as possible before it can be used as
historical material;

!(
D; F; Matthe+s$ La+ing Do6n the La6 8Pale$ 29;
!)
D; Harries$ La6 and Empire in Late *nti>uit+ 8%ambridge$ !1119$ p; ".;
!,
-t has been suggested that another reason for its compilation +as the concentration of legal e6pertise in the
@uaestors of #heodosius& court; #; HonorE$ La6 in the 3risis of Empire *D .F/ - '00 8H6ford$ !11/9$ p; 1.: the
e6tent of non<metropolitan sources of the legal codes and the degree to +hich it compiled legal material from
throughout the 4mpire has also recently been emphasised D; F; Matthe+s$ La+ing Do6n the La6 8Pale$ 29;
"2

#he most important administrative document for this study is the Aotitia Dignitatum; #his
identifies e6plicitly the t+o areas of official competence in government0 civilian and military
Aotitia Dignitatum tam ci;ilium >uam militarium; From the perspective of the Aotitia there
+ere many positions in charge of different army regiments$ +hose names imply a +ide
range of different roles and functions; -t is usually accepted that the information contained
in the Aotitia dates from the late (
th
and early )
th
centuries;
!.
Ho+ever$ it has long been
recognised that the surviving form has been subNect to much manipulation so that it does
not reflect a reality at any one point in time;
!/
#he precise function of the Aotitia lists seem
to have originated +ith the office of the @rimecerius Aotariorum +ho dre+ up letters of
appointment for the dignitates; #he insignial illustration lists the laterculum maius +as a list
+hich forms the basis of the Aotitia;
!1
Ho+ever$ the material in the eastern half seems to
reflect the position of the 4mpire at the death of #heodosius in "1); #he suggestion has
been made that the military lists reflect the position in "1" as #heodosius prepared for his
confrontation +ith 4ugenius and Arbogast$ or perhaps even earlier;
!!
7hether the +estern
list +as one created by #heodosius and Stilicho in Milan for the ne+ly controlled provinces
after the success of the Frigidus$ or as Guli*o+*si suggests +as part of the same document
created by the 4astern primecerius$ its inconsistency can only be e6plained by continual
revision; D;%;Mann&s schema sees the bul* of the 7estern document being created bet+een
"11 and (/ under Stilicho&s increasing influence$ and compiled +ith the old eastern half in
(/ as part of his attempt to e6tend his influence over the eastern government of #hedosius
--;
!!!
#he lists continued to be revised; %hapter F--$ the list of military units arranged
geographically$ in the +estern half seems to be created later addition$ given that the 3omes
Hispaniae$ a post first *no+n about in the (2s$ is placed bet+een the >aulish and African

!.
D;%; Mann$ R; >oodburn and P; 3artholome+$ eds;$ *spects of the Aotitia Dignitatum 8H6ford$ !1.,9: ';
Hoffmann$ Das sp"trmische Be6egungsheer und die Aotitia Dignitatum; 2 vols; 8GMln$ !1,19$ pp; 2)<)": (1(<
)!1;
!/
D; 3; 3ury$ K#he Jotitia 'ignitatum&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ! 8!129$ !"!<!)(;
!1
Aot8 Dig8$ Hr8 OF---;
!!
A;H;M; Dones$ $he Later Roman Empire 8H6ford$ !1,(9 Appendi6 -- 8Fol ---$ pp; "(.<"/9: D;%; Mann$ K#he
Jotitia 'ignitatum L dating and survival&$ Britannia$ 22 8!11!9$ 2!)<2!1: M; Guli*o+s*i$ K#he Jotitia 'ignitatum
as an Historical source&$ Historia$ (1 829$ ")/<"..$ suggests that the Jotitia can be dated at any time from
"/,<"1(;
!!!
D; Mann$ op cit8- 8!11!9$ pp; 2!)< ,;
""

lists rather than tac*ed on at the end; %hapters F and F- reflect hapha5ardly an attempt to
reflect these later changes;
!!2

#he seductive potential of the Aotitia$ given that +e have precious little else to give us an
insight into the bureaucratic +or*ings of the palatine administration$ means it is still the
fundamental tool for late Roman army studies; Ho+ever$ its ideological function has
recently come under closer scrutiny; 3rennan places the surviving Aotitia +ithin a conte6t of
the restructuring of -mperial po+er in the "
rd
and (
th
centuries;
!!"
#he purpose of such a
document is to illustrate the ideology of the ruling po+er$ and its administrative purpose is
thus secondary$ if it e6ists at all; 3rennan places the Aotitia in the same anti@uarian
frame+or* as Macrobius& Saturnalia$ of educated elites creating a past +orld from
fragments and +ishful thin*ing; #he marriage of Falentinian +ith #heodosius --&s daughter
4udocia in (".$ +ith its symbolic importance of reuniting and recreating an 4mpire that had
in fact been transformed is another occasion for +hich the surviving Aotitia +ould be
suitable;
!!(

Using the Aotitia for information about the position of the army in >aul is therefore a
dangerous prospect$ but it is not a hopeless endeavour;
!!)
#he reductionist positions
outlined above are unnecessarily pessimistic; As +ith the literary sources$ most scholars
have long since abandoned the carefree plundering of ancient sources for basic facts; Hf
course it +as in the interest of Falentinian&s court to stress the continued e6istence of a
Roman Karmy& in >aul and else+here in the 4mpire$ especially as he had such a tenuous
control over generals such as Aetius;
!!,
3ut the po+er of -mperial ideology +as in its ability
to unite a +ide range of different cultural and political circumstances and the fle6ibility that
allo+ed it to be recreated on a local basis; #he document can be trusted that to tell us the
name of a military unit associated +ith a place at one point in time$ and +hile +e +ill find it
difficult to plot dynamic patterns of change$ its absence +ould be +orse; 'oubts about ho+
contemporary the information +ithin the document is can be found e;g; for 3ritain$ but

!!2
D; Mann$ op cit8- 8!11!9$ 2!/ L 1$ though the use of termini post >uem can be dangerous +hen these
assumptions form of the basis of conNectures and arguments that @uic*ly set into accepted Nudgements;
!!"
P; 3rennan$ K#he Aotitia Dignitatum$& in %; Jicolet$ ed;$ Les LittCratures $echni>ues dans lL*nti>uitC Romaine
Entretiens Hardt (2 8>eneva$ !11)9$ pp; !(.<!./;
!!(
D; F; Matthe+s$ La+ing Do6n the La6 8Pale$ 29;
!!)
M; Guli*o+s*i$ K#he Aotitia Dignitatum as an historical source&$ Historia$ (1 829$ p; ".;
!!,
D; H&Flynn$ Generalissimos of the 9estern Roman Empire 84dmonton$ !1/"9$ pp; // L !";
"(

recent studies have suggested that the information may be more accurate than has been
believed;
!!.


(...* E)i$ra)&y
4pigraphy is another important source of evidence for the social and economic aspects of
military life; -nscriptions +ere erected by soldiers and their families$ and therefore provide a
direct +ritten lin* +ith the past; Most scholars +ould argue that inscriptions are subNect to
the same problems of rhetorical convention and interpretation as other +ritten te6ts; Most
inscriptions discovered before the late 2
th
century have little recorded information
concerning their original conte6t; Using inscriptions for the late anti@ue period is also
rendered problematic by the loss of the Kepigraphic habit& in the "
rd
century;
!!/
#he numbers
of surviving inscriptions in >aul is relatively lo+ in comparison to other parts of the 4mpire$
but drop off mar*edly during the (
th
century and beyond;
!!1
7hether this is a historical
reality rather than an accident of preservation is unclear as there are other possible
e6planations for the apparent numerical decline;
!2
-nscriptions continued to be produced in
certain areas$ such as the #rier region; #he spread of %hristianity +as a catalyst for the
production of inscriptions$ +hich also caused a diminution of the professional information
that earlier inscriptions contained$ replacing them +ith statements of religious devotion;
!2!

Many inscriptions are undated as a result and so are often assigned to earlier periods on
palaeographic grounds often strongly influenced by the idea that the epigraphic habit is a
feature of the early -mperial period; #he lac* of direct dating evidence also ma*es it difficult
to assign into a chronological frame+or* and this ma*es changing trends hard to spot;

!!.
#his can be seen in the approaches to the 3ritish garrison J; Hodgson$ K#he Aotitia Dignitatum and the later
Roman garrison of 3ritain$& in F; Ma6field and M; 'obson$ eds;$ Roman Frontier Studies ,/&/ 846eter$ !11!9$ /(
L 1!$ argues that the units under the DuI Britanniarum in AD Hcc8 OL Kper lineam ;alliL are not necessarily relics
from the past but could have continued to e6ist into the (
th
century given the evidence for unit stability in the
archaeological evidence contra the vie+s of M; Hassall$ K3ritain in the Aotitia$& in R; >oodburn and P;
3artholome+$ eds;$ *spects of the Aotitia Dignitatum8 8H6ford$ !1.,9$ pp; !" L !!.;
!!/
R; MacMullen$ K#he 4pigraphic Habit in the Roman 4mpire$& *merican ?ournal of @hilolog+ !" 8!1/29$ 2""<
(,;
!!1
4; 7ightman$ Gallia Belgica 8H6ford$ !1/)9$ p; 2;
!2
#hough there is un@uestionable evidence of a drop in the number of inscriptions produced$ the epigraphic
did continue in most parts of the 4mpire L especially Africa and the 4ast0 %; RouchE$ *phrodisias in Late
*nti>uit+ 8London$ !1/19; Hne observation is that many inscriptions have survived in the +est due to their
incorporation into city +alls constructed during the "
rd
A(
th
centuries; Subse@uent inscriptions +ere far more
vulnerable to more destructive forms of recycling;
!2!
M; Handley$ Death- Societ+ and 3ulture 8H6ford$ 2"9$
")

'espite these problems$ there is a small corpus of inscriptions relating to soldiers for the
late -mperial period in Belgica --; #hese can provide additional information for comparative
purposes as can epigraphic patterns from other parts of the 4mpire; 4pigraphy provides us
+ith useful details about soldiers including their length of service$ family details$ as +ell as a
sense of identity$ both individual and institutional;
!22
#he location of the inscriptions also
provides information on potential location of military units$ or at least +here soldiers ended
up in their retirement; -nscriptions also inform us ho+ the soldier andAor his family +ished
his memory to be vie+ed posthumously; #his should not be seen as a simple reflection of his
life but an idealisation;
!2"
Many forms of ritual associated +ith the deposition of the dead
function in a similar +ay; #he recording of an individual&s details on a stone +as an
important statement of status given the considerable labour and +ealth re@uired to
produce it; #he @uestion of +hat the erector had to gain by leaving a permanent mar*er to
their family must be considered; #here is a degree to +hich the individual +as negotiating
their position in society by perhaps confirming ho+ far they have come from their origins;
!2(

7oolf has argued that the provincial epigraphic habit in the early 4mpire reflects the
instability in post<con@uest societies and +as an attempt to consolidate individual positions
+ithin a ne+ system of social status$ +here there +as no tradition or ancestral memory to
call upon;
!2)
3ut both he and Meyer argue that from the "
rd
century$ the clear social
distinctions of the early 4mpire became blurred;
!2,
#he social$ political and religious changes
of late anti@uity provide a situation of similar uncertainty +here individuals could use
inscriptions as a means of adopting a permanent mar*er of social status in a fluid society;
!2.

#he @uestion of ho+ far military inscriptions reflect the relative social position of soldiers
and their attempts to negotiate their status is therefore a potentially fruitful line of
investigation; %an +e say that this is the activity of a comfortably established elite group or
one in +hich social competition is a pressing issueB


!22
F; Hope$ 3onstructing 7dentit+5 the Roman funerar+ monuments of *>uileia- 1ain! and AQmes 8H6ford$
2!9$ p; ";
!2"
F; Hope$ i:id;$ p; );
!2(
F; Hope$ i:id8$ p; "(<");
!2)
>; 7oolf$ KMonumental 7riting and the 46pansion of Roman Society in the 4arly 4mpire&$ ?ournal of Roman
Studies$ /, 8!11,9$ 22<"1;
!2,
4; Meyer$ K46plaining the epigraphic pattern in the Roman 4mpire0 the evidence of epitaphs&$ ?ournal of
Roman Studies- / 8!119$ .( L 1,;
!2.
M; Handley$ Death- Societ+ and 3ulture 8H6ford$ 2"9$ pp; !"<!(;
",

(.... Arc&aeolo$y
#he material remains of the military system in northern >aul are relatively e6tensive$ and
they also provide a potential corrective and alternative narrative to the literary evidence;
#he @uality and @uantity of +estern 4uropean archaeology has e6panded e6ponentially over
the last fe+ decades as e6cavation techni@ues have become more technologically
sophisticated; #he development of national infrastructure0 e6pansion of train and the
motor+ay net+or*s as +ell as urban developments$ has instigated a systematic rescue
archaeology that has produced a +ealth of information; #he combination of aerial
reconnaissance$ land surveys and e6cavations has provided data that provides both a
breadth of information and a coherent dating frame+or* through the development of
techni@ues of stratigraphy;
!2/
#his information is still variable in @uality and @uantity$
ho+ever; Rural surveys are increasingly accumulating information on the settlement of the
countryside in the "
rd
$ (
th
and )
th
centuries;
!21
Understanding the urban archaeology of >aul
is problematic given the continual settlement of most cities since Roman times and patterns
in the late Roman period are particularly difficult to define and understand;
!"

Archaeology has also been subNect to methodological introspection +hich affects the
assessment of evidence; #he KJe+ Archaeology& 8Processual9 movement that emerged in
the !1,s emphasised optimistically the ability of material culture to reflect patterns of
gradual long<term change; Many archaeologists believed this +as a more efficacious +ay to
understand the ancient past than using documentary evidence$ given the ability of
archaeologists to be obNective and scientific;
!"!
As discussed above$ +riting +as the preserve
of elite groups$ +ho +ere often a considerable distance a+ay from the events they
described$ both in time and location; #heir chronological span is erratic$ leaving us largely
ignorant of events for decades at a time; Archaeology$ through the uncovering of material
evidence by e6cavation and land survey$ allo+s understanding of a broader cross section of

!2/
For a good summary of modern e6cavation techni@ues see G; >reene$ *rchaeolog+5 an introduction )
th

edition 8Abingdon$ 2!9;
!21
See for e6ample P; Fan Hssel$ Eta:lissements RurauI de lL*nti>uitC $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule 8Paris$
!1129; For a good e6ample of using modern archaeological techni@ues to do a regional study of rural
archaeology see %; >andini$ Des 3ampagnes Gauloises auI 3ampagnes de lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e 5 la D+nami>ue de
lJHa:itat Rural dans la 3itC des Bituriges 3u:i 277e s8 a;8 ?8-38-=77e s8 ap8 ?8-384 8#ours$ 2/9;
!"
'; 3ayard$ KLes Filles du Jord de la >aule dans l&Anti@uitE #ardive&$ in '; 3ayard$ ed;$ La 1ar>ue de Rome5
Samaro:ri;a et les =illes du Aord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2(9$ p; !.";
!"!
S; 3inford and L; 3inford$ Ae6 @erspecti;es on *rchaeolog+ 8%hicago$ !1,/9;
".

society; Material evidence therefore adheres to general social theories such as +ealth and
hierarchy$ and +ould argue that burials are a functional reflection of the social status of the
buried individual during their life0 thus a lavishly furnished grave +ould represent an
important$ aristocratic individual; #his moved the focus a+ay from attribution to groups
mentioned in historical te6ts; Some have argued that ethnicity 8in the sense of lin*ing
archaeological cultures to named groups in the +ritten sources9 is in itself not really
compatible +ith archaeological evidence +hich reflects long term structures and regional
cultural traditions;
!"2

#his confidence has bro*en do+n some+hat under the ideas of Kpost<processual&
archaeologists +ho have re<emphasised the importance of te6ts and pointed out ho+
material culture is constructed by societies in the same manner as +ritten te6ts$ and must
be interpreted +ith great caution;
!""
Material and te6tual evidence often reveal different
concerns that$ +hile they cannot be simply grafted onto each other$ have perspectives
+hich can be complementary; #his study +ill generally lean to+ards a post<processualist
position and emphasise that conte6t is crucial to any interpretation$ and meta<narratives
such as Kethnicity& are dangerously misleading; %hapter 2 +ill develop the discussion of the
material evidence in detail +hen highlighting the main material criteria;

(.../ Case St-#y; Belgica II
3elgica -- covered the flat$ plains of northern Picardy and the coastal Pas<de<%alais region of
modern France; #he coastal area seems to have been subNect to a rising sea level and
increased flooding during the late 4mpire; #he panegyric addressed to %onstantius in 21.
describes the area to the north of the province 8modern Flanders9 as a 5one of marshes;
!"(

#his +as a more heavily urbanised area than 3elgica - +ith a comple6 and developed road

!"2
S; 3rather$ K4thnic -dentities as %onstructions of Archaeology0 the %ase of the *lamanni$& in A; >illett$ ed;$
Hn Bar:arian 7dentit+5 3ritical *pproaches to Ethnicit+ in the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8229$ pp; !(1 L !.)$ +hich
argues that too many attempts to identify ethnic groups in the 4arly Middle Ages 8he uses the Alamanni as his
case study9 are reflections of modern theoretical constructions and that the usual sources of identity$ such as
costumes and grave goods$ are more li*ely reflections of general regional patterns; #he problem of +hether
one is identifying the movement of peoples or ideas is another issue that he argues cannot be resolved by
material evidence; Archaeology$ he suggests$ should stic* to doing +hat it does best;
!""
-; Hodder$ $heor+ and @ractice in *rchaeolog+ 8London$ !1129: %; Shan*s and M; #illey$ Re-constructing
archaeolog+5 theor+ and practice 8%ambridge$ !1/.9;
!"(
@aneg+rici Latini$ -F;/;2;
"/

net+or*; -n the early 4mpire there +as a very limited military presence$ apart from 3ononia
83oulogne9 +hich +as the base of the classis Britanniae; #he countryside +as prosperous
and its +ealth seems to have been based on the +ool trade$ cloa*s and clothing being +ell
*no+n throughout the 4mpire;
!")
'iocletian&s Price 4dict mentions cloa*s from Arras and
Amiens;
!",
-n the "
rd
century$ archaeological and epigraphic evidence indicates that a
military presence seems to have become more regular; #his development continued during
the late 4mpire; #here +ere important military centres such as Reims$ +here campaign
armies are recorded as having been assembled under Dulian and Falentinian; 4mperors also
+intered +ith their comitatus at Amiens and Paris$ as +ell as using the road net+or* for
travel to 3ritain; Forts +ere also constructed on the coast probably as part of the same
thin*ing that lead to the construction of the coastal forts on the south of 3ritain and further
+est into Armorica; #his increased military presence$ and its diversity$ means there are
potentially profitable comparisons and insights to be gleaned;
(...0 Researc& <-estions
'id a coherent KRoman& military identity e6ist in Belgica -- during the (
th
centuryB
At +hat point in the )
th
century is there a point in +hich +e can no longer refer to
KRoman& soldiersB
Ho+ far +as there a process of integration under+ay bet+een soldiers and the
provincial population of Belgica -- during the late Roman periodB
Ho+ far +as the landscape of Belgica -- dominated by the military$ to the e6tent one
can argue that the province +as Kmilitarised&B
#he research @uestions +ill be pursued by attempting to place the provincial investigation in
a +ider conte6t; Firstly$ *ey themes in terms of military identity and the relationship +ith
+ider society across the period under investigation +ill be e6plored in the literary evidence
relevant to >aul; Secondly there +ill be an e6amination of the material evidence and the
issues that face its interpretation$ +hile bringing in some e6amples from neighbouring
provinces; #his +ill create a +ider conte6t for the specific focus on the material and +ritten
evidence from the province of Belgica --;

!")
D; 7ild$ $eItile 1anufacture in the Aorthern Roman @ro;inces 8%ambridge$ !1.9: 4 7ightman$ Gallia
Belgica 8H6ford$ !1/)9$ pp; !(1<)!;
!",
DiocletianLs @rice Edict !1;"2$ ()$ (,$ (/$ )($ , in % RouchE$ *phrodisias in Late *nti>uit+ 8London$ !1/19$ p;
2/.;
"1

C&a)ter (; Military i#entities in t&e /
t&
cent-ry = 0
t&
Cent-ries

(.( Intro#-ction
At the end of the "
rd
century +hile describing the career of Ma6imian$ a >allic panegyricist
described the 4mperor&s birthplace$ Pannonia$ as the0 =Seat of the bravest of legions?$ and
@uestioned +hether he should mention0 =#he first standards to inaugurate your imperial
auspices$ +hich 8+ere9 the camps to receive you as their master$ +hich the e6peditions
+hich led you in various directions?;
!".
#his trinity of signa L castra L :ella suggests that the
civilian author believed in a clear$ coherent military identity; #he distinction bet+een soldier
and civilian is also dra+n out in a memorable passage$ +here the panegyrist seems to be
describing a 8hurried9 reaction to a military threat on the frontier by Ma6imian; -n a series of
Nu6tapositions he lays do+n several images +hich illustrate a dichotomy bet+een the t+o
spheres of activity0 toga praeteItaAthoraI$ scipioAhasta and tri:unalAcampus;
!"/
#his
suggests that in the conte6t of imperial rhetoric$ there +as a clear understanding of the role
of soldiers and their distinction from civilian life; #here is a tendency in the sources to refer
to the soldiers as an undifferentiated mass$ +hich probably reflects a civilian perspective;
%laudius Mamertinus& panegyric tal*s of the problems facing Dulian in >aul +here0 =Soldiers
8milites4$ often trifled +ith in times past$ +ere demanding the pay o+ed to them;?
!"1

Lactantius also strongly emphasises the separation of soldier and civilian +hen he describes
%onstantine$ in the conte6t of 'iocletian and >alerius&s discussions over the succession to
the first #etrarchy$ as0 =3eloved by the soldiers and by choice of the private citi5ens;?
!(

-n many +ays therefore$ the KRoman army& could still be understood in concrete terms
during the late Roman period; -t +as formed of milites +ho undertoo* militia; #hey fought
professionally at public e6pense$ provided for materially by the imperial administration and$
most importantly$ their violence +as legitimised by service to the emperor; #his last point is

!".
@aneg+rici Latini- O;2;);<,0 =Ruae te prima signa imperatoriis auspiciis inaugurarint- >uae castradominum
ha:itura susceperint- >uae :ella diduIerint- >uae ;ictoriae auIerintGS;
!"/
@aneg+rici Latini- O;,;(;0 =$ogam praeteItam sumpto thorace mutasti- hastam posito scipione rapuisti- a
tri:unali temet in campum- a curuli in e>uum transtulisti et rursus eI acie cum triumpho redistiT? 8As s+iftly
and easily as you doffed the toga praeteIta and put on the curaiss$ laying do+n staff and sei5ing a spear$
transporting yourself from the tribunal to the field of battle$ from the curule seat to horsebac*$ and returning
again from the fray in triumph9;
!"1
@aneg+rici Latini- ---;!0 =1ilites saepe anteactis tempori:us ludo ha:itiprasus stipendium flagiterantS;
!(
Lactantius$ De 1orti:us @ersecutorum- !/;!0 =* militi:us amaretur- a pri;atis et optareturS;
(

a particularly pertinent factor as +e move from the end of the (
th
into the )
th
century$ as
there +as a significant fragmentation of political authority in >aul caused by the rise of
many different forms of alternative claims to loyalty;
!(!
Hne could @ualify the issue of
legitimacy as being represented by an0 =4mperor +ith general acceptance amongst a
significant number of the 4mpire&s political classes;? A complicating factor is that the +ords
militia and eIercitus appear to have had more abstract meanings; -t +ill be argued that an
optimal approach to this @uestion is to focus less on the institutional structure of the army$
+hich can be seen as a product of an anachronistic tendency in modern scholarship$ and
rather to vie+ Roman soldiers as social beings$ defined by a dynamic set of identities and
attributes +hich proved surprisingly resilient despite the significant changes that occured
during this period; #his conceptual system continued to provide a robust cultural frame+or*
for legalised state violence$ even +hen the logistical system supporting it began to dissolve;
#hese comple6 identities are central to any understanding of ho+ the military functioned in
Late Roman society;
#his chapter +ill e6amine the e6tant +ritten sources to assess +hat light they shine on the
different military identities and structures that appear in >aul during the (
th
and )
th

centuries; As there are fe+ te6ts directly relevant to Belgica --$ te6ts that either focus more
broadly on >aul$ or that can provide a direct analogy$ +ill be used;

(.* Definin$ militia
Ancient +ritten sources usually refer to the Roman army in terms of militia 8armed service90
+here milites 8soldiers9 are serving in an eIercitus 8army98 Ho+ever$ the meaning of militia
is @uite a general one; -t can mean Kservice& in a broader sense than a purely military one: in
the imperial bureaucracy for e6ample; #here +ere deliberate parallels bet+een the t+o
branches of imperial service; %ivilian officials +ere paid in rations 8annona9$ and possessed a
similar uniform 8;estis9$ +ith belt 8cingulum9 and the Kcrossbo+& brooches 8fi:ulae9 that
denoted an individual&s status in both branches of service;
!(2
Hne could argue that the

!(!
#his can include usurpers$ +ho proliferate in the late (
th
century$ and barbarian leaders +ho emerge as
reges e;g; Alaric possibly from military conte6ts; 7e also have Roman military leaders +ho +hile not 4mperors
themselves are politically dominant L often described as =generalissimos? e;g; Stilicho: see D; M; HU'onnell$
Generalissimos of the late Roman Empire 8Alberta$ !1/"9;
!(2
See for e6ample 4; S+ift$ $he End of the 9estern Roman Empire 8Stroud$ 29$ pp; 2. L )2;
(!

distinction bet+een a miles and a civilian undergoing militia +ould be obvious to a
contemporary observer; Ammianus Marcellinus refers to himself as0 =Haec ut miles
>uondam et Graecus?;
!("
-t +ould be difficult to understand this as meaning anything but a
soldier$ given the biographical details of military service he recounts in his Res Gestae;
!((
Hn
the other hand$ Ammianus served as a protector +hose functions$ +hile primarily military$
+ere far removed from the duties of the humble pedes$ involving administrative +or* such
as intelligence gathering;
!()
*gentes in re:us and notarii +ere civil functionaries +ho also
undertoo* military roles$ such as intelligence gathering;
!(,
#here are also e6amples of
Kcivilian& officials commanding soldiers in the (
th
century$ such as +hen -ovis$ the Ruaestor
@alatium Sacrum$ commanded an army group in Dulian&s march to meet %onstantius -- in
",!$ and +as detached to besiege A@uileia;
!(.
#he other maNor group of milites +ere the
fa:ricenses +ho +or*ed in the imperial arms factories 8fa:ricae9; #heir service granted them
the same status as other milites0 the capacity to dra+ rations from the annona$ e6ercise
legal e6emptions and a hierarchical system of promotions;
!(/
#he precise meaning of militia
can therefore be elusive;
#he administration of the late Roman 4mpire +as characterised by the strict separation of
civilian and military responsibilities;
!(1
Praetorian Prefects$ for e6ample$ had their military
responsibilities removed during %onstantine&s reign$ and these +ere then ta*en on by the
magistri militum;
!)
All the e6amples of overlapping military and civilian roles @uoted above
can be e6plained as situations +here personal loyalty to the 4mperor overrode institutional
boundaries rather than implying a systematic blurring of competences;
!)!
-t seems unli*ely
that individuals could mista*e their institutional role0 Symmachus uses the adNective militaris
and legal te6ts use the term armata to distinguish bet+een the civilian and military

!("
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae- OOO-;!,;1;
!((
For Ammianus as soldier see introduction$ notes /! L /";
!()
A; Dones$ #he Later Roman Empire %&' E ()% 8H6ford$ !1,(9$ pp; ,", L (;
!(,
See J; Austin and J; 3; Ran*ov$ EIploratio5 1ilitar+ and @olitical 7ntelligence in the Roman 9orld 8London$
!11)9$ pp; 2!1<2 and 22(<2) for further development;
!(.
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OO-;/;": also see Florentius the Praetorian Prefect advising Dulian to
attac* the Alamanni at Strasbourg in ").$ OF-;!2;!(;
!(/
S; Dames$ K#he Fa:ricae0 State Arms Factories of the Later Roman 4mpire&$ in D;%; %oulston$ ed;$ 1ilitar+
E>uipment and the 7dentit+ of Roman Soldiers 8H6ford$ !1//9$ pp; 2.) L .,;
!(1
S; Mitchell$ * Histor+ of the Later Roman Empire 2/(<,(! 8H6ford$ 2.9$ p; !,);
!)
A; H; M; Dones$ op8 cit8$ 8!1,(9$ pp; ,/ L !;
!)!
R;S;H; #omlin$ KJotitia 'ignitatum Hmnium$ tam %iviliam @uam Militarium&$ in D; %; Mann$ R; >oodburn and
P; 3artholome+$ eds;$ *spects of the Aotitia Dignitatum 8H6ford$ !1.,9$ p; !1";
(2

branches of the imperial service;
!)2
#he 3odeI $heodosianus preserves t+o rescripts that
discuss the confusion over +hether it fell +ithin the remit of the Praetorian Prefect or the
1agister 1ilitum to deal +ith an appeal +hen a provincial governor had conducted a case
against a soldier;
!)"
Soldiers& +eapons and uniforms +ould have been unambiguous to a
contemporary observer$ additionally reflecting their particular regimental affiliations;
!)(
A
common theme throughout Roman history +as the symbolic importance of the soldier&s
uniform$ +hich +as common displayed in public art 8e;g; funerary reliefs9 and also
represented status and hierarchy +ithin the army;
!))

Hostility bet+een the civilians and soldiers is a topos in late Roman sources$ +hich further
suggests the maintenance of distinctive identities; At %abyllona 8%halons<sur<Saone9 in ")($
the failure of the Praetorian Prefect$ Rufinus$ to produce supplies caused problems
according to Ammianus0 =He 8Rufinus9 +as forced to go in person before the troops$ +ho
+ere aroused both by the scarcity and by their natural savage temper$ and besides they
+ere naturally inclined to be harsh and bitter to+ards men in civil positions;?
!),
Aurelius
Fictor$ +riting during the ")s$ rarely has anything good to say about milites; De 3aesari:us
ma*es several damning comments about soldiers& greed and corruption; -n the account of
>ordian -$ Fictor +rites0 =#he soldiers +ere angry at being deceived by these promises
8re+ards offered9 being the sort of men +ho are very greedy for money and loyal and true
solely for profit;?
!).
#here is damnation by faint praise +hen discussing the election of
%laudius >othicus0 =#he soldiers$ +hom the desperate state of affairs compelled$ @uite
contrary to their natural inclination$ to ma*e the right decisionsV;eagerly approved and

!)2
Symmachus$ Ep8---;,.0 =1ilitiae stipendiis cum honestate perfunctumTlegimitiaTpraemiaT;eteranis;?
!)"
For e6ample 3od8 $h8 !;);! 8"1"9: 3od8 $h8 !;.;2 8"1"9;
!)(
#he best evidence for this are the unit shield patterns than survive in the Aotitia Dignitatum; #heir accuracy
has been challenged$ but there is sufficient indication from other sources that +hile some of the shield
depictions may be authentic e;g; the %ornuti$ many of the emblems in the surviving !)
th
and !,
th
century
copies are products of later copyists& imaginations0 R; >rigg$ K-nconsistency and Lassitude0 the Shield 4mblems
of the Aotitia Dignitatum$L ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ."$ 8!1/"9$ !"2<!(2;
!))
For the importance of the soldiers& uniform and display see M; Spiedel$ K'ressed for the Hccasion; %lothes
and %onte6t in the Roman Army$& in M;<L; Josc$ ed;$ 9earing the 3loa#5 Dressing the Soldier in Roman $imes
8H6ford$ 2!29$ pp; ! L !2;
!),
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ O-F;!;(0 =Onde Rufinus ea tempestate praefectus praetorio- ad
discrimen trusus est ultimum8 7re enim ipse compelle:atur ad militem- >uem eIagita:at inopia simul et feritas-
et alio>ui coalito more in ordinarias dignitates asperum semper et sae;um;?
!).
Aurelius Fictor$ de 3aesari:us 2,;
("

praised the accession of %laudius;?
!)/
He condemns several other groups too$ such as the
actuarii and the agentes in re:us$ for their corruption;
!)1
Fictor&s grievances appear to have
their origins in resentment amongst the senatorial class at the political influence of their
social inferiors;
!,
7hen the matter of succession is referred to the Senate by the soldiers
after the death of Aurelian$ Fictor comments0 =#he matter +as debated +ith propriety and
moderation on both sides$ virtues rare among peopleVand almost unheard of +ith
soldiers;?
!,!
#he vie+point of men in civilian positions is not e6clusively hostile; #he author
of de Re:us Bellicis suggests a range of rather impractical improvements to the military
establishment$ +hich sho+s the active interest in military policy amongst bureaucrats; His
ideas include an attempt to curb e6penditure by having soldiers serve for shorter periods of
time$ and subse@uently using the younger veterans to cultivate land more vigorously and
thus increasing the number of ta6payers;
!,2
4utropius$ another civilian official$ mentions
these issues more circumspectly in his Bre;iarum$ but several times describes a clear
dichotomy bet+een soldiers and provincials;
!,"

1ilitia had a general applicability to anyone serving the emperor; 7hat this brief te6tual
survey tends appears to suggest is that despite the lac* of precision demanded by a modern
reader in Latin terminology$ it +as possible for contemporaries to ma*e distinctions
bet+een the different branches of milites in the (
th
century;

(.. >Militia? as a r&etorical cate$ory
Militia +as also a rhetorical concept that could easily become detached from the concrete
reality of soldiers garrisoned in forts$ or fighting under imperial command; -t gradually
transferred into a %hristian milieu from the !
st
century A' on+ards and +as deeply
ingrained into %hristian rhetoric by the (
th
and )
th
centuries +hen ecclesiastical and

!)/
Aurelius Fictor$ de 3aesari:us$ "(;!; See also the successes of Probus0 =He had crushed the barbarian tribes
+hich had invaded +hen our 4mperors had been *illed by the treachery of their o+n men;?
!)1
For *ctuarii see de 3aesari:us$ "": for *gentes in Re:us see de 3aesari:us$ "1$ +here they compared +ith
frumentarii;
!,
H;7; 3ird *urelius =ictor5 a Historiographical Stud+ 8Liverpool$ !1/(9;
!,!
Aurelius Fictor$ de %aesaribus ")0 =7ta utrim>ue pudore ac modestia certa:atur- rara in homini:us ;irtute-
re:us praesertim huiuscemodi- ac prope ignota militi:us?;
!,2
Anon;$ De Re:us Bellicis$ F;
!,"
4utropius$ Bre;iarum$ !;";
((

hagiographical sources often tal* of milites Dei$ usually translated as Ksoldiers of %hrist&;
!,(

#he term derived from the analogy of spiritual combat against the 'evil and his +or*s to
organised service given to an imperator i;e; %hrist; An organised service is even more
applicable to the organisation of many of the earliest ascetic groups on institutionalAmilitary
lines;
!,)
Hrosius uses the term in the conte6t of Falens& persecution of mon*s 8monachi4 in
4gypt +hile forcing them into military service 8ad militiam90 describing them as0 =#rue
soldiers of %hrist?;
!,,
#he analogy of military service is stronger in other te6ts; Lactantius in
the early (
th
century uses it in the conte6t of combat +hen describing the martyrdom of
'onatus0 =A soldier of %hrist such that no enemy can storm youV he 8the devil9 found he
could not con@uer you in combat;?
!,.
St Augustine ma*es the e6plicit comparison +hen
+riting to the 3omes 3onifatius that the milites 3hristi underta*e spiritual combat as
opposed to physical combat of soldiers;
!,/
4ugippius&s Life of Saint Se;erinus provides a
neat Nu6taposition bet+een milites of the 4mpire and a miles Dei +hen describing Severinus&
activities in Raetia; #he hagiographical aim of the +or* +ould seem to be to illustrating the
ephemeral nature of protection provided by the po+ers of the +orld in comparison +ith the
po+er of >od; -n 4ugippus& account Saint Severinus provides the only effective defence
against barbarian raiders and it is he +ho negotiates +ith the local raiding tribes$ +hile the
ability of the 4mpire to provide protection through its officials and soldiers is negligible;
!,1

#his evolution is a testament to ho+ the Roman 4mpire&s increasing +ea*nesses sa+ loyalty
to %hristianity becoming not only an alternative source of loyalty$ but also protection and
patronage;
#his leads to an important aspect of militia$ the e6tent to +hich the term +as a gauge of
political loyalty as much as a professional identity; >rWne+ald has argued that the term
latrones 8bandits9 +as not functional$ but rather a means of abusing individuals and groups
that had opposed the established system; #hose setting themselves up as usurpers to

!,(
For St Paul&s use of the +hole armour of >od and a series of other military metaphors through to the
helmet of righteousness amongst other military metaphors see 4phesians ,;!! L !.;
!,)
A good e6ample is the mon* Pachomius$ +ho +as a former miles0 P; Rousseau$ @achomius5 $he 1a#ing of a
3ommunit+ in Fourth-centur+ Eg+pt 8U%LA$ !1119;
!,,
Hrosius$ Historia contra @aganos$ F--;"";"0 =Huc tri:uni et milites missi- >ui sanctos ac ueros milites Dei alio
nomine persecutionis a:straherent8 interfecta sunt i:i agmina multa sanctorum?;
!,.
Lactantius$ De 1orti:us @ersecutorum$ !,;1<!0 =Hoc est militem 3hristiT8>uem tot proeliis eIpertus est non
posse superare;?
!,/
Augustine$ Ep8$ %%OO;1 to %ount 3onifatius uses the term$ =1ilites 3hristi?;
!,1
4ugippius$ =ita Se;erini$ ch; ($ !! 2 !1;
()

challenge the legitimate emperor became tyrants and bandits in the +ritten sources;
!.
An
e6ample +ould be the abuse heaped on %arausius and the :agaudae in >aul during the
2/s and 21s; #he :agaudae are dismissed as peasant insurgents +hose attempts to fight
are moc*ed by Ma6imian&s panegyricist;
!.!
Hne must ta*e these accounts +ith caution0
historians have been too @uic* to fit these accounts into Mar6ian visions of peasant
revolution;
!.2
#his is another collective Roman term describing a +ide range of activities;
!."

%oins minted by a named bagaudic leader$ Amandus$ sho+ing him as a Roman emperor are
Renaissance fa*es$ +hich undermines attempts to argue the revolt +as another usurpation
of the period;
!.(
%arausius&s origins are obscure$ but he appears to have been a military
officer +ho +as forced to revolt +hen he fell out +ith Ma6imian;
!.)
His condemnation in
the sources as a non<Roman +arlord is contradicted the traditional policies he seems to
have pursued;
!.,
#he immense difficulties in unravelling such one<sided accounts aside$ this
+ould suggest ho+ fle6ible the concept of militia could be +hen applied to particular
situations;
Although bearing arms +as illegal there +as probably no state monopoly in reality;
!..

%ivilians$ slaves$ urban citi5ens or veterans seem to have been responsible for some
defensive activities in the late 4mpire$ but on an ad hoc basis as there seems to have been

!.
#; >rWne+ald$ Bandits in the Roman Empire 8London$ 2(9$ pp; /</.;
!.!
Bacaudae0 @an8 Lat8 O;(;" =*n non illud malum simile monstrorum :iformium in hisce terris fuit >uod tua-
3aesar- nescio utrum magis fortitudine repressum sit an clementia mitigatum- cum militaris ha:itus ignari
agricolae appetiuerunt- cum arator peditem- cum pastor e>uitum- cum hostem :ar:arum suorum cultorum
rusticus uastator imitates estGS 27as this not similar to that calamity of t+o shaped monsters in our land$ -
*no+ not +hether to say suppressed by your bravery$ %aesar$ or calmed by your mercyB -ne6perienced
farmers sought military garb: the plo+man imitated the infantryman$ the shepherd the cavalryman$ the rustic
ravager of his o+n crops the barbarian enemy; #his - pass over in haste$ for - see that such are your dutiful
feelings that you prefer that victory to be cast into oblivion rather than glorified9;
!.2
4; A; #hompson$ KPeasant Revolts in Late Roman >aul and Spain&$ @ast U @resent$ 2 8!1)2<!1)"9$ !! <2";
!."
D;%; SXnche5 LeYn$ Los Bagaudas5 re:eldes- demonios- mVrtires 5 re;ueltas campesinas en Galia e Hispania
durante el BaBo 7mperio 8DaEn$ !11,9
!.(
L; H*amura$ KSocial 'isturbances in Late Roman >aul0 'eserters$ Rebels and 3agaudae$& in #; Puge and M;
'oi$ eds;$ Forms of 3ontrol and su:ordination in *nti>uit+ 8Leiden$ !1//9$ pp; 2// L "2$ argues for the
usurpation theory +hile admitting the evidence is thin; %athy Ging pers8 comm; does not believe that any of
the recorded coins$ e;g; the three mentioned in R73 F;2$ are authentic as the earliest publication of any
Amandus coin dates to !).1; %oins from previously un*no+n >allic usurpers have been discovered recently$
e;g; 'omitianus0 A; 3enenson$ KFinding a lost emperor in a clay pot&$ *rchaeolog+- 8Hctober !!$ 2)9
Zhttp0AA+++;archaeology;orgAonlineAfeaturesAcoinAinde6;html[
!.)
#he main sources for %arausius&s origins are Aurelius Fictor$ de 3aesari:us$ "1; !. L 2 and 4utropius$
Bre;iarum$ 1;2<2!;
!.,
P; D; %asey$ 3arausius and *llectus5 $he British Osurpers 8London$ !11(9;
!..
38 $h8$ !);!);! 8",(9;
(,

no permanent institutional structure to organise this;
!./
A la+ of Falentinian --- reduced the
official restrictions on holding +eapons legally in the face of a serious Fandal threat to -taly
in (($ but the la+ stresses that +hile local people can use +eapons to defend themselves
the *ey principles of free birth and public discipline +ere not to be impaired;
!.1
#his reads as
a +ea* attempt to legitimise current practice rather than evidence of the iron control of the
Roman state$ in the )
th
century at least; #he increasing prevalence of +eapons burials in
northern >aul during the latter half of the (
th
century on+ards testify to an increasingly
tenuous control by central imperial authorities;
!/
#he centrality of imperial legitimacy to
armed groups continues through the various Kbarbarian& groups operating in the )
th
century$
such as the Fisigoths$ +ho have been argued to represent KRoman& armies;
!/!

1ilitia +as therefore not Nust a discrete reference to a particular institutional structure$ but
also a more general sense of political and military loyalty; #he Roman 4mpire$ +hen it +as
+ea*$ probably spent much of its time legitimising armed groups that +ere formed outside
of routine imperial procedures$ so that they could be integrated into the military frame+or*
based on the group&s decision to sho+ loyalty to the emperor;

(./ Ar%y or Ar%ies9
#ranslating eIercitus as$ =the Roman army?$ in the late anti@ue period can be very
misleading if it is used to conceive of a unitary military institution in the +ay one +ould
discuss a modern$ national force such as the 3ritish or #ur*ish army$ or even the Roman
citi5en army of the Republic; #he rhetorical device praising victorious legions of one glorious
Roman army that survive in many late imperial te6ts sho+s ho+ deeply the image of Roman
military po+er proNected during the great period of imperial e6pansion$ bet+een ! 3%
and A' !$ +as embedded in the collective memory; #e6ts such as %laudian&s panegyrics
discuss Roman soldiers in anachronistic terms of$ =Maniples?$ and$ =%ohorts?$ that allude to
the early 4mpire and its military successes;
!/2
A survey of the use of the term eIercitus in
the @aneg+rici Latini illustrates ho+ the +ord +as used across the (
th
century; 7hen

!./
H; 4lton$ 9arfare in Roman Europe- *D .0)-'%0 8H6ford$ !11,9$ pp; !2<";
!.1
Ao;8 =al8 1 8Rome$ ((9;
!/
See n; ";
!/!
P; Amory$ @eople and 7dentit+ in Hstrogothic 7tal+ '&/ E 00' 8%ambridge$ !11.9;
!/2
e;g; %laudian$ 3ontra Rufinum --;!."0 =@ugnandi cupidas accendit ;oce cohortes;? 8He 8Stilicho9 influences
+ith his voice the hearts of the cohorts +ith fire9;
(.

discussing the marriage of %onstantine and Fausta in ".$ the panegyricist ma*es a
digression on the importance of procreation for the0 =Human strength of Roman armies$?
+hich could also be rendered as0 =#he armies of the Romans?;
!/"
Ho+ever one translates it
eIercitus is @ualified by$ =Roman?$ rather than being described as a separate entity; -n the
panegyric addressed to Ma6imian at #rier in the late 2/s the author stresses the emperor&s
piety in his desperation to get bac* to0 =Pour army?$ 8eIercitus ;estros9;
!/(
Ja5arius&s
panegyric to %onstantine mentions0 =#his invincible army of yours?$ 8eIercitum tuum9;
!/)
-n
%onstantine&s campaign of "!2 against Ma6entius$ he +as opposed at Ferona by0 =A large
enemy army?$ 8hostium eIercitum9;
!/,

-n )
th
century te6ts eIercitus is increasingly used in conte6ts +here it is defined by the
commanding general$ in a manner reminiscent of the personal loyalty of soldiers to the
dynasts of the late Republic;
!/.
#he >allic %hronicler of ()2 describes the actions of0
=$heodosius cum eIercitu?$ in "//;
!//
#his can be rendered as #heodosius +ith an army$ as
+ell as #heodosius +ith the army; Hydatius&s %hronicle discusses the revolt of Heraclianus in
(!" in terms of an eIercitus that accompanied him0 a body of soldiers presumably loyal to
him;
!/1
Prosper of A@uitaine does not @ualify the term0 =*r:ogast magister eIercitusS$
8Arbogast master of theAa army9 or0 =3astino- >ui eIercitui magister militum praefuitS$
8%astinus +ho commanded aAthe army9$ but the Nu6taposition of leading military figures and
the accompanying eIercitus suggests the connection bet+een the t+o;
!1
#he term is also
used for those fighting the Romans$ as sho+n by the >allic %hronicler of ()2 +ho describes
ho+ Radagaisus divided his eIercitus into " parts before they +ere destroyed by Stilicho in
(,;
!1!
1ilites is often used as a synonym for eIercitus$ being rendered by translators as
Ksoldiery&; 3oth Prosper and the %hronicler of ()2 report the proclamation of Magnus

!/"
@aneg+rici Latini F--;2;(0 WEt >uasi fontem humani ro:oris semper Romanis eIerciti:us ministrarunt8S
!/(
@aneg+rici Latini O-;!2;";
!/)
@aneg+rici Latini -F;.;(0 =7lla in;inctum eIercitum tuum8S
!/,
@aneg+rici Latini O--;/;!0 =1aIimo hostium eIercitu tene:atur8S
!/.
%; Ando$ K#he Army and the Urban \lite&$ in P; 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+ 8H6ford$
2.9$ p; ",(;
!//
Gall8 3hron8 '0%$ !/ 8"//90 =$heodosius cum eIercitu ad 7taliam transgrediens 1aIimum interfecit8=
!/1
Hydatius$ (;!10 =Heraclianus mouens eIercitum de *frica ad;ersus Honorium8S
!1
Prosper$ 3hron8 .". 8"129;
!1!
Gall8 3hron8 '0%$ )2 8()90 =3uius in tres partes per di;ersos principles di;isus eIercitus8S
(/

Ma6imus of "// in 3ritain =per seditionem militum? 8by conspiracy of the soldiers9 and =a
militi:us? 8by the soldiers9;
!12

EIercitus is therefore a collective term for a group of milites$ rather than meaning Kthe army&
in the modern sense; #he fact that neither the magistri nor the 4mperor can be sho+n to
have had direct command of all Roman fighting men at that point sho+s that using eIercitus
as a precise term describing a single organisation is futile; #he political fragmentation of the
4mpire during the late (
th
and )
th
centuries sa+ a situation emerge analogous +ith the "
rd

century crisis$ +here there +ere many armies operating +ithin imperial territory; -t could be
argued this analysis cannot be sustained by placing so much +eight on the use of technical
terms in rhetorical speeches by civilians; -ndeed$ a deep underlying hostility to the business
of +ar has been detected in many of these +or*s$ such as in Prosper;
!1"
7hile it +ould be
easy to dismiss panegyrical +or*s as empty formulae and propaganda constructed to
demonstrate the arcane classical *no+ledge of the authors rather than give a
straightfor+ard account of the events they purport to report$ a blan*et condemnation is too
simplistic; #hey +ere composed by professional rhetors$ not mere functionaries; Speeches
+ere given +ith an aim at securing patronage$ but +ere also a reflection of the opinions of
the educated Elite$ part of constantly evolving and vital part of imperial ceremony +hich
aimed to negotiate po+er bet+een the ruler and the ruled;
!1(
#o be credible these authors
had to reflect a reality that +as plausible to the audience$ many of +hom$ in official imperial
occasions$ +ould have been senior military figures;
!1)
#hese te6ts use language that reflects
a form of political and social reality$ admittedly refined through an ornate literary
construction$ and cannot be suggested as mere artifice;
Support for this emphasis on the multiplicity of military structures in the late Roman period
can be found in the surviving legal and administrative te6ts$ +hich sho+ that soldiers +ere
divided into many different serving categories$ graded by pay and status; #he top grade +as
for those +ho served in the scholae palatinae or bodyguard regiments$ +hich accompanied
the imperial court; #he comitatus or Kfield army& as it is usually *no+n had " orders0
palatinae$ comitatenses and pseudocomitatenses$ the latter being limitanei promoted to

!12
Prosper 3hron8$ .") 8"/(9: 3hron8 '0%$ ".1 8>ratian "9;
!1"
S; Muhlberger$ $he Fifth 3entur+ 3hroniclers 8Leeds$ !119$ p; !,;
!1(
S; Mac%ormac*$ *rt and 3eremon+ in late *nti>uit+ 83er*eley$ !1/!9;
!1)
See the interaction bet+een military figures such as Symmachus and the general 3auto in the Altar of
Fictory controversy0 Symmachus$ Ep8- -F;!) L !,;
(1

serve in the comitatus;
!1,
According to the Aotitia Dignitatum lists for >aul$ the 1agister
E>uitum Galliarum disposed of a series of units in the early )
th
century described as e>uites$
auIilia palatina$ legiones comitatenses$ legiones palatinae and legiones
pseudocomitatenses;
!1.
-n addition there +ere various castella located around the river
frontiers and coasts commanded by praefecti of various units0 milites$ cohortes$ alae and
numeri; #here +ere no palatine scholae or comitatus units in >aul +hen the list +as
compiled in the early )
th
century as the imperial court had moved to north -taly by this
point; Ho+ever$ these units +ould have been present at various points in the (
th
century
+hen there +ere *ugusti or 3aesares residing there; Soldiers of course came from a variety
of sources0 tribes defeated in +ar and enrolled 8dediticii9 or from prisoners settled on land
as farmers 8laeti9 for e6ample; #he Roman military system seems able to have been able to
integrate these into effective fighting units$ but the cultural and social mi6 added to the
institutional comple6ity;
#he difficultures of using surviving evidence is inevitably glossed by scholars attempting to
ans+er @ueries by combing the literary sources for nuggets of information that can be used
to create interpretational models; Ho+ever$ modern authors are accustomed to
contemporary institutions that employ precise terminology to describe concrete reality; #he
surviving evidence for the late Roman army is often frustratingly allusive +hich undermines
any confident conclusions; #his can be seen in the case of the limitanei; #he earliest$ e6plicit
use of the term is from ","$ but the earliest reference to the concept of soldiers being
defined by the frontier +here they served is found in a la+ of "2) in the 3odeI
$heodosianus +hich refers to riparenses L or river ban* soldiers;
!1/
7hether this is a
technical term$ or merely a description of +here the soldiers +ere stationed is unclear; -saac
has argued that the term limes is an administrative term in the (
th
century that describes a
frontier 5one under the command of a duI and is not a Kdefended border& or frontier$ +hich
is often ho+ it is understood by moderns obsessed +ith identifying formal administrative
boundaries;
!11
-t ma*es sense to elide these t+o terms together as representing the same

!1,
M; Jicasie$ $6ilight of Empire5 the Roman arm+ from the reign of Diocletian until the Battle of *drianople
8Amsterdam$ !11/9$ p; !.;
!1.
Aotitia Dignitatum$ Hcc8 =77- ,"<!!!: !,,<!./;
!1/
3od8 $h8- !2;!;), 8","9: 38 $h-8 .;2;( 8"2)9;
!11
3; -saac$ KMeaning of the terms of limes and limitanei&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ./ 8!1//9$ !2)<!(. contra
4; Lutt+a*$ Grand Strateg+ of the Roman Empire 83altimore$ !1.,9;
)

phenomenon$ and +hile this may +ell be correct$ one should not fail to ac*no+ledge the
inbuilt assumptions of such an approach; #his lac* of precision illustrates ho+ many Latin
terms are liable to miscomprehension by giving them anachronistic definitions that are not
+arranted by the conte6t; 7hen one attempts to reconstruct the army&s institutional
structures$ one can easily *nit the fragmentary and problematic evidence into a tidy
narrative that may fail to appreciate that changes could have been very ad hoc and messy;
#he huge variety of different titles used by limitanei units that are recorded in the Aotitia
Dignitatum indicates that the term is simply a convenient label grouping together army
units in a similar location rather than representing a ne+ strategic doctrine;
#his issue also applies to the comitatenses$ +hich are often glossed in the literature as
Kmobile field armies;& %onstantine is often given the credit for their creation$ +hile others
stress the importance of precedents found under 'iocletian and the #etrarchs;
2
Ho+ever
these scholarly constructs can move the discussion a+ay from the original meaning; #he
term +as coined in reference to inscriptions that described the soldier0 =-n the sacred
comitatus;?
2!
#he term is e6plicitly attested for 'iocletian in the Acts of Ma6imilianus$
+here t+o soldiers are said to serve0 =-n the sacred comitatus of our Lords 'iocletian and
Ma6imian;?
22
Similarly$ the Abinnaeus archive from 4gypt discusses recruits being sent0 =#o
the comitatus?;
2"
Selective @uotation could imply there is more institutional coherence to
Kthe& comitatus than is apparent else+here; #he term comitatenses is derived from comites
and comitatus L the entourage$ or Kcourt& accompanying the emperor as he moved around
the 4mpire hence soldiers +ere part of the comitatus rather than :eing the comitatus;
2(

#he term is also used in civilian conte6ts; An archivist 8adiutor memoriae9$ +as granted
rations +hile0 =Returning to the sacred comitatus of Ma6imianus %aesar 8>alerius9?$ in
21";
2)
As Le 3ohec has recently argued$ =mobile field armies?$ are a figment of historical

2
A; Dones$ op8 cit8- p; ,2!$ credits %onstantine +ith the significant reform but ac*no+ledges that this built on
'iocletian&s creation of a mobile force;
2!
4;g; -LS 2./!0 =Lectus in sacro comit2atu4 lanciarius;?
22
'ating of A' 21)$ *cts of 1aIimilianus$ 2;/<1;
2"
H;-; 3ell$ ed;$ $he *:innaeus archi;e5 papers of a Roman officer in the reign of 3onstantine 77 8H6ford$ !1,29$
@8 *::in8 !1$ +here it is contrasted e6plicitly +ith local service;
2(
R; S; H; #omlin$ KA;H;M;Dones and the Army of the Fourth %entury&$ in '; >+yn$ ed;$ A8 H8 18 ?ones and the
Later Roman Empire 8H6ford$ 2/9$ p; !),;
2)
D; Rea$ R; Salomons and G; 7orp$ KA ration<+arrant for an adiutor memoriae-& Xale 3lassical Studies$ 2/
8!1/)9$ !!<!";
)!

imagination since the !1
th
century and our te6ts are referencing military units& social
position rather than their institutional role;
2,

Again$ one could criticise the present argument as putting too much +eight on semantics;
#he evidence on the army recorded by Ammianus and Fegetius appears more functional
and descriptive than the material discussed so far; #his +ould suggest that the Roman
military had a clear internal sense of institutional coherence; Senior officers +ere able to
move easily bet+een different parts of the 4mpire to ta*e charge of local military forces;
Ursicinus$ the magister e>uitum under +hom Ammianus served as a protector during the
")s$ +as moved from command in the 4ast under >allus to the 7est +here he +as sent to
>aul to assassinate Silvanus before returning to the 4ast to face the Persian invasion of
")1;
2.
#he >allic commanders amongst Dulian&s army that invaded Persia in ","$ +ho are
found debating the succession$ Jevitta and 'agalaifus$ illustrate an institutional coherence
that must have e6isted for the Roman army to be militarily effective;
2/
-mperial coinage
used a variety of terms appealing to the =eIercitus? in its coinage$ +hich sho+s an attempt
to support and sustain a corporate identity on that most crucial of elements0 pay;
21

7hile this is a reasonable point$ operational co<operation can surely +or* +ithin a general
military Kculture& rather than having to be accounted for by a singular institution; 7e should
therefore thin* of there being many Roman armies in the late anti@ue +orld rather than
discussing Kthe& Roman army; Military identity +as a function of the +ay each particular unit
interacted +ith the imperial supply net+or*s and their political loyalty to the imperial
dynasty; #he central authority usually co<ordinated myriad local forces by controlling official
appointments$ and direct command +as usually only e6ercised in the presence of an
emperor; Hne can speculate that this resulted in considerable local autonomy and variety$
+hich is +hy +e must no+ loo* at regional dynamics;


2,
P; Le 3ohec$ KLimitanei et comitatenses80 %riti@ue de la th]se attribuEe ^ #heodor Mommsen&$
Latomus$ LOF-;" 82.9$ pp; ,)1<,.2;
2.
D;F; Matthe+s$$he Roman Empire of *mmianus 8London$ !1/19$ pp; ""<(.;
2/
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae- OOF;);2;
21
#he #rier mint issued a series of gold coins through the (
th
century +ith the legend$ =Gloria EIercitus$? see D;
Pearce$ =alentinian 7 to $heodosius 7 R73 7< 8London$ !1,!9$ p; !2,: ==irtus EIercitus$? see D; Pearce op8 cit8$ p;
!1: %onstantine also released a silver coin in "1$ ==irtus EIercitus Gall2iarum4-? +hich sho+s a more locali5ed
appeal < see P; 3runn$ 3onstantine and Licinius- *8D8 .,.-..F R73 =777 8London$ !1,,9$ p; 22";
)2

(./ Re$ionalis% an# local i#entities
#here +as a strong dynamic +ithin the military structures of the 4mpire that could be
described as Klocalism;& An e6cellent illustration of the local ties that soldiers developed in
the (
th
century can be seen in the appeal to the %aesar Dulian by %onstantius -- for
reinforcements for his forces fighting the Persians in ")1; Dulian argued that volunteers from
across the Rhine +ould not serve if they had to be moved to the east;
2!
#he threat to their
families from the Alamanni spread around the soldiers of the Petulantes at Paris +hen they
+ere told of the plans to move them$ and this led to their re@uest for public transport to
move their loved ones to safety;
2!!
#oo much +eight can be placed on this anecdote; -t is
part of Ammianus& literary Nustification of Dulian&s usurpation in ",0 by ma*ing %onstantius&
re@uests seem unreasonable it e6cuses the %aesar&s treason;
2!2
Some of Ammianus&
anecdotal evidence appears to have been based on his o+n e6periences; He describes
tensions during the siege of Amida bet+een eastern soldiers and those from >aul$ created
by their different tactical inclinations$ +hich indicates the e6istence of local military
cultures;
2!"
%laudian tal*s of the distinct eastern and >allic military traditions in the conte6t
of Stilicho&s control over the armies of #heodosius combining the forces of the eastern
4mpire +ith those +hich follo+ed 4ugenius and Arbogast in "1(;
2!(

Another e6ample of a tendency for soldiers to integrate into provinces are the limitanei +ho
MacMullen vie+ed as becoming mere peasant<soldiers completely integrated into local
society0 a militia of part<time farmers supported by the land they +ere given by the state;
2!)

#his vie+ has been vigorously challenged; #he evidence of the 3odeI $heodosianus$ for
e6ample$ states that limitanei +ere given land grants on their retirement$ +hich seems odd
if they already held land as their primary means of subsistence;
2!,
#he limited surviving
evidence also suggests that they +ere subNect to military discipline in the same +ay as
Kregular& soldiers +ere; #he Aotitia Dignitatum lists !. units under the 1agister @editum

2!
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae- OO$(;(;
2!!
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae- OO;(;(: !<!!;
2!2
D; F; Matthe+s$ $he Roman Empire of *mmianus$ 8London$ !1/19$ pp; 1" L !
2!"
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae- O-O;,;
2!(
%laudian$ 3ontra Rufinum$ --;! L !!,;
2!)
R; MacMullen$ Soldier and 3i;ilian in the Later Roman Empire 8%ambridge$ !1,"9$ pp; (. L ,/;
2!,
A; Dones$ op8 cit8$ 8!1,(9$ pp; ,(1 L ,)): supported by P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he Late Roman *rm+
8London$ !11,9$ pp; ")<".: see also Dustinian&s code 83? !2;");!)90 it is forbidden for soldiers =+ho get their
arms and supplies from the state? to +or* in the fields or herd animals;
)"

@raesentalis in the +est +ho are called pseudo-comitatenses +ho +ere transferred to the
central military command from the frontier$ +hich presumably means they remained
mobile and battle +orthy;
2!.
7ritten accounts of the battle of Mursa in ")! mention large
cavalry numbers that could only have been drafted from frontier units;
2!/
Scholarly
orthodo6y holds that limitanei remained a +ell trained professional force until the ,
th

century;
2!1

Laeti have also been suggested to be part of the Ksoldier<farmer& paradigm; #here is no
consensus on +hat they actually are; Possible suggestions include that they represented
provincial populations reclaimed from captivity by barbarian raiders in the "
rd
century: they
could be settlements of people from outside the 4mpire brought in as prisoners after
-mperial campaigns or they could be groups +ho moved in on a formal basis and +ere given
land in response for promises of loyalty$ and made liable for ta6ation and recruitment;
22

#hey +ere probably communities of farmers liable for military service$ but covered a broad
range of different phenomenon; Foederati are another group +ho have engendered
enormous debate$ but given the shortage of space$ all that +ill be said about them is that
they reflect the variety of different arrangements that could e6ist +ithin the Roman
Kmilitary& net+or*;
22!


2!.
AD Hcc; F; 2).<2.( 8ed; Seec*9$ +hich is supported strongly by 3; -saac$ $he Limits of Empire 8H6ford$ !1129$
pp; 2/<1;
2!/
'; Hoffmann$ Das Sp"trmische Be6egungsheer und die Aotitia Dignitatum 8'usselfdorf$ !1,19$ pp; !1"<(;
#his is also related to the argument that cavalry units +ere more li*ely to be found amongst Klimitanei& given
that cavalry are less mobile over long distances and periods of time; -nfantry are easier to maintain in good
order$ so ma*e up the bul* of the& mobile armies&; See M; 7hitby$ K4mperors and Armies&$ in S; S+ain and M;
4d+ards$ eds;$ *pproaching Late *nti>uit+5 $he $ransformation from the earl+ to the late Empire 8H6ford$
2,9$ pp; !), L !/,;
2!1
H; 4lton$ 9arfare in Late Roman Europe 8H6ford$ !11,9$ pp; 2<2/;
22
%;D; Simpson$ KLaeti in Jorthern >aul0 A Jote on @an8 Lat8 F---;2!&$ Latomus ", 8!1..9$ !,1 L .$ argues that
the +ord order in the Latin te6t and its Nu6taposition +ith =Francus? reflects a belief on the part of the
panegyricist that they +ere discussing a particular tribal group rather than a legal definition of a
heterogeneous group; Simpson argues that this legal meaning may have evolved later$ but is not part of the
origin of the group; #his is developed in %; D; Simpson$ KDulian and the Laeti0 A Jote on Ammianus Marcellinus
OO$ /$ !"&$ Latomus$ ", 8!1.. _2`9$ )!1<)2!$ +here he argues that the Laeti despatched by Dulian to %onstantius
-- are a distinct group +ithin the 4mpire +ho maintained their tribal identity; Simpson has changed his
argument ! years later +hen he argues that they are in fact part of the mainstream military net+or* and do
not e6ist as independent barbarian groups or irregular militias %; D Simpson$ KLaeti in the Jotitia 'ignitatum;
aRegulara Soldiers vs; aSoldier<Farmers&$ Re;ue Belge de @hilologie et dJHistoire$ ,, 8!1//9$ / L /);
22!
Most recent authors stress the range of different arrangements that result from the Kfoederati;& P; Heather
stresses that in the (
th
century the Roman state +as very much +ith the +hip hand in their relationship L see
P; Heather$ KFoedera and foederati of the fourth century&$ in #;F;O; Joble op8 cit8$ 82,9$ pp; 212<"/;
)(

#he impact of localism can be e6aggerated if it is argued to represent an inevitable
integration of soldiers into provincial social net+or*s; #he late Roman state raised its
manpo+er and fulfilled its military functions through a variety of local e6pedients that
+ould have contributed to a heterogeneous military force$ and underlines again ho+
particular unit traditions and routines +ould have been crucial in constructing an individual
miles sense of themselves$ +hich +ould have ta*en place +ithin the overarching
bac*ground of imperial pay and command structures; -t is li*ely that there +as considerable
tension bet+een these dynamic cultural forces$ particularly given the vicissitudes of imperial
politics in late Roman >aul;
(.0 C&an$e in t&e 0
t&
cent-ry
#he )
th
century +as a turning point for the Roman army; #here is plenty of evidence can be
dra+n from the compilations of historical materials by the )
th
century chroniclers +hich
offer a supporting contemporary perspective; Hydatius$ +riting in Spain$ can be @uite
generalised +hen he discusses military affairs; He refers to military victories of late (
th

century 4mperors in the most general of terms$ e;g;0 =3reothingorum gens a $heodosio
superaturS;
222
#his also applies -n the case of civil +ar e;g;0 =Eugenius a $heodosio *ugusto
superatus occiditurS;
22"
Similarly$ other )
th
century leading generals in >aul such as Aetius
are given @uite general notices0 =*etio duce et magistro militum Burgundiorum caesa <<
miliaS;
22(
#his could be argued to demonstrate a more amorphous military structure e6isted
than +as the case in the (
th
century; Another e6ample can be made by comparing the
accounts of Magnus Ma6imus& usurpation in "/" in t+o )
th
century annals$ Prosper #iro and
the K%hronicler of ()2& +ith that of the later K%hronicler of )!!&; 3oth use the term milites
+hen e6plaining the usurpation as a result of a mutiny by soldiers$ but the K%hronicler of
)!!& does not mention milites at all;
22)
#his could be a stylistic choice by the author$ but also
could be due to the fact that milites as a distinct social group did not ma*e sense to an
author in the early ,
th
century$ as it still did in the first half of the )
th
century;
From the perspective of >aul$ there is clear evidence that a set of military identities$ +hich
appear @uite traditional$ continued to e6ist at the beginning of the )
th
century amongst the

222
Hydatius$ 3hronicle$ .,0 =#he people of the >reuthungi +ere defeated by #heodosius?;
22"
i:id8$ ./0 =4ugenius +as defeated and *illed by #heodosius Augustus?;
22(
i:id8$ 1(0 =#he duI and 1agister 1ilitum Aetius slaughtered t+enty thousand 3urgundians?;
22)
Prosper #iro$ 3hron8 8c; !!/"$ A' "/(9: Gall8 3hron8 '0% 8HL;%%O%;---9: Gall8 3hron8 0,,$ ";)!.;
))

civilian Elite; Sulpicius Severus& =ita Sancti 1artini sho+s ho+ the separation of the military
class from the civilian population continued to be a real distinction; Martin&s military service
in the elite scholae seems to have dra+n critical comment$ as Sulpicius appears to be
defending his subNect; He +rites that Martin entered the military un+illingly$ preferring an
ecclesiastical or contemplative role$ and only did so because his father forced him to Noin by
betraying him to the authoritiesS Martin&s behaviour as a soldier$ his humility +hen dealing
+ith his military slave$ and other good deeds such as the famous donation of half his
military cloa* 8;estem militiae9 to a beggar outside the gates of Amiens$ clearly aimed to
demonstrate ho+ even a soldier may live a %hristian life0 =8He9 behaved li*e a candidate for
3aptism;?
22,
Sulpicius even manipulates the chronology of Martin&s military service moving
it from the time of %onstantine and his sons to the late ")s under Dulian$ +hich is
impossible given the evidence of Sulpicius& o+n +ritings and other sources on Martin;
22.

Dulian&s appearance allo+s Sulpicius to sho+ Martin standing up to the great imperial
adversary to %hristians$ in the manner of military martyrologies and therefore e6culpate
Martin&s professional bac*ground;
22/
-t is from this apologetic standpoint that Sulpicius
introduces the idea of caelestis militia$ +hich permits the acceptability of military service for
a %hristian; #his clearly indicates that late (
th
century readers +ould readily *no+ +ho +as a
miles and +ho +as not; #his is confirmed by other saints& lives from the early )
th
century;
221

More support for this persistence of a recognisable military identity comes from the >allic
author of Ruerolus$ a comedic play +ritten in the first decades of the )
th
century$ +hich may
have been dedicated to the famous poet Rutilius %laudius Jamatianus;
2"
#he character
Querolus$ discussing +hat destiny he +ould choose for his life +ith his lar familiaris$
comments on the desirability of choosing +ealth and military honours 8honores militares4;
#he lar @uestions Querolus& suitability for such a profession0 =%an you +age a campaign$
parry a s+ord$ brea* through a battle lineB;;;; #herefore yield the booty and honours to

22,
Sulpicius Severus$ =ita 1artini- --;/0 =*ge:at >uemdam :onis operi:us :aptismatis candidatumS8 For the
donation to the beggar see =ita 1artini- ---;!<2;
22.
#; 3arnes$ K#he Military %areer of Martin of #ours&$ *nalecta Bollandiana %O-F 8!11,90 2)<"2;
22/
#he best e6ample is K#he Acts of Ma6imilian& in H; Musurillo$ $he *cts of the 3hristian 1art+rs !. 8H6ford$
!1.29$ pp; 2(( L 2(1 +here Ma6imilian is e6ecuted after defying all attempts of the >overnor of Africa to ma*e
him underta*e militia for the 4mperor;
221
See for e6ample Possidius$ =ita *ugustini- +here soldiers appear on several occasions;
2"
%; Dac@uemard<le Saos$ ed;$ Ruerolus 8comEdie Latin anonyme9 8Paris$ !11(9$ pp; viii L 6ii;
),

those that canS?;
%.,
7hile the author of Ruerolus ma*es no institutional assumption in this
comment$ that only a Roman miles$ should be underta*ing such tas*s$ the assumption that
lies behind the te6t is that serving in the military re@uired technical s*ill and specialisation
that an individual that could not merely pic* up on a +him; Hence comments about the
disappearance of distinctions bet+een soldiers and civilians are not applicable in a general
sense here;
#here is also continuity into the )
th
century of the distinctive rhetorical conte6t that +e
identified for milites in the previous sections$ +hich is best illustrated by the official +ritings
of Sidonius Apollinaris; -n the ()s Sidonius could still dra+ a clear distinction bet+een the
military and civilian aspects of government by admitting that the 4mperor MaNorian needed
to learn about the civil arts of government$ having already mastered the military side;
2"2
#he
trinity of signa-castra-:ella discussed above continues as a clear defining structure for the
literary representation of militia +ell into the )
th
century; Sidonius uses the term signa and
castra several times$ for e6ample$ to describe military activity; He describes Dulius %aesar&s
armies in terms of their standards;
2""
-n discussing the army that MaNorian assembled in
northern -taly to move into >aul$ Sidonius describes the scene0 =Jo+ you 8MaNorian9 +ere
moving camp and thousands +ere thronging around your standards?;
2"(
Sidonius is still
using these terms in the panegyric to Anthemius in the late (,s; He discusses one of the
4mperor&s campaigns +here0 =Follo+ing your standards the soldiers felt they had not been
deserted in the struggle?;
2")
#he #heodosian %ode also defines milites spatially as being
identified +ith castra; For e6ample in an edict issued in the early )
th
century at Ravenna in
the discussion of e6emptions to the levying of supplies of recruits and horses militares +ere
not permitted to claim their e6emption if0 =#hey have no e6perience of military camp?;
2",

Similarly a precise identity of the Roman miles retains a clear meaning in the sources; Aetius
is described as being reliant on a clearly limited pool of milites0 =Aetius +as disheartened to

2"!
Ruerolus$ --;210 =@otes :ellum gerere- ferrum eIpicere- aciem rumpereG8888 cede igitur praemio at>ue
honori:us his >uo possunt omnia8S
2"2
Sidonius$ 3armen F 8Ad Maiorianum9$ 21.0 =Ae solem militis artem8?
2""
Sidonius$ 3armen F--;//<10 ==ictoria 3aesar signa 3aledonios trans;eIit ad us>ue Brittanos-? not =legions? as
Anderson renders it;
2"(
Sidonius$ 3armen F; (/"<(0 =7am castra mo;e:as et te di;ersis stipa:ant milia signis?;
2")
Sidonius$ 3armen --8 2/,<.80 =$ua signa secutus non se desertum sensit certamine milesS8
2",
3od8 $h;$ !!;!/;! 8(1A!2 Ravenna9;
).

act +ithout prayer$ money or soldiers?;
2".
Sidonius can distinguish bet+een milites and
other non<Roman soldiers$ fighting for Rome 8auIilia9 +hen describing Aetius crossing of the
Alps from -taly in ("1 to deal +ith the Fisigoths0 =Aetius had scarce left the Alps$ leading a
thin$ meagre force of au6iliaries +ithout 8Roman9 soldiers?;
2"/
#his is supported by the Jovel
of Falentinian --- issued in (( at Rome +here the threat of attac* from the Fandals +ould
be resisted by milites commanded by Sigisvult$ the Magister Militum$ +ho are distinguished
from the foederati 8federated allies9 +ho +ere also there;
2"1
#he conte6t is also important
here$ as Falentinian is as*ing local citi5ens to help resist any attac*0 =#he regulation is made
for the safety of all that they shall underta*e the responsibility of resisting the brigands;?
2(

#he Jovel stresses the e6ceptional circumstances of this la+ and it is clear that the
traditional identity of the miles +as still being articulated in the middle of the )
th
century;
As +e have stressed so far$ one cannot simply ta*e the information at face value; #he
labguage of rhetorical sources is deliberately archaic$ reflecting the stress on earlier model
classical +or*s +hich +ere taught in the late Roman schools;
2(!
#he fact that Sidonius&s
panegyric to MaNorian reflects the language of the Panegyricist of Ma6imian in 2/1 should
be no surprise given that Sidonius probably read the published collection of @aneg+rici Latini
at some point in his education; #hat Sidonius&s language sho+s continuity of form probably
reflects attempts to deal +ith a rapidly changing +orld by pretending things +ere the same;
Sidonius +as not averse to manipulating his +riting to present reality in the +ay that suited
him at that time$ as can be seen by his presentation of #heoderic -- as an idealised Roman
ruler;
2(2
#he political conte6ts of his speeches are also important; He portrays Avitus
possessing all the traditional military virtues of a Roman male$ there is an implicit
comparison of Avitus to Roman military heroes such as %incinnatus +hen he describes his
recall from a life of otium to serve +ith Aetius against the Huns in ()!;
2("
7hat Sidonius +as
doing +as consciously playing do+n the fact that Avitus +as raised to the purple through
the military support of #heodoric -- and the Fisigoths;
2((
#he audience for Sidonius& speech

2".
Sidonius$ 3armen F--;211<"0 =Ail prece- nil pretio- nil milite fractus age:at *etius?;
2"/
Sidonius$ 3armen F--;"2/<10 ==iI li>uerat *lpes *etius- tenue at rarum sine milite ducens ro:ur in auIiliis?;
2"1
See above p; (/;
2(
Ao;8 =al8 / Restoration of the right to use +eapons 8De reddito Bure armorum9;
2(!
D; Harries$ Sidonius *pollinaris and the fall of Rome 8H6ford$ !11(9$ pp; !<(;
2(2
Sidonius Apollinaris$ Ep8 !;2;
2("
Recall from otium0 Sidonius$ 3armen F--$ "!(<");
2((
D; Harries$ op8 cit8$ 8!11(9$ pp; ,. L ,/;
)/

and Falentinian&s edict +ere therefore part of an Elite discourse that reflected the opinions
of those at the centre of imperial administration$ +hich of course +ished to portray an
unchanging continuity;
Ho+ever$ +hile such @ualifications on the use of these te6ts are important$ it is too
simplistic to simply dismiss them; #he concepts still had to be plausible and comprehensible
for their audience; #here is also evidence from other sources that give some credence to
Sidonius& claim of Kbusiness as usual;& #he )
th
century chroniclers give support for the
continuation of a distinctive Roman military identity and structure in their brief entries on
events of the )
th
century; Prosper #iro +rote in Rome from the ("s to the ()s$ so one
could argue his perspective is as restrictive as Sidonius$ but he +as from the southern half of
>aul so shared a similar bac*ground; -n the entry for (2" he discusses %astinus& support for
the usurper Dohn0 =Honorius died and Dohn too* his imperial po+er +ith the connivance$ so
it +as believed$ of %astinus +ho controlled an army?;
2()
A magister militum commanding an
eIercitus is consistent +ith Roman practice in the (
th
century; Similarly$ the account of (2(
recounts the murder of a Praetorian Prefect by milites0 =46uperantius of Poitiers the
Praetorian Prefect of >aul +as *illed by a riot of the soldiers$ and this deed +as not avenged
by Dohn?;
2(,
#here is a degree of hostility to the military L both generals and soldiers < in
Prosper&s +or* +hich is very resonant of the attitude of Aurelius Fictor in the mid<(
th

century discussed in the previous section;
2(.

#here is further support for the notion of a recognisably KRoman& military system operating
in the first half of the )
th
century; Aetius&s comes Litorius is described as using his cavalry to
transport 2 measures of +heat into the city of Jarbonne$ implying the continued e6isted
and importance of the centralised supply net+or*;
2(/
#here is also support from the >allic
%hronicler of ()2 +hose language reflects +hat is found in Prosper$ and from a >allic

2()
Prosper #iro$ 3hron8 !2/2 8(2"90 =Honorius moritur et imperium eius 7ohannes occupant coni;ente- ut
puta:atur- 3astino- >ui eIercitui magister militum praeterat8S
2(,
Prosper #iro$ 3hron8 !2/) 8(2(90 =EIuperantius @icta;us praefectus praetorio Galliarum in ci;itate
*relatense militum seditione occisus est- id>ue apud 7ohannem inultum fuit8S
2(.
S Muhlberger$ $he Fifth 3entur+ 3hroniclers5 @rosper- H+datius- and the Gallic 3hronicler of '0% 8Leeds$
!119$ p; 1(; Prosper does have good things to say about 3oniface$ but this +as probably due to his connection
+ith Augustine; See also the more ambivalent attitude to Aetius$ influenced undoubtedly by his political
ascendancy in the period$ Muhlberger$ i:id8$ p; 1/;
2(/
Prosper #iro$ 3hron8 !"2( 8(",90 =Si >uidem per singulos e>uites :inis tritici modiis ad;ectis strenuissime et
hostes in fugam ;erterit et ci;itatem annona implere;it8S
)1

perspective;
2(1
#he %hronicler doesn&t simply mimic Prosper$ having a more sympathetic
vie+ of Aetius$ for e6ample$ but also has less interest and *no+ledge about political affairs
so +e are left +ith the problem of our vie+s being shaped by people outside military
conte6ts; Hne important point that appears in these sources is the geographical focus in the
south of >aul$ indicating a shift in the centre of gravity in Roman militaryApolitical action
from the Rhineland into Jarbonensis and A@uitaine; 7hat is clear is that the conte6t of
Roman military operations shifted in the )
th
century and this is the significant point$ as there
+as no longer a clear settled frontier 5one +here a military culture could evolve
gradually;
2)

7hile an argument can be made for continuity of traditional Roman military communities
through the )
th
century$ there must be a point at +hich there is a brea* +ith continuity
other+ise the term KRoman& is meaningless; #he evidence presented so far is more
suggestive than conclusive; A *ey te6t that supports a fundamental change in the nature of
the Roman military is Fegetius&s Epitoma Rei 1ilitaris- +hich calls for a return to traditional
Roman military practices in recruitment$ training and e@uipment that +ere used during the
Republican and early -mperial periods; Fegetius describes ho+ in his time Roman provincials
have been siphoned off into easier civilian careers$ +hile soldiers have lost many of the
traditional s*ills that made them distinct; #his is clear in his famous comment that the
soldiers had successfully lobbied to have their armour removed0 =#hus +ith their chests and
heads unprotected our soldiers have often been destroyed in engagements +ith the >oths
through the multitude of their archers;?
2)!
Fegetius has long been recognised to be arguing
for an end to reliance on Kbarbarian& troops$ usually identified as foederati$ upon +hom the
4mperor addressed by the +or* is increasingly reliant; He clearly implies that there +as a
clear distinction of +ho +as a Roman soldier +as and +ho +asn&t; #he problem is ho+ far
Fegetius can be ta*en at face value given that he +as a mElange of anti@uarian and
romantic reactionary; -t is hard to deny that he is not describing something fundamental
e6cept by dismissing him entirely on the basis that his conclusions don&t agree +ith my o+n
ideas; Fegetius& evidence does seem more persuasive than the evidence presented above$

2(1
S; Muhlberger$ op8 cit8$ 8!119$ p; !);
2)
%; R; 7hitta*er$ $he Frontiers of the Roman Empire 83altimore$ !11(9$ pp; 2(. L 2,);
2)!
Fegetius$ Epitome0 -;2;2 =Sic dectectis pectori:us et capiti:us congressi contra Gothos milites nostri
multitudine sagittariorum saepe deleti sunt;S
,

in that it seems directly focused on the contemporary military circumstances$ but this could
be misleading; Fegetius&s +riting +as still part of a civilian genre$ +hich produced +or*s for
the 4mperor&s attention recommending reform in the various spheres of government$
similar to the author of De Re:us Bellicis; #his +riting +as as drenched in the rhetorical
culture of government functionaries as the +ritings of the la+yers and panegyricists
discussed above; Fegetius is perhaps best seen as the other side of the rhetorical coin$
+hich sought to pass ideas up+ards rather than proclaim imperial decisions to the +orld;
#he dating of Fegetius is difficult to establish +ith precision$ but +as probably bet+een "/"
and () on account of the reference to di;us Gratianus and a su:scriptio dating a
manuscript to the consular year of its copying;
2)2
4stablishing a reasonable timeframe is
crucial as its opinions underpin interpretations of Roman military organisation in the )
th

century; Several authors have ascribed a date during the reign of #heodosius -;
2)"
#his is
based on arguments suggesting the te6t reflects the losses of Adrianople in "./$
circumstantial details such as the mention of di;us Gratianus +ho died in "/"$ and Fegetius&
silence on the Fandals; Such details can be e6plained and the connection +ith #heodosius
and Adrianople is a circular argument$ based on the limited information +e have of his
military policies; -f one ta*es a more circumspect vie+$ the most compelling internal
evidence tends to support a +estern conte6t and the reign of Falentinian ---$ a position
strongly supported by %harles;
2)(
Fegetius& claim that infantry +ere no longer +earing body
armour finds no support in any contemporary evidence from the end of the (
th
century or
the early )
th
century; %harles interprets this as referring to Kfederate& troops +ho +ere
e@uipped in traditional Kbarbarian& manner L i;e; no armour or helmet; #his$ he argues$ is far
more in line +ith the situation of the ("sA((s than anything before; #his vie+ seems far
more persuasive than an earlier dating$ though as ever +ith Fegetius$ there is an element of
circularity; #he Kmilitary crisis& +hich Fegetius appears to be addressing is more compatible
+ith cumulative effects from the various crises that afflicted the +estern half of the 4mpire
in the first fe+ decades of the )
th
century$ rather than being a response to long<term trends
such as the Kbarbarisation& of the Roman army during the (
th
century$ a concept +hich has

2)2
M; %harles$ =egetius in conteIt5 esta:lishing the date of the Epitoma rei 1ilitaris 8Stuttgart$ 2.9$ pp; !, L
22;
2)"
J; Milner$ =egetius5 Epitome of militar+ science 8Liverpool$ !11"9$ pp; 6l L 6li;
2)(
M; %harles$ i:id;
,!

been challenged;
2))
-f this dating is correct this supports the idea of there being a
considerable amount of continuity in Roman military structures through the first half of the
)
th
century$ and that the changes +e can identify at the end of the )
th
century in the +est
are therefore most li*ely due to the deeper structural transformations the +estern 4mpire
under+ent in the )
th
century;
#he )
th
century could be argued to represent a re<militarisation of Roman provincial society;
Roman civilians +ere forced to organise their o+n security and did so by raising armies of
private dependants 8ser;ulos suos eI propriis praediis4 as in the e6amples of 'idymus and
Ferinianus in Spain in (18
2),
#his changed the military system as the previous central
relationship bet+een miles and 4mperor +as replaced by one bet+een the local leader and
his follo+ers; #he rise of the :uccellarii 8biscuit<men9$ +hose loyalty +as a personal one to
their generals$ has been argued to represent the basis of a proto<feudal system;
2).
%;R;
7hitta*er sees this change as being part of +ider transformation in the frontier societies of
the 4mpire +here the distinctions bet+een soldiers and landlords disappeared and merged
into K+arlords;&
2)/
#he Roman state tried to maintain a monopoly of violence by limiting the
use of arms to its o+n servants$ but this +as no longer possible in the )
th
century; -t is
arguable +hether this +as anything more than an aspiration$ but the )
th
century 8as +ith
the "
rd
century crisis9 sa+ the ability of Roman po+er to maintain this monopoly slo+ly ebb
a+ay; Local communities increasingly had to manage their o+n security$ though the
opportunity to maintain a connection +ith the central imperial authority +as possible;
2)1

Fan 'am has argued$ persuasively$ that the "
rd
and )
th
century both sa+ local Elites
emerging to fill the political vacuum left by failing imperial po+er to provide protection and
security;
2,
#he use of terms such as K:agaudae& to describe the various local movements
are best seen as labels of abuse by the imperial centre used against groups acting +ith
autonomy$ to the frustration of the centre&s vie+point$ rather than describing historical
phenomena such as slave and peasant revolts$ as K:agaudae& have often been ta*en to

2))
H; 4lton$ 9arfare in Late Roman Europe 8H6ford$ !11,9 pp; !", L !)2;
2),
Hrosius$ Historiarum *d;ersum @aganos Septem Li:ri F--;(;,;
2).
H;<D; 'iesner$ U'as 3uccelariertum von Stilicho und Sarus bis auf AetiusU$ lio$ )( 8!1.29$ "2!L");
2)/
%;R; 7hitta*er$ KLandlords and 7arlords in the later Roman 4mpire&$ in >; Shipley and D; Rich$ eds;$ 9ar and
the Societ+ in the Roman 9orld 8London$ !11"9$ pp; 2..<"2;
2)1
Ao;8 =al8 1$ Restoration of the right to use +eapons 8De reddito Bure armorum9;
2,
R; Fan 'am$ Leadership and 3ommunit+ in Late Roman Gaul 83er*eley$ !1/)9$ pp; 2) L )/;
,2

mean;
2,!
Ho+ever one ta*es the meaning of this$ there can be no doubt that one of the
defining characteristics of the )
th
century that mar*s such a significant change to the (
th

century +as the different number of armed groups that +ere found +ithin the >allic
provinces;
-n a similar vein$ the lac* of imperial military forces that could be called upon to implement
decisions could e6plain the use of an0 =Armed band?$ 8manus armata9 by Hilarius$ the bishop
of Arles$ to remove bishops he claimed that had been appointed +ithout his metropolitan
authority; -ndeed0 =He either encircled the enclosures of the +alls by a siege$ in the manner
of an enemy$ or he opened them by an attac*;?
2,2
-n fact this vie+ +ould be to fall into a
trap$ created by the invective of the incident; -t is clear that Hilarius& manus had a more
official role from Pope Leo&s letter +hen he describes it as a0 =1anus militaris?;
2,"
#he fact
that Falentinian&s edict +as addressed to Aetius himself implies that Hilarius +as actually
supported by the civil and military authorities in Arles and they +ere acting in a more
formal$ traditional manner;
2,(
So evidence that appears to represent a ne+ +orld can be
reinterpreted as continuity of traditional Roman structures;
#hese armed groups no longer had any automatic loyalty to the 4mperor0 increasingly an
isolated figure in -taly during the first half of the )
th
century; As discussed above the process
the sources appear to describe sho+ an eIercitus or milites increasingly defined by the
general +ho commanded them;
2,)
-n the case of the various Kbarbarian& groups in >aul this
+ould be their reI;
2,,
#his pattern is often discussed in terms of the :uccellarii$ +ho
according to Hlympiodorus appeared in the early )
th
century$ and +as a name applied to
Roman as +ell as >othic troops;
2,.
#hey certainly seem to have been given a more formal

2,!
4; A; #hompson$ KPeasant Revolts in Late Roman >aul and Spain&$ @ast and @resent$ 2 8!1)2<!1)"9$ !! <2"
argued for the Bagaudae representing a peasant revolt in classical Mar6ist terms$ an idea +hich is argued
against by many authors such as D;F; 'rin*+ater$ K#he 3acaudae of fifth<century >aul&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H;
4lton$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 8%ambridge$ !1129$ pp; 2/<2!/: for a full account see D; LEon$ Les Sources de lJHistoire des
Bagaudes 8Paris$ !11,9;
2,2
Ao;8 =al8 !.;! 8(()9 #his incident is shrouded in difficulties as the 4dict preserved in Falentinian&s Jovels
are from the perspective of Rome in a partisan dispute over ecclesiastical Nurisdiction$ so the discussion of
Karmed bands& is unli*ely to be free of invective;
2,"
Epistula Leonis0 aDi;inae cultum-a ,;
2,(
R; Mathisen$ KHilarius$ >ermanus and Lupus0 the aristocratic bac*ground of the %helidonius affair&$ @hoeniI-
"" 8!1.19$ !,<1;
2,)
See above$ p; (.;
2,,
#; 3urns$ Bar:arians 6ithin the Gates of Rome 83loomington$ !11(9$ pp; !.1</2
2,.
Hlympidorus Fragment$ .;"0 see R;%; 3loc*ley$ $he Fragmentar+ 3lassici!ing Historians of the Later Roman
Empire 8Liverpool$ !1/"9$ p; !,/;
,"

role in the eastern Roman armies of the )
th
and ,
th
centuries$ but this is a comment on the
continued fle6ibility of the Roman imperial system that could incorporate disparate bodies
of men into its service;
#he most famous +as the group of soldiers brought by #itus from >aul to serve the 4mperor
Leo +ho +as subse@uently appointed 3omes;
2,/
#he fact that #itus +as given a formal title
+ithin Leo&s military structure is interesting; 3ringing these effective$ +ell trained forces into
the army structure +as$ again$ nothing ne+ to Roman practice; #he e6ample of %harietto
from the mid<(
th
century is similar; His band of irregulars attac*ed hostile raiding groups in
provincial territories$ though0 =As he did not$ ho+ever$ have permission to do this and the
tas* had not been legally entrusted to him$ at first he concealed himself alone?;
2,1
Dulian
later enrolled %harietto&s band into his forces and formalised this by appointing the leader
as comes per utram>ue Germaniam;
2.
Hne must be careful using these anecdotes to
illustrate general trends; #he story of #itus could be part of a rhetorical device by the
hagiographer aiming to sho+ ho+ #itus e6changed the impermanence of imperial service
+ith the far more re+arding divine version; #he story of %harietto probably derives from
4unapius and does seem to part of a +ider paean to Dulian$ +hose @ualities of leadership
+ere illustrated by his handling of %harietto; -t is doubtful +hether 4unapius and the
hagiographer of 'aniel the Stylite can be relied upon for a deep understanding of the
contemporary situation in >aul;
Ho+ever$ it is important to recognise the continuing strength of the Roman idea in
organising and controlling violence; #o discuss the Krise of the generals& in the )
th
century
+est as an inevitable and irreversible process by +hich milites become retainers of leading
figures is a dangerous teleology;
2.!
4ssentially$ the local administrative structures that
survived continued as best it could traditional practices; #his can also be seen in parts of
>aul frontier region$ +here a defensive organisation descended from the (
th
century

2,/
Life of Daniel the St+lite$ ,2<(: @LRE --$ #itus !;
2,1
Iosimus$ Historia Ao;a- .;2;
2.
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OOF--;!<2;
2.!
D;H;7;>; Liebeschuet5$ K7arlords and Landlords&$ in P; 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+
8H6ford$ 2.9$ pp; (/!<"$ discusses the political supremacy of generals from Merobaudes to Ricimer alongside
the process by +hich military leaders moved from being magistri militum to being made *ings of peoples;
#here is clearly a great deal of sense in Liebeschuet5& arguments$ but it does underestimate the role of chance
L a series of unmilitary emperors in the House of #heodosius L and underplay the energy +ith +hich Avitus$
MaNorian and Anthemius tried to remedy the situation; #he fact that they thought doing so +as conceivable is
of significance;
,(

military apparatus is maintained using local resources;
2.2
#he Life of Saint Severinus in )
th

century Joricum is a celebrated image of the last Roman soldiers fulfilling their traditional
functions; 7hen the surviving soldiers of Bata;is 8modern Passau9 are sent to Ravenna to
get their pay$ they are massacred by the hostile Rugii tribe; 4ugippius refers to the time of
KRoman po+er& +hen milites +ere maintained at public e6pense for the protection of
boundaries 8multorum milites oppidorum pro custodia limitis pu:licis stipendiis ale:antu9 of
the civilians;
2."
#his te6t can be read t+o +ays L either the soldiers +ere maintained at
public e6pense in the traditional manner$ and the account of them sending to Ravenna for
pay +ould seem to confirm this; Hr$ multorum milites oppidorum can be read as the soldiers
+ere recruited and paid by the cities themselves;
#here is a sense that the crucial aspect of change in the )
th
century +as the disappearance
of an ability to absorb armed groups into the centralised political structures; #he landscape
+as no+ filled +ith a patch+or* of different armies and armed groups$ +hose identity and
loyalty to the 4mperor +ere varied; Several authors have referred to this as K+arlordism& in
the sense that these military figures became politically dominant in their o+n areas$ +hich
they ran in the manner of a protection rac*et; -t is possible to have some sympathy for this
vie+$ especially +hen e6pressed +ith such elo@uence by Liebeschuet5 and 7hitta*er$ but it
do+nplays e6cessively the continuing importance of the Roman military culture argued for
by Amory;

(.1 Concl-sion
#he argument advanced so far supports a gro+ing trend in Roman military research; =#he
reality of Kthe army&$ insofar as it e6isted at all$ lay in Kthe soldiers& themselves$ as a social
grouping and a real$ self<a+are force in Roman society;?
2.(
7e should analyse soldiers as a

2.2
D;F; 'rin*+ater$ $he *lamanni and Rome %,.-'/( 8H6ford$ 2.9$ p; "21;
2."
4ugippus$ =ita Sancti Se;erini$ OO0 =@er idem tempus- >uo Romanum consta:at imperium- multorum milites
oppidorum pro custodia limitis pu:licis stipendiis ale:antu;S #he degree to +hich 4ugippius understood the
+or*ings of the earlier army is uncertain$ though contemporary e6perience of the military arrangements of
%onstantinople may have given him his *no+ledge L certainly the stationing of troops as garrisons to protect
local settlements is a *ey feature of ,
th
century defense policy; Ho+ever the use of technical language li*e
stipendia does imply some technical a+areness though that +as not necessarily the purpose of hagiographical
te6ts;
2.(
S; Dames$ K7riting the Legions0 #he 'evelopment and Future of Roman Military Studies in 3ritain&$
*rchaeological ?ournal$ !)1 8229$ p; "1;
,)

social class$ +ithin +hich individual soldiers +ere part of multiple local sub<communities
+ithin a +ider empire<+ide military community$ from +hich identities +ere created in a
fluid and multifaceted +ay;
2.)
#heoretical approaches from across the humanities stress the
comple6ity of recreating identities from the te6tual and material evidence; #he crucial
conclusion from the te6tual analysis in this chapter is that this approach allo+s us to suggest
the evolution of military identities from the "
rd
to the )
th
centuries$ but also suggest that the
interpretational dichotomies of integration and separation are inade@uate; A universalising
concept of militia +as abstract enough to be used by different cultural conte6ts$ but
resilient enough to underpin the relationship of the increasingly diverse armed groups that
served imperial military interests; A particular Roman military Kstructure& or Kculture&
appears in the +ritten sources +ith a regularity so that it can be argued +ith some
confidence that provincial inhabitants of >aul could identify a miles$ +hether he fought for
Rome or not;
#his is not to say that things +ere the same in the period under investigation; #he collapse
of Roman political hegemony +as a fact that impacted the people living through it; #he
Roman government lost its monopoly on force and alternative armed groups began to
challenge the military supremacy of the Roman state; #his +as driven largely by the
fragmentation of the fiscal system in the )
th
century$ +hich made it difficult for the Roman
state to maintain its political and economic hegemony;
2.,
Ho+ever$ the process +as al+ays
potentially reversible and the various attempts by +estern rulers from %onstantius ---
on+ards should not be dismissed; Hne could argue that Roman armies continued to operate
in >aul until the defeat of Anthemiolus in (.!;
2..
#hese changes sa+ a transformation and
adaption of traditional concepts of militia to serve the ne+ situations$ +hich could only be
rationalised by the educated classes through references to the past;




2.)
-; Haynes$ K#he Roman Army as a %ommunity&$ in A; >olds+orthy and -; Haynes$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 8!1119$ pp; .<
!": A; >ardner$ op8 cit8$ 8London$ 2.9$ pp; 2(" L 2)";
2.,
For summary of the debate over barbarian settlement and the ta6 system of the )
th
century see >;Halsall$
Bar:arian 1igrations and the Roman 9est .F(-0(& 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ pp; (22 L ((.
2..
Gallic 3hronicler of 0,,$ ,(1;
,,

C&a)ter *; Arc&aeolo$y = t&e %aterial ei#ence for t&e 'ate Ro%an Ar%y
#he case study attempts to define +hat is meant by a Kmilitary assemblage& in the Late
Roman period and ans+er the issue of ho+ far one can identify milites in the material
record; #his is important not only in terms of the artefacts themselves$ but also in classifying
the large variety of different fortifications built across northern France and establishing ho+
far$ and for ho+ long$ civilian and military communities remained distinct; #his chapter
discusses some of the fundamental methodological issues underpinning the use of material
evidence in reconstructing the military cultures of Belgica --;

*.( Material an# "ritten recor#s
#he fragmentary nature of the +ritten evidence ma*es any model created from it a
composite and artificial one; #a*ing evidence from a range of different genres across a +ide
geographical and chronological spectrum in a synchronic manner ma*es it very difficult to
create anything that +ould reflect reality specific to one point in time and space;
2./
#he
material evidence provided by archaeology has its o+n problems L both theoretical and
practical L but it does have the advantage of allo+ing one to test the ideas raised in chapter
! in the case study; A maNor methodological problem facing the interpretation of material
evidence is attempting to fit it into a historical frame+or* provided by literary sources;
2.1

Archaeologists tend to be suspicious of frame+or*s constructed from +ritten sources$ +hile
historians are frustrated by archaeological models built on theory;
2/
#his can be illustrated
by the e6ample of Paris in the mid<(
th
century; #his site has relatively abundant literary
evidence; Ammianus discusses the city in some detail in the conte6t of occupation by both
Dulian and Falentinian$ and the usurpation of Dulian in ", meant the city +as of interest to

2./
-; Morris$ Death- Ritual and Social Structure 8%ambridge$ !1129$ pp; ! L !!;
2.1
>; Halsall$ KArchaeology and Historiography&$ in M; 3entley$ ed;$ $he Routledge 3ompanion to Historiograph+
8London$ !11.9$ pp; /) L 2.;
2/
#he suspicion of +ritten records is very commonly associated +ith practitioners of processual 8or KJe+&9
archaeology such as Le+is 3inford$ +ho argued that archaeology should aspire to describe general aspects of
human behaviour and behave more li*e a science0 L; R; 3inford$ *n *rchaeological @erspecti;e 8Je+ Por*$
!1.29; For a criti@ue of fitting a material record the Kagenda& created by documentary historians see '; Austin$
K#he KProper Study& of medieval archaeology&$ in '; Austin and L; Alcoc*$ eds;$ From the Baltic to the Blac# Sea5
Studies in 1edie;al *rchaeolog+ 8London$ !119$ pp; (" L ./;
,.

several authors including Dulian himself;
2/!
%urrent archaeological research suggests that by
the (
th
century urban occupation levels +ere reduced and concentrated into several areas
of the early imperial city;
2/2
#he -le de la %itE +as surrounded by a fortified +all +hich has
been argued to represent the residence of the imperial administration$ possibly to the
e6clusion of those of lo+er official status;
2/"
#he +estern part of the island possessed a
regular rectangular design$ +hich could be the palatium referred to by Ammianus;
2/(
'uring
DulianUs proclamation as Augustus in ",$ several regiments are recorded as being stationed
in the city$ though their location is impossible to locate +ith any precision; Hfficers$ +hom
Dulian entertained to a ban@uet$ returned to their K@uarters& according to Ammianus;
2/)
#he
@etulantes and 3eltes are recorded as being stationed together$ though +hether this +as as
in billets or in a camp on the left ban* of the river is not made clear; %omments that the
soldiers made their +ay into the palace from all sides$ implies they +ere stationed around
the urban and sub<urban area rather than +ithin the palace itself;
2/,
#here is evidence for a
building tentatively identified as a basilica on the -le de la %itE$ +hich may have been turned
over to military use$ and there are plenty of buildings$ both public and private$ that survive
in the Parvis de Jotre 'ame +hich could have been re@uisitioned if needed;
2/.

Ho+ever$ such a composite picture is fundamentally +ea*ened by attempting to graft
insubstantial e6cavation onto problematic source material; 7e can support the veracity of
AmmianusU testimony by suggesting he had first<hand e6perience of >aul and close contact
+ith Dulian and his military entourage$ +hich +ould support the notion of accurate
reportage;
2//
3ut there are so many problems relying on information mediated through an
artfully constructed literary +or* +ritten " years after the events it is describing; 7hile

2/!
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OF--;2 8A' ").9: OF--;/ 8A' ")/9: OF---;! 8A' ")19: OO;! 8A' ",9: OOF-;)
8",9;
2/2
'; 3usson$ @aris5 3artes *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11/9$ p; ,/: P; Felay$ De Lutece V @aris5 lL7le et les
DeuI Ri;es 8%JRS Paris$ 29$ pp; ,/ L /); #he main focus of settlement seems to have been concentrated on
the main island on the Seine 8l&-le de la %itE9 but there is evidence for continued occupation amongst some of
the main suburbs; #he main evidence for abandonment is in the appearance of several cemeteries in
previously occupied areas;
2/"
'; 3usson$ op8 cit8$ 8!11/9$ p; ";
284
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OO;(;!(: '; 3usson$ 3artes *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule5 @aris 8Paris
!11/9$ pp; "( L );
285
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OO;(;!(0 W7n sta;itisS8
286
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OO;(;2!0 ==ago>ue 2ut in repentino solet eIcursu4 occupa;ere ;olucriter
regiam-S 8rushing forth from different sides and in disorder 8as is usual in such sudden tumult9 @uic*ly filled the
palace9;
2/.
'; 3usson$ op8 cit8- 8Paris$ !11/9$ p; "/);
2//
See introduction$ notes .1 L /($ for the debate on the reliability of Ammianus& testimony;
,/

there may be some genuine *no+ledge of Paris$ it is doubtful that Ammianus& account is any
more than a collection of topoi relating to usurpations and their legitimation;

*.*. Military i#entity in t&e %aterial recor#
#he large amount of e6cavation +or* done on Roman military sites from the imperial period
has allo+ed scholars to s*etch the material bac*ground to ho+ the army functioned in
impressive detail$ and this has laid the foundation for the reconstruction of military
identities;
2/1
#he main areas of insight include issues li*e literacy 8epigraphy and
administration9$ diet and other consumption patterns 8based on trade and local production9$
uniform and religion;
21
Understanding the material culture of the Late Roman period is far
less straightfor+ard than the earlier periods$ and so clear cut generalisations are less easy to
ma*e; Hne could accuse descriptions of the earlier imperial period as being a caricature of a
more comple6 reality; #he shorter time frame+or* than usually given to the earlier period 8"
centuries$ compared +ith !9 is in itself a distorting factor; #here +ere a multiplicity of
military identities in the early imperial period both chronologically and culturally spea*ing$
and variations from the norm are better seen as being part of an overreaching military
identity rather than being presented as a challenge to the e6isting status @uo;
21!
>iven
broader societal changes that are often seen as being hallmar*s of the Late Roman period
8changing administrative patterns$ fiscal structures$ economic patterns and cultural shifts
etc;9 it is no surprise that military identities may have e6pressed themselves in different
material forms;
212
#his is certainly a much more satisfying form of argument than simplistic
notions of decline +hich still afflict the study of the late Roman army;


2/1
Many frontier studies are arguably 8and understandably9 pro6y Roman army studies e;g; for Hadrian&s 7all
see '; 3ree5e and 3; 'obson$ HadrianLs 9all 8London$ 29: for the Rhineland limes see '; 3aat5$ Der
Rmische Limes8 *rch"ologische *usflge D6ischen Rhein und Donau 83erlin$ 29; For the use of the
provincial material record to reconstruct military identities see the use of the material in 3ritain see ';
Mattingly$ *n 7mperial @ossession5 Britain in the Roman Empire 8London$ 2,9$ pp; !11 L 2)2;
21
'; Mattingly$ i:id8$ pp; !11 L 22(;
21!
See the discussion of the K>ermanic& units found at Hadrian&s 7all during the"rd century and the cemetery
of 3rougham$ %umbria +ith their distinct cultural signifiers in '; Mattingly i:id8-pp; 222 L 22(;
212 H; %ool$ KA 'ifferent Life&$ in R; %ollins and L; Allason<Dones$ eds;$ Finds from the Frontier5 1aterial 3ulture
in the 'th-0th centuries 8Por*$ 2!9$ pp; ! L 1;
,1

Attempting to assess Late Roman military identities from the material evidence has been
complicated by the maNor methodological debates +ithin archaeology over the last fe+
decades; Many archaeologists have become uneasy over essentialist readings of identity
+hereby one can e6pect a straightfor+ard$ uniform e6pression of a Kmilitary& identity that is
unchanging and consistent; #he dynamic in these debates has been gro+ing dissatisfaction
+ith +hat +ere seen as e6cessively static understanding of ho+ human societies functioned
in the past in light of developments +ithin the social sciences$ especially anthropology$
+hich have sho+n ho+ humans are far more active in the creation of meaning +ithin
society than +as previously assumed;
21"
#here has also been particular scrutiny applied to
@uestions of ethnicity in the material record in recent research$ and attac*s on the early 2
th

century Kculture<history& paradigm$ +hich sought to e6plain coherence in the material
record bet+een different groups of artefacts as evidence for coherent groups of Kpeoples;&
Scholars have been @uic* to identify idiosyncratic burial rites in >aul during the Roman
period as representing intrusive ethnic groups from outside the imperial frontiers: +ho then
+ished to distinguish themselves from the provincial population; #here are several
e6amples in >aul L most stri*ingly the KHunnic& s*ulls that appear in the cemeteries in St;<
Martin<de<Fontenay in Jormandy during the )
th
century that have been lin*ed to the groups
of *lani testified in the +ritten sources as being present in >aul in the )
th
century;
21(
Apart
from the dubious political associations +ith mid<2
th
century totalitarianism$ the
ethnocentric K>ermanist& trend amongst scholars for interpreting burial evidence from the
(
th
century on+ards has been rendered problematic by the enormous recent amount of
scholarly +or* on ethnicity$ +hich is no+ vie+ed as a constructed form of identity rather
than a biological one;
21)
Functionalist approaches +hich argue that particular burial rites

21"
A; >ardner op8 cit8$ 82.9$ pp; ") L ,!;
21(
%; Pilet and A; Alduc<Le 3agousse$ La ACcropole de Saint-1artin-de-Fontena+ 23al;ados45 Recherches sur le
@euplement de la @laine de 3aen- du =e s8 a;ant ?8-38 au =77e s8 aprKs ?8-3; 8Paris$ !11(9; For lin*s +ith the Alans
see F; Gou5net5ov and -; Lebedyns*y$ Les *lains 8Paris$ 2)9$ pp; !!( L !!);
21)
For a discussion of the political agenda of the KGermani& +ith 2
th
century >erman nationalism see H; Fehr$
K=ol#stum as Paradigm0 >ermanic People and >allo<Romans in 4arly Medieval Archaeology since the !1"s$& in
A; >illett$ ed;$ op8 cit8$ 8229$ pp; !.. L 2; #he issue of ethnicity has an e6tremely e6tensive and comple6
bibliography; Much of the recent scholarly interest in Kethnogenesis& follo+s modern studies in sociology +hich
sees Krace& and Kethnicity& as a socially constructed identity rather than a biologically essentialist idea; #he +or*
of Richard 7ens*us is of fundamental importance in this area0 see R; 7ens*us$ Stammes:ildung und
=erfassung 8%ologne and >ra5$ !1,!9; He argued for a traditions#ern 8*ernel of tradition9 amongst the
migrating groups of the early medieval period provided by the leadership core$ +hich then used this identity as
a means of creating loyalty from its ethnically diverse follo+ing; #his has been developed$ amongst others$ by
his students of the KFienna School& such as 7olfram and Pohl e;g; H; 7olfram$ K4inleitung oder bberlungen 5ur
.

mirror ethnic identity continue to be used e6tensively in scholarship$ especially in 4urope;
21,

A strong line of argument has emerged to challenge the Kethnic& interpretation that
surrounds the transformations of burial evidence;
21.
%ritics have pointed out that for late
Roman northern >aul there is no parallel in KFree >ermany& for the burial patterns that are
identified as K>ermanic& +ithin the Roman frontier; 3urials +ithin the 4mpire +ere generally
inhumations$ +hich of course paralleled the rites of the KRoman& provincial population$
rather than the cremation that +as the favoured rite in :ar:aricum;
21/
Many artefacts that
had earlier been seen as originating from KFree >ermany$& e;g; belt sets$ are no+ recognised
as having their origin L both in design and manufacture < from +ithin the 4mpire L i;e; in
Pannonia or >aul;
211

#he relationship bet+een ethnicity and military identity is acute$ given the tendency
amongst many scholars to elide the t+o in the Late Roman period; Recent e6cavations at
Angers have produced a series of graves +ith idiosyncratic rites that date to the end of the
(
th
centuryAearly )
th
century$ +hich have been identified as K>oths& serving in the
comitatenses;
"
#he other factor relevant to northern >aul is the emergence of +eapons as
grave goods from the ")s on+ards found in cemeteries across Belgica$ +hich have been

origo gentis&$ in H; 7olfram and 7; Pohl$ eds; $+pen der Ethnogenese unter :esonderer Berc#sichtigung der
Ba+ern5 Berichte des S+mposions der ommission fr Frhmittelalterforschung- %F8 :is .)8 H#to:er- ,/&(- Stift
D6ettl- Aiedersterreich 8Fienna$ !119 and 7; Pohl$ K%onceptions of 4thnicity in 4arly Medieval Studies&$ in L;
G; Little and 3; H; Rosen+ein$ De:ating the 1iddle *ges5 7ssues and Readings 8H6ford$ !11/9$ pp; !"<2(; For the
+est this idea has been most clearly e6pressed in P; >eary$ Before France and German+5 the creation and
transformation of the 1ero;ingian 6orld 8Je+ Por*$ !1//9; #his approach has been criticised as failing to
appreciate that the sources are not capable of passing on such a tradition$ even if it e6isted$ as they +ere te6ts
created to suit contemporary agendas rather than preserving the past 8cf; 7; >offart$ $he Aarrators of
:ar:arian histor+ 2*8D8 00)-&))45 ?ordanes- Gregor+ of $ours- Bede- and @aul the Deacon 8Princeton$ !1//99
+hich is the main argument put for+ard against the school by A; >illett$ K4thnicity$ History and Methodology$&
in A; >illett$ ed;$ op8 cit8$ 8229$ pp; ! L 2; #he approach has also been attac*ed for not being reductionist
enough and clinging onto the foundation of a transcendant ethnic identity$ +hich other scholars +ould argue
is entirely situational see P; Amory$ @eople and 7dentit+ in Hstrogothic 7tal+ '&/ E 00' 8%ambridge$ !11.9;
21,
#his can be seen particularly in the +or* of Michel Ga5ans*i +ho associates many of the the +eapons found
in >aul during the late (
th
and )
th
centuries as being of eastern =>othic? origin; 7nter alia M; Ga5ans*i$ KLes
3arbares Hrientau6 et la 'Efense de la >aule au6 -Fe<Fe si]cles&$ in M; Ga5ans*i and F; Fallet$ eds;$ LJ*rmCe
Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8%ondE<sur<Joireau$ !11"9$ pp; !.)<!/,: M; Ga5ans*i$ KLes Fibules
>ermani@ues Hrientales et 'anubiennes en >aule 8pEriodes %2<'29$& Forschungen !ur *rch"ologie im Land
Branden:urg$ )$ !11/ 8229$ ".)<"/,;
21.
S; Dones$ $he *rchaeolog+ of Ethnicit+5 * $heoretical @erspecti;e 8London$ !11.9: this is also fundamental to
the +or* of >uy Halsall in his various +or*s such as his KArchaeology and the Late Roman Frontier in Jorthern
>aul0 the so called =Foederatengraber? Reconsidered& in 7; Pohl and H; Reimit5$ Gren!e und Differen! im
frhen 1ittelalter 8Fienna 29$ pp; !,. L !/;
21/
M; #odd$ $he Earl+ Germans 8H6ford$ !1129;
211
4; S+ift$ $he End of the 9estern Roman Empire 5 an *rchaeological 7n;estigation 8Stroud$ 29;
"
D; 3rodeur and -; Sou@uet<Lero- KLes fouilles ArchEologi@ue de la >are Saint<Laud X Angers&$ Bulletin de la
SociCtC franYaise dL*rchCologie classi>ue ") 82"9$ !1. L 2!;
.!

interpreted as evidence for K>ermanic& soldiers;
"!
Material culture is only one part of
ethnicity$ +hich is also constructed by use of other means such as language or political
community; -ndeed$ even in the !1)s and !1,s$ some archaeologists suggested that the
+eapons burials +ere a reassertion of the earlier !
st
century practice of burial rather than a
ne+ development;
"2
#here has been a gradual shift in scholarship as ne+ archaeological
theories have been assimilated; H; 7; 3Mhme has refined his ideas since !1.( +hen he
argued that the +eapon burials in northern >aul during the late Roman period represented
foederati0 he no+ holds the position that they represent K>ermans& from across the Rhine
serving in the Late Roman Army;
""
#he latest close study of the Late Roman burial site at
Lan*hills in southern 3ritain has moved a+ay from the interpretation of different burial rites
as representing a particular intrusive ethnic group$ as the supposed uniformity of the
funerary practices has bro*en do+n under close scrutiny$ and the isotope analysis sho+ed
the different geographical origins of individuals practising a similar rite;
"(
#his clearly
indicates the need for a comple6 understanding of identity in burial conte6ts$ +ith particular
need for specific conte6t to be ac*no+ledged;
#he maNor issue is identifying artefacts that can incontrovertibly said to be Kmilitary& as
opposed to Kcivilian$& and ho+ appropriate these categories are during the period under
e6amination; #his could be seen as a disingenuous argument; Surely one can point to a fort

"!
D; 7erner$ KIur 4ntstehung der ReihengrRber5ivilisation&$ *rchaeologica Geographica$ ! 8!1)9$ 2" L "2
argues that the +eapons graves +ere associated +ith groups of laeti$ a position elaborated on by H;7; 3Mhme$
Germanische Gra:funde des '8 :is 08 ?ahrhunderts D6ischen Onterer El:e und Loire$ 2 vols; 8Munich$ !1.(9$
+hich argues that the graves represented foederati serving in the Roman army; #hese arguments +ere
criticised by >; Halsall$ K#he Hrigins of the Reihengraber5ivilisation& in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton $ ed;$ op8 cit8$
8!1129$ !1, L 2.$ +ho argued that both approaches +ere mista*en and that the changes reflected social
factors 8i;e; fashion9 rather than being connected +ith a particular historical group;
"2
S; 'e Laet and A; van 'oorselaer$ KLe Problem des Mobiliers FunEraires avec Armes en >aule septentrionale
a l&Epo@ue du Haut 4mpire romain&$ Helinium$ ) 8!1,)9$ !!/ L !21;
""
3Mhme&s vie+s have changed in since those put for+ard in H;7; 3Mhme op8 cit 8!1.(9; H;7; 3Mhme$ K#he
Fermand #reasure&$ in G; Reynolds 3ro+n$ '; Gidd$ and %; #; Little$ eds;$ From *ttila to 3harlemagne5 *rts of the
Earl+ 1edie;al @eriod in the 1etropolitan 1useum of Art 8Je+ Por*$ 29$ pp; ./ L /1$ argues that the graves
+ere of regular soldiers +ho +ere >ermanic in origin; Such shifts indicate ho+ archaeological intepretations
still rely heavily on contemporary historical frame+or*s;
"(
See P; 3ooth$ M; Allen$ M; 'yle+s*i and M; 7achni*$ eds;$ $he Late Roman 3emeter+ at Lan#hills-
9inchester5 EIca;ations %)))-%))0 8H6ford$ 2!9$ pp; )1 L )!,: >iles %lar*e argued that one group of
intrusive burials in the Lan*hills cemetery +ere from Pannonia$ and suggested there presence +as in an
Kofficial& rather than a Kmilitary& conte6t0 see >; %lar*e$ M; 3iddle and D; Macdonald$ @re-Roman and Roman
9inchester8 @art %- $he Roman 3emeter+ at Lan#hills 8H6ford$ !1.19$ pp; !.( L ): ".. L ("; #hey have been
variously described by authors as Kfederates& or Kcomitatenses& depending on the +hims of the author$ e;g; S;
4smonde<%leary$ $he Ending of Roman Britain 8London$ !1/19$ p; )): M; Millett$ $he Romani!ation of Britain
8%ambridge$ !119$ p; 2!,: '; Mattingly$ *n 7mperial @ossession5 Britain in the Roman Empire- 0' B3-*D ')/
8London$ 2,9$ p;"(,;
.2

or fa:rica<issue helmet and +ith confidence pronounce them to be evidence for soldiersB
Ho+ever$ such a functional analysis is too simplistic; For many of the finds discovered
before the mid<2
th
century there is a poor level of *no+ledge about the conte6t in +hich
an artefact had been deposited$ through an absence of records or poor @uality e6cavation$
so there is no reason to assume that +e can simply derive a clear understanding of the
conte6t of deposition from the obNect itself;
")
Roman military artefacts appear outside the
4mpire$ +hich could as easily be argued to be products of trade rather than representing
the movement of peoples into the 4mpire and bac* again;
",
7eapons could be used by a
different numbers of groups apart from soldiers0 veterans$ hunting aristocrats or individuals
acting outside of imperial authority but attempting to use Kofficial& symbols of po+er as a
means of e6pressing their claims to leadership;
".
-dentifying the difference bet+een official
and unofficial fortifications$ Kpublic& and Kprivate&$ is difficult given the large variety of
material remains at most sites; #herefore it is hard not to share the general sense of
be+ilderment reflected in many researchers& attempts to highlight material evidence for
soldiers in the (
th
century given the differences in finds patterns from earlier centuries$ and
ho+ the finds rarely reflect the neat categories given to those periods;
"/

#+o crucial aspects of the evidence pertaining to military identity are crossbo+ brooches
and military belt sets; #hese have long been agreed to represent milites in the material
record$ but distinguishing bet+een those +ho served in the army and the administration
has been more difficult; Functionalist approaches are unhelpful given the +ide variety of
conte6ts these obNects have been found in$ though the over<representation in burial
archaeology is probably as much a function of the preponderance of such material in the
evidence; 4thnic attributions of this material is usually based on the artefacts female
associated +ith accompanying burials$ though some have argued that the belt<sets reflected
borro+ings from the >ermanic +orld; #hese vie+s have been comprehensively dismissed$

")
L; Allason<Dones$ K7hat is a Military assemblageB&$ ?ournal of Roman 1ilitar+ E>uipment Studies- ! 8!1119$
! L (;
",
>; Halsall$ 3emeteries and Societ+ in 1ero;ingian Gaul 8Leiden$ 2!9$ p; !(/: D; 7erner$ KIur 4ntstehung
der Reihengraber5ivilisation&$ *rchaeologica Geographica$ ! 8!1)9$ 2" L "2 suggests that tutulus brooches
+ere made in >aul and e6ported bac* to Germania;
".
#he silver plates of the late Roman period often sho+ aristocrats using lances +hen hunting$ see Gallien in
der Sp"tanti#e 8Main5$ !1/9$ pp; 22 L 22! and D; Hus*inson$ K7omen and Learning0 >ender and -dentity in
Scenes of -ntellectual Life on Late Roman sarcophagi&$ in R; Miles$ ed;$ 3onstructing 7dentities in Late *nti>uit+
8London$ !1119$ pp; !1 L 2!":
"/
See the complaints about a lac* of clarity in H; %ool$ KA 'ifferent Life&$ in R; %ollins and L; Allason<Dones$ eds;$
Finds from the Frontier5 1aterial 3ulture in the '
th
E 0
th
centuries 82!9$ pp; ! L 1;
."

and no+ the belt sets and brooches are seen as coming from a Roman milieu$ probably from
fa:ricae or other +or*shops fulfilling state contracts; 3oth elements sho+ an interesting
evolution through the "
rd
into the )
th
century; #hey appear across the empire$ but are most
commonly found in frontier provinces$ though some have argued that they represent a
ta*eover of civilian display by frontier culture; Ho+ far these narratives are valid cannot be
studied in detail here due to a lac* of space$ but the approach this study ta*es +ill focus on
conte6t; %rossbo+ brooches and belt sets +ere only a small component of +hat could be
used to represent an idealised military identity in death$ and so other elements +ere
re@uired;
#herefore$ a crucial @uestion for the case studies is ho+ milites can be identified in the
material record in the areas under study$ and +hat this tells us about the evolution of
military identity and its distinctiveness in the landscape; #he most effective +ay for+ard
here +ill be to e6amine three main forms of evidence0 fortifications$ cities and the
countryside using a +hole range of material evidence 8coins$ +eapons etc;9 +ithin their
particular conte6t0 urban and rural structures as +ell as cemeteries; 4pigraphy e6ists in
variable @uantities$ but the @uestion to be as*ed is ho+ important is the military identity in
the tombstones of soldiers$ and +hat is the relationship bet+een the other identities they
articulate; Finally$ a main challenge +ill be to investigate ho+ far one can distinguish
bet+een Kmilitary& and Kcivilian& architecture in both urban conte6ts and fortifications by
assessing typologies created for different sites;

*.*. +ortifications = frontiers
#his topic is relatively +ell understood compared +ith many areas of Late Anti@ue
archaeology but late Roman phases of many forts are still comple6 to interpret;
"1
A maNor
issue is attempting to define +hat precisely a Kfort& is during the Late Roman period; #he
problem of using Latin vocabulary 8such as castra 2 castella9 from contemporary sources is
that their use is never technically specific;
"!
Most of the typologies modern scholars use

"1
See for e6ample the pu55ling amount of animal bones found at Late Roman levels at 3inchester0 '; Petts$
KMilitary and %ivilian0 Reconfiguring the 4nd of Roman 3ritain in the Jorth&$ European ?ournal of *rchaeolog+$
!,;2 82!"9$ "!( L "");
"!
R; 3rulet$ KL&Architecture Militaire Romaine en >aule Pendant l&Anti@uitE #ardive&$ in M; ReddE$ ed;$
LJ*rchitecture de la Gaule Romaine5 les Fortifications 1ilitaires 83ordeau6$ 2,9$ pp; !), L !.1;
.(

have been created using a series of parameters0 si5e$ architectural form and relationship to
a +ider defensive structure that seem to relate to the evidence are all used but may not
sufficiently compensate for the inherent biases of that evidence;
"!!
Jot enough is *no+n
about the interaction bet+een frontier fortifications and those in the provincial interior as
the chronology and typology are not necessarily the same; -t should not be assumed that
they are all the product of the military$ as they could +ell have a civilian function;
"!2

Function is an important aspect of form$ and an argument made about Late Roman forts
+as that they lost regularity of form and systematic structure$ +hich are important
characteristics of early imperial forts$ reflects changes in internal military structure;
"!"
A
reason for changes in form could be that military families and civilians moved into forts and
thus forts became increasingly difficult to distinguish from fortified sites in the interior of
provinces;
"!(
#he changes could also be e6plained by the multiplication of units and
increasing gradations of status; #he @uestion of +here soldiers +ere stationed and +hether
units +ere based in a single fort or spread across several is a comple6 one +hich is difficult
to ans+er in the absence of te6tual evidence;
"!)
Another @uestion is +hether the forts

"!!
R; 3rulet i:id8$ pp; !), L !).
"!2
#he mista*en assumption leading to the attribution of the label =fort? to every potential +alled site on a
regular pattern has been observed for the 4astern frontier during the late Roman period +here sites such as
#all Ar<Rum in northern Mesopotamia has no+ been sho+n to have been a civilian settlement after detailed
investigation see M; >esch+ind$ K4very S@uare Structure a Roman fortB Recent Research in Qreiye<KAyyash and
its Alleged 3ridgehead Fort #all Ar<Rum on the 4uphrates&$ in c; Morillo$ J; Hanel and 4; Martin $ ed;$ Limes <<8
%) 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana Leon %))($ vol; " 8Madrid$ 219$ pp; !)1" L
!,(;
"!"
S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9$ pp; ./ < /!: P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he Late Roman
*rm+ 8London$ !11,9$ pp; !"1 L (!;
"!(
#he Kchalet barrac*s& argument is closely associated +ith forts on Hadrian&s 7all based on the identification
of barrac*s +ith separate contu:ernia in smaller numbers 8) or ,9 that differed from the standard High 4mpire
model of /$ and appeared to be built in an irregular manner; #his +as suggested by %;M; 'aniels$ K46cavation at
7allsend and the Fourth century barrac*s on Hadrian&s 7all&$ in 7; S; Hanson and L; D; F; Geppie $ ed;$ Roman
Frontier Studies ,/F/ 8H6ford$ !1/9$ pp; !." < !1"; #he characteri5ation of =chalet barrac*s? has been
subse@uently challenged$ largely by 3id+ell$ on the grounds that the barrac* forms identified as being typical
of the (
th
century by 'aniels are actually built in the early "
rd
century and appear in several other forts0 P;#;
3id+ell$ KLater Roman 3arrac*s in 3ritain$& in F; Ma6field and 3; 'obson$ eds;$ Roman Frontier Studies ,/&/5
@roceedings of the <=th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 46eter$ 1<!) 846eter$ !11!9$ pp; 1 L
!): also the interpretations of irregular barrac*s used by several authors as reflecting changes in (
th
century
practice$ are in fact often the result of failing to identify several se@uences of remodelling of the same barrac*$
rather than one Kirregular& construction; #his +as reinforced by some barrac*s +hose irregular pattern +as as a
result of a failure to e6cavate +ith a systematic stratigraphy$ thus several stages had been interpreted as one:
J; Hodgson and P;#; 3id+ell$ KAu6iliary 3arrac*s in a Je+ Light0 Recent 'iscoveries on HadrianUs 7all&$
Britannia- ") 82(9$ !2!<!).;
"!)
Understanding of occupation of forts and individual army units is largely based on Findolanda tablet !)(
+hich probably refers to the fort&s second occupation period +hich sho+ that members of the %ohort of the
.)

played a strictly defensive role$ or +hether they controlled the surrounding territory;
Studies on the later 4mpire have often focused on soldiers& use as riot control +ithin
cities;
"!,
Fuhrmann argues that detached<service policing of civilian areas by milites is a
common feature of the early imperial period;
"!.
Small detachments from legions and
au6iliary regiments +ere often despatched to civilian areas in policing posts; #he spread of
stationes 8government administration posts9$ run by :eneficiarii consulares$ spread through
the provinces too; For the late Roman period$ Fuhrmann argues 8using a reference in
Ammianus9 thatthe title stationarius had become an adNective for soldiers serving on the
frontiers$ +hereas in the early 4mpire the meaning +as for temporary guard or police duties
by lo+er<ran*ing soldiers;
"!/
7hether the forts +ere used as means of oppression or
defence is a fundamental one to this study;
Regional trends are central to developments in >aul during the Late Roman period; -n
Germania 77$ for e6ample$ it is difficult to establish the precise nature of military occupation
during the (
th
century$ +hich may be related to the inundation of the Rhine delta in this
period due to rising sea levels in the Jorth Sea 8the so<called 'un*ir* -- transgression9;
"!1
At
the other end of the Rhine in 1aIima Se>uanorum the frontier is dotted +ith regularly
refurbished guard to+ers and maNor forts$ +hich +hile not conforming to a singular
typology does appear to possess a strong formal structure into the )
th
century;
"2

Falentinian&s refurbishment and construction programme is the most easily identifiable
phase$ but this should not be regarded as the end of the process;
"2!
#herefore$ the study of

#ungrians +ere often spread over several different locations$ often significantly removed from the original fort
see A; 3o+man$ Life and Letters on the Roman Frontier5 =indolanda and its people 8London$ !11(9$ pp; 22 L 2(;
"!,
R; MacMullen$ 3orruption and the Decline of Rome 8London$ !1//9$ pp; 21 L !.: D;H;7;>; Liebeschuet5
*ntioch5 3it+ and 7mperial *dministration in the Later Roman Empire 8H6ford$ !1.29$ pp; !2( L ): though
Liebeschuet5 also stresses in i:id8$ pp; !!. L !!/$ that an absence of a garrison +as the normal situation in the
(
th
century in cities;
"!.
%; Fuhrmann$ @olicing the Roman Empire5 Soldiers- *dministration and @u:lic Hrder 8H6ford$ 2!29$ pp; 2!
L 2"/;
"!/
%; Fuhrmann$ op8 cit8- p;21: Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OF---;);" describes soldiers guarding the
eastern frontier as stationarii8
"!1
#here is some doubt about the global scale of this change in sea levels$ +hich used to be connected to any
apparent +ater based catastrophe in the archaeological record$ +hereas these effects are no+ seen by
researchers as being locali5ed affairs; #here is no+ little doubt that the north+est coast of Belgica -- and
Germania +ere seriously affected0 see D; 3a5elmans$ M; 'iN*stra and D; 'e Goning$ KHolland during the First
Millennium&$ in M; Lode+iNc*6$ ed;$ Bruc Ealles 9ell5 *rchaeological Essa+s 3oncerning the @eoples of Aorth-
9est Europe in the First 1illennium *D 8Leuven$ 2(9$ pp; , L /: !) L !/;
"2
M; ReddE$ ed;$ LJarchitecture de la Gaule romaine5 les Fortifications 1ilitaires 83ordeau6$ 2,9;
"2!
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OOF---;2;!: H; Petri*ovits$ KFortifications in the Jorth 7estern Roman
4mpire from the #hird to the Fifth %enturies&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ,! 8!1.!9$ !/1<1";
.,

Belgica -- +ill involve assessing ho+ far specific local military communities can be identified
across northern and south<+estern >aul and +hether they develop separate institutional
identities during the (
th
and )
th
centuries;
"22
-t is also essential to e6plore ho+ the changing
fiscal and economic conte6t of the Late 4mpire and its structures affects the military culture
of the case study areas$ a factor that has been observed in much recent +or* in the
3al*ans;
"2"


*.. Cities
#he role of the city in Late Anti@uity has been the focus of much research in recent years$
benefitting from the relative +ealth of data created by recent surveys and e6cavations;

#he
main focus of researchers has been to challenge the traditional model of Kdecline& used to

"22
R; %ollins$ KHadrianUs 7all and the collapse of Roman frontiersL$ in c; Morillo$ J; Hanel and 4; Martin$ eds;$
op8 cit8$ 8219$ pp; !/!<!1.: %ollins has emphasised that regional military identity in Roman 3ritain is apparent
in the different material records that e6ist in the second half of the (
th
century and the )
th
century across the
north and south of the 3ritish provinces; Hn Hadrian&s 7all$ unli*e the south coast of 4ngland$ limitanei appear
to have developed a separate institutional identity in the second half of the (
th
century that allo+ed them to
adapt and survive in the absence of economic and political attention from the -mperial centre; Unli*e earlier
scholars arguing that the end of the KRoman occupation& on the +all represented a Kmilitary& collapse$ he
argues that +hile there +as a form of collapse in -mperial authority$ the military communities in the north
actually e6perienced a form of continuity$ adapting socially and economically to a ne+ environment$ a process
that is +itnessed by the increasing Kinformal& use of the interior buildings of the forts themselves;
"2"
A;>; Poulter$ K#he #ransition to Late Anti@uity on the 'anube0 a %ity$ a Fort and the %ountryside&$ in A;>;
Poulter$ ed;$ $he $ransition to Late *nti>uit+5 on the Danu:e and Be+ond 8H6ford$ 2.9$ pp; )! L 1.$ discusses
e6cavations at 'ichin near Jicopolis ad<-strum in Moesia have revealed a fort constructed in a rural conte6t; -t
+as marginal to the frontier and road net+or*$ but it +as built ne6t to a river ade@uate for transporting goods
so it must have functioned +ithin a communication net+or*; #he strong e6ternal +all structures of the fort are
of a high @uality in common +ith many contemporary fortifications; #herefore it seems inconceivable that the
fort +as not created by military engineers using state resources; Ho+ever$ the internal organisation of the
buildings +as @uite different from that +hich +as to be found in traditional forts; #here +ere no
administrative buildings and baths$ though there +as a barrac* building$ granaries and a church; #he @uality of
building materials used in the internal structures implies the use of local resources$ possibly because the
occupants +ere unable to access regional supply net+or*s; #he finds of +eapons 8e;g; spears$ plum:atae and
shield bosses9 implies a military occupation but the fort also contains numerous agricultural implements; #he
dating of the fort is different for most of the *no+n sites in the 'anube region$ the coinage suggesting
construction in about c; A' ( and the first phase of occupation remained in use until its destruction in about
A' (/; #he e6cavator suggests that it +as a fort constructed for a garrison of foederati; 7hile this point is
disputable and problematic$ +hat is interesting is that the fort seems to have been operating for the purposes
of supply rather than being a purely defensive structure; #he location of the fort in agriculturally rich territory
a+ay from the main defended frontier implies that it +as responsible for co<ordinating collection of annona$ if
not involved in farming itself 8hence the agricultural implements9; 3efore speculating on the issue of soldier<
farmers the e6cavator points to the fort&s creation in the conte6t of the disappearance of the villa economy in
the region by the end of the (
th
century$ possibly as a result of the >othic +ars;
..

characterise developments in urban structure of the Late 4mpire;
"2(
-n general there are
three particular characteristics of Late Anti@ue urbanism0 %hristianisation$ the
administrative role of cities and fortification; #he erection of +alled circuits around many
urban settlements$ +hich +ere unenclosed during the 4arly 4mpire$ is a +ell observed
phenomenon; Many of these circuits enclosed only a fraction of the earlier occupied area;
"2)

#his arguably represented a fundamental change in urban organisation$ moving a+ay from
the classical Kopen city& model of urbanism to +hat can be described as a Kclosed city;& #his is
often seen as a reflection of the +ider changes associated +ith the Late 4mpire;
"2,
#his is
also commonly used evidence to support =militarisation?; 'efence had become a primary
urban function$ as cities +ere reduced to a series of strong<points organised by the Roman
state to manage supply and ta6ation and protect *ey resources$ primarily for the benefit of
the military in terms of managing the annona system but also providing accommodation for
the comitatenses;
"2.

Many scholars emphasise the importance of government intervention in this general
phenomenon$ the argument being that only the imperial government had sufficient
resources; #his also follo+s from the suggestion that given the argument that city resources

"2(
For a traditional vie+ of urban decline during the late 4mpire see A;H;M; Dones$ Later Roman Empire
8H6ford$ !1,(9$ pp; .!2 L .,,; For recent revisionist +or* emphasising continued vigour amongst urban
communities see D; Rich$ ed;$ $he 3it+ in Late *nti>uit+ 8London$ !1129: J; %hristie and S; Loseby$ eds;$ $o6ns in
$ransition5 Or:an E;olution in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot$ !11,9: 3; 7ard<Per*ins$
K#he %ities&$ in A; %ameron and P; >arnsey$ eds;$ $he 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+ <777- $he Late Empire5 *D ..F E
'%0 8%ambridge$ !11/9$ pp; ".! L (!: L; Lavan$ ed;$ Recent Research in Late *nti>ue Or:anism ?ournal of
Roman *rchaeolog+ Suppl8 '% 8Providence R;-;$2!9; For a neo<traditionalist vie+ of urban decline see
D;H;7;>; Liebeschuet5$ $he Decline and Fall of the Roman 3it+ 8H6ford$ 2!9; -t is orthodo6 to argue there +as
a significant transformation in urban settlement during Late Anti@uity but there is ho+ever no consensus on
+hat this +as; #he principal adNustment to scholarly discourse$ in line +ith other areas$ has been the
recognition of variation bet+een regions and +ithin regions themselves;
"2)
For general discussions on the shrin*ing of cities see D;H;7;>; Liebeschuet5$ K#he end of the Ancient %ity&$ in
D; Rich $ ed;$ $he 3it+ in Late *nti>uit+ 8London$ !1129$ ! L (1: for the latest syntheses of the situation in the
+est more generally see S; 4smonde<%leary $he Roman 9est *D %)) E 0))5 an archaeological study 82!"9$
pp; 1. L !(1: for a still elo@uent$ if slightly outdated$ summary of the situation in >aul see 4;M; 7ightman
Gallia Belgica 8H6ford$ !1/)9$ pp; 2!1 L 22/;
"2,
-n Roman 3ritain for e6ample0 =#he domination of local administration by a substantial$ to+n d+elling$
Romani5ing$ local$ land o+ning Elite represented materially by +ell<constructed and +ell<maintained civic
amenity buildings and large numbers of large to+n houses;? J; Faul*ner$ K%hange and decline in late Romano<
3ritish to+ns&$ in #;R; Slater$ ed; $o6ns in Decline *D ,)) E ,()) 8Aldershot$ 2!9$ p; (,;
.*2
Such comments have been e6pressed strongly for other parts of the 4mpire0 =-s this not grounds for
suspecting the intervention of central authority$ creating a secure base in a scene of desolation for +hat one
might term today Kthe essential fabric of government$& that is officials$ soldiers$ stores and moneyB? D;7il*es$
K%ivil 'efence in #hird<%entury Achaia&$ Bulletin of the 7nstitute of 3lassical Studies- ", 8!1/19$ !/.L!12: for
>aul see0 S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9$ p; !!.;
./

+ere increasingly allocated to service the demands of the state in this period;
"2/
-n >aul$
+ritten sources sho+ the inhabitants of Autun re@uesting and obtaining support for
rebuilding from the #etrarchs;
"21
Ammianus comments that the +alls of the city +ere
crumbling +ith age in the ")s$ +hich could be argued demonstrates ho+ unaffordable the
cost of maintaining them +as for cities;
""
-taly and neighbouring provinces have more
direct evidence for state support +ith Ravenna$ Rome$ Albegena$ Salona$ Japles and
%arthage all receiving state help +ith their fortifications;
""!
#he demands of the Roman state
could still ma*e a significant impact on the internal structure of urban areas in the late (
th

and early )
th
centuries; Arles has evidence of significant amounts of housing being
constructed in public spaces such as the forum and the circus at the end of the (
th

century;
""2

Hne important aspect is the incomplete nature of the evidence$ often than*s to past
e6cavation practice +hich sa+ later Roman levels being ignored; Scholars disagree on +hat
a Klate anti@ue& city should loo* li*e due to the comple6ity of evidence and lac* of clear
universal models$ unli*e those that e6ist for the 4arly 4mpire;
"""
%ity +alls$ often the
principal surviving structures$ are hard to understand due to incomplete *no+ledge of their
e6tent and problems establishing coherent dating;
""(
#he tendency to lump material
together into a general frame+or*$ such as Kinsecurity& or Kdefence$& do not reflect the
comple6ity of the technical issues; A@uileia$ a site of maNor importance for Late Anti@ue
urbanism$ on account of its accessibility for archaeological investigation$ given its

"2/
3; 7ard<Per*ins$ K#he %ities$& in A; %ameron and P; >arnsey$ eds;$ op; cit8$ 8!11/9$ p; ".);
"21
Autun +as damaged by the . month siege of 2. by Fictorinus$ the K>allic& 4mperor$ against +hom the
Aedui had revolted in 2,1 so +as given special treatment by the #etrarch %onstantius; D; 'rin*+ater$ $he Gallic
Empire5 separatism and continuit+ in the Aorth-9estern pro;inces of the Roman Empire- *8D8%()-%F'
8Stuttgart$ !1/.9$ pp; ". L "/;
""
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OF-;2;!$ K3omperit *ugustudini ci;itas anti>uae muros spatiosi >uidem
am:itus sed carie ;estutatis in;alidos8& As al+ays +ith Ammianus$ -t is difficult to *no+ ho+ far this reflects
reality$ given that he could have seen the +alls himself or had contact +ith others +ho had$ or it could suggest
both %onstantius had not ade@uately repaired them in the 21s; #hey are still standing today;
""!
Analogies can be made for >aul from )
th
century -llyria0 Salona&s fortification +alls seem to have been
rebuilt +ith the direct involvement of the 1agister 1ilitum Sigisvult see J; %hristie and A; Rush+orth$ KUrban
fortification and defensive strategy in fifth and si6th -taly0 the case of #erracina&$ ?ournal of Roman
*rchaeolog+$ ! 8!1//9$ ." L /.;
""2
% SintE$ KLa Reutilisation des 4spaces Publi@ues ^ Arles0 un #Emoignage de la Fin de l&Anti@uitE&$ *nti>uitC
$ardi;e$ 2 8!11(9$ !/! L !12;
"""
A; %ameron$ K-deologies and Agendas in Late Anti@ue Studies&$ in L; Lavan and 7; 3o+den$ $heor+ and
@ractice in Late *nti>ue *rchaeolog+ 8Leiden$ 2"9$ pp; ! L !!;
""(
D; 7acher$ KSome #houghts on Roman Urban 'efences in the 7est&$ in D;%; Mann$ D; Maloney and 3; Hobley$
eds;$ Roman Or:an Defences in the 9est 8H6ford$ !1/"9$ p; !(2;
.1

abandonment during the 4arly Medieval period and a lac* of subse@uent development$
presents maNor difficulties +hen assessing the circuit se@uences;
"")

'uring the 4arly 4mpire +alls in the 7estern provinces +ere a statement of a city&s status
and part of the civic architectural elaboration championed by local pride and euergetism$ in
the same category as theatres$ baths and a@ueducts;
"",
Hnly a fe+ cities possessed them
and they +ere a symbol of colonial status or imperial patronage; Autun&s impressive +alls
+ere erected at the city&s foundation +ith the support of Augustus himself and signified the
city&s importance in the no;o ordo;
"".
#he city +alls of the Late 4mpire have a different
architectural style; Jot only +ere they shorter$ but they +ere often built on strong
foundations of spolia ta*en from public buildings and tombstones$ strengthened +ith
to+ers and gates;
""/
4ntrance to cities +as more easily controlled and the proNecting to+ers
added to many circuits are often interpreted as being for the deployment of artillery;
""1
#his
can be paralleled in other parts of the 4mpire; -n the 3al*ans$ Late Anti@ue cites have been
described as fortified outposts of the state largely e6cluding civilian urban populations;
"(
-n
-taly$ the Late Roman period is being seen as one +here the urban landscape +as being
shaped by the needs of defence0 urban communities felt safer behind city +alls;
"(!

Hne can argue$ ho+ever$ that late Roman +alls also represented a continued form of urban
monumentality and symbolism;
"(2
Aurelian&s +alls at Rome +ere probably an inspiration to
many other cities$ and +hile the conte6t of the construction +as to do +ith threats to -taly$

"")
J; %hristie$ From 3onstantine to 3harlemagne 8Aldershot$ 2,9$ pp; 21! L 21);
"",
#his point is strongly made in Angolphone literature see M; Hassall$ KMediterranean and Jorthern
Provinces$ and Rome0 the Hrigins and %haracter of Roman Urban 'efences in the 7est&$ in D; Maloney and 3;
Hobley$ eds;$ Roman Or:an Defences in the 9est 8London$ !1/"9$ p; !: S; 4smonde %leary$ K%ivil 'efences in the
7est under the High 4mpire&$ in P; 7ilson$ ed;$ $he *rchaeolog+ of Roman $o6ns5 Studies in Honour of ?ohn S8
9acher 8H6ford$ 2"9$ pp; .2 </);
"".
D;<P; >uillaumet and A; Rebourg$ KL&4nceinte d&Autun&$ in Les Enceintes *ugustCennes dans lJHccident
Romain5 France- 7talie- Espagne- *fri>ue du Aord5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue international de AQmes- /-,% octo:re ,/&0
8AQmes$ !1/.9$ pp; (! L (1;
""/
4;M; 7ightman$ Gallia Belgica 8London$ !1/)9$ pp; 2!1 L 22/;
""1
S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9$ p; .1: for artillery0 R; 3rulet$ KLes #ransformations du
3as<4mpire$& in M; ReddE$ ed;$ LL*rmCe Romaine en Gaule 8Paris$ !11,9$ p; 2,;
"(
A; Poulter$ K#he Use and Abuse of Urbanism in the 'anubian Provinces in the Late Roman 4mpire$& in D; Rich$
ed;$ $he 3it+ in Late *nti>uit+ 8London$ !1129$ pp; 11 L !");
"(!
J; %hristie$ From 3onstantine to 3harlemagne 8Aldershot$ 2,9$ pp; 2/2 L 21;
"(2
#he symbolist position is argued by S; 4smonde %leary$ KFortidcaciYn Urbana en la 3rittania Romana0
e'efensa Militar o Monumento %fvicoB&$ in A; Rodrfgue5$ D; %olmenero and -; RodX de Llan5a$ eds;$ 1urallas de
3iudades Romanas en el Hccidente dell 7mperio8 *ctas del 3ongreso 7nternacional 3ele:rado en Lugo 2%(E%/-
<7- %))04 en el = ani;ersario de la DeclaraciZn- por la OAES3H- de la 1uralla de Lugo 3omo @atrimonio de la
Humanidad 8Lugo$ 2.9$ pp; !))L!,);
/

the e6tent of the +alls are too impressive to be merely serving military needs; Jot all +all
circuits +ere tiny enceintes L some sites remained @uite e6tensive; Some central<+estern
>allic +alls have a range of similar geometric polychrome patterns on their e6ternal facing
+all$ most famously at Le Mans$ +ith a common dating of construction to the last @uarter of
the "
rd
century;
"("
#hese visually stri*ing +alls are chronologically consistent +ith Aurelian&s
activities at Rome and the propaganda of his successor Probus as the =restorer of the cities
of >aul? in the 2.s and 2/s;
"((
-t +ould ma*e sense to see the enormous logistical
endeavour involved in this regional development to be part of an official building
programme$ possibly aimed at securing the loyalty of those cities +hom until recently had
been loyal supporters of the rival >allic 4mpire$ or the result of locals being *een to state
their loyalty to the ne+ political order;
"()
7hether this +as funded by the -mperial fisc or an
act of the local curial class using their o+n resources is unclear$ but local pride must have
played some role in the commissioning of this +or*; At the end of the ne6t century Ausonius
+as *een to comment on the monumental effect of 3ordeau6&s city +alls$ as +ell as its port$
in his 3atalogue of Famous 3ities0 he only mentions one monument from +ithin the city ;
"(,

#he precise relationship bet+een city +alls and settlement patterns are not fully clear$ for
there is evidence for continued e6tra<mural settlement$ not least related to the construction
of suburban churches associated +ith particular saints;
"(.
Ho+ever$ it is li*ely that$ given the
large scale investment and manpo+er needed to create these structures$ and their
increasingly common occurrence$ in some +ays city +alls became$ along +ith churches$ a
po+erful symbol of Late Anti@ue city status as opposed to being the preserve of a fe+$
favoured cities as +as the case during the early 4mpire;
"(/

Another important factor for cities +as their role as administrative centres and they +ere
probably important for military logistics; State arms factories 8fa:ricae9 appear in several

"("
A good e6ample are the +alls at Le Mans0 see D; >uilleu6$ LJ enceinte romaine du 1ans8Le Mans$ 29;
"((
#his reputation +as praised by Dulian$ for +hom it made a suitable comparison for his o+n record in >aul0
Dulian 3on;i;ium "!(b: Dulian 1isopogon "(';
"()
H; 'ey$ KArt$ %eremony$ and %ity 7alls0 #he Aesthetics of -mperial Resurgence in the Late Roman 7est&$
?ournal of Late *nti>uit+$ ";! 82!9$ pp; "<".;
"(,
Ausonius$ Hrdo Or:ium Ao:ilium$ !2/ L !,/;
"(.
For Paris see '; 3usson$ @aris5 3artes *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11/9: for Ferdun see F; Mourot$
1euse5 3artes *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!9$ p; ).,: Strasbourg in 3; >issinger$ Recherches sur le Site
FortifiC de Stras:ourg Durant lL*nti>uitC $ardi;e 8H6ford$ 229;
"(/
S; Loseby$ U'ecline and change in the cities of late anti@ue >aulU$ in D;<U; Grause and %; 7itschel$ eds;$ Die
Stadt in der Sp"tanti#e E Aiedergang oder 9andelG 8Historia 4in5elscriften !19 8Stuttgart$ 2,9$ p; /;
/!

cities throughout the 4mpire;
"(1
#he reason for their location is not clear$ but it +as
probably due to factors such as e6isting transport net+or*s$ local traditions of metallurgy
and cities that had the infrastructure to cope +ith providing manpo+er and
accommodation; #he other structures associated +ith the Late Roman period urban space
are granaries 8horrea9; #hese appear at many locations across >aul and throughout the
4mpire; -t is these issues$ and the fact that cities are seen as the main base for army units$
that has led to the characterisation of cities as part of a militari+sed landscape;
")

#herefore the *ey must be to establish +hat e6tent city +alls can be identified as part of a
long<term process of change during the period +e call =Late Roman? or as a specific
response to a particular military decision at the end of the "
rd
century; All of this implies that
urban fortifications +ere part of a deeper pattern of urban transformation rather than a
simple response to the problems of the "
rd
century; As is clear from other parts of the
4mpire$ such as the 'anube$ the )
th
century also sa+ specific developments in urban sites
+hen the imperial government established various military<ecclesiastical centres that
mar*ed a distinct rupture bet+een previous phases of civilian occupation;
")!
-t remains to
be seen ho+ far this applies to the cities of Belgica --;
-n this section therefore$ the central @uestions are0 ho+ did the city +alls and fortified
circuits emerge in the case study areas$ and +hat relationship e6isted bet+een them and
the Roman militaryB

*./. T&e co-ntrysi#e
Rural organisation is a *ey aspect of understanding ho+ the military system functioned; #he
redistribution of rural surpluses through the fiscal system +as fundamental to ho+ soldiers
+ere supplied and organised;
")2
#he current evidence is certainly sympathetic to arguments

"(1
S; Dames$ K#he Fabricae0 state arms factories of the later Roman 4mpire$& in D;%; %oulston$ ed;$ Roman
1ilitar+ E>uipment and the 7dentit+ of Roman Soldiers 8H6ford$ !1//9$ pp; 2). L ""!;
")
See for e6ample R; 3rulet$ KLa Militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire et les Petites
AgglomErations Urbaines de Famars et de 3avay&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ .. 8!11)9$ p; ,2; ='ans tous les
cas$ le rgle militaire de la ville ne peut htre sous<estimEV;Leur role militaire peut donc htre asse5
considerable;?
")!
A; >; Poulter$ Aicopolis ad 7strum a Roman- Late Roman and Earl+ B+!antine 3it+ 8London$ !11)9;
")2
P; Fan Hssel$ K-nsecuritE et Militarisation en >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ ..
8!11)9$ p; 2.;
/2

for significant rural change in Late Roman >aul;
")"
#he traditional vie+ of the countryside
+as that there +as a large<scale abandonment of rural sites 8villas in particular9 during the
K"rd %entury %risis& as a result of the violent barbarian invasions 8particularly 2.)<,9;
")(

Percival argued that invasions +ere an insufficient e6planation and that observable changes
in villa use +ere the result of long<standing economic and social changes +hich could be
dated bac* to the 2
nd
century;
"))
7ightman developed these points$ accepting that the
evidence for violent destruction that could be associated +ith the invasions of the late "
rd

century +as at best ambiguous$ and that several sites +ere already being abandoned at the
start of the "
rd
century$ suggesting long<term issues better e6plained the apparent collapse
of the early imperial landscape in Belgica; She also argued that there +as a concentration of
estates in the (
th
century and this lead to the nucleation of settlements alongside lines of
communication or security such as roads$ +ater+ays and hill forts in the face of increasing
insecurity during the (
th
century$ in a +ay that laid the foundations for the Kfeudal& pattern
of land<holding in the Middle Ages;
"),
-t has been argued that the only type of building
activity that flourished in the Late Roman countryside +ere fortifications in the form of
:urgi$ circuit +alls and other buildings that +ere traditionally identified as military sites$ and
this has been used to support the vie+ already discussed in other conte6ts that the late
Roman countryside +as Kmilitarised;&
").
7ightman attributed the changes she identified as
being driven by endemic insecurity and the changes in rural settlement partially caused by
the settlement of ne+ migrant communities in the countryside;
")/
#he Kmilitarisation& thesis
+ould therefore argue that that the military bureaucracy +as more directly involved in rural
production than it +as in the early imperial period as it needed to consolidate and maintain
its supply lines against a bac*drop of rural depopulation and economic decline;


")"
P; Fan Hssel$ Eta:lissements RurauI de lJ*nti>uite $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule 8Paris$ !1129;
")(
#he traditional vie+ can be found in R; Agache$ La Somme pre-Romaine et Romaine dLaprKs les @rospections
*eriennes a Basse *ltitude 8Amiens$ !1./9; Agache&s argument +as based on e6tensive aerial photography$
+hich also argued that any villas that +ere refurbished or rebuilt during the (
th
century +ere transformed into
villages; #he essence of his case +as that there +as a severe discontinuity bet+een the mode of production in
the Roman and Medieval periods and that the origins of this +as to be found in the "
rd
century;
"))
D; Percival$ $he Roman =illa5 an Historical 7ntroduction 8London$ !1.,9$ pp; !,, L !/2;
"),
4;M; 7ightman$ Gallia Belgica 8London$ !1/)9$ pp; 2(" L 2((;
").
R; 3rulet$ op8 cit8- 8!11)9$ p; ,;
")/
#he Kpeasant<soldier& thesis of the limitanei is strongly referenced here by 7ightman in 4;M;7ightman$ op8
cit8$ 8!1/)9 p; 2(1;
/"

Hne reason for changing ideas and approaches to the rural landscape is the methodological
developments in archaeology over the last decades; #he increasing use of land survey has
provided a much higher @uantity of data that can be used to test generalised statements
based on unreliable indicators such as cemeteries;
")1
Another issue in understanding rural
settlement patterns in the (
th
and )
th
centuries +as the comple6ity involved in identifying
and understanding the stratigraphic layers of later periods +ithout the same @uality of
chronological indicators 8coins$ pottery etc;9 that are common for earlier periods of Roman
archaeology;
",
4nterprising studies have also identified aspects of recycling and reuse of
materials from rural sites as indicating persistent use of sites;
",!
#he references to villas in
the +or*s of Late Roman authors do not have to be reNected out of hand on the grounds
that their references to such sites are literary invention; #he detailed descriptions in
Sidonius$ +hile undoubtedly influenced by accounts found in Pliny$ have many parallels +ith
e6isting structures in north+est 4urope;
",2
#he @uestion therefore remains ho+ these ne+
ideas affects understanding of the role the army played in the landscape of Belgica --;
Research since the !1/s has seen a more systematic attempt to understand the late
anti@ue countryside beyond using it as a catch all term for everything outside of the city
+alls$ and paralleled 8albeit delayed9 the increased interest in urban archaeology.
","
#his has
led to a recent historiographical push for re<evaluation of the countryside during the late
Roman period and attempts at being more positive than previous characterisations; Recent
+or* has challenged many of the details of the traditional picture arguing that it is too

")1
For e6ample this can be seen in the criticism of cemeteries as a basis for settlement patterns on grounds of
their misleading data in %; Haselgrove and %; Scull$ K#he changing structure of rural settlement in southern
Picardy during the First Millennium A'&$ in D; 3intliff and H; Hamero+$ eds;$ Europe Bet6een Late *nti>uit+ and
the 1iddle *ges5 Recent *rchaeological and Historical Research in 9estern and Southern Europe 8H6ford$
!11)9$ pp; )/ L )1; Hn the benefits 8and costs9 of land survey see 7; 3o+den and L; Lavan$ K#he Late Anti@ue
%ountryside0 an introduction&$ in 7; 3o+den$ L; Lavan and %; Machado$ eds;$ Recent Research on the Late
*nti>ue 3ountr+side 8Leiden$ 2(9$ pp; 66i L 66ii;
",
#his +as due to a combination of disinterest by early e6cavators +ho loo*ed past late Roman and post<
Roman layers to access classical sites$ but also than*s to a lac* of secure dating material e;g; using the styles of
mosaics; #here has been radical re<dating of some villa sites by placing more emphasis on pottery rather than
coinage$ for e6ample Montmaurin in the south of >aul is no+ seen as dating to the )
th
or even the ,
th

centuries: see L; Stirling$ $he Learned 3ollector5 1+thological Statuettes and 3lassical $aste in Late *nti>ue
Gaul 8Michigan$ 2)9$ p; ,(;
",!
For the +estern provinces 8though the focus is mainly on -taly and Southern >aul9 see 3; Munro$ KRecycling$
'emand for Materials and Lando+nership at Fillas in -taly and the 7estern Provinces in Late Anti@uity&$
?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ 2) 82!29$ ")! L ".;
",2
G; 'ar*$ K#he Archaeological -mplications of Fourth< and Fifth<%entury 'escriptions of Fillas in the
Jorth+est Provinces of the Roman&$ Historia$ )( 82)9$ ""! L "(2;
","
7; 3o+den and L; Lavan$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; 6vii L 66vi;
/(

derivative on models created by simplistic readings of literary te6ts;
",(
Many villas +ere
being restored$ e6tended and refurbished although some lost the architectural comple6ity
of the earlier period and continued to function on a simpler level;
",)
#he increasing ability to
identify the persistence of Elite settlement and continuity of site into the )
th
century use has
allo+ed challenges to older ideas of rural depopulation and abandonment as can be seen in
ripostes to evidence of post<(
th
century settlement being dismissed as the +or* of
Ks@uatters&;
",,
As has been discussed already in the conte6t of urban change$ researchers
no+ increasingly emphasise the importance of regional variations in @ualifying generalised
statements of settlement change;
#his overall approach is important$ as a better understood landscape permits a more
accurate assessment of the economic function it played in the late Roman period and to
+hat e6tent its production +as essential to the provisioning of the military establishment;
#he systems of supply and transport of goods to army units entailed an enormous amount
of administrative effort; 7as the northern >allic countryside still used to satisfy the
enormous demands of the Roman stateB #he traditional vie+ of rural decline in the (
th

century +ould argue that it +as not; #he disappearance of villas and their replacement by
primarily +ooden structures suggest that there +as a move a+ay from a cash crop driven
production system to subsistence;
",.
#he e6istence of long<distance trade and ho+ the army
integrated the local economy into the imperial economy is one topic re@uiring further
investigation$ alongside the micro<economic impact of individual forts and military
communities; #his implies the maintenance of a Kvilla economy& supply system similar to

",(
P; Hu5oulias$ KLa dEprise agricole du 3as<4mpire0 une mythe historiographi@ueB&$ in P$ Hu5oulias and P; Fan
Hssel$ Les 3ampagnes de lL7le de France de 3onstantin a 3lo;is 8Paris$ !11.9$ pp; ! L 2: A; %havarria and #;
Le+it$ KArchaeological Research on the Late Anti@ue countryside0 a 3ibliographic 4ssay&$ in 7; 3o+den$ L;
Lavan and %; Machado op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; " L )!: #; Le+it$ =illas- Farms and the Late Roman Rural Econom+
8H6ford$ 2(9
",)
For refurbished villas see D; Percival$ K#he fifth century villa0 ne+ life or death postponedB&$ in D; F;
'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$ op cit8$ 8!1129; For continuity in villa occupation at a more simplified level see 4;
Louis$ KA 'e<Romanised Landscape in Jorthern >aul0 the Scarpe Falley from the (
th
to the 1
th
century A'&$ in
7; 3o+den$ L; Lavan and %; Machado op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; (.1 L )(;
",,
See in particular the +or* of #; Le+it$ K&Fanishing Fillas&0 +hat happened to Elite rural habitation in the 7est
in the )
th
A,
th
centuriesB&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !, 82"9$ 2, L 2.(: for increasing success in
identifying th century occupation see 4; Louis$ i:id8 -n the #rier region$ during the (
th
century$ a villa<based
agricultural system continued to produce a healthy agricultural surplus +hich can be seen in the continuity of
settlement patterns from earlier periods$ lu6ury villas and lu6ury grave goods in the area 4;M; 7ightman$
Roman $rier and the $re;eri 8London$ !1.9$ pp; !,2 L .2: 4; 7ightman$ Gallia Belgica 8H6ford$ !1/)9$ pp; 2).
L 2,2;
",.
P; Fan Hssel$ K-nsecuritE et militarisation en >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ ..
8!11)9$ 2/ L ";
/)

that +hich operated in the early 4mpire$ as opposed to the direct central involvement in the
production of supplies$ +hich is suggested by the 'ichin in the 3al*ans$ as discussed
above;
",/
4vidence for a continuation of any form of villa scale production +ould imply a
continued production of surpluses$ +hile reduced occupation or simpler forms of land use
could imply the adoption of subsistence forms of production +hich are less li*ely to have
made much impact;
",1
Parallel to this is the need to find any evidence for direct
governmental involvement in rural production$ li*e the famous KLangmauerbe5ir*& in the
#rier region of Belgica -$ +hich has traditionally been identified as an imperial estate;
".

Another approach is to e6amine the e6tent to +hich the countryside became dominated by
issues of security and the e6tent it became more Kfortified& as a result; An important feature
of the Late Roman countryside is the occupation of large numbers of Hohensiedlungen from
the "
rd
century on+ards;
".!
#hese are mostly found in Belgica -$ though the gro+th of high
level$ secure settlement is to be found outside of northern >aul too$ +hich could indicate it
+as part of a +ider trend in imperial society than one specific to the northern >allic
provinces and +ere specifically related to the political and economic circumstances of the
Late 4mpire; 7hat lies at the heart of our concerns is the @uestion of ho+ far they represent
private as opposed to public initiativesB
".2
'id the military have any role in these structures$

",/
A;>; Poulter$ K#he #ransition to Late Anti@uity on the 'anube0 a city$ a fort and the countryside&$ in A; >;
Poulter$ ed;$ $he $ransition to Late *nti>uit+5 on the Danu:e and :e+ond 8London$ 2.9$ pp; ! L ) ;
",1
P; Fan Hssel$ K-nsecuritE et Militarisation en >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ ..
8!11)9$ p; 2);
".
G; D; >illes$ KLangmauer&$ in0 3arte *rcheologi>ue du Grand-Duche de LuIem:ourg$ Feuille ,' Rosport
8Lu6embourg$ !1/)9$ pp; , L 2!;
".!
#he 4nglish term Khillforts& is inade@uate due to the variety of settlement types that the >erman +ord
encompasses$ and the +ord itself is often criticised by prehistorians see for e6ample M; H&Gelly and %; H&Gelly$
Earl+ 7reland5 an 7ntroduction to 7rish @rehistor+ 8%ambridge$ !1/19$ p; "!; -t should be pointed out that some
of these sites had been used during the -ron Age too see G;<D; >illes$ Spatromische Hohensiedlungen in Eifel und
Hunsruc# 8#rier$ !1/)9;
".2
-n the south of >aul the famous documented e6ample is the K#heopolis& site constructed by the former
Praetorian Prefect Fl; 'ardanus +ith his +ife and brother in the second decade of the )
th
century; #he site
provided strong +alls for defence as +ell as$ one can infer from the name$ a religious function; 37L O-- !)2( C
7LS !2.1 C *E !1)1$ )/
3l2audius4 @ostumus Dardanus ;2ir4 inl2ustris4 et pa/triciae dignitatis- eI consulari pro/;inciae =iennensis- eI
magistro scri/nii li:2ellorum4-eI >uaest2ore4-e I praef2ecto4- pr2a4et2orio4 Gall2iarum4- et / Ae;ia Galla-
clar2issima4 et inl2ustris4 fem2ina4- materfam2ilias 4/ eius- lococ ui nomen $heopoli est / ;iarum usum- caesis
utrum>uem on/tium lateri:2us4- praestiterunt- muros/ et portas dederunt[ >uod in agro/ proprio constitutum
tuetioni om/nium ;oluerunt esse commune- adni/tente etian2\4 ;ir2o4 inl2ustri4 com2ite4 ac fratre me/morati ;iri
3l2audio4 Lepido eI consulari/ Germaniae @rimae- eI mag2istro4 memor2iae4- /eI com2ite4 rerum pri;at2arum4-
ut erga omni/um salutem eoru/m studi]or^ume /t de;o/tionis pu:lic_ae` ti /tulus possi_t`o stendi
%laudius Postumus 'ardanus$ a noble man of patrician ran*$ formerly consul of the province of Fienne$ head of
the petitions department$ @uaestor and praetorian prefect of the >auls$ and Jevia >alla$ a distinguished and
/,

and ho+ far do their occupation patterns change over timeB Another related aspect of the
Kmilitarisation& of rural conte6ts is the appearance of Kfortified villas& +hich could strongly
suggest the assumption of defensive duties by civilians or the direct involvement by the
military or official administration to secure military needs; -n >aul there are several villas
+hich seem to have defensive structures added to them: are reported to have been
occupied by soldiers or have been located near a fortified site; #hese appear in several
+ritten te6ts for the )
th
century mainly for southern >aul;
"."
Fan Hssel identifies several
types of sites that ma*e up the =fortified villa? typology;
".(
Again there are regional parallels
+hich could ma*e this a more general phenomenon relating to changes across the +hole of
imperial society than being simply directly related to Belgica --;
".)
7ard<Per*ins stresses

noble +oman$ his materfamilias$ appointed themselves *eepers of the place called #heopolis and$ after
approaches had been carved out on both sides of the mountains$ gave it +alls and gates; #hey +anted the land
that is established as being in their o+nership to be shared for the safety of all; %laudius Lepidus$ a noble man$
comrade and brother of the above<mentioned man$ former consul of Upper >ermany$ magister memoriae and
count of the res pri;ata$ also lent his support so that a notice could be displayed of their concern for the safety
of everyone and of their devotion to the community;
#his initiative is instructive as it implies an increasing provision of defence by private individuals not controlled
by the state; Hn the other hand$ one could argue that 'ardanus& $heopolis +as not simply a Kprivate& initiative
and the product of a political vacuum caused by the disappearance of -mperial po+er; #he language of the
famous inscription he erected is resonant of the language contained in a parallel te6t for the 4astern 4mpire
issued by #heodosius -- in (2 permitting lando+ners to fortify their estates in the conte6t of increased tension
+ith Persia; 3? /;!;! #he phrase Kerga omnium salutem eorum studium et de;otionis pu:lic_ae` titulus& 8a
notice could be displayed of their concern for the safety of everyone and of their devotion to the community9
implies that 'ardanus felt he had to Nustify the fortification of his estate$ implying such actions +ere not seen
as being legitimate unless follo+ing official procedure; #he political climate in the first fe+ decades of the )
th

century +as traumatic for southern >aul$ so +hile his action hints at the +ea*ness of the Roman state it +as
not necessarily absent;
"."
Sidonius Apollinaris is the source for several sites0 his o+n Avitacum 8Ep;--;29: Ameonissimus of %onsentius
nr; Jarbonne 8Ep; F---;(9: the Burgus of Pontius Leontius 83armina OO--9: Fenantius Fortunatus describes the
villa occupied by Jicetius$ 3ishop of #rier 83armina ---;!29;
".(
P; Fan Hssel$ Eta:lissements RurauI de lJ*nti>uite $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule 8Paris$ !1129$ pp; !," L
!,/0 these are a9 Khill forts& rural fortifications constructed on a high point b9 to+ers$ sometimes enclosed by a
ditch$ constructed ne6t to or inside rural settlements c9 :urgi 8fortified structures9 constructed ne6t to or
+ithin rural settlements d9 'efensive ditches encircling certain villas e9 villas +ith fortifications f9 Kmilitary& or
K>ermanic& obNects found at villa sites;
".)
-n Africa$ the fortified >usr type of farmstead +as the dominant type bet+een A' " L A' .$ and
synonymous +ith gro+ing pressure from nomadic groups; '; Mattingly and D; 7; Hayes$ KJador and Fortified
Farms in Jorth Africa&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ ) 8!1129$ (/ L (!/: '; Mattingly and 3; Hitchener
KRoman Africa0 an archaeological revie+&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ /) 8!11)9$ pp; !1) L ,: '; Mattingly$
$ripolitania 8London$ !11)9$ pp; !(. L /: !1( L 21; Mattingly has particularly argued against any simplistic
attribution of Kmilitary& or Kpara<military& function to these sites in vie+ of epigraphic evidence 8Jador has an
inscription identifying its proprietor as a civilian9 and the different regions +here these fortified farm
structures have been found; He certainly argues against any interpretation +hich represents these as ne+
Kmilitary& settlers as a colonial hangover; #hey represent$ in his vie+$ a combination of possibilities0 Elites
tightening control over labour$ increasing concerns about security or possibly reinforced storage facilities;
#ypes of Kfortified villa& are also very commonly identified in the 'anube region too during the late "
rd
and (
th

centuries$ +here a variety of different types e6ist ranging from the strongly fortified Kpalace& type structures at
Split and >am5igrad$ as +ell as many others +ith thinner +alls but possessing defensive to+ers; L; Mulvin$
/.

regional variation in both style and intensity of fortification$ and notes that despite the
prominence in the historiography$ given the political insecurity of the period it is surprising
ho+ little fortification there actually is$ certainly +hen compared to the medieval period;
".,

3eyond the @uestion of site typology is the issue of the various artefacts$ including such
obNects as +eapons$ belts$ brooches etc; at villa sites +hich have been identified as Kmilitary&
or K>ermanic&0 terms often interchangeable in the literature;
"..
Hf course$ Nust because an
occasional artefact is found on a site does not mean that there is conclusive evidence for a
military presence L they may +ell be circulating due to commerce or another unrelated
reason; #he other problem in this debate is the complicated issue of ethnic attribution and
the inherent problems in identifying items as K>ermanic& as opposed to KRoman;& #he +ider
issue of Kmilitarisation& bears heavily on this issue as it is unclear +hether one should
understand these artefacts signal a general increase in military values held by the general
population or a specific military role in the running of the establishment$ relating to the
assumption that the =Roman Army? in the Late Roman period +as primarily formed of
mercenaries from across the Rhine frontier; Fillas changed their form$ +ith occupation
becoming more Ksimple&0 +ood and spolia replaced ne+ly @uarried stone as the primary
building materials$ +hile baths and under<floor heating +ere replaced by artisan activities$
such as metal<+or*ing$ as the main function for buildings;
"./
Rural buildings and villages of

KLate Roman Filla Plans in the 'anube<3al*an Region&$ in 7; 3o+den$ L; Lavan and %; Machado$ op8 cit$ 82(9$
pp; ".. L (!; Mulvin strongly argues that these can only be symptomatic of the political and military
insecurity endemic in the region$ though the precise nature of o+nership is a problem +hich affects the ability
to ans+er the @uestion of function; %hristie argues that these structures +ere built to cater for the military on
the frontier and soldiers +ere stationed internally$ J; %hristie$ K#o+ns and People on the Middle 'anube in
Late Anti@uity and the 4arly Middle Ages&$ in J;%hristie and S; Loseby$ eds;$ $o6ns in $ransition5 Or:an
E;olution in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot$ !11,9$ p; .); #here is a large split in the
literature$ +hich hints at the difficulties in using this evidence; Soproni argued that these structures had a
specific military role0 patrolling the interior$ S;Soproni$ Die let!ten ?ahr!ehnte des pannonischen Limes 8Munich$
!1/)98 MYcsy argues that these structures are -mperial latifundia; #here are a large number of to+er
structures that appear in the 4astern half of the 4mpire during the (
th
century on+ards$ but again the
tendency of recent researchers has been to e6plain them +ith reference to a variety of different motives by
local communities providing a secure base for storage and security in a general period of insecurity$ and not
attributing it to the actions of central government in most cases see M; 'ec*er$ K#o+ers$ Refuges and Fortified
Farms in the Late Roman 4ast&$ Li:er *nnus$ LF- 82,9$ (11<)2;
".,
3; 7ard<Per*ins$ KLand$ Labour and Settlement&$ in 3; 7ard<Per*ins$ A; %ameron and M; 7hitby$ eds;$
3am:ridge *ncient Histor+ <7= *D '%0 - ()) 8%ambridge$ 29$ pp; "") L "",;
"..
P; Fan Hssell$ Pta:lissements RurauI de lJ*nti>uite $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule 8Paris$ !1129$ pp; !," L
!,/$ uses these as one of his analytical categories; See also P; Fan Hssel$ K-nsecuritE et Militarisation en >aule
du Jord au 3as<4mpire&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ .. 8!11)9$ "2 L "";
"./
P Fan Hssel and P; Hu5oulias$ KRural settlement economy in Jorthern >aul in the Late 4mpire0 an overvie+&$
?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !2 829$ !""<!,;
//

the later Roman period increasingly resembled +hat have been described by scholars as
K>ermanic& forms of settlement L such as sun*en houses or Gr:enhauser; 7hitta*er$
follo+ing Fan Hssel and others$ argued that this is e6plained by a cultural change$ and the
increasing importance of military values amongst the elites;
".1
#hese replaced a Kcivilian&
emphasis on lavish decoration and monumental architectural display and +ere symptomatic
of this Kmilitarisation;&
#he final area of investigation is the +ider economic relationship bet+een the military
system and the land; #he @uestion that remains to be as*ed is ho+ far the archaeological
database in the areas covered by the case studies fit in +ith the t+o models listed above$
and ho+ far military issues can e6plain the changes in rural land use across the period under
e6aminationB
















".1
%;R;7hitta*er$ Frontiers of the Roman Empire 83altimore$ !11(9$ pp; 2,1 L .!$ strongly supported by
7ic*ham in %; 7ic*ham$ Framing the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8H6ford$ 2)9$ pp; (., L ..;
/1

C&a)ter .; Belgica II Case St-#y
#he e6istence of t+o large military 5ones in Belgica -- during the late Roman period$
supplemented by fortified +all circuits around the main urban centres$ the large<scale
abandonment of large scale rural settlements and an increasing number of +eapons burials
all appear to testify to the relative increasing importance of military aspects of the
province&s culture;
"/
#hus it could be argued that the military became fully integrated into
provincial structures$ +hich +ere directly controlled by the military authorities to supply
their men$ thus creating a Kmilitarised& landscape in +hich civilians and milites +ere in reality
indistinguishable; #his is an overstatement of a more comple6 reality +hich varied from
micro<region to micro<region; -t is certainly true that military identities changed during the
(
th
and )
th
centuries$ +hich +as inevitable given the social and economic shifts that >aul
under+ent$ but this does not mean they necessarily became completely integrated into the
province$ or lost any formality before the )
th
century; #he literary evidence is limited and
difficult to interpret$ so it should be analysed fully before +e e6amine +hat perspectives the
archaeology gives us;

Section (; Military str-ct-res an# i#entity in Bel$ica II #-rin$ t&e late E%)ire
..(.( Instit-tional i#entity; Dux Belgicae Secundae
4vidence for a formal military structure in Belgica -- is the appointment of a senior military
officer +ith specific responsibility for Belgica 77 6hich is attested in the Aotitia Dignitatum
8DuI Belgicae Secundae4;
"/!
#his +ould seem to be prima facie evidence for a more
prominent military role in the province during the (
th
and )
th
centuries; #he office of the
ducatus +as probably a development from the #etrarchic period$ though it originated
earlier;
"/2
#he Aotitia is the only direct testimony for the ducatus and thus the only positive

"/
D; Mertens$ KLimes et territoire intErieur en >aule du Jord&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la
Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ p; 1;
"/!
AD Hcc;F;!(: AD Hcc; OOOF---: the latter chapter gives a full list of the castella$ milites and officium
attached to the position$ +hich seems @uite limited compared +ith commands of other duces;
"/2
Li*e so many Roman military terms$ as discussed in chapter 2$ the origin of the +ord has very general$ non<
technical origins; #he position of duI originally appears in Republican period +ith a very general meaning of a
leader in some form of military action; From the 2
nd
century A' it denoted a temporary command in particular
circumstances such as a centurion commanding a legion 8e;g; 37L ---;(//)9$ but seems to have become formally
used as a title for military commanders from the mid<"
rd
%entury on+ards$ +ith a duI ripae appearing at 'ura<
4uropus: see F; Millar$ $he Roman Aear East ., B3 E *D ..F 8%ambridge$ !11"9$ p; !"";
1

evidence for its e6istence in the late (
th
century or early )
th
century; Ho+ever$ it is probably
a position sho+ing the continual evolution of the Roman military structure in >aul rather
than a creation de no;o;
"/"
#he Aotitia alludes to the origins of the office under the heading
KDuI $ractus *rmoricaniL0
EItenditur tamen tractus *rmoricani et Aer;icani limitis per pro;incias >uin>ue *>uitanica
prima et secunda- Lugdunensis secunda et tertia8
.&'

Ho+ever$ the district of the Armorican and Jervican frontier is e6tended to include the Five
Provinces0 First and Second A@uitaine: Second and #hird Lugdunensis;

#he te6t has some obvious anomalies$ the most stri*ing being that these provinces have no
geographical relevance to the ci;itas of the Aer;ii despite appearing in the title; Hf the five
provinces referred to only four are mentioned by name; #his discrepancy is resolved if the
ducatus Belgicae Secundae +as a later subdivision of the tractus *rmoricani et Aer;icani$
+hich originally covered the +hole north<+estern coast of >aul do+n to A@uitaine0 after
this division$ Armorica became a separate responsibility from that of the Jervian coast$ and
Belgica -- +ould be the missing )
th
province; 7hen this division too* place is difficult to
ans+er;
"/)
#here is a case that the ducatus +as a descendant of the original command of the
praefectus 3lassis Britannicae$ to +hich direct te6tual references disappear after c; 2);
"/,

Many scholars assume the office still e6isted in some form after this date because of the
multiple te6tual references to fleets operating in the 4nglish %hannel;
"/.
#his cannot be

"/"
D; %; Mann$ K#he Historical 'evelopment of the Sa6on Shore&$ in F; Ma6field$ ed;$ $he SaIon Shore5 a
Hand:oo# 846eter$ !1/19$ pp; , L /;
"/(
AD8 Hcc8 OOOF--;2( < 21: the title DuI $ractus *rmoricani et Aer;icani is also used in the same section AD8
Hcc8 OOOF--;!"
"/)
#he reorganisation could date to Falentinian given the problems that he faced in 3ritain in ",.$ but it seems
more li*ely$ given the confusion in the Aotitia$ and the compilation of the document to some point after "1)$
that the reorganisation +as in the conte6t of the usurpations of Magnus Ma6imus 8"/" < "//9$ 4ugenius 8"12 L
"1(9 or %onstantine --- 8(. L (!!9;
"/,
#his is from an inscription at Arles 37L O--;,/, +hich the latest *no+n epigraphic evidence for the 3lassis
Britannicae;
"/.
#here is evidence that the usurper %arausius had responsibility for north+est >aul in the 2/s$ and from
this it can be inferred that %arausius&s command +as part of an evolution in the command of the 3lassis
Britannica to one that involved the command of soldiers as +ell as the fleet; See 4utropius$ Bre;iarum$ 1;2!0
=3um apud Bononiam per tractum Belgicae at *rmoricae pacandum mare accepisset- >uod Franci et SaIones
infesta:ant8S 8He had received orders at 3oulogne to clear the sea along the coast of Belgica and *rmorica
+hich Fran*s and Sa6ons +ere infesting;9 #he evolutionary argument is outlined by D; Mann$ K#he Historical
'evelopment of the Sa6on Shore& in F; Ma6field$ ed;$ $he SaIon Shore5 a Hand:oo# 846eter$ !1/19$ pp; , L /
+hich follo+ the arguments in S; Dohnson$ $he Forts of the SaIon Shore 8London$ !1.,9; #his suggested that
the forts on both sides of the channel came under a unified command during the (th century$ the main
evidence being Ammianus& reference to a comes maritimum tractus- Jectidarius$ +ho +as *illed in ",. during
the so<called =3arbarian %onspiracy? 8Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ OOF--;/;!< !9; Scepticism has been
1!

proven$ but +hat the fragmentary evidence appears to suggest is a long<term evolution of
military commands in an area controlling a 5one that had been strategically important since
the early 4mpire$ and +hich$ as a result$ sa+ a regular stationing of soldiers; #his indicates
that a constantly evolving military structure$ +ith attendant hierarchy$ +as in place on the
Belgica coast from the +hole period under e6amination until the )
th
century;
#he creation of duces is often ta*en to represent late Roman separation of military and
civilian po+ers0 a praeses continued to e6ercise the non<military responsibilities in their
province;
"//
#he 3odeI $heodosianus lists the responsibilities of the ducatus as defence of
the frontier region: ensuring the fortifications +ere in good repair$ managing recruitment
and assignation of men to their units: responsibility for discipline and being responsible for
the collection and distribution of supplies from the provincial administration;
"/1
#his role
re@uired a significant administrative capacity; Some have noted a relative lac* of
bureaucracy in the late Roman Army compared +ith earlier periods apparent from the
disappearance of principia in many late Roman forts; From this it has been concluded that
military administration became more =centralised;?
"1
#his is inferred from the evidence of
the Aotitia +ith the list of clerical staff being restricted to senior officials; Ho+ever such a
vie+ has no positive evidence and has probably been influenced by the old idea of
Kbarbarisation&;
"1!
As +e have established$ unit si5es +ere smaller in the late 4mpire$ so

placed on some of Dohnson&s arguments for direct continuity of command throughout the century$ see P;
3artholome+$ KRevie+ of S; Dohnson$ $he Forts of the SaIon Shore 8London$ !1.19&$ in Britannia$ ! 8!1.19$ ",.
<.$ an argument +hich is follo+ed by A; Pearson$ $he Roman Shore Forts5 3oastal Defences of Southern
Britain 8Stroud$ 229; #here are some other comple6ities +hich are difficult to e6plain$ such as the attribution
of one fort 81arcis9 in Litore SaIonico to the supervision of the DuI Belgicae Secundae; -t has been suggested
that the other forts +ere added to the system later$ but every indication e6ists that these other forts +ere
constructed at a similar date to that of Marcis; #he Nurisdiction of the %ount of the Sa6on Shore through 3ritain
83omes Litoris SaIonici per Britannias9 as a frontier region 8limes4 lies at the heart of Dohnson&s case that an
elaborate defence system that engaged the +hole channel and is based on Seec*&s substitution of militum by
limitum in his edition of the Aotitia in the list of offices under the Nurisdiction of the 1agister @editum
@raesentalis; -f the comes follo+s the traditional understanding$ this +ould involve a command centred on a
series of units rather than a limes; #his study +ill follo+ the argument that the evidence suggests constant
reorganisation of command$ and that the Aotitia is more interested in the offices it notes for allocation$ rather
than being a summary of defence strategy;
"//
AD8 Hcc8 --- for the praeses of Belgica --: P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he Late Roman *rm+ 8London$ !11,9$ )1;
"/1
Managing frontier regions see 838$h8 .;!;19: recruitment 838$h8 .;22;)9: discipline 838$h8 2;!;29: supplies
838$h8 !!;)9
"1
P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ i:id8 !(!;
"1!
Again this belief comes from ideas of a K>ermanised& army in the (
th
century that +as predominantly
illiterate$ are originally inferences from the archaising te6t in Fegetius$ Epitome$ --;!1 discusses the traditional
legion&s need of men trained in short<hand to manage the numerous administrative tas*s necessary for the
smooth functioning of the military system; #his description +as part of a +ider rhetorical and political agenda
to argue for military reform based on ancient practice$ so the implication is that such practices +ere no longer
12

there is a case for arguing that specialist administrative staff +ould have become a pooled
resource;
"12
#he testimony of the Abinnaeus archive from 4gypt sho+s the DuI *eg+ptus in
his administrative role carrying out many of the tas*s outlined above;
"1"

#he ducatus +ould logically act as a co<ordinator of the forts on the coast of Belgica -- for
the main business of supply and pay$ and other military management issues; 4ven a small
unit +ould necessarily produce a degree of administration$ though the internal structures
are not sufficiently understood to permit confirmation of this;
"1(
#he fortuitous discovery of
military archives from other periods and places have perhaps subconsciously disfavoured
the late Roman 7est$ but there is no direct evidence that +hile imperial administration
functioned$ this did not also find an e6pression on a local level; Parallels from other parts of
the 4mpire can be found for the (
th
century;
"1)
#he AotitiaLs list of ducal staff appears @uite

common$ but as ever +ith Fegetius$ precise references to late Roman military practice is absent$ J; Milner$
=egetius5 Epitome of 1ilitar+ Science 8Liverpool$ !11"9$ p; 66viii;
"12
See discussion on unit si5es in chapter !;
"1"
He appears confirming appointments: resolving disputes over the aforementioned appointments: assigning
soldiers for other duties 8collection of ta6es etc;9: acting as a court of appeal to deal +ith complaints about
officers: regulating the annona and disciplining soldiers; See H;-; 3ell$ ed;$ $he *:innaeus *rchi;e5 @apers of a
Roman Hfficer in the Reign of 3onstantine 77 8H6ford$ !1,29 for e6amples0 managing appointments 8no; ! and
29: collection of ta6es 8no; "9: court of appeal against soldiers 8no; !/: (( L ).9: management of annona 8no;
2,9: disciplining soldiers 8no; !)9;
"1(
See the ne6t section on forts for fuller discussion of the material conte6t; For unit administration the best
e6amples are for earlier periods are the au6iliary cohort at Findolanda in the late !
st
century: A; 3o+man and
'; #homas$ =indolanda5 the Latin 9riting $a:lets 8Je+castle$ !1.(9$ and the mid<"
rd
century archive at 'ura<
4uropus: '; Gennedy$ K#he 3ohors << @alm+renorum at 'ura 4uropos& in 4; 'abro+a$ ed;$ $he Roman and
B+!antine *rm+ in the East$ 8Gra*o+$ !11(9$ pp; /1<1/; #he military ostraca at 3u JNem in #unisia from the
mid<"
rd
century provide close parallels in terminology and administrative procedures to those in Findolanda
+hich sho+s a degree of standardisation despite the differences in time and space0 A; 3o+man$ Life and
Letters on the Roman Frontier5 =indolanda and its @eople 8London$ !11(9$ p; "): R; Marichal$ Les Hstraca de Bu
ABem SupplCments de Li:+a *nti>ua 8#ripoli$ !1129;
"1)
#he Abinnaeus archive is the best *no+n e6ample used to illustrate (
th
century military practice$ see H; 3ell$
op8 cit8$ 8!1,29$ made up of correspondence that Abinnaeus received from a variety of military officials and
civilians$ alongside petitions and contracts; #here are mentions of the continued use of bureaucratic means for
the accounting of supplies 8e;g; no; (9; #he @uestion of ho+ far this is carried out in >aul is impossible to prove
at the moment$ but there is no positive reason not to believe that soldiers in >aul +eren&t behaving in similar
+ays; Another parallel is found in St; Augustine&s correspondence +ith Publicola 8Ep8 (,9 +hich records the
importance of +ritten instructions providing legitimate entry into provincial boundaries of nomadic tribesmen$
the paper+or* being approved by a decurion or a tribune$ +hich in this case implies military officers; #his has
been disputed$ and it has been suggested that the decuriones and tri:uni +ere actually local Kdynasts& D;
Matthe+s$ KMauretania in Ammianus and the Jotitia&$ in D;%; Mann$ R; >oodburn and P; 3artholome+$ eds;$ op
cit8 8!1.,9$ p; !.!$ but - +ould argue that this is transposing a situation more appropriate to a later period; #he
situation in Africa$ it goes +ithout saying$ is different from >aul$ but given the earlier evidence discussed in
note !)$ - am inclined to believe that some form of standard practice +as still being carried out at the end of
the (
th
century in most parts of the 4mpire$ as can be seen in Augustine Ep8 (";!0
W7n *r!ugi:us- ut audi;i- decurioni >ui limiti praeest ;el tri:uno solent iurare :ar:ari- iurantes per daemones
suos- >ui ad deducendas :astagas pacti fuerint- ;el ali>ui ad ser;andas fruges ipsas- singuli possessores ;el
1"

substantial$ though it is difficult to give an accurate assessment given that only senior
positions are mentioned$ but even this brief list implies the command produced significant
paper+or*;
"1,
Although it could be argued that this +as merely ceremonial$ this does imply
that the military structure in Belgica -- +ielded considerable administrative capacity$ and
this +ould have maintained a strong institutional ethos and perpetuated a military identity L
as those responsible to the ducatus;
#he DuI Belgicae 77 +as one of the smallest military commands that e6ist in the Aotita 8see
table ! belo+9;
Table (; %ilitary -nits@castella liste# -n#er t&e co%%an# of ario-s duces in t&e Notitia
Office Military 8nits
AInfantry@CaalryB
Castella
DuI Belgicae 77 !A! 2 ! fleet "
DuI $ractus *rmoricani !A 1
DuI pro;incia Se>uanici
./F
! !
DuI 1ogontiacensis !!A !2
DuI Britanniarum
./&
2.A1 ".
DuI Raetiae !,A, 2!

#his might be because the DuI also had had previous responsibility for the fortifications in
the hinterland of 3elgica -- L the so<called =Limes Belgicus$? and most of these seem to have

conductores solent ad custodiendas fruges suscipere- >uasi iam fideles- epistolam decurione mittente- ;el
singuli transeuntes >ui:us necesse est per eos transire8S
-n the country of the Ar5uges it is customary$ so - have heard$ for the barbarians to ta*e an oath$ s+earing by
their false gods$ in the presence of the decurion stationed on the frontier or of the tribune$ +hen they have
come under engagement to carry baggage to any part$ or to protect the crops from depredation: and +hen the
decurion certifies in +riting that this oath has been ta*en$ the o+ners or farmers of land employ them as
+atchmen of their crops: or travellers +ho have occasion to pass through their country hire them$ as if assured
of their no+ being trust+orthy;
"1,
AD8 Hcc8- OOOF--- K,) Hfficium autem ha:et idem ;ir specta:ilis duI hoc modo5 ,, @rincipem eI eodem
corpore[ ,% Aumerarium[ ,. 3ommentariensem[ ,' *diutorem[ ,0 Su:adiu;am[ ,( Regrendarium[ ,F
EIceptores[ ,& Singulares et reli>uos officiales8L
"1.
-t is very probable is that the DuI Se>uanorum folio is missing;
"1/
#his includes Hadrian&s 7all =per lineam ;alli? AD8 Hcc8- <L;"" L ),;
1(

been abandoned by the end of the (
th
century;
"11
#he problem +ith this theory is that the
e6istence of the =Limes Belgicus? is no+ discredited as being a product of !1
th
century
nationalist ideas;
(
#here is certainly no mention of it in the Aotitia$ and the occupation of
the forts +as not permanent during the (
th
century;
(!
-t +ould ma*e sense$ given the need
to ensure supplies and maintain administration$ that the duI +ould have authority over any
soldiers there; #his seems to be +hat the Aotitia is telling us0 the ducatus e6isted to co<
ordinate the activities and maintenance of the soldiers under his sphere of authority rather
than being concerned +ith military deployment; Hoffmann argued that the troops in >aul
during the first half of the (
th
century$ e;g; the e>uites catafractarii Ambianenses$ 6ere all
associated 6ith the tractus *rmoricani et Aer;icani for e6ample before their departure to
the east$ +hich is a reminder that there seems to have been a considerable movement of
soldiers in and out of the provinces during the (
th
century;
(2
-t is also probable that they
moved around the various urban centres of the province$ and its creation does imply a more
regional$ local supervision of military affairs from the second half of the (
th
century$ +hich
does correspond +ith the evidence from the cities that imperial administration played an
increasingly important role in the functioning of urban sites;
("

Hne can speculate on +hat the increasing number of local military commands tells us about
the military presence in Belgica -- during the (
th
century; Hne reason +as probably
administrative0 logistical matters +ere being managed on an increasingly local basis and so
re@uiring more immediate supervision;
((
Duces +ere granted e@uestrian status under the
#etrarchs and senatorial status under Falentinian;
()
#his implies that their role +as
becoming increasingly important as the century progressed; Belgica 77Ls strategic importance
given its position on the main route to 3ritain$ and the series of military usurpations in >aul
and 3ritain during the (
th
century$ suggests that by increasing the number of military
commands it +ould Kdivide and rule& and prevent e6cessive concentration of military

"11
D; Mertens$ KQuel@ues %onsidErations sur les Limes Belgicus&$ in D; Frit5$ ed;$ Limes *#ten des <7
Limes#ongress 83udapest$ !1..9$ pp; ," L ,/;
(
R; 3rulet$ KLes 'ispositifs du 3as<4mpire en >aule Septentrionale&$ in F; Fallet and M; Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe
Romaine et les Bar:ares 8Rouen$ !11"9$ pp; !") L (1;
(!
See section 2 for further discussion of this;
(2
AD8 Hr8$ F-;",: '; Hoffmann$ Das Sp"trmische Be6egungsheer und die Aotitia Dignitatum 8Munich$ !1,19$
p; !1,;
("
See section " for discussion of this;
((
#his finds support in the evidence from Hudenburg in section 2;
()
38$h8$,;2";!: 38$h8-,;2(;!!: AD8 Hcc8- OOOF---;! K8DuI Belgicae Secundae9 Hfficium autem ha:et idem ;ir
specta:ilis duI hoc modo8L
1)

po+er;
(,
Practical and political factors are not incompatible$ and in the absence of any
decisive evidence in favour of one vie+$ it +ould perhaps be more satisfactory to propose a
series of overlapping concerns0 +orries that concentrating too much military po+er in the
hands of one individual and the broadening of the limites 5ones during the late "
rd
and (
th

century made appointing more senior officers practical$ and providing enhanced po+ers of
patronage for the imperial government;
(.

#he relatively limited number of units under the ducatus$ and the +ider conte6t of the office
in our sources$ +ould suggest that rather than being a military frontier in the tactical sense
of a linear defensive line$ +e should see the ducatus presiding over a broad frontier region
+ith particular bureaucratic tas*s and responsibilities rather than merely commanding units
in battle;
(/
3ut there is no reason +hy traditional Roman practice +ould not have been
maintained$ so that his authority +as limited to soldiers in the province$ +hich is +hat the
Aotitia infers; Hne could argue that this appointment +ould have initiated a process of
increased regionalism; #his is hard to deny$ and there can be no doubt that Roman units
found themselves strung out across the provinces across the century$ but the constant
multiplication of officers also suggests a close focus on the hierarchy and authority of
officers$ +hich implies the maintenance of a strong institutional identity amongst the
Roman soldiers of the province; #hey +ould probably have been strongly a+are +ho their
superior +as;

..(.* Military i#entity in Belgica II; Milites
409

7e only possess a handful of military inscriptions from Belgica --$ most of +hich date to the
earlier part of our period; #hose that +ill be discussed in the te6t are listed belo+0

(,
#here +ere nine maNor usurpations lead by military officers$ or senatorial figures +ith strong military
support$ bet+een %arausius in 2/,A. and Dovinus in (!! see R; Urban$ Gallia Re:ellis 5 Erhe:ungen in Gallien im
Spiegel *nti#er Deugnisse 8Stuttgart$ !1119$ pp; 1, L !!(;
(.
'; Potter$ $he Roman Empire at Ba+ 8London$ 2(9$ pp; )2, L ).)$ develops a thesis that the imperial
office increasingly became a prisoner of bureaucratic interests$ that is the various military and civilian officials$
and the late Roman state& s interests +ere seconded to those of its employees; Potter argues that this trend is
particularly observable in Falentinian&s reign; -f this argument is follo+ed it +ould suggest that the
multiplication of offices +as done for the benefit of those at court;
(/
3; -saac$ Limits of Empire 8H6ford$ !1129 ma*es this argument very forcefully for the Late Roman army in the
4ast$ and there is no reason not to see this as directly relevant to Belgica --;
(1
See Appendi6 " for photographs of some of the inscriptions
1,

Inscri)tion Translation Ori$in Reference
(!

D2is4 _12ani:us4 E2t4` 12emoriae4/
T 7anuarius imagin2ifer4 A2umeri4
Orsarien2sium4 3i;es/
_Se`>uan2orum4 ;iI2it4 annos/
_T<<`=7777 Se;erianus frat2er4/
1emor2iam4 posuit
#o the Manes and the memory of
-anuarius$ imaginifer$ of the
regiment of Ursarienses$ citi5en
of the Se@uani +ho lived 218B9
years; Severianus$ his brother$
raised this memorial;
Amiens 37L O--- "(12

=al2erius4 Durio 3ircit2or4 A2umeri4
3atafr2actariorum4 ;iI2it4 an2nos4
<<<
Falerius 'urio$ 3ircitor of the
%ataphract Regiment lived for "
years

Amiens 37L O--- "(1"
Schleiermac
her no; //
'8is9 M8anibus9 48t9 M8emoriae9
Fal8erius9 -ustusA _4`@8uesB9 vi68it9
ann8os9 OOO- scolaA provincialum
inA _s`tituit
#o the Manes and the memory of
Falerius -ustus$ cavalryman$ +ho
lived "! years; #he Schola of the
Provincials installed this
Amiens 37L O--- "(1(
Schleiermac
her no; /1
_D2is4` 12ani:us4/ E2t4 12emoriae4
=al2erius4 Durdiginu_s`
',,
/
De2curio4 3a_tafr2actariorumG4`
#o the Manes and the memory of
Falerius Iurdiginu8s9$ 'ecurion of
%ataphracts8B9

Amiens 37L O--- "(1)
Schleiermac
her no; 1
'8is9 M8anibus9AFurius AntoninAus
circ88itor9 n8umeri9 'al8matarum9
vi6it 8a9nnos OOF- 8B9 dies OFA
h8oras9 --- memorian 8sic9A ei
coll8egium9 8B9 eius possuit
8denariorum9 F mil8ibus de suo
#o the Manes$ Furius Antonius$
circitor of the numerus of
'almatians$ lived for 2) years$ "
months$ !) days and " hours; His
college erected this to his
memory for the sum of )$(
%hilons<
sur<
Marne
37L O--- "().
Schleiermac
her no; 1!

(!
M; Schleiermacher$ Rmische Reitergra:steine5 die aiser!eitlichen Reliefs des $riumphierenden Reiters
83onn$ !1/(9;
(!!
M; Schleiermacher$ i:id8$ p;2/$ restores Iurdigenu_s` but it is impossible to tell given the damage done to
the relief;
1.

denaria OOOF---%%%9

denarii;
Plaianus e@uisA in
vi6elationeA'almatorum FA vi66it
annos O 8LB9A impe8n9dium de suA
denaria OOOF----A%%%

Plaianus$ horseman of the
ve6illation of the 'almatians$
lived (8B9 years$ he put up this
monument +hich cost ""/
denarii;
%hilons<
sur<
Marne
37L O--- "()/
1emoria/ fecit Orsina/ coiogi suo
ursi/-niano ;eterano/ de menapis/
;iIIi annos IIIIIII;2G4
#o the memory of Ursinianus$
veteran of the 1enapii$ +ho
lived .) 8B9 years; His +ife Ursina
had this made;
Paris 37L O--- """
Feli6 militiae sumpsit devota
Dovinus %ingula$ virtutum culmen
provectus in altum0
3is@ue datus meritis e@uitum$
peditum@ue magister$
46tulit aeternum saeculorum in
saecula nomen$ Sed pietate gravi
tanta haec praeconia
vincit$ -nsignes@ue triumphos
relligione dicavit$ ut @uem fama
dabat rebus superaret honorem$
4t vitam factis posset sperare
perennem; %onscius hic sancto
manantis fonte salutis$
Sedem vivacem moribundis
ponere membris$ %orporis
hospitium laetus metator
adornat$ Reddendos vitae salvari
Fortunate Dovinus$ +hen he had
ta*en up the devoted s+ord<belt$
carried to the di55y height of
e6cellence0 t+ice given the title
of master of the horse and
master of foot for his service$ he
ac@uired this everlasting name
for himself for generation upon
generation$ but he surpassed
these great commendations +ith
his strong sense of piety$ and he
consecrated his glorious
triumphs +ith sanctity$ so that he
could transcend the honour
+hich fate +as giving to the
situation and so that he could
hope for perpetual life through
his deeds; Gno+ing that safety
Reims 37L O---
"2),
(!2


(!2
Recorded by Flodoard in the !
th
century0 Historia Remensis Ecclesiae F-;
1/

providet artus; Hmnipotens
%hristus Nude6 venerabilis$ at@ue
#erribilis$ pie$ longanimis$ spes fida
precantum$ Jobilis e6imios
famulis non imputat actus;
Plus Nusto fidei ac pietatis praemia
vincant;

sprang from the holy fountain
here$ he settled for an everlasting
seat for his mortal limbs and he$
the ma*er of boundaries$ happily
furnished his bodyUs chamber and
he foresa+ that his limbs needed
to be returned to life to be saved;
All po+erful %hrist$ the venerable
Nudge$ terrible$ H pious one$
patient$ the trusty hope of those
+ho pray$ does not ma*e
account of the e6traordinary
gestures of a servant of noble
birth; Let us prevail to the highest
the re+ards of faith and piety;


7hat can +e learn from such a small sampleB -t is very difficult to generalise too far given
the difficulties establishing the original conte6t of the memorials;
(!"
#he Amiens inscriptions
can be dated$ as a terminus post >uem$ to the late "
rd
or early (
th
century on account of the

(!"
#hey +ere discovered in !/(/ face do+n as part of the construction of a ne+ road bet+een Soissons and
Amiens: 3; Pichon$ *miens5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 219$ pp; 2(. L (/;
11

nomen KFalerius;&
(!(
A comparison of the t+o styles of relief for Falerius -ustus and Falerius
'urio +ould strongly suggest that they +ere contemporaneous$ and +ould indicate a
degree of uniformity amongst the commemorative traditions used by the cavalry soldiers
stationed here;
(!)
'urio&s name implies that he +as from north+est 4urope;
(!,
-ustus is an
e6tremely common name and probably +estern in origin;
(!.
-anuarius tells us he +as from
the Se@uani 8ci;es se>uanorum9; #he sculptural relief of Fal8erius9 Iurdiginu_sB` is in @uite a
different style from the other cavalrymen$ and portrays him +ith a slave or groom; #he
differences could be because he +as a decurion$ and so +ished to emphasise his higher
status$ or because he +as from another unit of foreign e6traction;
(!/
Another e6planation
for the differences could be that he died at a different time than the other t+o cavalrymen
and fashions of commemoration had changed$ or simply that he chose a different tradition
to emulate;
(!1
#his could allo+ a potential comparison +ith the cavalrymen at %hilons<sur<

/(/
#he using of onamastics to date inscriptions is problematic as cognomen associated +ith emperors could be
dated to at least a ) year period see for e6ample the discussion in S; Phang$ $he 1arriage of Roman Soldiers
2,. B3 E *D %.04 8Je+ Por*$ 2!9$ p; !); #he best accepted +ay to identify soldiers from the (
th
century and
later is the use of =Flavius$? as at the various military inscriptions from the cemetery at %oncordia +hich are
dated to the )
th
century by Handley$ but some are associated +ith the Frigidus campaign by Hoffmann in ';
Hoffmann$ K'ie SpRtrMmischen Soldaten >rabinschriften von %oncordia&$ 1useum Hel;eticum$ 2 8!1,"9$ 2 L
).: M; Handley$ Death- Societ+ and 3ulture 5 7nscriptions and Epitaphs in Gaul and Spain- *D .))-F0) 8H6ford$
2"9$ pp; !, L !.; #he use of the nomen KFalerius& is usually associated +ith the #etrarchic period as KFalerius&
+as the family name of 'iocletian that +as adopted by Ma6imian +hen he assumed his position as part of the
imperial college; #his +ould suggest that +e can date the Amiens inscriptions to the period after 2/); #he
stelae +ere not actually found in the city itself$ but a fe+ miles outside at St Achuel; #he deposition date of the
inscriptions at can be assumed to have ")<1 at the earliest on account of the milestone inscription buried
+ith it 8Ma6imian 'aia&s reign as %aesar9$ but one +ould assume it +as a considerable time later given that
one +ould e6pect the regiment +ould have maintained its cemetery if it +as still in the region;; & #he -anuarius
inscription has been restored by O; 'upuis to read _Falerius` as +ell$ but even if one doesn&t accept that
identification the shield and cloa* ma*es it very li*ely that the inscription is from the end of the "rd century at
the very latest; #here is contemporary evidence of catafracti as the mainstay of #etrarchic armies0 the E>uites
Singulares *ugusti are portrayed as cataphracts on the Arch of >alerius and the Arch of %onstantine +hich tells
us ho+ closely such heavy cavalry +ere associated +ith the military image of these emperors 8+hile not
suggesting that the horsemen at Amiens +ere in the same level of unit L they +ould surely have told us9;
(!)
#hey may +ell have been commissioned from the same sculpture; -mages of the inscriptions are in
Appendi6 ! and also found in M; Schleiermacher$ Rmische Reitergra:steine5 die aiser!eitlichen Reliefs des
$riumphierenden Reiters 83onn$ !1/(9$ pp; 2, L 2/;
(!,
#he name is also attested in 3elgium 8*E !1),9$ and near 3rampton on Hadrian&s 7all 8R7B 2,"9;
(!.
Belgica 8"19 is Noint second +ith @annonia 8"19 to -taly 8,9 +ith records for this name0 3; LMrinc5$
Hnomasticon @ro;inciarum Europae Latinarum =ol8 %0 %abalicius L -6us 8Fienna$ !1119$ p; 2!;
(!/
Hnomastically$ Iurdiginus appears to be of eastern e6traction; 3; LMrinc5 Hnomasticon @ro;inciarum
Europae Latinarum =ol8 '0 Ruadrati E Dures 8Fienna$ 229$ p; !12$ lists Iurdiginus as the only e6ample of this
name found$ so it cannot be proven that it +as not local; Ho+ever other similar names are usually found
particularly in the 3al*ans or further east e;g; Iordeseiosus 87G Bulg8 /.29 or Ioticus 8a common name across
the east$ though there are fe+ in the +est 3; LMrinc5$ i:id;$ p; !1!;
(!1
#here is a strong argument that there +as a cavalry unit based at Amiens for a period of time in the (
th

century < see the discussion in section ";
!

Marne +hose unit association lin*s them +ith 'alamatia$ though there is no guarantee that
they +ere actually originally from there or that they +ere precisely contemporaneous;
(2

Falerius -ustus$ sc2h4ola pro;incialum$ has been the source of some controversy$ as it has
not been recorded any+here else; -t has been suggested that the scola pro;incialum may
represent a military unit; #he schola +ere units of significant status in the (
th
century$
appearing as bodyguard regiments under the authority of the 1agister Hfficiorum in the
Aotitia Dignitatum;
(2!
Such an attribution seems unli*ely given the idiosyncratic
nomenclature of this inscription; Another suggestion +as that it +as a paramilitary or militia
unit raised during the chaotic events of the "
rd
century from the civilian population$ perhaps
having a relationship +ith groups li*e the iu;enes +ho +ould have had a suitable
bac*ground;
(22
#here are some parallels to this ad hoc arrangement in the mid<"
rd

century;
(2"
#his is not particularly convincing$ ho+ever; All the other evidence$ from

(2
KFurius& is mainly found in -taly 8("j of surviving records9 +ith a fe+ scattered around the +estern and
'anubian provinces$ 3; LMrinc5$ Hnomasticon @ro;inciarum Europae Latinarum =ol8 '0 Ruadrati E Dures
8Fienna$ 229$ pp; !)) L ),: the name Plaianus is uni@uely found in this inscription0 3; LMrinc5$ Hnomasticon
@ro;inciarum Europae Latinarum =ol8 .5 La:areus - @+thea 8Fienna$ 29$ p; !(); Some have suggested that
the name +as originally from -llyria$ M; %hossenot and F; Lefevre$ KLes st]les funEraires gallo<romaines de
%hilons<sur<Marne$& SociCtC dL*griculture- 3ommerce- Sciences et *rts de la 1arne 8!1/!9$ p; (/; M; %hossenot
and F; Lefevre$ KLes St]les FunEraires >allo<Romaines de %hilons<sur<Marne&$ SociCtC dL*griculture- 3ommerce-
Sciences et *rts de la 1arne O%F- 8!1/!9$ () L ,2$ suggest a +hole range of dates from the reign of >allienus to
the late (th century; - +ould place them bet+een 2) < " due to the name KFurius& and the use of terms
Knumerus& and K;eIillatio& +hich in this conte6t seem more appropriate to the "rd rather than the (th century;
(2!
#he schola too* their name from the room of the principium in a Roman fort +here soldiers 8or more li*ely
officers9 could meet +hen +ere permitted to form collegia by Septimius Severus; Some historians have argued
that this signified a particular lin* to the 4mperor$ but this is unclear; P; Le 3ohec$ $he 7mperial Roman *rm+
8London$ 29$ pp; !12 <";
(22
D; Massy and '; 3ayard$ *miens Romains 8Amiens$ !1/"9$ p; 2(1$ argue for that this group +ere a local
militia incorporated into the army; For the iu;enes see D; 7iesehMfer K-uvenes 8-uventus9& BrillLs Ae6 @aul+;
8Leiden$ 2!29;
(2"
#he =victory altar? discovered at Augsburg describes local people 8populares9 helping soldiers fighting the
Semnones and -uthungi in Raetia in A' 2,0 7n h2onorem4 d2omus4 d2i;inae4 / deae sanctae =ictoriae / o:
:ar:aros gentis Semnonum / si;e 7outhungorum die / =777 et =77 #al2endarum4 1aiar2um4 caesos / fugatos>ue a
militi:us pro;2inciae4 / Raetiae sed et germanicianis / item>ue populari:us eIcussis / multis mili:us 7talorum
capti;or2um4 / compos ;otorum suorum /__12arcus4 Simplicinius Genialis ;2ir4 p2erfectissimus4 a2gens4 ;2ices4
p2raesidis4 / cum eodem eIercitu`` / li:ens merito posuit / dedicata 777 idus Septem:res4 imp2eratore4 d2omino4
n2ostro4 / __@ostumo *u??g2usto4 et __Honoratiano co2n4s2uli:us4``
8-n honour of the divine household and to the sacred goddess Fictory; _4rected` on account of the barbarian
peoples Semnones and -uthungi *illed or put to flight on the 2(
th
and 2)
th
April by the soldiers of the province
of Raetia and from the >erman 8provinces9 and also local forces$ and for the rescue of many thousands of
-talian prisoners; -n fulfilment of their vo+s Marcus Simplicinius >enialis$ ;ir perfectissimus acting on behalf of
the provincial governor$ +ith the same army gladly erected 8this altar9 to one deserving of it; 'edicated on !!
th

September in the consulship of our lord emperor Postumus Augustus and Honoratianus;9
See M; 3a**er$ K'er Siegesaltar 5ur Duthungenschlacht von 2, n; %hr;&$ *nti#e 9elt$ 2(;($ 8!11"9$ 2.(<2..: H;
Lavagne$ KUne Jouvelle -nscription dUAugsbourg et les %auses de lUUsurpation de Postume$& 3omptes Rendus
des SCances de lJ*cadCmie des 7nscriptions et Belles-Lettres$ !"/ 8!11(9$ ("!<((,;
!!

commemoration style and conte6t$ implies Falerius -ustus +as attached to a formal military
unit; All the inscription tells us is that the scola put up this memorial to Lustus$ not that it
+as the name of the military unit to +hich he belonged; -t could therefore even have been a
form of funerary college to allo+ ordinary soldiers to put up monuments$ li*e the collegium
e6plicitly mentioned erecting the monument to Furius Antoninus at %hilons;
(2(

Hur discussion so far has highlighted the dangers of ma*ing generalisations that +ould apply
to the +hole province of Belgica -- across the period under investigation; Ho+ever$ given
that the Amiens stones all probably came from a similar conte6t$ in terms of landscape and
chronology$ +e can ma*e some tentative suggestions by comparison +ith the other
e6amples about +hat they may tell us about military identities in the early (
th
century;

aB T&e %ilitary -nit
#he fact that Iurdiginus and 'urio +ere both probably catafractii 8if +e accept the
reconstruction of the damaged Iurdiginus stone9 is interesting given the degree of
heterodo6y in unit nomenclature0 'urio is from a J8umerus9: Iurdiginus only uses
=catafractarii?$ +hile Lustus calls himself an e>ues and ma*es no mention of his unit at all
8unless it is the schola pro;incialum9; #he fact that the soldiers generally identify
themselves by their unit and military vocation 8horseman etc;9 should be no surprise; Such
features +ere fundamental to early imperial epigraphy +hen formulaic representations
commonly identified the deceased&s unit and function;
(2)
Hur corpus continues this to some
degree0 tombstones all seem to follo+ common formulae 8;iIit$ lived for9 giving the age of
the deceased;
(2,
#he variety of nomenclature for military unit is notable and there are t+o
+ays to read this; #he men could all have been from different cavalry units$ hence the
differences in names; #he second possibility is that they +ere from the same unit but
displayed their affiliations in different +ays; #here is no +ay of confirming either hypothesis$
but - +ould argue for the former interpretation on the grounds that the differences are so

(2(
For a discussion of collegium and a criti@ue of the overly narro+ understanding of these groups by #;
Mommsen see \; Rebillard$ $he 3are of the Dead in Late *nti>uit+ 8Je+ Por*$ 2!9$ pp; ". L ),;
(2)
See for e6ample the large number of military tombstones at Main5 for e6ample +here common formulae
and relief sculptures are the maNority; F; Hope$ K%onstruction of -dentity in Military #ombstones$& in >; Hliver$
ed;$ $he Epigraph+ of Death5 Studies in the Histor+ and Societ+ of Greece and Rome 8Liverpool$ 29$ pp; !, L
!..;
(2,
Iurdiginus& age may have been recorded on the bro*en section +hich has disappeared;
!2

stri*ing; #he only evidence that suggests they +ere from the same unit is the later regiment
mentioned in the Aotitia$ +hich probably reflects the situation at the end of the (
th
century$
and could easily be the result of several units being incorporated into a ne+ one;
(2.
7hat
this suggests is that the military unit +as usually 8though possibly not al+ays9$ one the
fundamental bases of an individual soldier&s identity; #he subtle differences bet+een the
graves$ +ould imply that those commemorating the deceased +ere *een$ in some +ays$ to
distinguish them from each other$ +hile incorporating some common symbolic language too
L for e6ample in the sculptural forms$ though this could simply have been based on
+hatever +as available; #his seems to be confirmed by the epitaphs at %hilons$ +hich could
be from the same 'almatian regiment$ but the differences of nomenclature and appearance
of the grave$ suggests they could be from different groups; -f +e restore the Paris inscription
as being for a veteran from a unit of 1enapii$ then there is further support for this$ given
that his unit identity +as still important even after his retirement;
(2/
#he use of the unit
name is the main common practice +hen compared +ith other inscriptions of soldiers found
in >aul from the (
th
century on+ards;
(21
Dovinus has no regimental affiliations$ but it is
interesting ho+ he references one of the simplest aspects of a military identity$ the cingula;
7hat these elements suggest is ho+$ +hile there +ere clearly uniform$ collective symbols of
military identity that all milites +ould understand$ each military unit gave a particular
coherence and variation to an individual soldier&s sense of identity$ and the variety of
different practices could sho+ ho+ different units could develop their o+n traditions +ithin
a +ider institutional culture;

bB Hierarc&y an# stat-s
#he most obvious statement of status is Dovinus& epitaph +hich is very different conte6t
from the others in chronology 8".s9$ social status and religion; As +ell as recording his high

(2.
AD8 Hr8$ F-;", E>uites catafractarii *m:ianenses5 this regiment could even have been a creation de no;o;
(2/
#here are t+o units of Menapii recorded in the Aotitia5 AD8 Hr8 F---; ")0 1enapii 8Legio 3omitatensis9: AD8
Hcc;$ F-- /" 1enapii Seniores 8Legio 3omitatensis9; #his is usually read as commemorating a veteran of the
1enapii$ and the failure to identify the seniores implies that this occurred before the division of ",( under
Falentinian and Falens see R;S;H; #omlin$ KSenioresL-uniores in the Late Roman Field ArmyU$ *merican ?ournal
of @hilolog+$ 1" 8!1.29$ 2)"L./; Jote that subse@uent inscription finds have made #omin&s findings obsolete$
but precise dating is impossible here$ so the matter +ill not be pursued;
(21
For e6ample the soldier at 3ordeau6 commemorated as Kde numero mattiacorum seniorum& 7L3=$ no; ))( or
the soldier from the same regiment at %oncordia0 37L O--- /.".;
!"

birth 8no:ilitas9$ the statement of his success in achieving high ran* is obvious enough$ but
the lengthy part of the inscription sho+s that +hile his military status gave him authority$
most of the inscription focused on his piety and religious virtues$ +hich +ere far more
important to the ecclesiastical conte6t in +hich his memory +as no+ operating; #his could
of course be the product of Flodoard&s transcription L it is unclear ho+ far he elaborated;
("

'espite its idiosyncrasies$ it does sho+ ho+ the deceased&s status is negotiated +ithin the
conte6t in +hich the epitaph is displayed; #he use of promoted positions 8e;g; decurio$
circitor$ imaginifer9 on most of the tombstones sho+s that hierarchical military titles +ere
aspects of status that +ere to be displayed$ and an important part of commemorating
milites; Iuridiginus& display of his groomAslave holding his horse is another statement of his
status as a decurion; #he use of horses in the case of the cavalrymen: full military
e@uipment in the case of -anuarius: sho+s ho+ important military identity +as to the
deceased; >iven the cost of funerary monuments$ these must be seen as statements of ho+
milites remained an Elite group in society;
("!
#he fact the t+o %hilons cavalrymen displayed
ho+ much they cost can be seen as a form of internal competition bet+een soldiers$ as +ell
as displays of pride for the commemorators;
#he K4pigraphic habit& appears to have been relatively uncommon in northern >aul
compared +ith other parts of the 4mpire;
("2
From a late anti@ue epigraphic perspective$
>aulish funerary inscriptions are generally of individuals of high status;
(""
As has been
discussed already$ funerary practices should not be seen as mirrors to social reality; 4ven if

("
>iven the antipathy of many churchmen in his day to milites on +ouldn&t be surprised if there +as an
element of didacticism in his use of the inscription promoting the religious life to combatants: #; Head and R;
Landes$ $he @eace of God5 Social =iolence and Religious Response in France around ,))) 8London$ !1129;
/.(
%alculating the cost of these monuments is very difficult$ if not impossible for >aul$ especially given the
monetary problems the 4mpire faced in the late "
rd
and (
th
centuries; #here +ould be a degree of variability as
+ell; 'uncan<Dones estimates that for miles and J%Hs in Roman Africa during the early Roman period the cost
+ould be bet+een 2j and /j see R; 'uncan<Dones$ $he Econom+ of the Roman Empire5 Ruantitati;e
Studies 8%ambridge$ !1/29$ pp; .1 L /: the cost in -taly +as much higher for tombstones 8nearly 1j more in
the median cost than Africa9 but the samples are difficult to compare because of the very different social
categories !2. L ";
("2
7hether this +as due to a failure to adopt cultural norms +ith sufficient enthusiasm or simply due to a
shortage of s*ills and materials is debatable0 >; 7oolf$ KPo+er and the Spread of 7riting in the 7est&$ in A;G;
3o+man and >; 7oolf$ eds;$ Literac+ and @o6er in the Roman 9orld 8%ambridge$ !11(9$ pp; /( <1/;
(""
#here are arguments that %hristianisation led to more people of lo+ly status being commemorated$ 3;
Sha+$ KSeasons of death0 aspects of Mortality in -mperial Rome&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ /, 8!11,9$ ! L
!"/$ but a9 this +ouldn&t really apply to >aul in the early (
th
century and b9 there is plenty of evidence that this
isn&t the case generally0 see M; Handley$ Death- Societ+ and 3ulture5 7nscriptions and Epitaphs in Gaul and
Spain *8D8 .))EF0) 8H6ford$ 2"9$ pp; ", L "1 and certainly not for northern >aul$ even if a long<term vie+ is
ta*en of the epigraphic habit bet+een A' " L .: M; Handley$ i:id;$ pp; (, L (/;
!(

one does not ta*e these stones as a literal reflection of status$ the effort made to
commemorate these individuals by those +ho invested in the monument$ and the apparent
variation in styles$ could be argued for attempts at differentiation bet+een individuals$ and
thus sho+ evidence of social competition; #he fact the t+o horsemen at %hilons both had
advertised ho+ much +as spent on their tombs is an interesting tradition$ +hich could imply
a degree of conspicuous consumption; Ho+ intense this +as can only be speculated on; -f
the cavalry soldiers at Amiens$ and those at %hilons$ +ere$ despite the above supposition$
from the same regiment$ one could argue social competition +ithin the military unit +as
very intense; #he fact these epitaphs are generally KJ%Hs&$ rather than senior officers$ is
interesting as it sho+s ho+ soldiers lo+er do+n the hierarchy$ and their commemorators$
sought to invest capital into their commemoration;
("(
#he suggestion that the scola
pro;incialum represents a form of collegium that funded Falerius -ustus& burial sho+s that
ordinary horsemen also +ere complicit in this social competition$ in the +ay that Plaianus
did too; >iven the probably small si5e of cavalry regiments in this period$ and the e6pense of
maintenance$ it is perhaps not surprising that social competition +ould emerge; #he
tombstone of Ursinianus at Paris also sho+s that his @uasi<military identity as a veteran +as
still +orth being recorded for posterity;

cB Co%)le7 i#entities
An important conclusion one can dra+ from these tombstones is ho+ a Kmilitary& identity
+as only one aspect of ho+ individual milites +ould thin* about themselves and their
position in society; -f the restoration of 3i;es Se>uanorum is correct$ it illustrates ho+
-anuarius& local origin +as an important part of his identity$ and these lin*s +ere not
obliterated by military service; Hf course$ Roman soldiers had often celebrated their origins
in death in the earlier period;
(")
#he fact that none of the other e6amples did sho+ ho+
individuals had a different set of influences +hereby their identity in death could be
constructed; Ursinianus& inscription can have an alternative reading as highlighting his place

("(
#here are plenty of senior officers commemorated at #rier0 see 4;M; 7ightman$ $rier and the $re;eri
8London$ !1.9;
(")
4;g; 37L O--- ,12! 8Main59 32aius4 7ulius 32aii4 F2ilius4 =ol2tinia tri:u4 *ndiccus mil2es4 leg2ionis4 <=7 anno2rum4
<L= stip2endiorum4 <<7 h2ic4 s2itus4 e2st4 heres pos2uit4
8>aius -ulius Andiccus$ son of >aius$ of the Foltinia tribe$ soldier of the Si6teenth Legion$ age ()$ served 2!
years$ he lies here; #he heir set this up9;
!)

of origin$ in the ci;itas 1enapiorum 8i;e; the veteran from the 1enapii9 rather than of the
1enapii regiment9$ rather than his regiment;
(",
7hether +e accept this vie+ or not$ a
parallel can be dra+n from the famous inscription from A@uincum of the Fran* in Roman
service usually dated to the "
rd
%entury0
Francus ego civis Romanus miles in armis/ egregia virtute tuli bello mea dextra sem[per
'.F

#his is often translated as =-$ a Fran*ish citi5en$ and a Roman soldier under armsV? and used
as a statement of the multiple identities Roman soldiers recruited from outside the 4mpire
maintained;
("/
#he idea of a Fran*ish citi5en in a Roman conte6t is very odd$ and the synta6
means that Kci;isL could be better defined by KRomanus8L - +ould therefore follo+ the
reading proposed by Rigsby0 =Francus ego- ci;is Romanus- miles in armis8? #hus =-$ a Fran*$ a
Roman citi5en$ a soldier in arms$ brought to +ar +ith e6emplary courageV;?
("1
-n fact$ -
+ould go so far to suggest that KFrancus& should be read as his nomen; 7hat one means by a
Fran* at this moment in time is difficult to suggest$ but it may be due to a connection +ith
northern >aul; -t certainly seems to have been important to the individual&s identity on the
'anube frontier; #his +as itself a change from before A' 2!2$ +hen the differences in
citi5enship +ere displayed on tombstones by soldiers of legiones and auIilia for e6ample;
((


#B T&e "i#er co%%-nity
-nterestingly the tombstones of the catafractarii$ Iurdiginus and 'urio$ only mention their
unit$ though in Iurdiginus& this may be because the inscription is incomplete; -anuarius of
the Orsarienses mentions a frater; #his does not necessarily mean that he +as -anuarius&s
blood relation$ but could have been a colleague or a half<brother$ +ho may +ell have been
serving in the same unit given the famous #etrarchic insistence that sons of soldiers served
+hich presumably meant brothers; Ursinianus$ the veteran +as commemorated by his +ife$
+hile Furius Antoninus and Falerius -ustsus 8possibly9 +ere remembered by associations$

(",
#his may be +ea* given that the =deVregiment formula? +as @uite common;
(".
37L --- ")., _7LS 2/!(`;
("/
For e6ample 4; Dames$ $he Fran#s 8H6ford$ !1//9$ p; (2: A;'; Lee$ 7nformation and Frontiers 8%ambridge$
!11"9$ p; .,: H; 4lton$ 9arfare in Roman Europe .0) E '%0 8H6ford$ !11,9$ p; !(!;
("1
G; Rigsby$ K#+o 'anubian 4pitaphs&$ Deitschrift fr @ap+rologie und Epigraphi#$ !2, 8!1119$ !.)L!.,; #he
second line&s meaning is not especially clear;
((
F; Hope$ op8 cit;$ 829$ pp; !,/ L !.,;
!,

probably of fello+ soldiers; #he evidence +e have is that the funerary rituals spo*e to a
variety of different individuals; #o understand fully the social conte6t of commemoration +e
need information on the location and actions of these memorials$ but this is unfortunately
lac*ing$ +hich limits the conclusions that can be dra+n;
((!
#he Amiens corpus +as already
moved from its original conte6t +hen they +ere discovered; Ho+ever$ given these +ere
recycled in the same location$ there is a possibility they +ere originally located in the same
place; -f so$ this implies the memorials +ere placed in a particular military cemetery 8or part
of one9; #he arguments that have been made for shared commemorative traditions$ and the
variations bet+een them$ +ould ma*e more sense if they +ere being displayed in a
common area; #he group of the living mentioned in these epitaphs can therefore be said to
be part of the e6tended military community +e discussed in chapter !;
#he arguments of 7oolf and Meyer$ that epigraphy declined in the "
rd
century as
distinctions bet+een different groups blurred$ one e6ample being those bet+een the
military and +ider society$ can therefore be brought into some focus; #hese inscriptions
sho+ ho+ resilient a military identity +as$ and if +e ta*e their vie+ that identities +ere
constantly being socially constructed$ especially in periods of social change$ the stationing of
the military units in Amiens and %hilons may have provo*ed the need to ma*e a strong
restatement of their differentiation from the civilian communities they no+ came into
contact +ith; #he use of such a traditional form of commemoration indicates ho+ far
military identities still operated +ithin a very culturally conservative milieu$ but the
differences that can be dra+n in style from the commemorative practices of early centuries
also sho+s the dynamism of military identities in this period;

..(.. Military i#entities #-rin$ t&e /
t&
an# early 0
t&
cent-ries
A maNor +ea*ness of focusing on such a narro+ corpus is that generalised statements are
immediately problematic; Ho+ long did the military identities of the late "
rd
and early (
th

century survive into the )
th
centuryB #his is difficult to say due to almost complete absence
of any military inscriptions in this period$ +hich could be in itself an indicator of change;
Dovinus& inscription$ +hile difficult to assess$ seems to sho+ that the basic sense of militia$ in

((!
Almost all of these +ere found in the !1
th
century and so +ere poorly recorded;
!.

service to the emperor 8+hich he moves onto service to >od9$ continued; #he best analogy
is an inscription from 3avai$ +hich can be dated securely to the early )
th
century$ refers to
an official in the military administration;
((2

!ic depositus in p"ace# $ucinus/ Scrinar"ius# bene merens/ D"omino# !on"orio# %ug &'
C"o#ns"ule# &ixit %nnos (((('''' 8%hi<rho monogram9 8%-L O--- "1)9
Here lies in peace Lucinus the Scrinarius of good merit +ho lived (( years$ in the year of our
lord Honorius during his Si6th consulship 8A' ((9
#his operates +ithin a slightly different paradigm$ namely the primacy of the %hristian
identity and the loyalist statements to Honorius; 7hile this form of consular dating is very
rare in northern >aul$ and entirely absent from the three provinces of Gallia Lugdenensis
and$ apart from 3avai$ in Belgica --$ though there are t+o in Belgica -;
(("
#he persistence of a
distinct Roman professional identity in relation to the administration of the imperial
bureaucracy into the early )
th
century$ could be argued to suggest a military identity
continued to e6ist$ but this argument is eI silentio and +ea*;
#he Kmilitary& cemetery at Hudenburg$ +hich is usually dated middle to late (
th
century$
gives us an interesting comparison to our epitaph sample; #here can be little doubt that
these individuals +ere occupants of the fort;
(((
Jo inscribed tombstones have survived$ and
+e do not have graves for the soldier at Amiens$ so any statement is conditional$ but it
+ould appear that the burial rites had evolved @uite considerably over the (
th
century;
Space prohibits an e6haustive analysis of the cemetery$ and this has been done
commendably already;
(()
#he conclusions are not straightfor+ard0 only a small proportion
of the graves are dated$ and some s*eletons cannot have their gender identified clearly;

((2
#his inscription +as discovered in !.,2 at 3avai but regarded as a forgery by a local historian$ 'esNardins$
+ho claimed that the inscription +as a forgery; 'esNardins +as follo+ed by 4dmond Le 3lant$ +ho pointed out
that the stone named only a single consul and thus Htto HirscHistor+eld accordingly relegated it to the
category of K-nscriptiones Falsae vel Alienae& in the appropriate volume of the 3orpus 7nscriptionum Latinarum8
'elmaire argues that the single consul is actually evidence for its authenticity as the eastern consul +as not
recognised in ((0 R; 'elmaire$ *nnCe Epigraphi>ue 8229$ ")1L,$ no; !.: R; 'elmaire$ KJotes
\pigraphi@ues no; "(/&$ Re;ue du Aord$ /( 82"9$ !2)L"2; See also D; Gnight$ KAn -nscription from 3avai and
the Fifth<%entury %hristian 4pigraphy of 3ritain&$ Britannia$ (! 82!9$ 2/"<212;
(("
M; Handley$ Death- Societ+ and 3ulture5 7nscriptions and Epitaphs in Gaul and Spain *8D8 .))EF0)$
8H6ford$ 2"9$ p; !"!;
(((
%oins from across the (
th
century are found$ but the latest coin found on the site is dated to "// see D;
Mertens and L; van -mpe$ Het Laat-Romeins Graf;eld ;an Huden:urg 83russels$ !1.!9$ pp; "" L "(;
(()
D; Mertens and L; van -mpe$ i:id8: J; %oo*e$ #he Definition and 7nterpretation of Late Roman Burial Rites in
the 9estern Empire 8Unpublished Ph' thesis London$ !11.9$ pp; .! L /!;
!/

7hat can be concluded is a small maNority of the 2!, inhumations found are men; #here are
significant numbers of +omen$ but very fe+ children have been identified; About ,(j of the
graves +ere furnished$ and of these t+o main rites have been established; #he first has
large number of personal ornaments and pottery$ but no animal remains; #he second group
has pottery$ glass vessels and animal remains$ but no personal ornaments; #he main
personal item associated +ith the first group male burials$ as crossbo+ brooches and belt
sets$ +hich are placed in +orn and un+orn positions;
As +e have already discussed in chapter 2$ these artefacts do not in themselves mean a
military identity; Ho+ever$ the main concentrations of the crossbo+ brooches are found at
Grefeld<>ellep$ JiNmegen and Hudenburg$ all of +hich +ere forts;
((,
#he absence of
K+eapons& 8there are t+o *nives$ +hich are commonly found in all manner of burial
conte6ts9 ma*es no difference; %oo*e argues that the distinct burial rites are Kmilitary& and
Kcivilian;&
((.
#here seems to be some Kblurring& bet+een the t+o rites as the (
th
century
progresses$ but +hether this means these identities +ere becoming indistinct is hard to say;
#he problem is +e do not *no+ +hether +e are loo*ing at members of local communities in
the cemetery or the e6tended military community itself; Ho+ever this is resolved$ - +ould
suggest these rituals and the variations even +ithin the different groups 8" are buried +ith
gold crossbo+ brooches9 sho+ the similar combination of Klocal& and universal Kmilitary&
identities at +or* +e sa+ at on the reliefs of the early (
th
century; As Halsall argues$ these
burials are a te6t for the commemorators to read$ and the comple6 identities of individuals
had many sources;
((/
Ho+ever$ at Hudenburg$ it seems the symbols of militia +ere the most
important in this conte6t$ +hich +as possibly a function of their peripheral position;

Concl-sion
7hat these e6amples suggest is the comple6 range of identities that +ere available to
soldiers0 a general professional identity 8miles or ;eteranus9: their unit: their family
8+hether blood or institutional L +hich +ould be an e6tension of the unit9$ and their origin;
#hese +ere strongly maintained by a strong institutional hierarchy$ +hich became more

((,
4; S+ift$ Regionalit+ in Dress *ccessories in the Late Roman 9est 8Montagnac$ 29$ p; 2(;
((.
J; %oo*e$ op8 cit8$ 8!11.9$ p; .1
((/
>; Halsall$ 3emeteries and Societ+ in 1ero;ingian Gaul5 Selected Studies in Histor+ and *rchaeolog+- ,//%-
%))/ 8Leiden$ 2!9$ p; !2/;
!1

locally focused by the end of the (
th
century$ but not necessarily Kintegrated;& #his +ould
support the suggestions made in chapter !$ that military identity in the (
th
century is far
more than simply being part of the =army? but a comple6 one reflecting the multi<faceted
role of the army in society;

Section *; +orts in Belgica II
//4

As already discussed in chapter 2$ defining a =fort? in the late Roman period is not
straightfor+ard$ though parallels in the Rhineland and 3ritain suggest that distinct military
sites remained in e6istence until the )
th
century;
()
Unli*e many sites in Roman 3ritain$ for
e6ample$ the internal structures in sites of late Roman Belgica -- 8+hether cities or forts9 are
poorly understood$ +hich presents an obstacle to elucidating their precise nature;
()!
7e rely
heavily on artefacts to interpret function$ though this is also problematic; Although there
+ere important fundamental change from the early imperial period in architectural styles
and the number of fortified sites in the province$ there are important aspects of continuity
+hich can be ignored; Specific Kforts& can still be identified in the material record; #his
suggests there +as a formal$ distinctive$ late Roman military identity persisted until the )
th

century;

..*.( Definin$ late Ro%an fortifications in Belgica II
#here are t+o main geographic concentrations of Kforts& in Belgica --0 the Sa6on Shore: the
KLimes Belgicus& +hich is usually called the 3avay<#ongres road; 3rulet proposed a model to
identify forts in this period based on si5e0 type - being large forts 8appro6imately 2ha in si5e9$
type -- medium si5ed forts 8;2)ha L ;(ha9 and type --- being a range of miscellaneous small

((1
See Appendi6 ! for full survey of sites mentioned in the te6t; Some authorities speculate on additional forts
on the north+est coast e;g; at 3ruges$ but in the absence of any evidence they +on&t be discussed here;
()
For e6ample the fort at Al5ey has a third period of formal occupation in the mid<)
th
century see D;
Hldenstein$ KAl5ey&$ in M; ReddE$ ed;$ LJ*rchitecture de la Gaule Romaine5 les Fortifications 1ilitaires 8Paris$
2,9$ pp; !1. L !1/ and for continuity of the forts of the Hadrian&s 7all 5one see R; %ollins$
HadrianJs 9all and the End of Empire5 the Roman Frontier in the 'th and 0th centuries 8London$ 2!29$ pp; !)(
L !.;
()!
See for e6ample the @uality of discussion achieved by J; Hodgson and P; 3id+ell$ KAu6iliary 3arrac*s in a
Je+ Light0 Recent 'iscoveries on HadrianUs 7all&$ Britannia$ ") 82(9$ !2!<!).$ +hich relies on the high
@uality e6cavations and recording in Romano<3ritish forts over the last fe+ decades;
!!

fortified structures;
()2
#his developed Petro*ovits& model of frontier forts: fortified urban
centres that could or couldn&t hold military units: rural fortifications and refuges;
()"
Using
this scheme for Belgica -- gives the follo+ing results0
Table * +ort %or)&olo$y accor#in$ to Br-let
Site SiCe Nat-re of occ-)ation ABr-letB
Hudenburg
()(
2;.ha Large fort
Revelles
())
;(ha Medium fort
Liberchies -
(),
;.2ha Medium fort
Liberchies --
().
2ha Large fort
>ivry
()/
;!(ha Small fortified structure
Morlan+el5 -
()1
;!,ha Small fortified structure
Morlan+el5 -- ;1ha Medium fort
3avay
(,
2ha L (ha Large fortAfortified urban centre
Famars
(,!
!;/haA 2;2ha Large fortAfortified urban centre
Joyon
(,2
2;)ha Large fortAfortified urban centre

()2
R; 3rulet$ KL&Architecture Militaire Romaine en >aule Pendant l&Anti@uitE #ardive&$ in M; ReddE$ op8 cit$ pp;
!)/ L !,.;
()"
H; Petro*ovits$ KFortifications in the Jorth 7estern Roman 4mpire from the #hird to the Fifth %enturies&$
?ournal of Roman Studies$ ,! 8!1.!9$ !/1<1";
()(
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results&$ in c; Morillo et al;$
eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational 3ongress
of Roman Frontier Studies5 ,-. 8Madrid$ 219$ pp; !"/, L !"//;
())
F; Lemaire$ KRevelles&$ in in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ 82,9$ pp; ",/ L ",1;
(),
R; 3rulet$ KPont<X<%ellesALiberchies&$ in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ 82,9$ pp; ",( L ",.: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule
Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; !" L !"2;
().
R; 3rulet i:id; 8!119$ pp; !"" L !",;
()/
R; 3rulet i:id88!119$ pp; !22 L !2): R; 3rulet$ K>ivry&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la
Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp; "! L "2;
()1
R; 3rulet$ KMorlan+el5&$ in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8$ 82,9$ p; 2.,: R; 3rulet op8 cit8 8!119$ pp; 1! L 1): R; 3rulet$
KMorlan+el5 - and --&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$
pp; "" L ".;
(,
F; Loridant$ K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la %ivitas %amaracensium$& in A;
Ferdi]re$ ed;$ 3apitales PphCmKres5 des 3apitales de 3itCs @erdent Leur Statut dans lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e5 *ctes du
3ollo>ue HrganisC par le La:oratoire *rchCologie et $erritoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& 1ars %)). 8#ours$
2(9: R; 'elmaire and others$ Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; .) L /2;
(,!
R; 3rulet$ KFamars$& in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8$ 82,9$ p; 2., : R; 3rulet$ op8 cit8$ 8!119$ pp; !2, L !21: R;
%lotuche$ ed;$ La =ille *nti>ue de Famars 8Falenciennes$ 2!"9$ pp; ". L (.;
!!!


#his +ould suggest a larger number of forts in the landscape in the late Roman period than
earlier$ but also a blurring of distinctions bet+een different sites and their functions; #his
analysis is too superficial; As the construction of stone +alls$ often +ith e6ternal proNecting
to+ers$ +as common around many different sites in the late Roman period$ a broader range
of criteria are re@uired to assess identification of a =fort? as opposed to a Kfortified urban
centre;&
(,"
#o further the analysis the follo+ing criteria +ill be used in the definitions0
'id the site accommodate a civilian population or a military garrisonB
7hat +as the nature of the structure and its internal buildingsB
Are the artefacts +ithin a site military or civilianB
7as the site a product of military investment or local$ civilian$ initiativeB
Ho+ did the sites relate to the +ider conte6t as part of a defensive systemB
Long<term occupation by a garrison is a useful means of classifying a fort$ though given their
presence in cities 8see section "9$ an insufficient one; Units mentioned at sites believed to be
forts in the Aotitia$ +ith clear associations of place$ allo+ one to posit garrisons; 7ith the
decline in epigraphy$ this is the best evidence +e have; #he Aotitia focuses on the offices
available for allocation rather than listing the military resources of the 4mpire$ so they may
be describing officers& head@uarters rather than +here the soldiers +ere based;
(,(

Attributing precise dates or length of occupation is also problematic; 'espite these
reservations one can still argue that there +as a unit of that name at these sites at some
point during the (
th
A early )
th
centuries 8see table 2 for details9;

(,2
3; 'esachy$ KJoyon&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro SpCcial ,( 8!1119$ !.!<!..;
(,"
For the common nature of stone +alls see S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9$ pp; "! L
)(;
(,(
See the introduction for a full discussion of the fort issue; 'ebate on occupation of forts by individual army
units is based on Findolanda tablet no; !)( +hich probably refers to the fort&s second occupation period
during the late !
st
century A' +hich sho+s that members of the %ohort of the #ungrians +ere often spread
over several different locations$ often significantly removed from the original fort see A; 3o+man$ Life and
Letters on the Roman Frontier5 =indolanda and its people 8London$ !11(9$ pp; 22 L 2(; #his is supported by P;
Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he Late Roman *rm+ 8London$ !11,9$ p; !($ follo+ing D; Mann$ K#he Historical
'evelopment of the Sa6on Shore&$ in F; Ma6field$ ed;$ $he SaIon Shore5 a hand:oo# 846eter$ !1/19$ p; 2;
!!2

Table . +orts in Bel$ica II "it& $arrison ei#ence fro% t&e Notitia
+ort Notitia Reference Ot&er ei#ence
Portus 4patiacus
8Hudenburg9
AD8 Hcc8 OOOF--;1 $ri:unus
militum Aeruiorum- @ortu
Epatiaci
=Military? cemetery
Marcis 8Mar@uise9B AD8 Hcc8 OOOF--;. E>uites
Dalmatae- 1arcis in litore
SaIonico
Jone L no evidence has
been revealed of this
fort;
Geminiacum 8Liberchies --9 AD Hcc8 F 2(, Geminiacenses
J3 this is listed by the Jotitia as
a comitatus unit so isn&t actually
based at Liberchies L the
association of the name leads
the suggestion that it +as
garrisoned there at some point;
Military artefacts
associated +ith both
phases of occupation0
Liberchies - and --

#here is also a considerable range of different structures that can be identified amongst the
sites that have been called Kforts& and these have to be ta*en into account;
Table / constr-ctions D "alls@internal str-ct-res
Site SiCe Occ-)ation
)&ases@#ates
Str-ct-res Conte7t
Hudenburg
(,)

2;.ha -Fa c;2, < 2.
-Fb c;2. L 2/
Fa c;"2 L "(
Fb c; ". L (
:all constr-ction
Quadrangular stone fortification
!)"m 6 !.,m
'itches around the +all
KMilitary& %emetery
Part of Sa6on
Shore fortification
system

(,)
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results&$ in c; Morillo and
others $ ed;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies$ vol; " 8Madrid$ 219$ pp; !"/, L !"//;
!!"

Interior str-ct-res
#imber<framed constructions
Hfficial building +ith plaster
=hospital?
Living units
-ndustrial activities
3ath comple6
Animal gra5ing
Revelles
(,,
;(ha c;2, L c;2/ :all constr-ction
F<shaped ditch and palisade

Interior str-ct-res
Series of +ooden postholes hint
at internal buildings
Amiens and Rouen
road: /*m from
Amiens
Liberchies
-
(,.

;.2ha Ia c; 2, L c;
2/
Ib c; 2/ L c;
"!

:all constr-ction
A series of ditches and +ooden
palisades

Interior str-ct-res
Jo internal structures *no+n;
Middle of the
;icus;

#ongres L 3avay
road
Liberchies
--
(,/

2ha IIa c; " L c;
"2
IIb c;"" L c;
:all constr-ction
Quadrangular stone fortification
8() 6 ),;)m9
Large fortified
comple6 !(m to
the +est of the
original

(,,
F; Lemaire$ KRevelles&$ in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ 82,9$ pp; ",/ L ",1;
(,.
R; 3rulet$ KPont<X<%ellesALiberchies& in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ 82,9$ pp; ",( L ",.: R; 3rulet La Gaule
Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; !" L !"2;
(,/
R; 3rulet i:id8 pp; !"" L !",;
!!(

",
IIc c; "1 L c;
(2
7alls 2;/m high and circular
to+ers;
'itches covering larger area
surround the +all
#he perimeter of the site is
comple6 as there is evidence for
a large ditch$ +hich is interrupted
on the north +est side by a small
palisaded ditch;

Interior str-ct-res
3uildings constructed against the
+all;
#+o anne6es to the fortification
on the east side$ +hich appear to
be bath houses;
7est side there may be the
remains of a +ooden barrac*s
structure;

fortification$
outside the ;icus8

#ongres L 3avay
road
>ivry
(,1
;!(ha I c; 2, L c; 2.)
II c; "2 L c; ")
Constr-ction
#he structure +as built on a
foundation of loose stones
alternating +ith placed stone
fi6ed +ithout mortar; #he
suggestion is that the site +as a
monument$ reused as a
#ongres L 3avay
road

(,1
R; 3rulet i:id8 !22 L !2): R; 3rulet$ K>ivry&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ ed;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-
$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp; "! L "2;
!!)

+atchto+er during the "
rd

century;

Morlan+el5
-
(.

;!,ha c. 2) L " Constr-ction
S@uare building$ +ith ditch and
palisade$ corresponding to a
postal station;

Interior str-ct-res

#he internal structure appears to
be +ooden building based on
several pieces of +ood used as
foundations; #here only seems to
be one phase of construction;

#ongres L 3avay
road
Morlan+el5
--
;1ha c; " L ") Constr-ction
#he second structure +as moved
closer to the road and a s@uare
to+er$ "m 6 "m$ +ith "m thic*
+alls +as constructed; #here also
seems to be a ditch around the
to+er$ but it is only on one side;

#ongres L 3avay
road
3avay
(.!
2ha L I c; 2/ L c; " Constr-ction #ongres L 3avay

(.
R; 3rulet$ KMorlan+el5&$ in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8$ 82,9$ p; 2.,: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-
Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; 1! L 1): R; 3rulet$ KMorlan+el5 - and --&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de
la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp; "" L ".;
!!,

(ha II c; ", L "/
III9 c; "/ L c;
("
Fortified early imperial forum L 2
phases of construction$ +ith petit
appareil and to+ers

Internal str-ct-res
Second castrum L barrac*s
Jo clearly understood internal
structures *no+n
road
Famars
(.2
!;/haA
2;2ha
I c; "2 L ")B
II c; ", L c;
()B
Constr-ction
First phase sa+ the bath +alls
used in the structure and
complete pentagon structure
created; 'itches surrounding the
style;

Internal str-ct-res
Jone *no+n
Jo obvious
military conte6t
Joyon
(."
2;)ha 4arly (
th

centuryB
Constr-ction
7alls +ere constructed in a very
similar form to other cities in
southern Belgica --;

Jo obvious
military conte6t


(.!
F; Loridant$ K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la %ivitas %amaracensium&$ in A;
Ferdi]re$ ed;$ 3apitales PphCmKres5 des 3apitales de 3itCs @erdent Leur Statut dans lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e5 *ctes du
3ollo>ue HrganisC par le La:oratoire *rchCologie et $erritoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours$
2(9$ pp; .) L /2: R; 'elmaire$ Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; .) L /2;
(.2
R; 3rulet$ KFamars&$ in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ 82,9$ p; 2.,: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire
8#rier$ !119$ pp; !2, L !21: R; %lotuche$ ed;$ La =ille *nti>ue de Famars 8Falenciennes$ 2!"9$ pp; ". L (.;
(."
>;<P; 7oimant$ LLHise5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11)9$ pp; "( L ")!: 3; 'esachy$ KJoyon&$
Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro spCcial !, 8!1119$ !.!<!..;
!!.

As +e have already discussed in chapter " assessing Kmilitary& artefacts in the (
th
century is
@uite problematic; As these +ere often recorded in the less scientific e6cavations of the !1
th

and early 2
th
centuries$ there is a problem of *no+ing the precise conte6t in +hich obNects
are found;
(.(
Researchers have noticed the lac* of military artefacts in comparable Roman
forts such as the =Shore Forts? in 3ritain;
(.)
#his perhaps should not be surprising given that
military units +ere no+ smaller than they had been;

Table 0 EMilitaryE artefacts fo-n# at >fort? sites in Bel$ica II
Site S"or#s 'ances C&ain
%ail
Arro"s Ballista Caalry Ot&er
/21
Crossbo
"
brooc&e
s
Hudenburg 2 (!
Revelles (
Liberchies - 2 " " ! . 2
Liberchies -- " 2 ! 2 "
>ivry
Morlan+el5 -
Morlan+el5 -- 2 2 2 !
3avay !!
Famars ! 2 ! "
J;Joyon "

(.(
#his could be due to the lac* of systematic e6cavation$ and the possibility that most inhabitants of these
structures too* care of their military e@uipment given the e6pense involved hence there is a lo+ rate of loss;
(.)
A; Pearson$ $he Roman Shore Forts5 3oastal Defences of Southern Britain 8Stroud$ 229$ p; !).$ notices the
limited +eapons finds$ comparing it +ith the more common finds of clothing items such as brooches$ as +ell as
the numerous female items +hich imply family inhabitation of the fortification +alls; Ho+ever$ such patterns
are @uite compatible +ith the notion of military community +e have already e6plored in chapter !;
(.,
Shields$ tent pegs$ *nives$ scabbards etc;
!!/


7hen all of this information is factored in several observations can be made; -n terms of
Kforts& the clearest evidence for sites that fulfill this definition are Hudenburg and Liberchies
--; 3oth sites are focused on a s@uare shaped stone fortified +all$ though there is some
variation in the overall structure$ as at Liberchies -- several *ey buildings +ere outside the
fort itself$ though protected by a ditch; Hnly the south<+est corner of the fort at Hudenburg
has been e6cavated$ but the series of buildings that have been found are compatible +ith a
fort0 the potential hospital$ the bath building and the industrial area;
(..
Hudenburg$ +hich
can be identified +ith some confidence as @ortus Epatiaci in the Aotitia$ had a garrison0 the
milites Aeruiorum;
(./
7hat is *no+n from its internal layout as +ell as the Kmilitary&
cemetery to the south<+est all supports a permanent military presence at the site;
(.1
#he
Geminiacenses are usually associated +ith the fort at Liberchies --; Hoffmann suggests that
the Geminiacenses +ere raised in the late (
th
century$ and therefore an earlier unit +as
garrisoned there;
(/
#he coin evidence seems to imply a lapse in occupation after ") at
some point$ before a reoccupation at the end of the (
th
century; 7hatever the precise
history of the unit$ there is plenty of circumstantial evidence in the artefacts and history of
the site to establish that there +as a long<term garrison presence here$ +ith interruptions;
(/!

7hen +e put the information into a +ider conte6t$ these attributions are even clearer;
Hudenburg +as part of a long<term military 5one$ as discussed in section !$ +hich
under+ent some organi5ational changes during the (
th
century$ but remained a limes 5one;
#he continual restructuring of space in the south<+est corner is interesting$ and probably
testifies a series of reoccupations$ but the bath building and hospital both hint at the
continuation of Roman cultural practices that had long been associated +ith Roman

(..
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results&$ in c; Morillo and
others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies5 ,-. 8Madrid$ 219$ pp; !"/, L !"//;
(./
D; Mertens and L; Fan -mpe$ Het Laat-Romeins Graf;eld ;an Huden:urg 83russels$ !1.!9$ pp; 2"<"!: Leman
reNects these hypothesis as unprovable$ but all the circumstantial evidence seems fairly clear that Hudenburg is
the best identification see P; Leman$ Kk Propos de Quel@ues Lieu6 de la Aotitia Dignitatum8 4tat de la
RecherchE et Suggestions&$ in F; Fermeulen$ G; Sas and 7; 'hae5e$ eds;$ *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation8 *spects
of Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est8 Studies in Honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent$ 2(9$ pp;
2!" L 2!);
(.1
D; Mertens$ Huden:urg- Romeinse Leger:asis aan de Aoord!ee#ust 83russels$ !1."9;
(/
'; Hoffmann$ Das Sp"trmische Be6egungsheer und die Aotitia Dignitatum 8'usseldorf$ !1,19- p; !(1;
(/!
#hough it appears from the coin evidence that the site does seem to have been less intensely occupied in
the mid<(
th
century;
!!1

soldiers;
(/2
Liberchies -- +as constructed !(m to the +est of Liberchies - 8in the previously
inhabited ;icus9; #his move may +ell have been dictated by practical considerations$ but also
represented a physical separation from the old civilian site; #he ;icus had largely been
abandoned by the mid<"
rd
century$ but one structure emerged during the mid<(
th
century$ a
sanctuary$ +hich has been identified as a mithraeum;
(/"
#his could be argued to be
associated +ith the military community at the fort$ given the historical association of
soldiers +ith Mithraism$ and religion +as an important part of military identity;
(/(
7hat is
odd is that the coin finds on the site pea* bet+een ",( and "./$ the period +ith the
smallest number of coins in the fort;
(/)
#hen again$ given the evidence of decreased
settlement patterns in this area during the (
th
century$ there doesn&t seem to have been a
large non<military population around$ and if even if they +ere present$ it is very doubtful
there +ere rich enough to leave such large amounts of coinage +hich are only found in such
large numbers at military sites and cities; #his$ for me$ +ould indicate that this shrine +as for
a military community; Sadly$ no more can be said on the present evidence$ but the physical
separation of the religious site and the fort does imply the continued separation of the
military community from others in the vicinity$ though the high level of use at the sanctuary
sho+s a place of possible interaction;






(/2
J; Hanel$ KMilitary %amps$ %anabae and Fici&$ in P; 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+ 8H6ford$
2.9$ p; (,;
(/"
R; 3rulet$ D<P; 'e+ert and F; Filvorde$ Li:erchies =8 =icus Gallo-Romain8 Ha:itat de la $annerie et Sanctuaire
$ardif 2@u:lications dJHistoire de lJ*rt et dJ*rchCologie de lJOni;ersitC 3atholi>ue de Lou;ain- 3774 8Louvain<la<
Jeuve$ 2/9; #he identification$ +hich cannot be certain in the absence of epigraphic evidence$ is based on
the finds of large numbers of chic*en bones and por*; #he discovery of almost !. coins from the (
th
century
is paralleled in other Mithraic sites in >aul and further afield; For coins see L; Severs$ Les 1onnaies
de Li:erchies-Bons =illers 2Hainaut- Belgi>ue45 Ruartier *rtisanal et Sanctuaire $ardif 2,er siKcle *;ant ?8-38 - 'e
siKcle aprKs ?8-384 87etteren$ 2!!9; Parallels can be dra+n +ith the Mithraic sites of Septuil 8c;!( coins9 and
Martigny 8c; 2 coins9 etc; in 4; Sauer$ $he End of @aganism in the Aorth-9estern @ro;inces of the Roman
Empire5 the EIample of the 1ithras 3ult 8H6ford$ !11,9$ p; 22;
(/(
See M; Spiedel$ 1ithras Hrion5 Gree# Hero and Roman *rm+ God 8Leiden$ !1/9;
(/)
R; 3rulet and others$ op cit; 82/9$ p; "1(
!2

+i$-re ( 'iberc&ies I an# II in relation to t&e early i%)erial ic-s Ain $reenB


Liberchies - 8occupied 2) L "9 +as a different establishment;
(/,
#he surface area covered
by the comple6 +as .);2 ares in total$ thus more limited than Hudenburg and Liberchies --; -t
had a series of three defensive ditches$ +ith +ooden palisades and ramparts rather than
stone; 3uilt in the middle of the ;icus$ +hich had been largely abandoned during the "
rd

century$ the site +ould appear to be built in a relative hurry;
(/.
#here +as a large amount of
military e@uipment found in the ditches of the fort;
(//
#he specialised nature of e@uipment
8trumpet mouthpiece$ tent pegs$ ballista bolts: cavalry accoutrements etc;9 supports the idea
of an occupation by a military unit$ but the precise conte6t deposition is uncertain$ as the
elements +ere found in the e6ternal ditches$ and it is unclear +hy there +ere placed there;
#he lac* of internal structures ma*es short<term or temporary occupation seem more
probable$ an e6planation supported by the tent pegs; Parallels can be made morphologically
and chronologically +ith Revelles$ further to the south$ though there +ere far fe+er military
artefacts found; #he fort +as located / miles to the south+est of Amiens$ +hich is found

(/,
R; 3rulet$ KPont<X<%ellesALiberchies&$ in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8$ 82,9$ pp; ",( L ",.: R; 3rulet$ KLiberchies -&$ in R;
3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp; "" < ",: R; 3rulet$ La
Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; !" L !"2;
(/.
R; 3rulet$ D<P; 'e+ert and F; Filvorde$ Li:erchies 7=8 =icus gallo-romain8 $ra;ail de ri;iKre 2@u:lications
dJHistoire de lJ*rt et dJ*rchCologie de lJOni;ersitC 3atholi>ue de Lou;ain- 374 8Louvain<la<Jeuve$ 2!9$ pp; (2" <
("!;
(//
#he +eapons found here 8s+ords$ spears$ daggers and a ballista proNectile9 ma*e a military conte6t for this
site particularly li*ely;
!2!

alongside the main anti@ue road to Rouen replaced a large funerary monument;
(/1
-t could
be suggested that this represents a local response to the political and economic problems
caused by the "
rd
century0 an Kunofficial& construction so to spea*;
(1
An important piece of
evidence for the identification of the site is the fact that /2j of the coins are imitations of
official coinage; #he official debased silver and bron5e coinage of the >allic 4mpire is
concentrated in the Rhineland$ +hich is understandable given the concentration of armed
forces there and the political imperatives to pay them;
(1!
Local imitation of coinage +as
carried out in the early "
rd
century too$ but became more common under Postumus$
reaching epidemic portions after the deposition of #etricius in 2.(;
(12
#his phenomenon
appears at other Kofficial& sites in Belgica -- +ith evidence for coin moulds that indicates the
creation of imitation coinage as opposed to those produced by official dies and specific
Kmilitary& conte6ts such as the barrac*s bloc* at 3oulogne;
(1"
#he parallels bet+een these
structures and the s@uare$ +ood and ditch structures at Liberchies - ma*es it more logical to
identify Revelles as a :urgus as part of the same programme of construction$ +hich +ere
built for the particular short<term needs in the conte6t of the period 2) on+ards0 their
abandonment does not suggest these +ere part of a long<term transition;
(1(


(/1
#he dating of the site comes from the ,(! coins +hich all carry the effigy of the >allic 4mperors Postumus$
Fictorinus$ #etricius - and -- +hich implies an occupation date for the years around 2.; #he site seems to be
laid out in an orthogonal shape$ estimated to be .m 6 ,)m$ +ith a v<shaped ditch surrounding a set of
internal structures; #he entrance is protected by a titulum 8!1m in length9$ +hich +as +here four iron
arro+heads +ere discovered; F; Lemaire$ KRevelles&$ in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ pp; ",/ < 1; #he current state of
*no+ledge about internal buildings is vague$ but there are a series of post<holes +hich could be huts or
possibly e6tensions to a +all that +ould permit those inside a better vantage point 8a chemin de ronde or
suchli*e9;
(1
#his could be as a refuge for the local population$ or a means of asserting po+er by indigenous Elites;#he
maNority of fortifications of such a style are found in the Hunsruc*<4ifel region rather than 3elgica --; R; 3rulet$
KLa Militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire et les Petites AgglomErations Urbaines de Famars et de
3avay&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rchCologie$ .. 8!11)9$ ))<.; #he military provenance of the fe+ arro+ heads is
ambiguous and could be associated +ith hunting or other activities carried out by a local aristocrat0 7;
7illems$ KAn Hfficer or a >entlemanB A Late Roman +eapon grave from a Filla at Foerendaal&$ in %; Fan 'riel<
Murray$ ed;$ Roman 1ilitar+ E>uipment5 the Sources of E;idence 8H6ford$ !1/19$ pp; !(" L !),; #he similarities
to other structures do not have to be e6plained by the involvement of military engineers either$ as this
assumption is based upon a belief that the Kofficial& Roman military had an e6clusive capacity to build large
structures +hich is in itself a circular argument$ +hereby all buildings must be$ Kofficial$& as only$ Kofficial$&
engineers could build them;
(1!
D;F; 'rin*+ater$ $he Gallic Empire5 Separatism and 3ontinuit+ in the Aorth-9estern pro;inces of the Roman
Empire- *8D8%()-%F' 8Stuttgart$ !1/.9;
(12
A; Gropff$ KLate Roman %oin Hoards in the 7est0 #rash or #reasureB&$ Re;ue Belge de Aumismati>ue et de
Sigillographie$ !)" 82.9$ ."</,;
(1"
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas Empire 8#rier$ !119$ p; 21!: 4; 3elot and F; %anet$ KRecherches
ArchEologi@ues ^ 3oulogne<sur<Mer 8Septembre !11 L Avril !11"9$& Re;ue du Aord$ .) 8!11"9$ ). L ,!;
(1(
#his is the vie+ of the e6cavator F; Lemaire pers8 comm8 #he sites&s publication is in preparation by -JRAP;
!22

Morlan+el5 - is probably slightly different in function from Liberchies - in that it is smaller
and is credibly identified as a postal station$ reinforced by a ditch and +ooden palisade;
7eapons 8mainly spears9 have been found here and there are also some crossbo+ brooches
associated +ith the site$ +hich although the conte6t for these finds is poorly understood$
indicates a probable military occupation;
(1)
Morlan+el5 --$ +as probably occupied during
the first half of the (
th
century$ has several military finds$ and probably had some official
military function$ though +hat that +as is hard to say;
(1,
#he suggestions have included
+atchto+ers$ and given its si5e >ivry can probably be attributed a similar function; Such a
range of different sites is not surprising$ as the Roman authorities had constructed a range of
different buildings in the early 4mpire too$ though generally on the Limes rather than
provincial interiors;
(1.
#here is no evidence of civilian settlement here$ so there is no reason
to doubt an Kofficial& function for these sites$ although they +ere occupied for a relatively
short period of time;
#he *ey ambiguity lies +ith reduced urban centres such as 3avay 8Bagacum9$ Famars 8Fanum
1artis9 and Joyon 8Ao;iomagus9$ and +hether their function +as primarily a military
one;
(1/
-f so it +ould blur the distinctions +ith sites li*e Hudenburg$ and imply a +idespread
military function across most of the province; Hne can argue that they fulfill several criteria
+e have already identified0 si5e$ fortified +alls and the presence of military artefacts 8though
none of the latter have been found at Joyon9; Famars$ usually identified +ith Fanum 1artis
in the Aotitia$ is the location of the @raefectus Laetorum Aer;iorum +hich has been argued
represents a garrison;
(11
Joyon is also associated +ith the @raefectus laetorum

(1)
See table ) above for references;
(1,
3ron5e cruciform brooch$ *nife$ horse bit$ 2 spear heads$ 2 ballista bolts and an arro+ head;
(1.
R; Fan 'ierendonc*$ KFive postholes and a ditch$ the Fal*enburgLMar*tveld #imber 7atch and Signal
#o+er&$ in F; Fermeulen$ G; Sas and 7; 'hae5e $ ed;$ *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation8 *spects of Roman 1ilitar+
@resence in the Aorth6est8 Studies in honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent$ 2(9$ pp; ." L !2;
(1/
7ith the fortified forum at 3avay attempts have been made to identify its role during the late 4mpire both
as a fort and a city or to split the site into t+o distinct 5ones0 one military$ the other civilian see 4; 7ill$
KRecherches sur le 'eveloppment Urbaine sous l&4mpire Romain dans la Jord de la >aule&$ Gallia$ 2;( 8!1,29$
.1 L !2; #here have been suggestions that both Hudenburg and Aardenburg +ere Kfortified civilian
settlements +ith military elements& rather than Kforts& per se0 see R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-
Empire 8#rier$ !119$ p; !!/: >; 3esuiNen$ Rodanum5 * Stud+ of the Roman Settlement at *arden:urg and 7ts
1etal Finds 8Leiden$ 2/9$ pp;/ L /!: for Famars see R; %lotuche$ ed;$ La =ille *nti>ue de Famars
8Falenciennes$ 2!"9: 3; 'esachy$ KJoyon&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro SpCcial ,( 8!1119$ !.!<
!..;
(11
AD Hcc;$ OL--;".;
!2"

3ontraginnensium;
)
Ho+ever$ as +e have argued there is no proof that the laeti +ere
formal military units$ and they +ere probably communities liable for military service in the
countryside +hich re@uired administration 8hence the praefectus4.
)!
Hf the artefacts found
at Famars$ the chain mail and s+ord certainly have strong military implications$ but the
conte6t of the mail find is associated +ith the construction of the castrum in the "2sA"s
+hile the s+ord +as found in the !1
th
century and its conte6t is un*no+n;
)2
#he crossbo+
brooches are also associated +ith finds from the late "
rd
century$ and the construction$ not
later;
)"
#he lac* of information on the interior buildings is a maNor limitation to advance
further discussion; #he fortified forum of 3avay has been e6tensively studied$ and there have
been many attempts to argue it +as a military base;
)(
#he !! crossbo+ fi:ulae are certainly
strong indications of an official presence$ as is the tombstone of the scriniarius from the
early )
th
century;
))
Ho+ever$ there have been no military artefacts found in the fortified
forum itself; #he ambiguity comes from the so<called Keastern& castrum +hich does seem to
have yielded structures a*in to barrac*s$ and K>ermanic& pottery$ +hich is dated to the end
of the (
th
century;
),
#he latest assessment is that this is evidence for a military unit being
attached to the site at the end of the (
th
century$ though +hat is stri*ing is that the castrum
itself may have continued to remain a defensive civilian settlement$ or administrative
centre;
).
#he maintenance of separation in the articulation of space seems indicative of an
attempt to maintain an institutional coherence; -n some +ays this development brings 3avay
into line +ith developments that are observable in urban sites in Belgica --$ so it is argued
here that 3avay$ Famars and Joyon represent sites that could be categori5ed as Kfortified
urban centres& but not forts;

)
AD8 Hcc8- OL--;(!;
)!
See discussion in chapter !;
)2
R; %lotuche$ op8 cit8- 82!"9$ p; (.;
)"
R; %lotuche$ i:id8 82!"9$ pp; (2 L (";
)(
4; 7ill$ KLes 4nceintes du 3as<4mpire ^ 3avay&$ Re;ue du Aord$ (( 8!1,29$ "1! L (!: F; Loridant$ K'Ecadence
Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la %ivitas %amaracensium&$ in A; Ferdi]re$ ed;$ 3apitales
PphCmKres5 des 3apitales de 3itCs @erdent leur Statut dans lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e 5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue HrganisC par
le La:oratoire *rchCologie et $erritoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours$ 2(9$ p; /;
))
37L O--- "1)$ see discussion in section !;
),
F; Loridant$ K3avay<3agacum&$ in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La 1ar>ue de Rome5
Samaro:ri;a et les =illes du Aord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$ p; (";
).
For the latest vie+$ arguing the site +as fundamentally civilian$ see R; 'elmaire$ D;<%; %armele5$ F; Loridant
and %; Louvion$ Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; !(/ L !(1$ contra the Kmilitary& vie+
in F; Loridant$ K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la %ivitas %amaracensium&$ in A;
Ferdi]re$ ed;$ 3apitales PphCmKres5 des 3apitales de 3itCs @erdent leur Statut dans lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e 5 *ctes
du 3ollo>ue HrganisC par le La:oratoire *rchCologie et $erritoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours$
2(9$ p; /;
!2(

+i$-re * t&e "alls of Baay A)&oto by t&e a-t&orB

..*.* T&e eol-tion of fortifications
#he Kmilitarisation& of >aul has been presented as a teleological process; #he evidence +ould
suggest that the forts in Belgica -- +ere subNect to @uite different chronologies; #able ,
belo+ highlights the different chronological information +e possess for the occupation sites
on the late Roman period based on material evidence 8mainly coins and pottery9;

Table 1 c&ronolo$ical in#ications for >%ilitary? occ-)ation of sites
+ort *15 F
*35
*35 D
.55
.55 F
.*5
.*5 F
./5
./5 F
.15
.15 D
.35
.35 D
/55
/55 F
/*5
Aar#enb-r$
O-#enb-r$
Giry
Morlan"elC
!2)

I
Morlan"elC
II

'iberc&ies I
'iberc&ies II B
Reelles

+ortress9 *15 F
*35
*35 D
.55
.55 F
.*5
.*5 F
./5
./5 F
.15
.15 F
.35
.35 D
/55
/55 F
/*5
+a%ars
Baay
Noyon

#here is a significant change in the mid<"
rd
century; 'espite some reservations it is very
li*ely that most forts on the 3avay<#ongeren road can be lin*ed to the so<called >allic 4mpire
8e;g; >ivry$ Morlan+el5$ Liberchies - and 3avay9$ and the fort at Revelles seems to indicate
that the construction of roadside fortifications +as a more +idespread phenomenon;
)/

Alongside these ruptures$ Hudenburg provides strong contemporary evidence of continuity;
#he pottery relating to the occupation of Hudenburg from the period 2, L 2/ has been
e6tremely +ell studied;
)1
#here +ere large imports of pottery from Britannia in terms of the
large amount of samian +are$ as +ell as 3lac* 3urnished 7are imports and 3lac* 3urnished
7are imitations that +ere produced in native handmade and +heel<thro+n variants$ +hich

)/
Hne can also include 3raives and #aviers in this too$ though these lie outside the provincial boundary$ and
thus outside the scope of this study; Fon Petro*ovits argues strongly that the beginnings of the changes to
fortified structures in the late Roman period has its origins in the 2,s$ see H; Petri*ovits$ KFortifications in the
Jorth 7estern Roman 4mpire from the #hird to the Fifth %enturies&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ,! 8!1.!9$ p;
!/!: 'rin*+ater is more circumspect arguing that precise dating is impossible this period due to the volatility
of the coinage see D; 'rin*+ater$ $he Gallic Empire5 Separatism and 3ontinuit+ in the Aorth-9estern @ro;inces
of the Roman Empire- *8D8%()-%F' 8Stuttgart$ !1/.9$ pp; 2!/ L 22(: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas
Empire8 8#rier$ !119$ pp; "! L "!2;
)1
S; Fanhoutte$ 7; 'hae5e and 7; 'e %lerc@$ K#he Pottery %onsumption c; A' 2, L . at the Roman %oastal
'efence Fort$ Hudenburg$ Jorthern >aul&$ ?ournal of Roman @otter+ Studies$ !( 8219$ 1) L !(!;
!2,

indicates that this supply net+or* had been going on for some time$ to the e6tent that it +as
being emulated in a local conte6t; -t +ould appear that inter<regional trade continued to
provide supplies for the fort$ as it had in earlier periods;
)!

Many of the forts in the t+o 5ones of Belgica -- +ere subse@uently abandoned or
refurbished during the late "
rd
and early (
th
century; 3rulet argues this +as a programme of
=%onstantinian? rebuilding$ though there are some challenges to this$ as there +ere also
programmes of refurbishment and building the second half of the (
th
century as +ell;
)!!

#here +as a stri*ing remodeling of many sites; #he Kfort& at Aardenburg seems to have fallen
out of use during the early (
th
century;
)!2
#he move from Liberchies - to Liberchies -- sa+ a
stri*ing removal; %oinage finds suggest that the occupation of many of these sites +as
particularly intense bet+een c; A' "" and c; A' ");
)!"
Morlan+el5 -- has several military
artefacts as +ell +hich implies an increased occupation;
4vidence for the fort occupation phases in the last decades of the (
th
and the early )
th

centuries is sparser than for earlier periods; Several smaller sites 8e;g; >ivry$ Morlan+el59 do
not seem to have been occupied after the mid<(
th
century; Hudenburg provides much of the
best evidence for this period; A double +ell that can be given a terminus post >uem of c; ".1
L / +as e6cavated in the south<+est corner of the fort;
)!(
Pollen analysis of material from
the bottom of the fill suggests that open$ grassland dominated vegetation surrounded the
+ell in its period of use probably for raising livestoc*;
)!)
#here is evidence in the +ild plant
record of a transition in the variety of vegetation types indicating the end of the fort&s
occupation$ but this may not have been until the middle of the )
th
century;
)!,
#here are
problems +ith assessing the pottery remains from the (
th
century given the amount of

)!
S; Fanhoutte$ 7; 'hae5e and 7; 'e %lerc@$ op8 cit8$ 8219$ p; !",;
)!!
Revelles +ent out of use by the 2/s0 F; Lemaire$ KRevelles&$ in M; ReddE op8 cit8$ pp; ",/ L ",1;
)!2
>; 3esuiNen$ Rodanum5 * Stud+ of the Roman Settlement at *arden:urg and 7ts 1etal Finds 8Leiden$ 2/9$
pp; ,2 L ,";
)!"
R; 3rulet op8 cit8$ 8!119$ pp; "( <");
)!(
#his comes from the dating of the felling of the +ood used for the internal repairs +ithin the +ell S;
Fanhoutte and others$ KA Remar*able K'ouble& 7ell at the Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium9&$ in c;
Morillo and others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th
7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies5 ,-. 8219$ p; !"1)0 it must be added that the precise dating
of the +ell&s construction is e6tremely problematic given the use of older +ood in the outer layer and the
youngest ceramics found in the construction pit date to the first half of the (
th
century$ +hile there is no
ceramic evidence that originates from the construction date of the internal structure causing some confusion;
)!)
S; Fanhoutte and others$ op8 cit8$ 8219$ p; !"1.: the seeds that have been analysed from the +ell are
compatible +ith animal husbandry 8dung heaps$ animal fodder9 and crafts 8oil pressing$ te6tile9;
)!,
#his is indicated from the ending of the e6ternal supply of vegetation and the domination of local plant life;
!2.

residual finds$ but a large amount of the reduced +are seems to date from the second half
of the (
th
and early )
th
centuries;
)!.
#he bath building may not have ceased use in this period
either as it +as still standing; #here +as also a simple timber framed construction$ identified
as a stable; #here is also a mar*ed increase in coin finds at Liberchies in the last phase of
occupation +hich implies some form of reoccupation;
)!/
#his +as also the period +hen one
could argue that 3avay had a fort attached to its castrum;
)!1
Attempting to mar* the
abandonment is impossible given the poor archaeological data$ though the advances in
pottery dating$ it +ould appear that the forts +ere abandoned by the ("s at the latest;
Rather than being a short<term response to the problems of the "
rd
century one can argue
that the Kfortification& of the landscape had long<term origins; Hudenburg&s earliest phase
dates bac* to the 2
nd
century A' and its occupation across the +hole period sho+ the
importance of the channel coast as a military 5one;
)2
#he other long<term process +as the
constant process of abandonmentAreoccupation and often radical remodeling of these sites;
4vidence from recent e6cavations has elucidated several phases of occupation across the
+hole period of study; At Hudenburg five phases of occupation in the fort are no+
recogni5ed rather than the traditional three;
)2!
#hese physical indications of remodeling are
supported in other$ less +ell e6cavated sites by the fluctuation of coin finds; 7hile these are
less secure as evidence for architectural remodeling$ they do provide a very general conte6t
that can complement the patterns observable on the ground$ though they ma*e identifying

)!.
S; Fanhoutte and others$ K'e 'ubbele 7aterput uit het Laat<Romeinse %astellum van Hudenburg 8prov;
7est<Flaanderen90 #afonomie$ %hronologie en -nterpretatie&$ Relicta- *rcheologie- 1onumenten- en
Landschapsonder!oe# in =laanderen- volume ) 83russels$ 219$ p; !!.;
)!/
R; 3rulet$ KLiberchies -&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$
!11)9$ pp; (" L ((; #he crucial point here is that coin loss reflects coins that are used rather than coins as they
are made$ and reflects coin supply in the sense that this could vary depending on the pro6imity of mints$ their
production output and the +ays in +hich ne+ coins +ere distributed and diffused into the economy0 A;
Ravet5$ K#he fourth<century inflation and Romano<3ritish coin finds&$ Aumismatic 3hronicle 8!1,(9$ 2! L "!;
)!1
R; 'elmaire$ D<%; %armele5$ F; Loridant and %; Louvion$ Le Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule
8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; !(/ L !(1;
)2
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results$& in c; Morillo and
others- op8 cit8$ pp; !"/, L !"//;
)2!
Reports on the original e6cavations carried out by Mertens elucidated the t+o +ooden forts$ follo+ed by
the construction of a stone fort e;g; D; Mertens$ Het Laat-romeins castellum te Huden:urg *rchaeologia Belgica
2, 83russels$ !1./9; #he first stone fort had a stone building constructed in the same style as the +all +hich
+as found in the northern sector in !1..0 D; Mertens$ KRecherches REcente sur le Limes en >aule 3elgi@ue&$ in
7; Hanson and L; Geppie$ eds;$ @apers @resented to the ,%
th
7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies
8H6ford$ !1.19$ p; (,"; #he e6cavations in the south<+est corner reveal a double +ell$ a large oa* basin and
fences from the second half of the (
th
century +hich replaced a +or*shop area that dated to the late "
rd

century;
!2/

complete abandonment as opposed to a minimal occupation very difficult;
)22
#his can be
seen most clearly at Liberchies -- +here three phases of occupation are suggested$ as +ell as
the t+o at Liberchies -; Such a rapid change +arns against failing to appreciate ho+ dynamic
the period +as$ and the amount of integration into the local social net+or*s may have been
@uite limited;

..*.. +-nction in t&e )roince
Hne role the forts of Belgica -- could have played +as one of Kpolicing;& As has been argued
so far$ there is often far too star* a distinction dra+n bet+een the early and late 4mpire
+hen it comes to institutions li*e the army and their deployment$ and policing roads +as
one of the main roles of soldiers in the early 4mpire;
)2"
#his e6planation therefore may +ell
e6plain one of the functions of the forts on the 3avay<#ongres road$ or even at Revelles;
)2(

As +e +ill see in section ( though$ many of these forts +ere in areas that seem to have had
small populations$ or been in areas vulnerable to raids$ so the military security role +as
probably primary; #he Abinnaeus archive seems to sho+ ho+ military officers got involved in
the community$ through policing and gathering ta6$ but the established village net+or* of
4gypt appears to be @uite different to Belgica --;
)2)
As +ill be sho+n in section ($ some of the
forts possibly had local civilian communities gro+ing up in their vicinity$ possibly as they
provided some security and a mar*et for produce; #here is no reason ho+ever to assume
that forts +ould simply integrate into local communities; #hey appear to retained separation
in distance and organi5ation; #he position of many of these forts$ and fortified road centres$
on the road net+or*s sho+s that the authorities +ere clearly concerned at particular

)22
R; 3rulet$ KLiberchies -&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$
!11)9$ pp; (" L ((; #he crucial point here is that coin loss reflects coins that are used rather than coins as they
are made$ and reflects coin supply in the sense that this could vary depending on the pro6imity of mints$ their
production output and the +ays in +hich ne+ coins +ere distributed and diffused into the economy0 A;
Ravet5$ K#he Fourth<%entury -nflation and Romano<3ritish %oin Finds&$ Aumismatic 3hronicle 8!1,(9$ 2! L "!;
)2"
%; Fuhrmann$ @olicing the Roman Empire5 Soldiers- *dministration and @u:lic Hrder 8H6ford$ 2!29$ pp; 2!
L 2"/;
)2(
#his is the principal argued from the more abundant archaeological and literary evidence for the Jear 4ast
see 3; -saac$ $he Limits of Empire 8H6ford$ !1129$ pp; !./ L !/,: %; Fuhrmann$ @olicing the Roman Empire5
Soldiers- *dministration and @u:lic Hrder 8H6ford$ 2!29$ pp; 2" L 22/;
)2)
H;-; 3ell$ $he *:innaeus *rchi;e5 papers of a Roman officer in the reign of 3onstantine 77 8H6ford$ !1,29$
letters "$ )$ !($ !,$ 2,$ 21 and " are all related to the collection of the annona in some +ay; Jo; !) involves
re@uests for help policing outbrea*s of trouble; Several 8e;g; !/ and 2/9 involves Abinnaeus& soldiers causing
trouble in local communities; For 4gyptian villages0 R; 3agnall$ Eg+pt in Late *nti>uit+ 8Princeton$ !11"9$ pp;
!!< !(.;
!21

periods about their control of the interior; Hne reason could be to allo+ the flo+ of supplies
from the annona militaris;
)2,
#his could e6plain the role of sites such as 3avay and Famars
better than Kforts& in the strictest sense; #his +ould be supported by the scrinarius at
3avai;
)2.
3urnt remains of grain have been found in the bathhouse at Famars$ +hich may
suggest a role before the erection of the fortification;
)2/
Ric*man argued there +ere
differences bet+een the horrea found in forts and the separate state granaries +hich served
the administrative system +hich are mentioned in the 3odeI $heodosianus;
)21
'iscussions
on the role of the annona by archaeologists can be very vague;
)"
#here is currently no
evidence of horrea in any of the forts; - +ould speculate that the annona has a bigger role in
e6plaining the range of urban +all circuits in the province$ rather than the forts$ and the
finds of crossbo+ brooches have more to do +ith these officials displaying their official
status$ than +ith soldiers$ though many soldiers +ere undoubtedly in cities on detachment
or travelling through;
)"!

-t has been argued that unli*e late Roman forts$ those from the early Roman period +ere
=semi<independent installations housing their o+n clerical administration systems and
responsible for the repair and storage of their o+n +eapons;?
)"2
#his characterisation sees
the later period being one of centralised administration and supply0 a more bureaucratic
system that reflects one of the abiding stereotypes of the period; #he pottery relating to the
occupation of Hudenburg from the period 2, L 2/ already discussed indicates that
alongside inter<regional trade providing supplies for the fort$ local supply net+or*s +ere
paramount;
)""
#he maNority of pottery of use +ithin the fort +as from the regionally
produced Jorth Menapian %oarse 7are group$ of both handmade and +heel<thro+n

)2,
#he most cogent e6planation is in A;'; Lee$ 9ar in Late *nti>uit+ 8H6ford$ 2.9$ pp; /) L //;
)2.
See section !;";
)2/
R; %lotuche$ op8 cit8$ p; (,;
)21
>; Ric*man$ Roman Granaries and Store Buildings 8%ambridge$ !1.!9$ pp; 2./ L 1;
)"
#here are some parallels in >aul to the situation in Belgica --$ the fortification at Dublains being the most
instructive; #he recent +or* there has moved a+ay from an imprecise connection +ith the collection of the
annona$ to being part of the +ider reorganisation of fortifications in the "
rd
%entury; D; Japoli$ KLe %omple6e
FortifiE de Dublains et la 'Efense du Littoral de la >aule du Jord&$ Re;ue du Aord$ /) 82"9$ !1, L 2!.;
)"!
For Kcivil service& see A; Dones$ $he Later Roman Empire %&' - ()% 8H6ford$ !1,(9$ pp; )," L ,,;
)"2
P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he Late Roman *rm+ 8London$ !11,9$ p; !(!: A Pearson$ $he Roman Shore Forts5
3oastal Defences of Southern Britain 8Stroud$ 229$ p; !(!;
)""
S; Fanhoutte$ 7; 'hae5e and 7; 'e %lerc@$ K#he Pottery %onsumption c; A' 2, L . at the Roman %oastal
'efence Fort$ Hudenburg$ Jorthern >aul&$ ?ournal of Roman @otter+ Studies$ !( 8219$ 1) L !(!;
!"

varieties;
)"(
#he e6cavations in the south<+est corner also reveal that a large number of
+or*shops dominated this area$ in the late "
rd
and early (
th
centuries +ith evidence for food
production and metal+or* appearing to e6tend for @uite a long period;
)")
#he level of +aste
deposited in the large bo+l shaped pit dug in the corner of the fort is particularly impressive
in scale;
)",
'uring the last period of occupation in the late (
th
and early )
th
centuries a
double +ell has provided a range of evidence on the fort&s activities;
)".
#he fort appears to
have remained able to maintain its o+n food supply through raising cattle as +ell as
manufacture necessities such as shoes$ +hich included +omen and children;
)"/
#he large
amount of animal bones provides the most useful form of evidence for the economic and
social analysis of the last garrison;
)"1
#he domestic animal bones sho+ a dominance of
cattle$ follo+ed by remains of pig and sheepAgoats; #his combination of remains is
consistent +ith a high status site in the Roman +orld$ indicating the continued economic
po+er of Hudenburg&s fort and the Elite status of its inhabitants;
All of this suggests a continued economic vitality and self<sufficiency in the fort during the
+hole of the late Roman period$ +ith the logistical capacity to maintain regional trade lin*s

)"(
#he presence of pottery from 3ritannia has been noted since the !1,s$ but the initial finds +ere too
isolated to provide anything more than generali5ed suggestions +hether they represented trade or possibly
the movement of people across the channel P; Hollevoet$ KLe Site Hudenburg et la 3retagne -nsulaire 'urant
l&Anti@uitE #ardive0 Quel@ues -tems -nEdits&$ in F; Fermeulen and others$ eds;$ *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation5
Studies of the Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est 8>hent$ 2(9$ pp; "") L "(2; #he most
comprehensive +or* has been done derived from a dumping pit;
)")
Recent e6cavations have counted nearly 2 open fires +hich +ere covered by a series of +ooden
constructions during this period; Several of the fires revealed at least 2 levels of use and one revealed . layers;
#here +as evidence for the production of simple brooches at the fort$ and a burnt layer of "ml contained c;
)) coins$ most of +hich are imitations of #etricius --0 S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg
83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results$& in c; Morillo and others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso 7nternacional de
Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies5 ,-. 8219$ pp;
!"/. L //;
)",
#hese finds include pottery sherds$ animal bones$ iron and bron5e pieces$ leather shoes$ a fe+ +ooden
bo+ls and many other items =#he significant indicators here are the enormous number of finds$ their variety
and the location in the corner of the fort;? S; Fanhoutte i:id8$ p; !"//;
)".
#his comes from the dating of the felling of the +ood used for the internal repairs +ithin the +ell S;
Fanhoutte and others$ KA Remar*able K'ouble& 7ell at the Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium9&$ in c;
Morillo and others$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ p; !"1); -t must be added that the precise dating of the +ell&s construction is
e6tremely problematic given the use of older +ood in the outer layer and the youngest ceramics found in the
construction pit date to the first half of the (
th
century$ +hile there is no ceramic evidence that originates from
the construction date of the internal structure causing some confusion;
)"/
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results$& in c; Morillo and
others$ eds;$ i:id8$ p; !"1: there is of course nothing especially unusual or particularly =late Roman? about the
discovery of shoes for men$ +omen and children in fort conte6ts; #he +ell preserved shoe corpus for
Findolanda demonstrates that this +as the case throughout the period of occupation see %; Fan 'riel Murray$
KFindolanda and the 'ating of Roman Foot+ear&$ Britannia$ "2 82!9$ !/)<!1.;
)"1
A; %; Ging$ K'iet in the Roman 7orld0 a Regional -nter<site %omparison of the Mammal 3ones&$ ?ournal of
Roman *rchaeolog+$ !2 8!1119$ !,/<22;
!"!

and impressive levels of local production; 7hile this must have involved significant lin*s +ith
the civilian population$ the maintenance of specialised craftsmen implies the retention of a
closed community +ithin the fort; #his certainly suggests that the rather negative
assessment of the internal vitality of Late Roman forts$ and their reliance on =centralised?
command and administration is not applicable during the late "
rd
century$ +hich it has been
in terms of the innovate style of stone fortifications in this period;
)(


..*./ A )ersistent %ilitary i#entity9
7hile there +ere a variety of different types of fortified site in Belgica -- during the (
th
and
)
th
centuries$ it seems li*ely that +e can still tal* of the e6istence of forts as locations of
distinct military communities in the period; 3oth Hudenburg and Liberchies -- have strong
indications of long<term occupation by garrisons and there is no positive evidence of a
continued civilian occupation at either of these sites$ outside of those +ho made up part of
the +ider military community$ and so it +ould suggest that a distinct separation +as
maintained during the (
th
century; #he early )
th
century is harder to understand$ but there is
no reason +hy there should have been such a clean brea*; #he late Roman period +as one
of enormous comple6ity$ and variety$ and in one sense it is @uite different from previous
periods; Hn the other hand there are important continuities from the earlier periods too$
and these overlapping continuities and transformations are a particular feature +hich ma*es
the period from the late "
rd
to the early )
th
century @uite distinct; #he disappearance of forts
does seem to have been one of conscious abandonment$ +hich implies that the )
th
century
developed a different environment in Belgica --;

Section .; Sol#iers an# cities in Belgica II
0/(

....( Definin$ GcitiesH in late Ro%an Belgica II
As +e have already discussed in the previous section$ differentiating a Kcastrum& from a
Kcastellum& is not straightfor+ard in the late Roman period; Ho+ever rather than attributing

)(
#hus contra A; Pearson$ $he Roman Shore Forts 8Stroud$ 229$ pp; !( L (!: P; Southern and G; 'i6on$ $he
Late Roman *rm+ 8London$ !11,9$ pp; !"1 L (!;
541
See Appendi6 2 for full survey of sites mentioned in the te6t;
!"2

a clearly defined military role to every fortified structure$ it is still possible to identify
traditional forts in some parts of the province$ and these should ma*e us be cautious
attributing military functions to sites +ithout a range of conte6tual evidence; #here are
several categories of urban site in Belgica -- to investigate as a means of assessing ho+ far
they continued to e6ist as cities$ and to +hat e6tent they merely served military purposes;
#he most obvious category is of the ci;itas capitals listed in the Aotitia Galliarum; 7hile it
+as undoubtedly adNusted in subse@uent centuries for ecclesiastical purposes$ the
document probably has its origins as a secular list of provinces in the late (
th
century;
)(2

#here +ere several reorganisations in the late 4mpire$ such as the transferring of ci;itas
capital status from one centre to another e;g; from %assel to #ournai: St; Quentin to
Fermand: 3avay to %ambrai$ +hich can be seen in table . belo+;
)("

Table 2 Ciitas Ca)itals in Belgica II; aB cities re)lace# bB na%es as ciitas ca)itals
City Mo#ern 'ocation
ADe)t.B
Na%e
!;a9 #ournai
!;b9 %assel
3elgium 8Hainaut9
France 8Jord9
3i;itas $urnacensium
3astellum 1enapiorum
2;a9 Fermand
2;b9 St; Quentin
France 8Aisne9
France 8Aisne9
3i;itas =ermanduensium
GAo name #no6n
"; Soissons France 8Aisne9 3i;itas Susessionorum
(; Reims France 8%hampagne<
Ardennes9
1etropolis 3i;itas Remorum
2@ro;incial capital4
);%hilons<sur<Marne France 8%hampagne<
Ardennes9
3i;itas 3atuellaunorum
,;a9 %ambrai France 8Jord9 3i;itas 3amarcensium

)(2
For a strong case against the document being ecclesiastical in origin$ and that the list +as compiled by
Magnus Ma6imus& administration$ see D; Harries$ K%hurch and State in the Aotitia Galliarum&$ ?ournal of
Roman Studies$ ,/ 8!1./9$ 2,<(" contra A; Rivet$ K#he Aotitia Galliarum0 Some Questions&$ in D;%; Mann$ R;
>oodburn and P; 3artholome+$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 8!1.,9$ pp; !!1 L !(2$ +ho argues the list is ecclesiastical in
origin though using secular sources;
)("
4;M; 7ightman$ Gallia Belgica 8H6ford$ !1/)9$ pp; 2( L 2,;
!""

,;b9 3avay France 8Jord9 Bagacum
.; Senlis France 8Hise9 3i;itas Sil;anectum
/; 3eauvais France 8Hise9 3i;itas Bello;acorum
1; Arras France 8Pas<de<%alais9 3i;itas *tre:atorum
!; 3oulogne
)((
France 8Pas<de<%alais9 3i;itas Bononium
!!; #herouanne France 8Pas<de<%alais9 3i;itas 1orinorum
!2; Amiens France 8Somme9 3i;itas *m:ianensium

#his list can only suggest a frame+or* of administration$ but the fluid situation implied by
the changes in the (
th
century suggests that this also reflects a varied urban net+or*; Also
in the settlement hierarchy are a series of secondary settlements$ identified in francophone
literature as agglomerations secondaires that vary +idely in nature and scale; As +e have
already discussed in the previous chapter$ many of these resembled forts in the si5e of their
fortified castrum$ but sites li*e Famars$ 3avay and Joyon are best seen as retaining some
urban functions;
)()


....* Datin$
#he vie+ that urban +all circuits of Belgica -- +ere constructed primarily for defensive
purposes and serving military needs means they could be read as an inde6 of the
Kmilitarisation& of northern >aul;
)(,
#his is not straightfor+ard; A recent statement in
support of Kdefence& asserts the vie+ as a6iomatic$ and indicates ho+ easily this vie+ can
become an a priori vie+;
)(.
Fundamental to the argument is chronology; -f the +alls +ere a
direct response to the invasions and insecurity of the second half of the "
rd
century$ and
built in the last decades of the "
rd
century$ then the argument +ould be a perfectly logical

)((
3oulogne is not mentioned in the Aotitia Galliarum +hich probably reflects the fact that the city +asn&t the
seat of a bishop in the Middle Ages but it +as raised to the status of the civitas capital in the Late 4mpire;
)()
'etails of all sites mentioned in the te6t are in Appendi6 ";
)(,
S; 4smonde<%leary$ $he Roman 9est- *D %)) E 0))5 an *rchaeological Stud+ 8%ambridge$ 2!"9$ pp; ,2 L
.,;
)(.
3; 3achrach$ K#he Fortification of >aul and the 4conomy of the #hird and Fourth %enturies&$ ?ournal of Late
*nti>uit+$ " 82!9$ (;
!"(

deduction;
)(/
Until recently the sparse dating material$ such as coins found in the
foundation trenches at Soissons$ Arras and 3eauvais$ for e6ample$ has also generally
supported the defence line; 3ut coins are not a precise chronological tool$ only providing a
terminus post >uem +hich could be decades before the +all +as actually built given that
coins remained in circulation for a considerable period of time after their minting;
)(1
As has
been argued above the =barbarian invasions? are not a sufficient e6planation for the various
changes that occur during the late "
rd
and early (
th
centuries; Subse@uently$ a simple
connection bet+een perceived insecurity and a defensive mentalitC is not sufficient;
#he most recent archaeological research on the +alls of Belgica -- indicates that the urban
+all circuits +ere erected at different times over a period of as many as ! years$ from the
late "
rd
to the late (
th
centuries;
))
#he circuit +all at Amiens is no+ dated to the mid<(
th

century on the basis of dendrochronological analysis of +ooden posts that +ere used to
construct the foundation layer at rue St Germain$ +hich +ould give a terminus post >uem of
")!;
))!
7hile there are some doubts about the precision of these dates$ the general vie+

)(/
#his vie+ is still commonly held by researchers particularly$ but not e6clusively$ archaeologists;For the cities
of Belgica -- see the various summaries of late Roman cities in the revie+ of urban archaeology published in
!111 e;g; '; Roussel$ KSoissons&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro SpCcial$ !, 8!1119$ !21 L !".: ';
3ayard$ KLes Filles du Jord de la >aule en l&Anti@uitE #ardive&$ in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La
1ar>ue de Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et les =illes du Aord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$ pp; !.2 L !.): S; Dohnson$
Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9$ p; !!"$ argues for a late "
rd
century date for construction; #his vie+
is essentially built on the literary sources recording the ="
rd
century crisis;? #he vie+ of destruction follo+ed by
imperially organised reconstruction is found in the +ritten sources particularly for Probus +ho +as apparently
responsible for the restoration of , >allic cities according to the Historia *ugusta 8=ita @ro:i !";) L /9 +hich
can be understood as evidence for their reconstruction +ith ne+ +alls; 4utropius$ Bre;iarum- 1;!. and
Aurelius Fictor$ De 3aesari:us- ". both record other traditions 8from the same source given they report similar
details$ though there is some variation9 on Probus&s +or* revitalising >allic agriculture; #hen again this +as
probably a literary topos assigned to =good? emperors as it can be seen being used for Dulian +hile he +as
%aesar in >aul$ and Falentinian to some e6tent;
)(1
Hnly the coins securely provenance from foundation trenches underneath +alls can be used for this
purpose$ as sometimes coins associated +ith side trenches +hich could be the product of later repairs have
been used for dating see D; 7acher$ KSome #houghts on Roman Urban 'efences in the 7est&$ in D; Maloney and
3; Hobley$ Roman Or:an Defences in the 9est 8H6ford$ !1/"9$ p; !(2; %oin dating has been controversially
used to provide precise chronologies for historical events li*e the movements of Fran*ish raiders in northern
>aul in the 2.s +hen they cannot actually be trusted to give such accurate information0 see R; 'elmaire KLes
4nfouissements Monetaires$ #emoignages d&-nsecuritEB&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rchCologie$ .. 8!11)9$ 2! L 2,;
))
See the dating evidence in appendi6 2;
))!
#his is based on the dendrochronological dating outlined in L; 7o5ny$ KAmiens$ Saint<>ermain$ 5one !<5one
2 8/;2!;!. AH9$ 'FS de Fouille de Sauvetage$ Amiens&$ SR* @icardie 8!11,9 on e6cavations at l&mlot Saint<
>ermain; =#rente<trois pieu6 ont EtE dEbitEs pendant l&hiver "( et le printemps "(! et un pieu a EtE fabri@uE
di6 ans plus tard;? For acceptance of this date see 3; Pichon$ *miens5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
219$ p; .2; #his of course strongly challenges the traditional dating of Amiens& late Roman +alls +hich +ere
based on the coins found in earlier e6cavations and dating to the late "rd century; See also F; Fasselle$
KL&4nceinte Urbaine du 3as<4mpire de Samarobriva 8Amiens$ Somme9; 'escription < %onstruction L 'atation$&
3elticum$ , 8!1,"9$ "2"<"(2;
!")

that this indicates a mid<(
th
century construction date has not been challenged;
))2
An
argument against this ne+ dating is the famous story of St; Martin donating his military
cloa* to a beggar at Amiens$ +hich has been dated to "") on the grounds that Sulpicius +as
manipulating the chronology of Martin&s career to bring him into conflict +ith the Kpagan
emperor& Dulian$ thus serving Sulpicius& hagiographical purposes;
))"
Ho+ever$ such @uibbling
over details puts too much +eight on a source that is fundamentally unreliable for factual
details on >allic cities in the ")s; Hne can argue the story occurred in the ")s$ +hich
+ould fall into line +ith Sulpicius& o+n chronology or accept that Sulpicius +as presenting
the story to meet his understanding of +hat Amiens loo*ed li*e +hen he +as +riting at the
end of the (
th
century 8if he actually *ne+9; #here is further support for a mid<(
th
century
date in the conte6t from the dating of the enceinte at Reims$ +hich +as probably the
product of the second @uarter of %onstantine&s reign or that of his sons0 a fairly secure$
earliest possible$ construction date is the ""s based on coins from the "2s that +ere
found in the foundation trench belo+ the +all;
))(

'ating other city +all circuits is more difficult; 3eauvais& +alls can be dated to the early (
th

century at the earliest based on the coin evidence$ +hich again provides scope for a later

))2
#he tree ring chronologies for the (
th
century are not yet as precise as they are for other centuries so some
researchers give a note of caution +hen describing this material e;g; 3; Pichon$ op8 cit8$ p; .2; As a terminus
post >uem ho+ever$ as one can infer that the +ood being cut +ould have been done so deliberately for the
purpose it seems far more precise than other forms of dating such as coins and pottery; For the techni@ues of
dendrochronology and its efficacy see M;>;L; 3aillie$ * Slice $hrough $ime5 Dendrochronolog+ and @recision
Dating 8London$ !11)9; #he use of more accurate dating than coins and pottery$ +hich can only provide a
terminus post >uem$ can be seen at Paris +here carbon dating has been used to place the erection of the +alls
bet+een "/ and ",$ '; 3usson$ @aris5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11/9$ p; .,; Hther e6amples
can be found in the eastern half of the empire +here 7; %herf$ K%arbon<!( %hronology for the Late Roman
Fortifications of the #hermopylai Frontier&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ ) 8!1129$ 2,!<,($ +hich re<dates
+alls traditionally dated to Dustinian&s reign on the basis of Procopius& Buildings to the reign of #heodosius -- to
the first half of the )
th
century;
))"
#; 3arnes$ K#he Military %areer of Martin of #ours&$ *nalecta Bollandiana$ !!( 8!11,9$ 2)<"2$ argues strongly
that Sulpicius& account of Martin&s military career in =ita Sancti 1artini --;2</ is deeply fla+ed as its stresses
the short time Martin spent in the army 82 years9 +hen he +ould have Noined in the ""s and thus have left
before Dulian&s accession; Hne could accept that Martin actually served for the full 2 years and the +hole
section on his removal +as entirely fabricated; #he problem of co<ordinating +ritten sources +ith material
remains is a long standing issue and can also be seen +ith the story of %onstantius being lifted over a +all at
Langres in 4utropius Bre;iarum 1;2" during the 21s; #here is no evidence that Langres had a +all at that date;
-t has been proposed that this is a manuscript error and 4utropius mean 7indisch +hich seems to have had a
fortified +all in the 21s and +as in an area +here %onstantius campaigned0 4; FrE5ouls$ Les =illes *nti>ues de
la France =ol8 %5 Germanie Superiere 8Paris$ !1/(9$ p; (!; #he +hole e6ercise of attempting to lin* anecdotes
to physical evidence on the ground involves the accumulation of so many imponderables$ it is essentially futile;
))(
R; %hossenot$ A; 4stEban and R; Jeiss$ Reims5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!9$ p; 1(;
!",

construction;
)))
Similarities in construction techni@ues used at 3eauvais +ith those at
Soissons and Senlis have led to the assumption that they +ere constructed
contemporaneously$ but this line of argument is circumstantial and not conclusive;
)),

Another issue that complicates attempts to assess construction dates is that these +alls
re@uired a considerable amount of +or* and +ould have ta*en a long time to build$ and
dating information often comes from only small sections of the overall circuit;
)).
Although
the +alls reused spolia in the foundations of all 8e6cavated9 stone constructed +alls in
Belgica -- this does not necessarily mean building +as rushed; -n fact the common standards
that each +all seems to have attained are impressive and indicate considerable thought
being put into their e6ecution; #he +alls of secondary urban establishments provide some
further insight into overall patterns in the province; #raditionally most of these +all circuits
+ere dated to the late "
rd
century on the same reasoning as outlined above$ e;g; at Joyon
8Ao;iomagus9;
))/
Ho+ever$ in the far east of the province$ the dendrochronology at
Mou5on$ based on +ooden posts found in the +all foundations e6cavated in !112 gives a
terminus post >uem of ",/A1;
))1
Research on the +alled forum at 3avai is much better
understood than most sites$ and this sho+s a series of developments of the site; #he first
fortification +all raised around the forum in the 2,sA.s +as subse@uently developed +ith
a ditch$ +hich +as then follo+ed by a remodeled +all sans ditch in the early (
th
century
+hich is the final phase that be seen no+ +ith the facing of petit appareil and narro+ red
bric* courses;
),
7hile e6cavations have been less effective at Famars in elucidating the

)))
'ating based on finds of early (
th
century coins Ma6imian Hercules 82/)9 and Licinius 8"!!9 found in
trenches underneath e6cavated section of the rampart during e6cavations from !1,, L ., >;<P; 7oimant
LLHise5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11)9$ p; !(: 3; 'esachy$ KLe Site ArchEologi@ue de 3eauvais
8Hise90 4lEments de PrEsentation #opographi@ue et %hronologi@ue&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie$ " 8!11!9$
p; 2,;
)),
S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8H6ford$ !1/"9$ pp; 1) L 1/;
)).
S; 4smonde<%leary$ op8 cit8$ 82!"9$ p; ,): 3; 3achrach$ K#he Fortification of >aul and the 4conomy of the
#hird and Fourth %enturies&$ ?ournal of Late *nti>uit+$ " 82!9$ p; ,$ argues that urban +all circuits in >aul
+ould have ta*en an average of 2 million man hours; A comparison can be made +ith the 4d+ard -&s castle
building programme in Jorth 7ales +hich +as completed over a period of " years; -ntense activity led to the
+alls being constructed Rhuddlan 8) years9$ 3eaumaris 8built over ") years9$ Flint 8. years9$ %on+ay 8, years9$
%aernarfon 8built over (, years and never completed90 see '; 7illiams and D; Genyon$ $he 7mpact of the
Ed6ardian 3astles in 9ales 8H6ford$ 2!9;
))/
><P; 7oimant$ LLHise5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule () 8Paris$ !11)9$ pp; "( L ")!: 3; 'esachy$ KJoyon&$
Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro special$ !, 8!1119$ !.!<!..;
))1
'; Jicolas$ R; %hossenot$ M; %hossenot and 3; Lambot$ *rdennes5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
2!29$ p; ""1;
),
P; #hollard and %; 'enimal$ KFouilles sur le Forum de 3avay 8!11" L !11/9 --; Les 3as<4mpire&$ *rcheologie de
la @icardie et du Aord de la France 2Re;ue du Aord4$ / 8!11/9$ 2!. L 2!1;
!".

precise chronology of changes$ there +ere several re<modeling phases during its
evolution;
),!

#here still remain crucial obstacles to elucidating precise chronologies for the construction
of the urban +all circuits of Belgica --$ and in the absence of secure dating any intepretation
can only be hypothetical; #hat the best dating information comes from small sections of the
overall circuit means that it is difficult to distinguish bet+een a short or long construction;
Jevertheless it seems +e should see the +alls as an evolving structure that developed over
decades; #his should be no surprise given the enormous economic cost of +all construction;
#his +ould also bring Belgica -- into line +ith the evidence from across >aul +here city +alls
+ere erected across the (
th
and into the early )
th
centuries$ probably reflecting local
conditions and resources;
),2
-f this is the case$ a simple factor seems insufficient to e6plain
their appearance$ and the arguments for their symbolic po+er seem relatively stronger than
a refle6 action to the military troubles of the late "
rd
century;
),"


..... Re$ional )atterns
Another means of assessing the conte6t of construction is by comparing their stylistic and
functional similarities; Most castra that have been e6cavated sho+ some common features;
Foundations +ere created by using large reused sculpted bloc*s$ often funerary
monuments$ +hich +ere placed on top of each other creating a +idth of anything bet+een
" and )m;
),(
A trench +as then dug in +hich +ooden posts 8usually !;)m 6 ;!)m9 +ere put
before impacted stone +as placed on top; Hpus signium 8crushed tile mortar9 +as then
applied +ith neat ro+s of petit appareil 8small$ orthogonal$ dressed stones9 that faced a
compacted concrete rubble core$ bonded every 2 metres or so +ith courses of red bric*;

),!
R; 3rulet$ KLa Militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire et les Petites AgglomErations Urbaines de
Famars et de 3avay&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ .. 8!11)9$ )) L .;
),2
For e6ample coins found in foundation trenches at #ours give a post terminus >uem of the ".s for the +all
circuit see D; 7ood$ Recherches sur $ours 2 8#ours$ !1/"9$ !! < ,: the dating of St; 3ertrand<de<%omminges in
Ao;empopulae is no+ dated to the start of the )
th
century: see S; 4smonde %leary$ M; Dones and D; 7ood$ K#he
Late Roman 'efences at Saint<3ertrand<de<%omminges 8Haute >aronne9&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !!
8!11/9$ "(" L ")(;
),"
#hus contra 4; M;7ightman$ op8 cit8$ p; 22" +ho attributes the initiative to Probus +ith a timelag for
completion;
),(
Spolia can be found in all the +alls at Amiens$ 3eauvais$ Soissons$ Senlis and Reims that have been
e6cavated L see the assembled evidence and references in appendi6 2;
!"/

Many of the +alls also had e6ternal proNecting to+ers$ often in @uite large numbers;
),)

#hese common forms are stri*ing and form of the basis of Dohnson&s argument that the
+alls +ere a product of a regional policy of construction$ and thus as part of imperial policy$
by groups +or*ing under military supervision;
),,
He also argues that the s@uare corner
to+ers at 3eauvais and Soissons are uni@ue in the +estern provinces$ underlining the
provincial Kstyle&;
),.

Dohnson&s argument is unsatisfactory; 7hile the +alls at 3eauvais$ Amiens and Soissons all
follo+ed an orthogonal plan$ the +alls at Reims and Senlis +ere constructed in an oval
shape; #he +alls at Reims appear to incorporate the early imperial triumphal arches as
entrance +ays +hile maintaining many of their decorative features$ +hich implies a
monumental aesthetic;
),/
#he different areas enclosed by the urban +alls circuits of Belgica
-- +ould suggest that construction +as shaped by local geographical and social demands0
the relatively large si5e of Reims& +all reflected the continued political importance of the
city as a provincial capital; Amiens incorporated its amphitheatre into its +alls +hile other
cities did not;
),1
Senlis also has polychrome decorative features in its +alls that are
paralleled +ith +alls in +estern >aul such as Le Mans;
).
#he information on the +all circuit
at Fermand for e6ample is limited$ but it seems that the city used a pre<e6isting La $Cne era
earth+or* as a circuit +all during the (
th
century;
).!
At %hilons<sur<Marne it is possible that
the late Roman +all +as a turf construction;
).2
7hat settlement there +as at %assel seems
to have concentrated on the summit of high ground;
)."
Dohnson&s arguments for an
imperially organised campaign of construction in the late "
rd
century are based on a

),)
ProNecting to+ers have been found at 3eauvais$ Soissons$ Senlis$ Arras$ #ournai$ Famars and 3avay; #hey
probably e6isted at other city +alls too$ but the poor level of preservation has meant it is impossible to assess;
),,
S; Dohnson$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London$ !1/"9$ pp; !!2 L !!,;
),.
S; Dohnson$ i:id;$ p; 1.;
),/
R; %hossenot$ A; 4stEban and R; Jeiss$ Reims5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!9$
),1
'; 3ayard$ KSamarobriva&$ in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La 1ar>ue de Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et
les =illes du Aord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$ p; "!;
).
H; 'ey KArt$ %eremony$ and %ity 7alls0 #he Aesthetics of -mperial Resurgence in the Late Roman 7est&$
?ournal of Late *nti>uit+$ " 82!9$ "<".;
).!
#his does seem a bit odd given that Fermand replaced St Quentin as ci;itas capital and one +ould e6pect
this +ould have led to the construction of a ne+ +all circuit; #he possibility that there +asn&t such a circuit
perhaps underlines ho+ far local considerations +ere responsible; 3; Pichon$ lL*isne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la
Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ pp; (.. L )(;
).2
For %hilons see R; %hossenot$ D<D; %harpy$ M; %hossenot$ S; %hossenot$ eds;$ La 1arne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue
de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ p; 21!;
)."
F; Loridont$ K%assel L %astellum Menapiorum&$ in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 82,9$
p; (1;
!"1

circularity of argument and he tends to lump +ell understood e6amples in together +ith
less clear sites to ma*e his point;
).(
#hat there should be similarities is no surprise0 some
Roman construction practices +ere common to the +hole empire;
).)

'ey argues for the identification of a group of +alls in +estern >aul as a Kdecorated cluster&
+hich he attributes represents a co<ordinated imperial initiative by the #etrarchic emperors$
building on the +or* of their immediate predecessors$ and representing a deliberate
statement of imperial po+er and legitimacy in the conte6t of the political troubles of the
late "
rd
century;
).,
'ey&s dating evidence is problematic to say the least$ +hich undermines
his specific argument on the chronology of construction;
)..
#his does not undermine his
basic argument that city +alls have a crucial place in #etrarchic and %onstantine ideology as
a statement of the resurgence of imperial po+er in the aftermath of the usurpations and
chaos of the preceding decades$ and may have had an associative role +ith the ceremony of
ad;entus;
)./
#he aforementioned gates at Reims +ould have complements this vie+ and the
dating places it neatly into a developed %onstantinian frame+or*;
).1
#he depiction of +alls
identified +ith London on the Arras medallion minted in "! +ould appear to illustrate ho+
this had become a leitmotif of imperial propaganda;
)/



).(
S; Loseby$ U'ecline and %hange in the %ities of Late Anti@ue >aulU$ in D;<U; Grause and %; 7itschel$ eds;$ Die
Stadt in der Sp"tanti#e E Aiedergang oder 9andelG$ Historia Ein!elscriften ,/) 8Stuttgart$ 2,9$ p; .,;
).)
#hat is not to say that the +hole of the Roman +orld used e6actly the same techni@ues$ all of the time$ but
one can find similar +alls to those in Belgica -- across much of the +estern Roman +orld$ and even in the east;
#he +alls of %onstantinople built in the early )
th
century bear some similarities to the +alls in the +est even
though their conte6t of construction is @uite different; #his should be no surprise given the important
symbolism of the Aurelian 7alls at Rome;
).,
Hnly Senlis from Belgica -- is amongst this group; H; 'ey$ KArt$ %eremony$ and %ity 7alls0 #he Aesthetics of
-mperial Resurgence in the Late Roman 7est&$ ?ournal of Late *nti>uit+$ ";! 82!9$ "<".;
)..
See 'ey op8 cit8$ !. L !/ n; ( for his discussion of the dating material +hich provides a series of termini
post >uem based on coins and milestones$ +hich +hile of "
rd
century date$ are not reliable indicators of precise
chronology as +e have argued already; Hnly the evidence of Le Mans actually best fits his dating patterns of
2.) L "$ due to the archaeomagnetic analysis of bric*s +hich date to 2/; 'ey argues that these bric*s
+ould have been fired +hen the +all +as being constructed$ but there is no +ay of proving this$ and
archaeomagnetic dating is not as reliable as 'ey suggests it is$ as it provides a range of dates rather than a
precise one %; 3att$ K7here to 'ra+ the LineB #he %alibration of Archaeomagnetic 'ates&$ @h+sics and
3hemistr+ of the Earth 2";1 8!11/9$ 11($ points out that dates before A' , are hard to calibrate +ith any
accuracy$ +hile the other evidence relies on terminus post >uem of coins +hich as +e have argued are rather
too unreliable to have much +eight placed on them; For Senlis see M; 'urand$ K'es Festiges >allo<Romains
dans une %ave Post<Medievale a Senlis 8Hise9&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie$ "A( 8!11"9$ !2!L!21;
)./
S; Mac%ormac*; *rt and 3eremon+ in Late *nti>uit+ 8Ann Arbor$ !1/!9$ pp; !. L ,!;
).1
-f this did e6ist it +ould have most li*ely been a development of earlier imperial policy;
)/
S; Mac%ormac*$ op8 cit8$ 8Ann Arbor$ !1/!9$ pp; " L "!;
!(

+i$-re . 'ate Ro%an :alls at Senlis A)&oto by a-t&orB

#he range and comple6ity of +all circuits in Belgica -- implies a comple6 range of local and
central initiatives$ +hich cannot be easily reduced to one specific set of events; Most recent
studies stress the reactive nature of late Roman government and so a centralised building
programme could have covered the +hole of Belgica -- in a space of a fe+ decades seems
inherently improbable;
)/!
Late Roman government +as still capable of impressive feats of
organi5ation and could mobilise huge resources$ but the scale of the changes +ould suggest
a more comple6 interaction of local$ regional and imperial authorities;






)/!
#he classic statement of the Kreactive& emperor thesis see F; Millar$ $he Emperor in the Roman 9orld .,B3 E
*D ..F 8London$ !1..9; For the late Roman 4mpire the same essential conclusion is found by R; M; 4rrington$
Roman 7mperial @olic+ from ?ulian to $heodosius 8%hapel Hill$ 2,9$ pp; 2,! L 2,);
!(!

+i$-re / Arras Me#allion fro% t&e Bea-rains treas-re

..../ Cities or cita#els9
#he @uestion remains ho+ far the urban sites of Belgica -- merely served the needs of the
military and imperial administration$ and +hether a civic urban culture persisted into the (
th

century; Some archaeologists argue that =these reduced fortifications that are called
castrum 8pl; castra9 +ere populated +ith soldiers and military production facilities and
arsenals;?
)/2
-t can appear that these shrin*ing cities mar*ed the ending of the monumental
municipal culture of the early empire and the curial culture +ent +ith it;
)/"
#he increase in
positions available in the imperial bureaucracy meant there +as an alternative path for
social advancement +hich re@uired investment in literary culture and education rather than
localised euergetism;
)/(
4stimates on the population of the cities are pure guess+or*$ but it
is not difficult to argue for hundreds rather than thousands living +ithin the +all circuits;
)/)


)/2
=%es rEduits fortifiEs @ue l&on appellee castrum 8pl; castra9 sont peuplEs de soldats et plein d&enterepgts
militaires et arsenau6$? in '; 3ayard$ KLes Filles du Jord de la >aule en l&Anti@uitE #ardive&$ in '; 3ayard$ D<L;
%ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ p; !.";
)/"
S; 4smonde<%leary$ op8 cit8$ 82!"9$ pp; .) L ., argues that the ne+ +all urban sites +ere all part of the
creation of a ne+ Kofficial& society that +as deeply militari5ed;
03/
#his is a *ey point in the social history of the Late Roman 4mpire e;g; D<M; %arriE$ K'evelopments in
Provincial and Local Administration&$ in A;3o+man$ P; >arnsey and A; %ameron$ eds;$ $he 3am:ridge *ncient
Histor+8 =olume ,%5 $he 3risis of empire *8D8 ,/.-..F 8%ambridge$ 2)9$ pp; 2/! < 2/2: P; 3ro+n$
$hrough the E+e of a Aeedle5 9ealth- the Fall of Rome- and the 1a#ing of 3hristianit+ in the 9est- .0)-00) *D
2H6ford$ 2!29$ pp; 2" L 2,;
)/)
3oth 4; M;7ightman$ op8 cit8- pp; 2" L 2"! and D;H;7;>; Liebeschuet5- Decline and fall of the Roman 3it+
8H6ford$ 2!9$ pp; /( L /)$ use ! L 2 people per hectare as a rough guess; Liebeschuet5 uses the
legionary camp 8"Aha9 as a rough model$ +hile 7ightman uses !/
th
century censuses based on the
!(2

#he apparent monopolisation of the state in production terms seems clear from the Aotitia$
and this had a big impact on the ci;itates of Belgica -- 8see table / belo+90
Table 3 )abricae recor#e# in *otitia Dignitatum base# in Belgica II
Civitas Fabricae
*m:ianensium
8Amiens9
*otitia Dignitatum +cc. II..4
*m:ianensis spatharia et scutaria
At Amiens S+ords and shields
Remorum 8Reims9 *otitia Dignitatum +cc. II..1
Remensis spatharia
At Reims s+ords
*otitia Dignitatum +cc, (',-4
@raepositus thesauorum Remorum
Praepositus of the treasury at Reims
*otitia Dignitatum +cc, (',./
@rocurator g+naecii Remensis- Belgicae Secundae
#he procurator of the +eaving<house at Reims in Belgica Secunda
*otitia Dignitatum +cc, (',0/
@raepositus :ran:aricariorum si;e argentariorum Remensium
Praepositus of the gold and silver +eavers at Reims
$ungracensium
8#ournai9
*otitia Dignitatum +cc,(',.0
@rocurator g+naecii $ornacensis- Belgicae Secundae
#he procurator of the +eaving<house at #ournai Belgica secunda
Suessionum 8Soissons9 *otitia Dignitatum +cc, '(,-.

occupation of castra; #hese figures are probably too high$ though there is al+ays the possibility that buildings
had more than one storey;
!("

SuessionisVB
At SoissonsV;B

#his +ould support the idea that cities +ere entirely driven by state investment$ aimed at
serving military needs; #he usual e6planation for the gro+th of these production centres is
the increase in the number of soldiers$ especially in provinces of the interior$ and the move
to an annona system based on ta6es in *ind in the face of the monetary problems facing the
empire in the late "
rd
century;
)/,
Hne could argue that the production of arms in cities mar*s
a brea* from the earlier period$ +hen many fa:ricae that have been found +ere associated
+ith forts$ but this is inaccurate$ as several arms manufacturers have been found in
provincial >aul from the early imperial period;
)/.
Such an assessment$ +hich is closely
associated +ith Fegetius& anti@uarian concepts of the Roman army being autarchic$ is
false;
)//
#he discussion in section 2 sho+s that$ +here e6cavation has been carried out$ forts
produced their o+n materials or sourced locally$ though the proportions are difficult to
assess on current evidence;
)/1

Dames argues for a #etrarchic dating for the fa:ricae;
)1
#his is based on rather circular
reasoning$ and +hile undoubtedly some establishments conte6tually suit these emperors&
policies$ this isn&t sufficient; #here is some evidence for a reorganisation of the forum at
Amiens in the mid<(
th
century$ +hich sa+ the removal of buildings identified as a
+arehouse$ and an erection of a building that +as used for metal+or*$ +hich has been

)/,
P; %osme$ op8 cit8$ p; 2),; S; Dames$ K#he Fa:ricae0 State Arms Factories of the Later Roman 4mpire&$ in D;
%oulston$ ed;$ 1ilitar+ E>uipment and the 7dentit+ of Roman Soldiers 8H6ford$ !1//9$ pp; 2,1 L .!;
)/.
#here is plenty of evidence of fa:ricae associated +ith Roman forts$ especially in 3ritain at forts li*e
-nchtuthil %hester or Housesteads$ e;g; 4; Shirley$ $he 3onstruction of the Roman Legionar+ Fortress at
7nchtuthil 8H6ford$ 29$ p; !!); 3ut a considerable body of evidence also e6ists for +eapons being
manufactured for Roman soldiers across the provinces$ often close to +here supplies of iron +ere to be found$
or at maNor centres of imperial administration e;g; at Monceau6<le<%omte in 3urgundy +here armour +as
being made on detachment from a legion at the ;icus in the 2
nd
century; For further e6amples and discussion
see P; %osme$ Les Fournitures d&Armes au6 Soldats Romains& in L; de 3lois$ 4; Lo %ascio$ H; He*ster and >; de
GleiNn$ eds;$ $he 7mpact of the Roman *rm+ 2%)) B3-*D 'F(4 5 Economic- Social- @olitical- Religious and 3ultural
*spects5 @roceedings of the SiIth 9or#shop of the 7nternational Aet6or# 7mpact of Empire 2Roman Empire- %))
B838-*8D8 'F(4- 3apri- 1arch %/-*pril %- %))0 8Leiden$ 2.9$ pp; 2)2 L 2),;
)//
Fegetius$ Epitome- --;!! 8+hen discussing the Prefect of 4ngineers9 =Ha:e:ant etiam fa:ricas scutarias
locarias arcuarias- in >ui:us sagittae cassides missi:ilia omnia>ue armorum genera forma:antur? 8#hey also
used to have +or*shops for shields$ armour and bo+s in +hich arro+s$ missiles and all types of arms +ere
made9;
)/1
See section 2;" above;
)1
S; Dames op8 cit8$ 8!1//9$ pp; 2,1 L .!;
!((

identified as the fa:rica;
)1!
#he Aotitia also implies that Amiens may have been a later
addition to an earlier list$ implying a later date of construction;
)12
Such activity is not
un*no+n in Roman urban conte6ts in the (
th
century$ such as the large scale evidence of
metal +or*ing in the theatre at Argentomagus in A@uitaine;
)1"
-n 3ritain these activities are
also +ell *no+n$ and there are no recorded fa:ricae in 3ritain$ so ma*ing direct lin*s to
official state activity is at best problematic$ though it is possible that they are lacunae in the
Aotitia;
)1(
#he latest assessment of evidence for artisan +or*shops and activity in Belgica --
sho+s a lo+ level of +or*shop production in the ci;itas capitals;
)1)
Hne solution could be
that the procuratores +ere Ksupervisors& +ho managed a series of state run +or*shops
across the province in the countryside$ but there is no evidence for this at the moment;
)1,

'ue to the lac* of e6cavation on the late Roman levels$ resulting from continued occupation
of castrum sites$ e6planatory models have a +ea* evidential basis; #here has hardly been
any e6cavation on the castra at %ambrai$ Fermand$ Soissons and Senlis;
)1.
#here is concrete
evidence for dislocation$ +ith many structures from earlier periods going out of use e;g;
baths$ though this is not universal$ +ith Reims gaining imperial help from %onstantine in the
maintenance of its structure;
)1/
Although Reims& castrum only covered 2)j of its early
imperial predecessor$ there are numerous testimonies to its +ealth in terms of artefacts;
Alongside its bath house$ there is evidence that the a@ueduct +as still in use until the late

)1!
'; 3ayard and '; Piton$ KUn 3itiment Publi@ue du 3as<4mpire ^ Amiens0 !1." L !1./ Si6 Ans de Recherche
au Logis du Roy&$ 3ahiers *rchCologi>ue du @icardie , 8!1.19$ p; !,(: 3; Pichon$ *miens0 3arte *rchCologi>ue de
la Gaule 8Paris$ 219$ pp; (/ and !!/;
)12
Amiens is listed last +hen it should be first given the rest of the fa:ricae are listed from +est to east0 S;
Dames$ op8 cit8$ p; 2,,;
)1"
F; 'umasy$ Le $hCatre dL*rgentomagus 2Saint-1arcel- 7ndre4 8Paris$ 29$ pp; 2!/ L 22";
)1(
Many sites in Roman 3ritain for e6ample have evidence of metal+or*ing in public buildings during the (
th

century; 1 forum-:asilica comple6es have revealed evidence as +ell as " bathhouses and a couple of temples;
Many of these tend to sho+ evidence for metal recycling and smithery rather than smelting$ though a high
degree of s*ill is re@uired for this see A; Rogers$ Late Roman $o6ns in Britain5 Rethin#ing 3hange and Decline
8%ambridge$ 2!!9$pp; !" L !(/; Rogers argues strongly against the Kmilitarising& principle as being unproven;
S; Dames$ op8 cit8$ p; 2)/$ points out that several -llyrian factories lac* specific products$ +hich he argues is a
loss in transmission;
)1)
M; Polfer$ LL*rtisanat dans lLPconomie de la Gaule Belgi>ue Romaine N @artir de la Documentation
*rchCologi>ue 8Montagnac$ 2)9$ p; 11;
)1,
#his idea +as first suggested by D; P; 7ild$ $eItile 1anufacture in the Aorthern Roman @ro;inces
8%ambridge$ !1.9$ pp; )!< )2$ +ho suggested that the g+naecii +ere merely administrative and collection
points that delegated the production to local cottage industries; #his +as subse@uently follo+ed by A;
Ferdi]re$ KLa 'istance %riti@ue0 Artisans et Artisanat dans l&Anti@uitE Romaine et en Particulier en >aule&$ Les
@etits 3ahiers dL*natole 82!9- p; 28
)1.
See Appendi6 2 for full details and references;
)1/
37L O--- "2));
!()

(
th
century$ presumably providing the necessary +ater;
)11
#here is evidence of continued
urban life in some form around these castra; Several sites have evidence of continued
building occupation to a high standard e;g; hypocausts;
,
#here is also evidence to suggest
internal reorganisation and rebuilding throughout the period$ as for e6ample at #ournai;
,!

#he city +alls +ere not the limits on settlement; 3avay$ +hich has been described as a
Kmilitary outpost$& has large amounts of coins and pottery finds inside and outside the
castrum until the Falentinianic period;
,2
7hile there +ere certainly important transitions
occurring in urban and ho+ their populations functioned +ithin them$ a complete rupture
+ith the past at the end of the "
rd
century is not completely tenable;
,"

7hen the urban processes are put into a long<term perspective they are more impressive;
For some sites such as Mou5on$ #ournai and %ambrai the late Roman period +ere times of
great prosperity$ a process that continued +ell into the Merovingian period +hile sites such
as 3avay$ %assel and St; Quentin all d+indled;
,(
Many urban sites +ere already struggling at
the end of the 2
nd
century$ and large sections had been largely abandoned long before their
buildings +ere dismantled and used to construct the +alls 8e;g; 3avay$ Amiens etc;9;
'escribing continued activity in cities is much simpler than e6plaining it; Hne approach
+ould be to argue that these represent the continued e6istence of curiales$ though this is an
argument eI silentio; Salvian complains about the e6istence of curiales +ho ta6ed the poor$
but he +as probably referring to the #rier region;
,)
#he 3odeI $heodosianus sho+s that
curiales +ere made responsible for +alls; Hther demands included the need to bring levies

)11
R; %hossenot$ A; 4stEban and R; Jeiss$ Reims5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!9$ pp; // L /1;
,
#hese have been found at 3avay$ 3eauvais$ #ournai 8possibly as part of a bath house9 and Joyon;
,!
R; 3rulet$ K#ournai$ %apitale du 3as<4mpire et \volution au Haut Moyen<nge&$ in R; Anaert$ ed;$ $he =er+
Beginning of EuropeG Earl+-1edie;al 1igration and 3olonisation 83russels$ 2!29$ pp; !2)<!"(
,2
R; 'elmaire and others$ 3arte *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule5 Aord- Ba;a+ 8Paris$ 2!!9$ p; .!;
,"
D; 3oudeau$ K'evenir et Place des #hermes Publi@ues dans les 3astra du 3as<4mpire du Jord<Huest de la
>aule0 \tude de 'i6 %hefs<Lieu6 de %itE de >aule 3elgi@ue et Lyonnaise&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue du 3entre de la
France ) 82!!9$ ()" L (11;
,(
For #ournai&s prosperity in late anti@uity see R; 3rulet$ K#ournai$ %apitale du 3as<4mpire et \volution au
Haut Moyen<nge&$ R; Anaert$ ed;$ $he =er+ Beginning of EuropeG Earl+-1edie;al 1igration and 3olonisation
83russels$ 2!29$ pp; !2)<!"(; For St Quentin the only material evidence of (
th
century occupation is a coin of
Licinius$ see D<L; %ollart$ KSaint<Quentin&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro SpCcial !, 8!1119$ ,.<!2/:
for %assel see F; Loridont$ K%assel L %astellum Menapiorum& in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ op8
cit8- p; (1: 3avay&s reduction to a small core around the forum is +ell *no+n$ though large numbers of finds in
the second half of the "
rd
century sho+ that the areas eItra muros +ere not abandoned straight a+ay$ see R;
'elmaire$ D<%; %armele5$ F; Loridant and %; Louvion$ Le Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
2!!9$ p; 1(;
,)
Salvian$ De Gu:8 Dei$ );!/: an inscription to a senior curial figure *pronius principales attested in R73G - no;
!( +hich dates to the )
th
century +ould indicate the survival of municipal government in #rier;
!(,

of materials e;g; timber and ash$ for use in the fa:ricae$ +hich +hile it applies to -taly and
Raetia$ could also have theoretically applied to the Elite of Belgica --;
,,
#he system seems
to have been predicated on sufficient resources in the countryside to +or*; #he only
e6ample +e have of urban patronage is the Magister 4@uitum Dovinus +ho gave money
to+ards a church in ".;
,.
#he ecclesiastical hierarchy of the )
th
century li*e Remigius$ and
shado+y families li*e the S+agrii connected to Soissons$ all suggest that Elite families did
e6ist and maintain some form of urban structure; Ho+ever they may all have had their
origins as honorati serving the emperor$ li*e the o+ner of the hoard at 3eaurains;
,/


....0 Garrisons
#he strongest form of evidence for the military purpose of cities +ould be the e6istence of
permanent garrisons in the cities; Figures " to ) belo+ provide data supporting the
association of garrisons +ith cities0
Table 4 Ei#ence for sol#iers $arrisone# in -rban centres
of Belgica II #-rin$ t&e /t& cent-ry
City 8nits Ei#ence
Amiens E>uites catafractarii *m:ianenses
Aumerus catafractarii
Aumerus Orsariensies
Scola @ro;incialis

AD Hr8 F-;",
%-L O--- "(1" 2 "(1)
%-L O--- "(12
%-L O--- "(1(
Arras Laeti Bata;i J' Hcc; OL--;(
=>ermanic?
sanctuaryB
,1


,,
3od8 $h8 !!;!,;!) 8Raetia$ "//9: !!;!,;!/ 8Milan$ "19;
,.
37L O--- "2),;
153
For Remigius and the Syagrii see section ); For the o+ner of the 3eaurains treasure see R; #omlin$ K #he
H+ner of the 3eaurains 8Arras9 #reasure&$ in 4; Hartley$ and others$ eds;$ 3onstantine the Great5 Xor#Js Roman
Emperor 8Por*$ 2,9$ pp; )1 L ,(.
,1
A; Dac@ues$ KLe sanctuaire germani@ue d&Arras&$ *rchCologica$ 2. 8!11!9$ , L ,,: A; Dac@ues$ KLe Sanctuaire
>ermani@ue d&Arras0 les Fouilles de Rue 3audimont&$ in R; %ompatangelo<Soussignan and %<>; Sch+ent5el$
!(.

#+o phases of
barrac* buildings
,!

3oulogne B 3arrac* buildings
,!!

%hilons Aumerus Dalmatarum
=eIillatio Dalmatarum =
%-L O--- "().
%-L O--- "()/
Fermand B Military cemeteries
found on site
,!2

Reims B Some evidence of
military occupation in
sanctuary site
,!"

3avay B Some evidence of
barrac*s being
constructed
,!(


Table (5 c&ronolo$y of )er%anent %ilitary occ-)ation in cities
City *05 F
*20
*20 F
.55
.55 F
.*0
.*0 F
.05
.05 D
.20
.20 D
/55
/55 F
/*0
A%iens
Arras
Bo-lo$ne
C&Jlons

eds;$ Ptrangers dans la 3itC Romaine 5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue de =alenciennes 2,'-,0 octo:re %))04 8Rennes$ 2.9$
pp; 22! < 2"/
,!
A; Dac@ues$ KL&Hccupation Militaire d&Arras au 3as<4mpire&$ in F; Fallet and M; Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe
Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8Rouen$ !11"9$ pp; !1. L 11;
,!!
%; Seillier$ KLa PrEsence Militaire ^ 3oulogne<sur<Mer&$ M; Lode+iNc*6$ ed;$ *rchaeological and Historical
*spects of 9est-European Societies 83russels$ !11,9$ pp; 2".<2((;
,!2
3; Pichon$ lL*isne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ pp; (.. L )(;
,!"
R; %hossenot$ A; 4stEban and R; Jeiss Reims5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!9$ pp; /. L //;
,!(
R; 'elmaire$ D<%; %armele5$ F; Loridant and %; Louvion$ Le Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule
8Paris$ 2!!9$ p; !(1;
!(/

,er%an#
Rei%s
Baay

'irect evidence for military
occupation
-ndirect evidence

Table (( ei#ence for %ilitary -nits associate# "it& -rban sites
City 8nits 'ocation in Notita Ei#ence
#ournai Aumerus
$urnancenses
AD Hcc; OOF--- !)
3avai Units of Aer;ii AD Hcc; OOF--- !)
AD Hr; F; (,
AD Hcc; F-- !2!
AD Hcc; OL 2"
AD Hcc; OL )"
AD Hcc; OL ),
%assel Units of 1enapii AD Hcc8 F-- /"
AD Hr8 F---; ")
Mou5on 1usmagenes AD Hcc8 F--;!)
%ortoriacum
8%ourtrai9
3ortoriacenses AD Hcc8 = 2()A Hcc;
F-- //
>eminiacum
8Liberchies9
Geminiacenses AD Hcc8 = 2(,A Hcc;
F-- /.
!(1

#his +ould ma*e an impressive prima facie case to support the argument that soldiers +ere
a common feature in many of the various urban centres of Belgica -- throughout the +hole
period; Having soldiers permanently garrisoned in cities +as common practice in the Jear
4ast for the +hole of the Roman period$ +hile in the +est it seems to have been rare;
,!)

#herefore this +as a substantial change from the early imperial period; Ho+ever$ one can
argue that such a composite picture fails to reflect a dynamic situation;
French archaeological literature has a tendency to assume any military evidence in a city is
synonymous +ith the presence of a garrison;
,!,
#he appearance of Kmilitary& burials at
Fermand has been attributed to a Kgarrison& +ithout further elucidation;
,!.
Amiens has
evidence for " different units being based there +hich has been argued to represent a long<
term situation that applied to much of the (
th
century;
,!/
Ho+ever$ there is no certainty that
these +ere permanent residents; Units under the command of duces +ith the name
Orsarienses are found in Pannonia$ Rhaetia and at Rouen in the Aotitia$ +hich probably
represents the situation at the end of the (
th
century;
,!1
7hile the presence of a
detachment at Rouen could easily be interpreted as a garrison transfer$ the time frame of
almost a century bet+een the t+o pieces of evidence is too long to ma*e any secure
assignments of permanent residence; A unit of the same name +ith the ran* of pseudo-
comitatus appears under the command of the 1agister e>uitum Galliarum some+here in
>aul; Hoffmann has identified this as part of the same regiment found at Amiens$ but there
is no +ay of confirming this;
,2
#he Roman habit of dividing up units and spreading them
around the 4mpire means that it +ould be perverse to argue that the different units
Orsarienses +ere not related; 7hat their geographical spread seems to support is the fact
that they maintained a capacity for mobility throughout the (
th
century; #he catafractii
tombstones 8discussed above9 seem to have a stronger lin* to the city because of the
appearance of the regiment of 3atafracti *m:ianenses recorded in the Aotitia; #his +ould

,!)
J; Pollard$ Soldiers- 3ities- and 3i;ilians in Roman S+ria 8Michigan$ 29$ pp; ") L ".;
,!,
For e6ample at 3ordeau6 see H; Lafont %outourier and others$ Saint *ugustin5 One 1Cmoire dL*lgCrie
83ordeau6$ 2"9$ p; !,";
,!.
D;<L; %ollart$ KFermand&$ in D;<P; Petit and M; Mangin$ eds;$ *tlas des *gglomCrations Secondaires de la Gaule
Belgi>ue et des Germanies 8Paris$ !11(9$ pp; 2" L 2"!;
,!/
'; 3ayard$ KSamarobriva& in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 82,9$ p; "2;
,!1
AD8 Hcc; OOO---;(. 8Pannonia9: AD Hcc; OOOF;2 8Rhaetia9: AD Hcc; OOOF--;2! 8Rouen9 +ith the @ualifications
discussed in the introduction;
,2
AD Hcc; F;2(( and F--;/): '; Hoffmann$ Das Sp"trmische Be6egungsheer und die Aotitia Dignitatum
8Munich$ !1,19$ p; !/(;
!)

imply that the 2 cavalry stelae represented an earlier stage of a long<term occupation$ to the
e6tent that the regiment adopted the ci;itas into its nomenclature$ but again this is
speculation;
,2!
Hn one hand the presence of the tombstones does imply that the
community responsible for their interment +ere present for sufficient time to ma*e the
investment of a tombstone +orth+hile; Ho+ever$ it is +orth noting that the stelae +ere not
actually found in the city itself$ but a fe+ miles outside at St Achuel;
,22
#his could have been
a result of the slabs being moved from the city 8for e6ample +hen the city +all +as erected9$
or because the cavalrymen +ere based in a fort that has yet to be discovered 8similar$
though later$ than that found at Revelles9;
,2"
7e also don&t *no+ +hen the *m:ianenses
set off to the east; Hoffmann has suggested that they moved +ith Magnentius in ")!$ but
there are plenty of other earlier occasions +hen this transfer could have occurred if +e are
loo*ing at it being a result of civil +ars;
,2(
A good case could be made for their presence
being related to the %arausius<Allectus revolt and its aftermath$ +here it subse@uently
moved on campaign several times;
,2)

-t can be argued that the evidence for permanent military garrisons in Belgica -- is actually
therefore @uite thin$ and based on circular arguments; Most of the tombstones that survive
in Belgica -- date from the late "
rd
century and at the latest the early (
th
century;
,2,
#his
+ould imply that they +ere serving +ith the various #etrarchic armies that can be traced
actively campaigning across northern >aul;
,2.
#hose units that too* the name of their
ci;itates 8see figure )9 may +ell have been named after their permanent base$ but this is
another circular argument; -t can be Nust as easily argued that they +ere named after the
place +here they +ere raised; #hose that came from the north<+est of the province 8i;e; the
$urnacenses$ Aer;ii and 1enapii9 +ere the part of the province that seems to have

,2!
3ontra S; 4smonde<%leary$ op8 cit8$ 82!"9$ pp; .! L .2;
,22
7ightman hesitates to attribute a full<time garrison to Amiens0 4;M; 7ightman Gallia Belgica 8H6ford$
!1/)9$ p; 2/: she says =base of a heavy<armoured cavalry unit for the first half of the century$? but in
7ightman i:id8$ p; 22.$ this becomes =Amiens had a semi<permanent garrison?;
,2"
For Revelles see the discussion of the fort in section 2;
,2(
For e6ample %onstantine&s attac* on Ma6entius in "!2$ his attac*s on Licinius in "!/ and "2(: %onstantine
--&s attac* on %onstans in "( etc;
,2)
P; %asey$ 3arausius and *llectus5 the British Osurpers 8London$ !11"9$ pp; !, L !!(;
,2,
See section !;2;
,2.
#he reign of %onstantine campaigning in the northern frontier region seems to have been fairly continuous
under Ma6imian and %onstantius bet+een 2/) and ")0 the :agaudae$ *lamanni$ Franci and the campaigns
against %arausius and Allectus all appear in the rather lacunose sources see A; 3o+man$ K'iocletian and the
First #etrarchy 2/( L ")$& in A;G; 3o+man$ P; >arnsey and A; %ameron$ eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+
=olume ,%5 the 3risis of Empire ,/. E ..F 8%ambridge$ 2)9$ pp; ,. L /1;
!)!

e6perienced the most dislocation in rural settlement$ and military recruitment +as
traditionally ta*en from that area 8see section ( for full discussion9;
,2/
>iven that none of
these units are in their place of origin in the Aotitia indicates that they had originally been
raised from population of the ci;itas territory$ before being sent off to serve imperial
military interests in variety of areas; #he spread does testify to the continued capacity the
Roman state had to move of army units around during the (
th
8and even early )
th
9 century$
but this doesn&t have to be attributed to the last decades of the (
th
century;
#he only city that has solid evidence for a permanent military presences for the +hole
period under investigation is 3oulogne +ith its& relatively +ell understood and e6cavated
barrac* bloc*s;
,21
#his is did not necessarily represent a brea* from the past ho+ever as
3oulogne had been a military base for its entire history as the base of the 3lassis Britanniae
and retained a crucial military role through the (
th
century as the main port lin*ing to
Britannia;
,"
#he barrac*s +ere occupied until the early )
th
century$ though establishing an
end date is difficult;
,"!
#here is relatively good evidence of garrisons appearing at the end of
the (
th
century; As discussed in the previous chapter 3avay has evidence of a +ooden
structure +ith / rooms dating to the end of the (
th
century being installed and early )
th

century$ +hich resembles the form of barrac*s found in Falentinianic forts li*e Altrip and
Al5ey;
,"2
#heir lac* of substantial construction material implies that this +as a temporary
structure;
,""
#he other barrac* bloc*s that have been e6cavated are those at Arras +hich

,2/
F; Feurmeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pays<3as MEridionau6 au6 -Fe et Fe
Si]cles&$ in P; Hu5ouliasand others$ eds;$ Les 3ampagnes de la Gaule N la Fin de lJ*nti>uitC8 *ctes du 3ollo>ue de
1ontpellier- 2Antibes$ 2!9$ pp; ()<,/;
,21
4; 3elot and F; %anut$ KRecherches ArchEolgi@ues a 3oulogne<sur<Mer 8Septembre !11 L Avril !11"9&$
Re;ue du Aord .) 8!11"9$ ).</.: %; Seillier$ KLa PrEsence Militaire ^ 3oulogne<sur<Mer&$ in M; Lode+iNc*6$ ed;$
*rchaeological and Historical *spects of 9est-European Societies 83russels$ !11,9$ pp; 2".<2((;
,"
#he *ey strategic importance can be seen by the e6tended siege of the city in 21" by %onstantius +hen it
+as loyal to %arausius0 P; D; %asey$ $he British Osurpers5 3arausius and *llectus 8London$ !11(9$ pp; !, L !!(;
,"!
%; Seillier op8 cit8- pp; 2(! L 2(2; #he last phase from the late (
th
century is characterised by changes in the
layout of the barrac*s and the increasing amount of hand<turned pottery$ +hich Seillier argues is =>ermanic?
using outdated ethnic typologies< see section (;( for discussion;
,"2
For Al5ey see D; Hldenstein$ Aeue Forschungen im Sp"trmischen astell ;on *l!e+5 =or:ericht :er die
*usgra:ungen ,/&,-,/&0 2Main5$ !1/,9: for Altrip see S; von Schnurbein$ K'er neue Plan von Altrip$& in F;
Ma6field and M; 'obson$ eds;$ Roman Frontier studies5 @roceedings of the <=th 7nternational 3ongress of
Roman Frontier Studies 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 2,0th 5 ,/&/ 5 3anter:ur+-
England4 846eter$ 2"9 2/ L 21; For 3avay see R; 'elmaire and others$ Le Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue
de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ p; !(1;
,""
R; 3rulet$ K%asernements et %asernes en >aule&$ in P; Le 3ohec and %; 7olff$ eds;$ LL*rmCe Romaine de
DioclCtien N =alentinien ,er8 *ctes du 3ongrKs de L+on 2,%E,' septem:re %))%4 8Paris$ 2(9$ pp; !1! L 2;
!)2

are dated to the last t+o decades of the (
th
century and into the early )
th
century;
,"(
#he
barrac*s seem to have undergone t+o phases and Dac@ues dra+s a parallel +ith the famous
Kchalet& barrac*s found in Hadrian&s 7all forts such as Housesteads$ though he is not a+are
of recent research +hich sho+s these are actually developments from the 2
nd
century;
,")

Dac@ues identifies the second range of occupation +ith a cavalry regiment; #his is lin*ed to
the Laeti Bata;orum +ho are recorded as being based at Arras in the Aotitia;
,",
#here are
many problems +ith this attribution; As +e have argued already$ there is no indication that
laeti should be considered as a military regiment L the indications are that they +ere a
community of farmers liable to military service; #he information in the Aotitia for this part
of the (
th
century is probably out of date; #hese changes are indicative of significant changes
in the last decades of the (
th
century$ and so imply significant changes +ere occurring in
some cities$ and they +ere clearly becoming more directly involved as military bases; -t is
difficult to say much about this$ e6cept the use of barrac*s strongly implies the maintenance
of formal habits of occupation that are consistent +ith the maintenance of a distinct military
identity; As +e have discussed already$ the series of Kfemale& artefacts associated +ith the
second phase of occupation$ are themselves @uite consistent +ith the military communities
of attached families that had been a consistent part of soldiers& lives since the 2
nd
century;
,".

#he dangerous tendency to ma6imise the military aspects of cities can be seen at Arras in
arguments for the barrac*s representing a continuity of use based on the e6istence of the
=>ermanic sanctuary? in the preceding decades 8".s L /s9$ +hich provides evidence for

,"(
A; Dac@ues$ KL&Hccupation Militaire d&Arras au 3as<4mpire&$ in F; Fallet and M8 Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe
Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8Rouen$ !11"9$ pp; !1. L 11; #he buildings are identified by the
e6cavators as barrac*s$ containing contu:ernia$ +ith a papillo 8common room9 and an arms store; #here is a
second period of occupation in this stage$ identified by the demolition of the room at the north end of barrac*
bloc* A; #his +as replaced by an oven$ used for ba*ing bread$ protected by a post<built shed 8!m 6 1m9; #he
internal structure of the buildings +as affected$ +ith partitions dividing the rooms into smaller units$ dotted
+ith rectangular pits and silos; #he internal structure of the buildings +as also affected$ +ith partitions dividing
the rooms into smaller units$ dotted +ith rectangular pits and silos; >iven the remains of amphorae and dolia
in these pits these +ere probably for storing foodstuffs; Finds from this period consist of many obNects that
suggest a female presence L bron5e and silver rings$ gold earrings$ Net blac* bracelets and bron5e brooches; A
military occupation is still indicated by finds of a spur$ buc*les$ daggers and lead plum:atae; Spears$ pommels
and bron5e decorations are consistent +ith cavalry soldiers; #he barrac*s seem to have been occupied until
the (2s$ though this is largely speculative and based on pottery in the absence of monetary evidence;
,")
See for e6ample the @uality of discussion achieved by J; Hodgson and P;#; 3id+ell$ KAu6iliary 3arrac*s in a
Je+ Light0 Recent 'iscoveries on HadrianUs 7all&$ Britannia$ ") 82(9$ !2!<!).$ +hich relies on the high
@uality e6cavations and recording in Romano<3ritish forts over the last fe+ decades;
,",
AD OL--;( @raefectus laetorum Bata;orum Aemetacensium- *tra:atis Belgicae secundae;
,".
See chapter !;
!)"

ritual practices un*no+n in northern >aul during the Roman period;
,"/
7hile a military
identification for the sanctuary is impossible to prove conclusively$ Dac@ues argues that it is
inherently plausible; #he sanctuary +ould be evidence for the maintenance of an
idiosyncratic cult by the military unit and its families$ +hich +ould be indicative of their non<
Roman origins but also of their integration into the Roman administrative and social systems
given that this occurrence in the city boundaries clearly needed some official sanction;
Dac@ues argues that the group can this be associated +ith a group of foederati;
,"1
Ho+ever$
the argument is based on a series of assumptions that +e have already argued against$
namely that K>ermanic& and KMilitary& identities are interchangeable in late Roman Belgica$
+hen they are most certainly not;
,(
#here is no particular reason$ short of ethnographic
stereotyping$ to argue this sanctuary is >ermanic$ and the e6cavators& parallels are rather
+ea*;
,(!
#here are some parallels for these ritual behaviours else+here$ and it is entirely
possible that this centre +as a result of a local group or community$ rather than one
inserted from the outside;
,(2


....1 Sol#iers in cities
Many surviving pieces of legislation responding to various issues raised by the @uestion
billeting soldiers in the houses of urban d+ellers in the #heodosian and Dustinianic legal
codices +ould indicate that soldiers +ere @uite common features in cities;
,("
#his refers to

,"/
#he detail is laid out in appendi6 20 A; Dac@ues$ KLe Sanctuaire >ermani@ue d&Arras0 les Fouilles de rue
3audimont&$ in R; %ompatangelo<Soussignan and %<>; Sch+ent5el$ eds;$ Ptrangers Dans la 3itC Romaine5 *ctes
du 3ollo>ue de =alenciennes 2,'-,0 octo:re %))04 8Rennes$ 2.9$ pp; 22! L 2"/;
,"1
A; Dac@ues$ i:id;$ p; 2",
,(
3ontra S; 4smonde<%leary$ op8 cit8$ 82!"9$ p; ,/ +ho accepts the attribution +ithout @uestion;
1/(
#hey use the partially dismembered bodies and scalped s*ulls of thirteen bodies found in a +ell at
Regensburg<Harting as a parallel but this is @uite a different conte6t interpreted as a massacre at a Roman villa
site by raiding Alamanni in the 2,sA.s see D; 'rin*+ater$ $he *lamanni and Rome- %,.-'/( 8%aracalla to
%lovis9 8H6ford$ 2.9$ pp; ./ L .1
,(2
Hne can ta*e t+o approaches here; Firstly there is the argument that the evidence sho+s either the revival
or persistence of pre<Roman practices +hich are invisible materially else+here0 #here are some analogies from
late La $Cne Belgica at sanctuaries such as >ournay<sur<Aronde and Ribemont$ see D; L; 3runau6$ $he 3eltic
Gauls5 Gods- Rites and Sanctuaries 8London$ !1//9; #he other is that some parallel odd ritual behaviours are
found in similar sites e;g; there are a series of infant burials that appear in some late Roman forts in 3ritain
8Portchester9 see 3; %unliffe$ EIca;ations at @orchester 3astle Fol; ! 8London$ !1.)9$ pp; ".)<..: '; 7elsby$
$he Roman 1ilitar+ Defence of the British @ro;inces in its Later @hases 8H6ford$ !1/29$ pp; /. L 1;
,("
See for e6ample the collection of rescripts that deal +ith billeting in 3odeI $heodosianus F--;/ L though
note that the maNority of these rescripts deal +ith issues in the 4ast$ +hich could reflect the balance of survival
+as more li*ely in the 4ast by the (2s$ or because that +as the issue arose more; Hne cannot be certain
+hich of these vie+s is the most appropriate;
!)(

soldiers passing through cities on campaign$ rather than permanently stationed; Ammianus&
descriptions of campaigns in >aul under Dulian and Falentinian imply a considerable amount
of military movement$ but these events can be interpreted as being a temporary situation as
a result of acute military and political crises rather than a description of a Knormal& state of
affairs;
,((
#he mention of Reims as a focus of military mobilisation could be as a result of its
status as the provincial capital$ as +ell as its strategic position on the road net+or*$ +hich
+ould have made it an appropriate place to assemble$ both politically and logistically$ given
its range of state enterprises;
,()
-t cannot be doubted that given the arterial road net+or* of
Belgica -- and the intensity of direct imperial involvement in northern >aul after the ending
of the >allic 4mpire sa+ a considerable number of soldiers passing through urban sites in
the (
th
century$ and the city +alls or their suburbs +ould have been needed to provide
temporary accommodation at least;
#he evidence of Arras probably reflects internal changes to the nature of military occupation
in terms of ho+ the army unit +as supplied and managed at the end of the (
th
century and
into the early )
th
century; #he analogy of 'ichin is helpful in associating the change of
internal organisation of military sites +ith social and economic change: as opposed to the
recruitment of soldiers +ith a different ethnicity$ +hich is often the e6planation; Such
arrangements need not mean that cities assumed the appearance of forts; -n the 4ast the
army had long been based in cities$ but had often ta*en over an area for its o+n use and
continued to maintain their separate identity;
,(,
#here is no reason +hy this +as not also
happening in the cities of Belgica -- during the late Roman period;




,((
Reims is described as the mobili5ation point for Dulian and Falentinian0 Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$
OF;2;/: OF--;2;! 8Dulian assembles his forces at Reims in "), and ").9 Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$
OOF-;);!(: OOF--;2;! L ! 8Falentinian mobilises an army at Reims in ",, L ,.9; 3oth of these campaigns +ere
response to particular problems facing the Roman government; #he aftermath of Magnentius& usurpation in
") < ")" and Dulian&s usurpation and campaigning in the 4ast in ",! L "," seem to have been large scale
instability in the northern provinces given the narratives of campaigning and political instability +hich is clear
in the pages of Ammianus e;g; usurpation of Silvanus in ")) and the death of %harietto in ",( +hich led to the
significant campaign of restoration underta*en by Falentinian;
,()
See table /;
,(,
#he t+o best e6amples are at 'ura<4uropus and Palmyra0 see 3; -saac$ $he Limits of Empire 8H6ford$ !1129$
pp; 2,1<2/2;
!))

....2 Concl-sions
-t must be stressed that there is no denial that defence had no role to play in the changes to
urban sites in the "
rd
and (
th
centuries;
,(.
Ho+ever$ a reductionist vie+point is
unsustainable and it seems more li*ely that the symbolism of these structures evolved
across the (
th
century; #he comple6ity of the phenomenon ma*es the argument that city
+alls represented a Kmilitarisation& of the landscape of Belgica -- an inade@uate one; #he
intensity of the military presence +as variable$ and could be reduced as +ell as increased;
#he evidence does seem to indicate ho+ important the late Roman state +as to the cities of
Belgica -- both in terms of economic support and imperial patronage; #he capacity of some
sites to transform themselves into the )
th
century and beyond implies they maintained a
degree of involvement from their o+n local Elites +hich suggests one should not be blinded
by the impressive physical monuments to imperial activity; #he variety of uni@ue urban
e6periences suggests that local factors$ although difficult to trace archaeologically$ +ere still
important;

Section /; t&e %ilitariCation of t&e co-ntrysi#e in Belgica II
#o +hat e6tent did the imperial government ta*e over Belgica -- and militarise it completely$
secure the rural areas +ith forts and billet troops in the province to control its suppliesB
Fermeulen argues that0 =Late Roman developments in the e6treme north<+est of 3elgic
>aul +ere @uite revolutionary?$ suggesting that imperial military policy +as one of the maNor
factors in e6plaining this;
,(/
#he "
rd
century Kcrisis& and the barbarian raids caused the
abandonment of the region$ and it +as only the heavy settlement of Roman troops and
military installations in the province that restored it;
,(1
Such a focus on political<military
events is distorting ho+ever; As Fermeulen admits =the archaeological evidence _for
destruction` is minimal;?
,)
%ausation is controversial$ as even older ideas on the +ider
environment of (
th
century Belgica e;g; the marine transgression of the Jorth Sea 8'un*ir*

,(.
Hne can @uestion against +hom the defence +as needed more0 e6ternal or internal enemiesS
,(/
F; Fermeulen$ KRoads for Soldiers and %ivilians in the %ivitas Menapiorum&$ in F; Fermeulen$ G; Sas and 7;
'hae5e$ eds;$ *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation5 *spects of Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est5
Studies in Honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent$ 2(9$ p; !"!;
,(1
F; Fermeulen i:id;$ pp; !"2 L !"";
,)
F; Fermeulen i:id;$ p; !"!;
!),

--9$ are no+ being @uestioned;
,)!
#his section +ill try and e6amine the e6tent to +hich the
countryside +as militarised$ in light of recent research;
,)2
An initial point to ma*e is ho+ far
the landscape of Belgica -- is lacunae; Salvage operations over the last t+o decades have
increased the number of e6cavated sites$ but the system of regionally organised
archaeological research units does not particularly help scholars +ith narro+ chronological
concerns$ as field archaeologists often deal +ith a huge range of sites that cover several
millennia;

/.( T&e r-ral lan#sca)e
-f Belgica --&s rural resources had been so important to provisioning the limites in the early
4mpire$ and these had been based on increased specialisation and control of rural labour
and land management$ then the disappearance of villas +ould imply a maNor dislocation
during the late Roman period;
,)"
#he e6istence of a consumption<driven Elite in these
structures helped e6plain the virtuous cycle of Roman ta6ation that gave the 4mpire such
economic po+er in the first three centuries A';
,)(
46tensive research over the last decades
has revealed a much higher level of survival of rural sites into the late Roman periods than
+as previously thought$ though research on rural areas in Belgica -- is still incomplete and
varies enormously from region to region;
,))
#he problem of identifying (
th
and )
th
century
artefacts$ and the destruction of late Roman layers by ploughing$ ma*es the possibilities of
accurate @uantitative +or* problematic;
,),
4ven if one holds more traditional vie+s on rural
occupation levels$ depopulation does not necessarily mean a decrease in production as

,)!
F; Fermeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as Meridionau6&$ in P;
Hu5oulias$and others$ eds;$ Les 3ampagnes de la Gaule N la Fin de lJ*nti>uitC5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue- 1ontpellier-
,,-,' mars ,//& 8Antibes$ 2!9$ p; ); 7e find the same basic line in many studies of settlement patterns on
the north+estern 3elgic coast; For e6ample at Aardenburg$ 3esuNin ma*es the assertions that barbarian raids
caused the fort&s abandonment before admitting that there is no positive evidence to support this assessment$
only conte6tual conNecture0 >; 3esuiNen$ Rodanum5 * Stud+ of the Roman Settlement at *arden:urg and 7ts
1etal Finds 8Leiden$ 2/9$ pp; ,! L ,20 =#he destruction of the castellum as a result of invading tribes remains
hypothetical;?
,)2
See chapter 2 for a fuller discussion;
,)"
4; M; 7ightman$ Gallia Belgica 8H6ford$ !1//9$ pp; !// L /1
,)(
G; Hop*ins$ K#a6es and #rade in the Roman 4mpire 82 3;%;LA;'; (9&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ .$
8!1/9$ !!<!2);
,))
#his can be seen in the relevant sections of the local %artes ArchEologi@ue de la >aule +here most plead
ignorance for rural settlement patterns in the late Roman period e;g; Hise etc;
,),
P; Fan Hssel$ Eta:lissements RurauI de lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule 8Paris$ !1129$ p; !");
!).

+hat is often abandoned is marginal and unproductive land;
,).
7hat is clear therefore is
that the traditional picture of rural abandonment and decline in the (
th
century must be
abandoned$ and that 7ightman&s vie+ of nucleation is untenable given that settlement
seems to have been dispersed;
,)/

%rucially$ the research sho+s that Belgica -- +as made up of a series of micro<regions;
3rulet&s survey of rural sites across the northern section of >aul 8including most of northern
Belgica --9 calculates that there +as a decline from appro6imately .2 sites in the late 4mpire
to around !!;
,)1
4ven +ithin this data set there is regional variation as the areas most
touched by rural abandonment are the sandy regions of Flanders$ northern 3rabant 2
%ampine; Surveys in the sandy region of the Lys and 4scaut found that of the eight sites that
+ere e6cavated$ only one revealed evidence of activity in the (
th
century;
,,
Further south
to+ards the more urbani5ed area of the province$ the Scarpe valley survey suggests that
many of the rural sites +hich had been occupied during the !
st
L "
rd
centuries continued to
be occupied during the (
th
century at least$ although often the occupation too* a different
form;
,,!
Field +al*ing almost al+ays turns up elements of (
th
century use$ though it often
ta*es several attempts to find this material;
,,2
HaselgroveUs survey of settlement patterns
across the first millennia in the Aisne valley sho+s that +hile the 2
nd
century +as indeed a
high point in crude numbers$ the decline to the (
th
century is not catastrophic$ +ith a
survival rate of ,j; #he )
th
century sees @uite a mar*ed decline ho+ever 8see figure (9;
,,"


,).
P; Fan Hssel and P; Hu5oulias$ KRural Settlement 4conomy in Jorthern >aul in the Late 4mpire&$ ?ournal of
Roman *rchaeolog+$ !2 829$ p; !(;
,)/
P; Fan Hssel$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; !.! L 2;
,)1
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule septentrionale au Bas-Empire 5 occupation du sol et dCfense du territoire dans lJarriKre-
pa+s du Limes auI 7=e et =e siKcles 8#rier$ !119: F; Fermeulen$ KLes campagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale
et des Pay<3as Meridionau6$& in P; Hu5oulias$ and others eds;$ op8 cit8- 8Antibes$ 2!9$ p; )0 far north of the
province$ including territory in >ermania Superior$ it has been estimated that " implantations of sites 8!
st
L
"
rd
centuries A'9 are reduced to ) in the (
th
century;
,,
F; Fermeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as Meridionau6& in P; Hu5oulias
and others$ op8 cit;$ p; );
,,!
4; Louis$ KA 'e<Romanised landscape in Jorthern >aul0 the Scarpe Falley from the (
th
to the 1
th
%entury A'&$
in 7; 3o+den$ L; Lavan and %; Machado$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; (.1 L )(;
,,2
4; Louis$ i:id8$ p; (/1: much *no+ledge of the (
th
centuryA)
th
century settlement is based on small numbers
of Argonne +are pic*ed up in field surveys and often called Ktransient settlement;& #his may be true$ but only
e6cavation could prove it$ but given the lo+er levels of finds from some Late Roman sites this is not an
incentive to dig; For further details on this conundrum see R; %lotuche$ K#he Scheldt Falley %ommercial Activity
Ione0 ") Hectares of the >allo<Roman Landscape&$ Britannia$ (1 8219$ (! L ,(;
,,"
%; Haselgrove$ KLa Romanisation de lUHabitat Rural dans la FallEe de lUAisne dUAprEs les Prospectations de
Surface et les Fouilles REcentes&$ Re;ue *rcheologi>ue de @icardie Special$ !! 8!11,9$ !1 L !!(: %; Haselgrove
and %; Scull$ K#he %hanging Structure of Rural Settlement in Southern Picardy 'uring the First Millennium A;';L$
!)/

!2
2
2,
2!
!)
,
!st %entury 3% !st %entury A' 2nd %entury A' "rd %entury A' (th %entury A' )th %entury A'

)
!
!)
2
2)
"
'ate 8by century9
J
o
;

o
f

s
e
t
t
l
e
m
e
n
t
s

i
n

u
s
e
Jumber of settlements recorded in the Aisne Falley during the Roman period from Haselgrove 8!11,9
+i$-re / t&e Aisne ,alley S-rey






#he most stri*ing transformation in Belgica -- +as the disappearance of the spectacular pars
ur:ana from many villas0 in the north of the province$ there is no evidence of these villas
surviving into the (
th
century; #his pattern is not universal$ and villas such as 3lan5y<les<
Fismes 8Aisne9 in the Aisne valley and Fieu6<Rouen<Sur<3esle 8Somme9 in Picardy seem to
have retained e6pensive display items such as mosaics and a large surface area$ and share
many characteristics +ith the grand villas found in A@uitaine;
,,(
Ho+ever in the current state
of evidence$ *no+ledge about the Elite of the province is poor;
,,)
#here does seem to be
dislocation bet+een the late Roman and Merovingian period as the only *no+n villa site
that became the basis of a later ,
th
century settlement +as at St;<>ermain<les<%orbeil +hich
does imply that those sites +hich did survived into the (
th
century did not last particularly

in D; 3intliff and H; Hamero+$ eds;$ Europe Bet6een Late *nti>uit+ and the 1iddle *ges5 Recent archaeological
and historical research in 9estern and Southern Europe 8H6ford$ !11,9$ pp; )/ L .;
,,(
For 3lan5y<les<Fismes see P; van Hssel$ Eta:lissements RurauI de lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule
8Paris$ !1129$ pp; "(! L 2 and 3; Pichon$ *isne5 3artes *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ pp; /, L /: for
Fieu6<Rouen<sur<3resle see '; Francois$ KLa Filla >allo<Romaine de Fieu6<Rouen<sur<3resle 8Seine<Maritime9$&
in D; Le Maho$ ed;$ $rCsors *rcheologi>ue de la Haute Aormandie 8!1/9$ pp; !!. L !2;
,,)
%; 3almelle and P; Fan Hssel$ K'e #r]ves ^ 3ordeau6; La 1ar>ue des Plites dans les %ampagnes de la >aule
Romaine au6 -Fe et Fe si]cles$& in P; Hu5oulias and others$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 82!9$ p; )".;
!)1

long;
,,,
7hile the focus on villas is understandable$ their tendency to dominate discussion
on rural life is misleading given that only a small part of the population actually lived in
them;
,,.

As more careful field<+al*ing techni@ues have been developed so larger number of sites
no+ sho+ some form of continuity of occupation; Some sites occupied only a small
proportion of the previously occupied space$ or moved activities into other areas; For
e6ample at Famechon in the Somme$ +here the "
rd
century pars ur:ana had been
apparently destroyed$ but the pars rustica +as used +ith a series of renovations +hich
involved some reuse of older structures$ and some ne+ building +or* as +ell;
,,/
#he other
defining features +ere the increasing use of +ood as a building material on many of the sites
that survived into the (
th
and )
th
centuries; #hese changes are e6tremely significant but this
does not necessarily mean large scale rural impoverishment; Many sites still reveal large
numbers of artefacts +hen they have been e6cavated$ information that cannot be
discovered by field +al*ing; Le Luyot at Seclin 8Jord9 for e6ample$ +hich +as occupied in the
second half of the (
th
and into the )
th
centuries$ has over ! coins and large amounts of
Argonne +are L the main high @uality ceramic product of the period;
,,1
Similarly$ the rural
site at Jeuville<Saint<Amand 8Aisne9 sa+ a re<organisation of the earlier villa site along @uite
different lines$ and the t+o parts of the establishment are no longer as clearly distinctive as
they +ere in the first phase; A large farm structure +ith evidence of an opulent lifestyle
seems to have e6isted in the (
th
century given the remains of marble and +all paintings;
,.

Ho+ far did Belgica --&s rural production relate to the militaryB Recent studies on rural
production suggest a significant decrease in artisanal activity in the late 4mpire$ and a move

,,,
P; Petit$ KSaint<>ermain<l]s<%orbeil 84ssonne9$ la 3utte ^ >ravois& in LJ7le-de-France de 3lo;is N Hugues
3apet5 du =e siKcle au <e siKcle 8Paris$ !11"9$ pp; 2" L (;
,,.
J; Roymans and #; 'er*s$ =illa Landscapes in the Roman Aorth5 Econom+- 3ulture and Lifest+les
8Amsterdam$ 2!!9$ p; /.;
,,/
P; Fan Hssel$ op8 cit8$ 8Paris$ !1129$ pp; "(" L "(): '; Feermesch$ KLe Site ArchEologi@ue du Marais de
Famechon 8Somme9; 3ilan provisoire;& 3ahiers *rcheologie de la @icardie$ / 8!1/!9$ !(. L !));
,,1
S; REvillion and G; 3ouche$ KArchitecture de #erre et 3ois dans la FallEe da la Haute 'eole$ de la Fin de
lKAnti@uitE au 'Ebut de l&\po@ue MErovingienne; Apports des >isements du =Luyot$? du =Haut de %lau+iers?
et de =L&4pinette? ^ Seclin 8Jord9&$ Re;ue du Aord5 *rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France &0 82"9$
!!" L 2!(;
,.
S; Iiegler$ KUn \tablisssment Protohistori@ue et un \tablissment >allo<Romain a Jeuville<Saint<Amand =La
FallEe de Jeuville? 8Aisne9& Re;ue *rchaeologi>ue de @icardie$ " L ( 82/9$ !") L !,2;
!,

to+ards more Kautarchic& modes of production;
,.!
Palynological evidence sho+s that there
+as a return to trees and +asteland at the end of the Roman period$ but this cannot be tied
do+n precisely;
,.2
Supplies had to be transported from A@uitaine and 3ritain under Dulian$
+hich implies that the imperial establishment in Belgica -- +as a net consumer of goods and
produced little by itself;
,."
Ho+ever$ these forms of information are very unreliable as
guides to production levels; #he @uestion is very difficult to assess$ given the lac* of data$
but +hat one can say is that if the Elites from the "
rd
century +ere still producing large
amounts in the (
th
$ they do not seem to have been spending the profits on ostentatious
consumption that can be measured in the archaeological record; #he increasing number of
rural sites being e6cavated seems to sho+ that agricultural production +as still continuing$
at a modest subsidy level; #he unpredictability of environmental factors bringing great
variability to harvests as +ell as the particular political circumstances of the situation in the
")s after Magnentius&s revolt may indicate that Dulian&s event as e6pediency rather than
the norm;
,.(
#he changes in the ta6 system$ and the tendency to e6tract agricultural surplus
in *ind possibly made a difference as a lac* of moneti5ation could have restricted gro+th$
but this vie+ is rather outdated; 4ven if there +as no monetary stimulus as e6perienced by
the eastern half of the 4mpire at the end of the (
th
century on the bac* of the reissued
solidus plenty of rural sites have evidence of coins and pottery sho+ing a level of economic
e6change$ though the @uestion is +hether these +ere Kofficial& sites;
As +e have seen in section 2$ the evidence seems to point to+ards soldiers having access to
supplies of a sufficient level to maintain an Elite status +ithin society; Hudenburg in the
2/s$ despite the economic dislocation of the period$ +as still receiving large amounts of
pottery on a regional basis; #he success of Argonne +are$ being found on all sites in large
numbers until the )
th
century$ is evidence for continued e6change involving the military;
3ritain$ given the evidence for rural economic vitality in the (
th
century$ +as probably a
maNor source of food; 3ut the evidence of local supplies for pottery becoming more

,.!
M; Polfer$ LL*rtisanat dans lLPconomie de la Gaule Belgi>ue Romaine N @artir de la Documentation
*rchCologi>ue 8Montagnac$ 2)9$ p; !2;
,.2
4; Louis$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ p; (1;
,."
Ammianus Marcellinus$ Res Gestae$ O-F;!: OF--;/;
,.(
#here is considerable evidence that the ")s do seem to have been @uite traumatic in northern >aul$ given
the series of sites +ith coin finds that stop then$ and the series of sites that have destruction layers from that
point; For e6ample the Alf Falley in the Moselle sho+s plenty of numismatic indications of this at that point
see P; Fan Hssel and P; Hu5oulias$ KRural settlement economy in Jorthern >aul in the Late 4mpire0 an
overvie+ and assessment&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !" 829$ p; !",;
!,!

important at military sites$ in line +ith the ending of the declining amphorae e6ports from
the southern Mediterranean after ") implies a degree of self<sufficiency; #he increasing
reliance on local supply net+or*s may +ell be one factor e6plaining the movement of some
military units into cities in the last decades of the (
th
century$ as a means of easing matters
of supply;

/.* T&e fortification of t&e lan#sca)e
As outlined in chapter 2$ one of the *ey features of the late anti@ue countryside is the
Kfortification& of the landscape;
,.)
Research tends to sho+ there is very little evidence for
Kfortification& of villas or rural sites in Belgica -- during the (
th
and )
th
centuries along the
models derived from Sidonius& +ritings; #he closest e6ample that can be given are the
ditches creating an enclosure at the late (
th
century site of 3erry<au<3ac$ but these can
hardly be called Kdefensive structures& given their depth;
,.,
All the *no+n cases in northern
>aul are generally found in the #rier region$ e;g; Pfal5el$ and even this ;illa may be better
understood as an imperial residence +ith an attached military base than being related to
rural production;
,..
-n terms of other types of structure$ regional patterns are important; -n
the Rhineland there are over 2 fortified Kto+er<silos& some of +hich have been discovered
attached to villa sites;
,./
#he most common type is the to+er<silo defended by a ditch that is
found in the %ologne region;
,.1
#his can be paralleled to some e6tent by the discovery of the
to+er<silo at the site of Seclin 8Jord9 during the (
th
century$ +hich seems to have been
constructed as part of a maNor reorgani5ation of the site;
,/
Until this discovery these had
not been found outside the Rhineland$ and so it indicates that there +ere shared

,.)
J; %hristie$ KLandscapes of change in Late Anti@uity and the 4arly Middle Ages0 #hemes$ 'irections and
Problems&$ in J; %hristie$ ed;$ Landscapes of 3hange5 Rural E;olutions in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle
*ges 8Aldershot$ 2(9: P; Fan Hssel$ Eta:lissements RurauI de lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule
8Paris$ !1129$ !," <!,);
,.,
P; van Hssel$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ "(!; #he ditches are around ;(m L ;,m +ide;
,..
H; %Wppers$ KPfal5el& in $rier- aiserresiden! und Bischofssit!5 die Stadt in sp"tanti#er und frhchristlicher Deit
_*usstellung- '8 1ai :is ,)8 Ao;em:er ,/&'` 8Main5$ !1/(9$ pp; "!1 L 22;
,./
P; Fan Hssel$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; !), L /: !," L (;
,.1
P; Fan Hssel$ K-nsecuritE et Militarisation en >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire& Re;ue du Aord-*rchCologie ..
8!11)9$ p; ";
,/
S; REvillion and G; 3ouche$ KArchitecture de #erre et de 3ois dans la FallEe de la Haute 'eole$ de la fin de
l&Anti@uitE au 'Ebut de l&\po@ue MErovingienne; Apports de gisements du =Luyot$? du =Haut de %lau+iers? et
de =l&4pinette? ^ Seclin 8Jord9& in *rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France5 Re;ue du Aord /) 82"9$
!!" L !2(;
!,2

architectural patterns from across the +hole of Belgica --; 7hy this site +as erected is less
clear; 3echert argued that all fortified :urgi found on the road net+or* +ere developments
of granaries from the early 4mpire;
,/!
#his +ould seem to be contradicted by Seclin$ as
although the silo +as enclosed$ there are no indications of a defensive structure beyond the
+alls of the silo themselves; Hther :urgi in Belgica -- such as Liberchies and Revelles do not
appear to have had to+ers either$ so this +ould suggest such a vie+ is incorrect;
,/2
-t is hard
to differentiate bet+een the silo being a +atchto+er or a storage base$ but the rural conte6t
and the continued development of the site through the (
th
century as an agricultural
development +ould suggest that identification as a granary is best and the defensive
elements toned do+n; #he e6cavators place its construction +ithin a frame+or* of
insecurity;
,/"


Table (5; r-ral sites "it& ele%ents of fortification in t&e 'ate Ro%an )erio#

Site Defensie feat-res Date
Seclin ANor#B
8Le Haut de
%lau+iers9


#here are several closures of buildings and
redirecting of the site +ith ditches etc;
#he ne+ enclosed system surrounds a tour<silo
81m 6 !,m9 constructed in stone;

(
th
century
and )
th

centuries


BerryFa-FBac
AAisneB
#he late Roman occupation is mainly defined by a
series of enclosures using U and F ditches ;( L
;,m +ide;
" of these +hich are cut by the ditches dating to
the late (
th
century0 ) rectangular or oval ditches$
+ith depth of !m;
Late (
th
to
)
th
century

,/!
#; 3echert$ &9achturm oder ornspeicherB Iur 3au+eise spRtrMmischer 3urgi&- *rch"ologisches
orresponden!:latt / 8!1./9$ !2.L!"2;
,/2
See section 2;
,/"
S; REvillion and G; 3ouche$ op8 cit8$ p; !!);
!,"


Con#eFs-rF
Aisne AAisneB
#he late Roman period settlement has an oval
ditch 2m +ide: filled +ith many stones
surrounding some areas of the site;
Another ditch from the late (
th
century or
Merovingian period has an irregular shape and
contains a number of calcium bloc*s;
(
th
and )
th

centuries
SaintFPierreF
s-rF,ence
AAr#ennesB
#he site seems to have a palisade to the +est
side;


c; "! L c;
")


C&atelF
C&K&Kry
AAr#ennesB
#he site +as fortified in the late 4mpire and
dominated habitation on the east slope;
Large amounts of (
th
century pottery are found
on the site$ some +ith %hristian motifs;
!! coins +ere found across the area L from
Hadrian to "// L (2;

(
th
and )
th

centuries
O%ont
AAr#ennesB
Positioned on a bloc*ed spur 8Eperon barrE9
+hich had a castle built onto it in //" has led to
the theory that there +as a fort here;
A child burial +as found +ith an a6e;

(
th
and )
th

centuries

#he other main set of fortified sites are found in the east of the province in the Meuse
region$ +here many such Khillforts& have been identified as being occupied from the "
rd

century on+ards +ith varying degrees of permanence; #hese sites are largely out of the
!,(

scope of this study$ so the discussion +ill be brief; #here is an enormous variety bet+een
them in terms of the sophistication of the structures associated +ith them and the period of
their occupation; Hf the three sites in the study&s remit$ there has been an argument to
suggest Hmont +as a military site occupied by au6iliary barbarian soldiers;
,/(
#he evidence
for this is very +ea*$ based on an a6e found in a young male&s burial; #he site certainly +as a
fortified strong point in the Merovingian period$ and +hile the site +as occupied$ there is
little evidence that one could call it Kfortified& beyond its relatively secure position; 7e
cannot tell if such a site +as a permanently occupied site or a temporary refuge connected
to other sites in the region; Saint<Pierre<sur<Fence seems to have had a palisade$ given the
evidence of post holes$ but nothing further can be said about this; #his could Nust as easily
be related to pastoralism as defence; %hatel<%hEhEry on the other hand seems to have been
a significant production centre given the evidence of decorated ceramics that have been
found there$ along +ith its coins; #his site seems to have been occupied consistently across
the century$ +ithout any particular evidence of the site being given any e6tra defensive
functions;
#here are some indications of perceived insecurity in the evidence$ but it hardly mounts up
to a large scale fortification of the countryside; 7hat one can suggest from the fragmentary
evidence$ is that regional factors are probably influencing the changes in settlement
patterns; #he Ardennes has a long history of upland settlement$ and a return to these sites
+as a common feature of the late Anti@ue period more generally; #he other sites have some
indication of a +ish to control the produce$ but it is impossible to say +hether this +as due
to military intervention or private initiative; Fermeulen strongly argues that the evidence for
a continued rural population in the ;ici and other settlements of the northern part of the
province only e6ist +hile there +as a strong military system +or*ing i;e; the 3avay<#ongres
road$ so there probably +as a relationship bet+een security and rural settlement$ but it is
hard to say anything more than that on the current evidence;
,/)




,/(
'; 3illion and D<P; LEmant$ KFrancs de Fer$ Francs de Hauter&$ in L; Ferslype$ ed;$ =illes et 3ampagnes
en Aeustrie5 SociCtCs- Pconomies- $erritoires- 3hristianisation 8Montagnac$ 2.9$ p; (.;
,/)
F; Fermeulen$ op8 cit8$ p; )";
!,)

/.. Inole%ent of t&e state in r-ral )ro#-ction
#he theme of agri deserti is one that comes up regularly in the late Roman 4mpire and
implies a maNor concern about abandoned land;
,/,
#his is not to say that this land +as
necessarily empty simply due to invasion or depopulation;
,/.
Still$ there are many indications
that the changes in the rural conte6ts of northern >aul are the result of large scale
settlement of abandoned lands;
,//
Such conte6ts have been seen as creating a Kmilitarised&
landscape full of Germani +ho +ere settled as Ksoldier<farmers;& -t is indisputable that one of
the demonstrable changes in the countryside during the period is the gro+th in the number
of K>ermanic& settlements that are identified +ith settlers from outside the 4mpire; #hese
have been strongly argued to represent a deliberate policy of settlement by the Roman
government$ especially from the mid<(
th
century on+ards; A series of sites to the north of
the road system in the north<east of the Menapii bet+een the Lys and 4scaut$ +hich have
been partially e6cavated and seem to date bet+een ",A. and the middle of the )
th

century; #hese also largely involve structures in +ood$ and pottery +hich has stylistic and
petrographic lin*s to the north of HollandA>ermany; Fermeulen identifies them as being
strong candidates for Fran*s settled in #o6andria as foederati;
,/1

Fermeulen strongly argues this is the case in the ci;itas 1enapiorum for e6ample$ to replace
the long<term depopulation of the area from the late "
rd
century;
,1
#his of course confirms
+hat +e *no+ about the laeti from the +ritten sources; Most of these sites$ +ith their
defining features$ such as +ooden cabins and stables$ are found in >ermania inferior and so
lie outside of the scope of this proNect;
,1!
As Halsall has strongly argued$ settlement

,/,
Specifically concerned +ith !""2*ml =deserted and un*empt? lands in central and southern -taly in the
3odeI $heodosianus8 O-;2/;2;
,/.
#his could Nust as +ell result from the abandonment of marginal land$ concentration of settlement or ne+
management strategies increasing productivity; J; %hristie$ KLandscapes of %hange in Late Anti@uity and the
4arly Middle Ages0 #hemes$ 'irections and Problems&$ in J; %hristie$ ed;$ Landscapes of 3hange5 Rural
E;olutions in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot$ 2(9$ p; !): %; >rey$ 3onstructing
3ommunities in the Late Roman 3ountr+side 8%ambridge$ 2!!9$ pp; !.! L 2$ discusses the potential for this to
be a product of disNunctions of land use and the ta6 system rather than abandoned land per se;
,//
J; %hristie$ i:id$ p; !);
,/1
F; Fermeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as Meridionau6&$ in P; Hu5oulias
and others$ op8 cit8$ 82!9$ p; )1;
,1
F; Fermeulen$ KRoads for Soldiers and %ivilians in the %ivitas Menapiorum& in F; Fermeulen$ G; Sas and 7;
'hae5e $ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; !2) L !(!;
,1!
F; Fermeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as Meridionau6&$ in P; Hu5oulias
and others$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ pp; )1 L ,);
!,,

structures are not necessarily mar*ers of ethnicity;
,12
Restoration of structures and
refurbishments in +ood are a *ey feature of the late Roman period$ mar*ing a progressive
transition from the Roman model of architecture +hich many >auls had adopted; Many of
these features such as aisled$ post<built structures appear to be associated in northern >aul
+ith an indigenous habitat mode that persisted alongside villas and into the 4arly Medieval
period; #here are also sun*en<featured settlements$ +hich have often been labeled as
=>ermanic?; 'espite their similarities in spatial organi5ation to sites alongAnear the Limes
those in Belgica -- do have distinctive features in terms of the plans of the building and the
material collected archaeologically; #his has led PErin to argue for a continuity of >allic
traditions$ but that >ermanic influences must not be forgotten;
,1"


#here is some evidence of involvement of rural communities +ith forts; For e6ample along
the coast to the north of Hudenburg t+o small settlements +ere discovered at Ier*egem
and Ros*em;
,1(
#hese seem to have been occupied during the last occupation period of the
fort;
,1)
Several potteries +ere found$ although no buildings$ and Fermeulen argues for the
association +ith the forts on the basis of the K>ermanic& +ives in the cemetery;
,1,
7hile this
is less convincing$ and much is made of the K>ermanic& pottery being similar to that found in
Free >ermany and Anglo<Sa6on 4ngland$ the case can be made that these sites +ere actually
serving the fort$ given the evidence +e have already discussed +hich sho+ed local supplies
being central to ceramic finds during the late Roman period$ even in the last phase;
,1.
A

,12
>; Halsall$ KArchaeology and Migration0 Rethin*ing the 'ebate&$ in R; Annaert$ ed;$ $he =er+ Beginning of
EuropeG Earl+-1edie;al 1igration and 3olonisation 83russels$ 2!29$ pp; 21 L ";
,1"
P; Petit$ K#he origin of the village in 4arly Medieval >aul&$ in J; %hristie$ ed;$ Landscapes of 3hange5 Rural
E;olutions in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot$ 2(9$ pp; 2.2 L .(; He also ma*es the
strong comparison +ith St<Huen<du<3reil for >ermanic origins$ but notes its hand<made pottery and its
crossbo+ brooches$ +hich argues for a settlement associated +ith =au6iliaries;?
,1(
For Ro*sem see P; Hollevoet$ K4en nieu+e vroeg<middle<leeu+se nedder5etting te Ro*sem 8stad Hudenburg
prov; 7est<Flaanderen$& *rcheologu in =laanderen$ 2 8!1129$ 22" <22,; For Ierge*em see S; 'e %oc*$ M; Rogge
and A; Fan 'oorselaer$ KHet archeologisch onder5oe* te Ier*egem<Dabbe*e$& 9est;laamse *rcheologica " L 2
8!1/.9$ ". < );
,1)
See references in section 2; Fermeulen argues against the attribution that the settlement +as occupied
immediately after the fort&s evacuation$ and this seems perfectly feasible given that he dates the end to (!$
+hich is driven by the historical conte6t rather than the material evidence +hich could be interpreted to last
longer; F; Fermeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as Meridionau6& in P;
Hu5oulias and others op8 cit8$ 82!9$ p; ).;
,1,
See section !;";
,1.
S; Fanhoutte et al;$ KA Remar*able K'ouble& +ell at the Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium9& in A;
Morillo and others$ eds$ Limes <<5 << congreso internacional de estudios so:re la frontera romana / <<th
7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies5 ,-. 8219$ p; !"1);
!,.

common argument to support the ethnic attribution of settlements to KGermani& in rural
sites is by reference to the often large @uantities of hand thro+n pottery that have been
argued to represent traditions of production brought from outside the frontiers in Free
>ermany;
,1/
Finds of such pottery are used to argue that the group +ho made them +ere
from outside the 4mpire and had brought their o+n traditions of ceramic production +ith
them as a means of maintaining a separate identity from the local indigenous population;
,11

#he latest archaeological research is no+ accepting that local traditions of hand thro+n
pottery can be identified across northern >aul$ +hich often pre<date the Roman period$ and
in many cases carried on being used into the Middle Ages; 7hile these trends +ere largely
replaced by +heel<turned imports and ne+ forms of local production$ handmade ceramic
traditions never completely died out;
.
#herefore +e must see this pottery not as simple
indications of =>ermanic? settlers but as a function of economic and social change;
#he finds of the cemetery at Fron ma*e a similar point; Seillier strongly argued these burials
represented a =>ermanic? settlement in the ".s made up of a force of au6iliaries and
mercenaries recruited into the army and garrisoned on the Litus SaIonicum;
.!
#he tendency
to Kover<militarise& these groups misses an alternative e6planation; 46cavations at Le Muret
8Somme9 on the channel coast$ at the mouth of the River Authie$ revealed a site that +as
reoccupied in the "2s after a possibly considerable hiatus;
.2
Hn coinage and ceramic
evidence the site seems to have been occupied from the "2s to the early )
th
century; Much
is unclear about the nature of the site$ though it +as probably an island$ but its ceramics
sho+ed itself to be at the centre of numerous communication net+or*s given that its

,1/
D<%; Routier and F; #huillier$ KLes #Emoins d&Hccupation >ermani@ue de la Filla >allo<Romaine de Ioufa@ues
8France9 et leur Apport dans le %onte6t de la Militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire$& in F;
Fermeulen$ G; Sas and 7; 'hae5e$ eds;$; *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation5 *spects of Roman 1ilitar+
@resence in the Aorth6est5 Studies in Honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent$ 2(9$ pp; "/) L "/,;
,11
#his argument has been put for+ard for the finds at several late imperial sites in the Pas<'e<%alais region0
D;<P; 'e+ert$ M; Hsterreith and L; Severs$ K%erami@ue dite K>ermani@ue& au castellum de 3runehart ^
Liberchies& *rcheologie en 9allonie ,/&) E &0 8Jamur$ !1/.9$ pp; !) L ,: A; Dac@ues$ KLe Sanctuaire
>ermani@ue phase ---a et b$ 'Ecennies ". et "/$& in Les 3ultes N *rras au Bas-Empire 8Arras$ !119;
.
F; Fermeulen =#ransition from Anti@uity to the 4arly Middle Ages in the South of Sandy Flanders$ 3elgium0
rural settlement? *rch"ologisches orresponden!:latt 8!1129
.!
%; Seillier$ KLes #ombes de #ransition du %imeti]re >ermani@ue de Fron 8Somme9&$ ?ahr:uch des rmisch-
germanischen Dentralmuseums 1ain!$ ", 8!1/19$ )11<,"(;
.2
#he e6cavators R; Rougier$ %; Hosde5 et %; %haidron$ &Une fouille prEventive ^ Quend p Le Muret q
8Somme90 @uestions sur l&organisation et le rgle d&un site cgtier au 3as 4mpire&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue de
@icardie nr "A($ 82/9$ 2"<2(,;
!,/

ceramics came from 3ritain as +ell as northern and eastern >aul;
."
#he e6cavators try hard
to give the site a military function$ given its conte6t bet+een three fortified sites noted in
the Aotitia$ but they are forced to admit there are no artefacts that permit any military
assignment;
.(
#he pro6imity +ith Fron is telling$ as Seillier&s arguments +ere largely based
on the conte6tual evidence$ seeing the coast as a military 5one; Rather than these sites being
Kmilitary& settlements or official implantations$ it is Nust as logical to see groups of peasant
farmers setting themselves up near potential mar*ets$ or along communication routes; Li*e
+ith Ierge*em and Ros*em$ these settlements could be found outside the territorium of the
forts; -n that sense it could be argued to be very similar to the situation in the 4arly 4mpire$
+here settlements gre+ up around forts; Fermeulen argues that the close connection of
many sites +ith Roman forts in >ermania - as +ell is e6plained by the provisioning of forts
+ith material from these villagesAsettlements;
.)


3y denying ethnicity in the material record$ +e can easily enter a parado6ical state of denial
that there +as any movement across the frontiers at all; #he literary sources are
over+helming in their testimony that it had been imperial policy since the 2
nd
century A' to
settle large groups of non<Romans in imperial territory;
.,
Apparent decline in rural
settlement is not a feature uni@ue in the late Roman >allic landscape;
..
7e can say for sure
that laeti +ere settled +ith their families at the end of the "
rd
century to replace the loss of
native$ rural cultivators in many of the territories of Belgica --;
./
#he panegyricist seems to
differentiate bet+een a KFrancus& and a KLaetus& in his speech$ +hich has led to the
suggestion that the laeti +ere actually e6<provincials;
.1
#here is a clear emphasis on the
laeti to serve as a labour service$ and had a variety of obligations$ including military

."
'orset$ H6ford and %anterbury to be precise$ as +ell as Argonne +are and t+o pieces from the Rhineland;
.(
\taples$ %rotoy$ %ap Hornu are all potentially identified as forts in the Aotitia but there is no evidence for
them on the ground L see appendi6 !;
.)
F; Fermeulen$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as Meridionau6& in P; Hu5oulias
and others$ op8 cit8$ 82!9$ p; ,(;
.,
>; 4; M; de St; %roi6$ $he 3lass Struggle in the *ncient Gree# 6orld5 from the *rchaic *ge to the *ra:
3on>uests 8London$ !1/!9;
..
4arly imperial Achaia also e6perienced a rapid decline in occupied sites from the "
rd
century 3% on+ards
+hich +as maintained until the late Roman period$ +here from the (
th
century there +as an increase in site
numbers; #his reminds us that a decline in site numbers can be a comple6 phenomenon +hich needs careful
e6planation; S; Alcoc*$ Graecia 3apta0 the landscapes of Roman Greece 8%ambridge$ !11"9$ pp; "" L 12;
./
@an8 Lat8$ F--- 8F9;/;(: @an8 Lat8 F--- 8F9; 2!: Historia Augusta$ =ita @ro:i !): Historia Augusta$ =ita *urel; (/;2;
.1
A;H;M; Dones$ #he Later Roman Empire %&' - ()% 8H6ford$ !1,(9$ p; ,2;
!,1

service;
.!
#hen again the Panegyricist cannot be trusted to be precise about these matters
given that he +as not giving a legalistic assessment but a general rhetorical speech praising
the clemency and farsightedness of the emperor; Allo+ing outside groups to settle the land
+as a topos of late Roman rhetoric$ +hich +as often used to conceal the e6tent to +hich the
government did not have much choice; 'id the laeti ma*e up self<governing communities
separate from the surrounding territoriesB #he mention of a praepositus in the Aotitia and
the #heodosian code does not prove this;
.!!
$errae laeticae allocated to settlers by municipal
authorities does not support the vie+ that they lived in separate enclaves outside of the city
territories$ or that they +ere e6clusively part of imperial estates;
.!2
7hitta*er argues that
the laeti and the other associated settlements made a significant and lasting impact on the
labour supply of the late Roman 4mpire;
.!"


As +e have argued throughout$ conte6t is everything +ith material evidence; #he
temptation to attribute any rural site +ith a +eapon or some sign of official favour to the
laeti uses a general term from the +ritten sources to a specific archaeological conte6t$ +hich
may be correct$ but also brings false certainty to the inherent comple6ity of rural
settlement;
.!(
#he site of St<Huen<du<3reil$ +hich dates to the early (
th
century$ +ith its
series of huts based around a pond$ sits as*e+ +ith other settlements in the area Nust to the
south +est of Belgica -- in Lugdunensis -F does seem to be an implantation$ +hich +ith the
large hoard found$ sho+s access to considerable +ealth;
.!)
Legislation concerning
Kbarbarian& marriages +ith Roman citi5ens under Falentinian$ has sensibly been lin*ed +ith
concerns over status$ a traditional Roman +orry$ rather than being an ethnic issue; -t +ould
seem better to suggest that a +hole range of ne+ settlers came into the landscape$ through
a variety of methods0 as veterans$ gentiles$ dediticii and laeti$ or even under their o+n

.!
@an8 Lat8 F--- 8F9 1;! at>ue hos omnes pro;inciali:us ;estris ad o:se>uium distri:utos 8nb use of serviendo
and serviunt above9: @an8 Lat8 F--- 8F9 1;( >uin etiam si ad dilectum ;ocetur accurrit et o:se>uis teritur et tergo
coercetur et ser;ire militiae nominae gratulatur: @an8 Lat8 F- 8F--9 ,;2 L ut in desertis Galliae regioni:us
conclocatae 2sc8 Franciae nations4 et pacem Romanam cultu iu;arent et arma dilectu8
.!!
38 $h; F--;2;! 8",19;
.!2
38 $h8 O---;!!;! 8"119;
.!"
%; 7hitta*er$ KLabour Supply in the Later Roman 4mpire&$ Hpus$ ! 8!1/29$ !.! L !.1;
2(/
Saint<Pierre<sur<Fence 8Ardennes9 has several +eapons 8*nives and spears9 and is identified as being a
laetic settlement; '; Jicolas$ Les *rdennes5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!29$ p; "1/;
.!)
F; >on5ale5$ P; Hu5oulias and P; Fan Hssel$ KSaint<Huen<du<3reil 8Seine<Maritime90 une -mplantation du
Milieu du -Fe SiEcle dans le =Pays de %au6?&$ @roIimus$ 2 8!11/9$ !!" L !!1;
!.

steam; Seeing the increasingly common Gr:enhauser spread through Belgica -- as a
combination of migration and cultural e6change is a more satisfying synthesis;
.!,
From this
perspective then$ the state did have a role to play in changing rural patterns$ but one can
probably e6aggerate its importance;

/./ Direct ei#ence of %ilitary )resence in t&e lan#sca)e
#he final issue is the e6tent to +hich the military can be seen as ta*ing a complete ta*eover
of agricultural production; #here is evidence of direct military ta*eovers else+here in the
Roman period e;g; at %astrum at 'obrin*a in the -strian peninsula argues for an imperial dye
station being installed at a villa site in the )
th
century;
.!.
At Sirmione in the late Roman
period the large earlier villa +as given a defensive cordon and a military cemetery that
indicates a form of state ta*eover; #his has been lin*ed to a fleet base operating out of the
site;
.!/
-n Belgica -- it is the association +ith +eapons$ belt sets andAor crossbo+ brooches
that have led to identification +ith military ta*eover; #he best site +hich illustrates this is
Ioufa@ues 8Pas<de<%alais9 +here an e6cavated cellar has provided a +ell preserved series of
stratigraphic levels that give some idea of the different uses that area +ent through during
the (
th
and early )
th
centuries;
.!1
Routier attributed an occupation by >ermanic au6iliaries
underta*ing a strategic$ defensive role the site on the basis of the +eapons finds; #hese are
impressive$ though apart from the shield boss$ these items are not necessarily certainly
military artefacts;
.2

Gnives and spears are @uite commonly found across rural sites$ but particularly in the
cemeteries that are so numerous across the countryside of Belgica --; Sadly$ space is too

.!,
R; Mathisen K@ro;inciales- Gentiles and Marriages bet+een Romans and 3arbarians in the Late Roman
4mpire&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ 11 8219$ !(<!));
.!.
J; %hristie$ KLandscapes of %hange in Late Anti@uity and the 4arly Middle Ages0 #hemes$ 'irections and
Problems&$ in J; %hristie$ ed;$ Landscapes of 3hange5 Rural E;olutions in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle
*ges 8Aldershot$ 2(9$ p; !.;
.!/
J; %hristie$ op8 cit;$ p; !/;
.!1
D;<%; Routier and F; #huillier$ KLes #Emoins d&Hccupation >ermani@ue de la Filla >allo<Romaine de Ioufa@ues
8France9 et leur apport dans le conte6t de la Militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire&$ in F;
Fermeulen$ G; Sas and 7; 'hae5e$ eds;$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; ".1 L "1!: D<%; Routier$ R; 'elmaire$ S; Lepet5 and
D<L; %ollart$ KLe Site gallo<romain de 9olphus ^ Ioufa@ues$& *rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France
2Re;ue du Aord4$ 1" 82!!9$ .1 L !,);
.2
D;<%; Routier op8 cit8$ 82(9$ pp; /) L /.0 the +eapons +ere a shield boss$ a large a6e$ a small a6e$ a long
*nife$ ( other *nives$ a leaf<li*e metal strip$ a small *nife$ a bron5e spur 8similar to one found at Arras9$ belt
buc*les in silver: bron5e: glass and pendants used by K>ermanic& soldiers;
!.!

limited to survey this body of evidence$ e6cept very selectively; At Jeuville<Saint<Amand
8Aisne9 the recent e6cavators have made a lin* bet+een the site and a cemetery nearly !*m
a+ay on the basis of finds of K>ermanic& and Kmilitary& artefacts L i;e; +eapons$ belt buc*les
and various female personal items such as brooches and beads;
.2!
#he same lin* has been
made bet+een the reoccupied former villa site at LimE$ and the large cemetery at nearby
3ois de Sables$ +hich has similar artefacts;
.22
Fan Hssel argues that these sites are difficult
to deal +ith as they do not clearly distinguish bet+een private and official defence strategies
and e@uipment;
.2"
#here is no site +ith the clear intersection of many different indicators of
military settlement unli*e$ say$ Je+el in the #rier region;
.2(
-t is interesting that Routier +as
beginning to soften his approach and retreat from his militari5ed interpretation and see
Ioufa@ues as something more comple6 than evidence for a garrison in his latest +or* on the
site;
#he interpretation of cemeteries is a central issue to this theme0 4ffros$ Halsall and #heu+s
have all argued that it +ould be better to loo* for social e6planations for the changes in
burial patterns in >aul rather than ma*ing ethnic attributions; According to their school of
thought these burials represent local phenomena produced by particular circumstances that
influenced the deposition of the dead$ such as the need to reinforce ne+ social structures
that emerged in the conte6t of social and political upheaval;
.2)
According to Halsall these
burials$ and attendant female burials$ are the product of social and political insecurity$
representing the emergence of a ne+ Elite class +ho +ere see*ing to consolidate their

.2!
S; Iiegler$ KUn \tablisssment Protohistori@ue et un \tablissment >allo<Romain a Jeuville<Saint<Amand$ =La
FallEe de Jeuville? 8Aisne9&$ Re;ue *rchaeologi>ue de @icardie$ " L ( 82/9$ p; !).;
.22
3; Pichon$ *isne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ p; /);
.2"
P; Fan Hssel$ op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; !,) L /;
.2(
D<%; Routier$ R; 'elmaire$ S; Lepet5 and D<L; %ollart$ KLe Site gallo<romain de 9olphus ^ Ioufa@ues$&
*rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France 2Re;ue du Aord4$ 1" 82!!9$ .1 L !,)
.2)
3; 4ffros$ K>rave >oods and Ritual 46planation of -dentity&$ in #;F;O; Joble$ ed;$ From Roman @ro;inces to
1edie;al ingdoms 82,9$ pp; !/1 L 2"2: >; Halsall Settlement and social organi!ation 5 the 1ero;ingian
region of 1et! 8%ambridge$ !11(9: F; #heu+s and M; Al*emade KA *ind of mirror for men0 s+ord depositions in
late anti@ue northern >aul&$ in F; #heu+s and D; Jelson$ eds;$ Rituals and @o6er5 From Late *nti>uit+ to the
earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Leiden$ 29$ pp; (! L (.,; #his also has parallels in recent epigraphic studies that
suggest inscribed epitaphs have regional and local e6planations L the Kepigraphic& habit of the 4arly -mperial
period representing the fluidity of social structure in the aftermath of the establishment of Roman rule e;g; >;
7oolf$ KMonumental 7riting and the e6pansion of Roman society in the early Roman 4mpire$& ?ournal of
Roman Studies$ /, 8!11,9$ 22 L "1; 7oolf +as also a pupil of -; Hodder$ +hich perhaps e6plains the similarities
+ith the Halsall school of thought;
!.2

ne+ly established hold on po+er;
.2,
#he use of +eapons can be seen as a claim to be able
to provide security and the deposition of fi:ulae and belt sets a continued use of Roman
forms of po+er to legitimise their rule; #his is a society competing for po+er rather than
being able to represent a formal position in the hierarchy; 'ifferent burial customs do not
have to represent the arrival of intrusive groups from outside the 4mpire +ho maintain a
particular ethnic identity; #heu+s has moved even further than Halsall by suggesting that
the burials represent the establishment of ne+ communities on previously unoccupied
territories and the establishment of ne+ social norms outside of official KRoman& control;
.2.

'ahlgren tries to develop these vie+s by arguing that these +eapons represent hunting
becoming more visible in the archaeological record$ as its @uasi<military values provided a
+ay for local Elites from a variety of different bac*grounds to assert themselves;
.2/


Concl-sion
As already discussed in chapter 2 there has been a strong case that the gradual
abandonment of the villa<type of rural settlement in northern >aul corresponds to a cultural
shift as there +as a move to+ards +ider interaction +ith northern 4uropean society and
movement a+ay from RomanAMediterranean models; Many of the sites seem to have been
abandoned long before the end of the "
rd
century; For e6ample$ the recent Scheldt valley
survey of ground in the central part of 3elgica -- sho+s an abandonment of all the sites in
the "
rd
@uarter of the 2
nd
century;
.21
#herefore it is probably best to argue that rather than
being the main catalyst of change$ it +ould probably be more sensible to argue that army
demands themselves shifted; 7e have already seen in section 2 that the evidence +e have is
that military units sourced many of their supplies locally; Hverall then there is little evidence
that one could describe the landscape of Belgica -- as Kmilitarised;&

.2,
>; Halsall$ K#he origins of the Reihengraber5ivlisation0 forty years on&$ in D; F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$
op8 cit8$ 8!1129$ pp; !1, < 2.
.2.
F; #heu+s$ K>rave<goods$ ethnicity and the rhetoric of burial rites in late anti@ue northern >aul& in #; 'er*s
and J; Roymans$ eds;$ Ethnic 3onstructs in *nti>uit+5 the Role of @o6er and $radition 8Amsterdam$ 219$ pp;
2/" L "!1;
.2/
M; 'ahlgren$ KHunting High and Lo+0 +eapon graves and the interpretation of hunting practices in Late
Roman militarised society&$ in 3; Stoorgard$ ed;$ 1ilitar+ aspects of the aristocrac+ in Bar:aricum in the Roman
and earl+ migration periods5 papers from an international research seminar at the Danish Aational 1useum-
3openhagen- ,)-,, Decem:er ,/// 8%openhagen$ 2!9$ pp; 2! L 2,;
.21
R; %lotuche$ K#he Scheldt Falley %ommercial Activity Ione0 ") Hectares of the >allo<Roman Landscape&$
Britannia$ (1 8219$ p; ,!;
!."

Section 0; T&e +ift& Cent-ry
-t +as argued in chapter ! that there +as considerable continuity of +hat can be described
as a Roman Kmilitary identity& into the )
th
century; Roman influence could still be e6erted
over the increasingly autonomous armies +ithin the 4mpire$ but this +as crucially
diminished in the second half of the )
th
century; -n this section the persistence of a formal
military identity in Belgica -- +ill be traced through to the accession of %lovis to see if an
evolutionary pattern can be traced;

.,1 Ducatus Belgicae Secundae in t&e 0
t&
cent-ry
An important @uestion is ho+ long the office of the Ducatus Belgica 77 e6isted; 'id the
position fall into abeyance in the early years of the )
th
century$ +ith the series of military and
political crises that afflicted Roman rule in >aul$ or did it continue in some form into the )
th

centuryB #here has been a suggestion that >ermanus of Au6erre held either this office$ or
the DuI tractus *rmoricani et Aer;icani$ before his accession to the bishopric of Au6erre;
."

#his argument is based on >ermanus& biographer %onstantius describing him as a duI
responsible for more than one province 8pro;inciae9;
."!
#his does seem rather unli*ely given
>ermanus& earlier career +as in civil administration0 after his education in >aul via legal
study in Rome he served as a la+yer in the court of a praefectus;
."2
His career path +ould
have more logically seen him become a provincial governor 8praeses9 given the =many
provinces? he is mentioned as loo*ing after in his ;ita8 7e can most li*ely attribute
%onstantius& imprecision to a lac* of clarity about the role of officials in the early )
th
century
by the time he came to +rite his +or* in the (.s;
.""
#here +as$ of course$ a degree of
blurring bet+een civilian and military offices in the (
th
century$ despite the much vaunted

."
K>ermanus -& in A;H;M; Dones$ D;R; Martindale and D; Morris eds;$ $he @rosopograph+ of the Later Roman
Empire$ Folume -- 8%ambridge$ !1/9$ pp; )( L );
."!
%onstantius$ =ita Germani$ 2 WT>uem >uidem togae praeconiis praeminentem protinus res pu:lica ad
honorum praesumpsit insignia- ducatus culmen et regimen per pro;inicias conferendo8S 8#hen$ +hen he +as a
the height of his reputation in the legal profession$ the state promoted him to official ran* by conferring on
him the supreme office of duI and rule over more than one province9;
."2
@LRE vol; -- ed; D; R; Martindale$ op8 cit8$ 8!1/9$ >ermanus -$ )( L );
.""
#; F; O; Joble and #; Head$ Soldiers of 3hrist5 Saints and SaintsJ Li;es from Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+
1iddle *ges 8Je+ Por*$ !11)9$ p; .,;
!.(

separation that is usually seen as having been completed under %onstantine;
."(
Another
possibility is that the hagiography +as strengthened by >ermanus having a military career;
#his +ould develop the model of the miles 3hristi that Sulpicius Severus outlined in his =ita
1artini$ +here Martin had reNected the service of the 4mperor in return for the service of
>od;
.")
#he famous story of >ermanus& Kmilitary& role in 3ritain 8duI proelii9 developed this
theme of the %hurch being the means by +hich people could be protected from the physical
difficulties of the increasingly fragmented 4mpire$ and that the %hristian >od +as the best
guarantee of security; #his +ould confirm the idea put for+ard in chapter !$ that the concept
of militia became attached to a concept of theological significance that emerged out of the
ambiguous relationship bet+een the %hurch and the 4mpire;
>ermanus& activities also coincide +ith Astius& successes in restoring some form of Roman
authority to >aul;
.",
Unfortunately$ this evidence cannot prove the continuity of the title$
and +e must assume that it fell into abeyance at some point in the first @uarter of the )
th

century; Hne approach to understand the events of Belgica -- +ould be to ta*e Derome&s
account of the destruction of the great invasion of (,A. seriously$ but as +ith the "
rd

century$ it seems more convincing to see the internal political instability surrounding
%onstantine ---&s usurpation and move to Arles as being more destructive in the short<term
for the administrativeAmilitary frame+or* in the province; -t seems that the river based
settlements e;g; #ournai 84scaut9$ %ourtrai 8Lys9 2 Huy 8Meuse9 seem to do @uite +ell in the
)
th
century +hich implies a decline in the effectiveness of the road net+or*$ +hich hints at
+hat imperial investment in the (
th
century had achieved; >regory refers to a *ing %hlodio at
%ambrai from the first half of the )
th
century$ +ho may be identified +ith the Francus 3loio
mentioned by Sidonius fighting MaNorian in this period;
.".
#he other maNor piece of evidence
that +e have for the )
th
century in Belgica -- involves the attac* on some KFran*s& at =icus
Helena by Astius at some point bet+een (2/ and ((/;
."/

-f +e have sho+n caution about *nitting together historical chronologies +ith material
evidence in the (
th
century then +e should be even more cautious in the )
th
+here both

."(
R;S;H; #omlin$ KJotitia dignitatum omnium tam civilium @uam militarium&$ in D;%; Mann >oodburn and P;
3artholome+$ eds; *spects of the Aotitia Dignitatum8 8H6ford$ !1.,9$ pp; !/1 L 2!;
.")
D; Fontaine$ =ie de Saint 1artin 8Paris$ !1,. L ,19;
.",
>; Halsall- Bar:arian 1igrations and the Roman 9est .F( E 0(& 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ pp; 2"/ L 1;
.".
Sidonius Apollinaris$ 3armina$ F;2! L 2";
."/
Sidonius Apollinaris$ 3armina- F;2.L22.: this is traditionally sited to the east of Arras0 4; 7ightman$ Gallia
Belgica 8H6ford$ !1/)9$ p; "";
!.)

forms of information become more problematic; Hne thing +e do have is more
contemporary perspectives on +hat +as happening; #he Aotitia D7gnitatum is$ +e have
argued$ an ideological document presenting the aspirations of the rump imperial
government +ho produced it; #he fact they published the list reflecting the situation in the
early )
th
century sho+s that there +as still an Kideological& claim that the office e6isted
ducatus Belgicae secundae$ and +ould be appointed again;
All of this implies that the imperial administrative frame+or* +as either defunct or locali5ed
and the cultural and social shifts that appear in the burial evidence at the end of the (
th

century +ere accelerating to+ards some form of autonomy; Astius& military policy of rule by
Kpunitive e6pedition& seems @uite different from +hat +e have outlined as being the
frame+or* during the (
th
A first part of the )
th
centuries;
."1
#he problems of dating the
disappearance of military units from Belgica -- is a problem$ caused by the loss of regular
minted coins providing a chronological structure; Hn the other hand$ Argonne pottery is no+
seen as continuing into the )
th
century$ so there is more optimism about some sites than in
the past; #he barrac*s at Arras are estimated to have been abandoned around (2);
.(

Famars is no+ seen as being occupied to () at the earliest$ though if it held any troops
can&t be confirmed;
.(!
#he strong identification of these rulers +ith important centres in
Belgica --0 %lovisA%hilderic 8#ournai9: Syagrius 8Soissons9: Ragnacar 8%ambrai9: Remigius
8Reims9$ does imply that +hile the traditional purvie+ of the DuI Belgicae -- +as on the
coastal area$ the cities of the province became the core of military and civilian po+er during
the )
th
century; #his does imply the persistence of some of the infrastructure$ +hich +as of
course ultimately directed at soldiers; -n this conte6t the possible move to+ards soldiers
being barrac*ed in cities$ as at Arras and 3avay seems to indicate longer<term changes at
+or*$ and that cities did become the focus of military and thus$ after the retreat of central
imperial authority$ political activity;




."1
>; Halsall$ op8 cit8 82.9$ p; 2);
.(
A; Dac@ues$ KL&occupation militaire d&Arras au 3as<4mpire&$ in F; Fallet and M; Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe
Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8Rouen$ !11"9$ pp; !1. L !11;
.(!
R; %lotuche$ op8 cit8$ p; (,;
!.,

0.* Ae$i#i-s = Sya$ri-s
Rather than give a narrative of events$ +e +ill try and compare +hat +e can learn about the
relationship of t+o apparent milites +ho operated in Belgica -- the first being Aegidius +ho
+as appointed as 1agister 1ilitum by Avitus or MaNorian (), < ()/;
.(2
Much in* has been
spilt on the precise conte6t in +hich these men +ere operating but the lin* bet+een
Aegidius to Belgica -- is made through his son Syagrius$ +ho as reI romannorum$ is placed by
>regory of #ours in Soissons$ and +hose defeat$ for >regory$ +as a +atershed;
.("
#here is
some numismatic evidence to support this;
.((
#he nature of his position and role has been a
subNect of considerable discussion as he is one of the fe+ historical figures for +hom some
detail survives from the north of >aul; #he surviving sources do lac* some consistency in
their description of the precise titles that Aegidius held; #he follo+ing table summarises the
details0
Table (( references to Ae$i#i-s? for%al titles
So-rce
Reference
Ae$i#i-s title Date
>regory of
#ours HF --;!"
1agister 1ilitum
ReI Francorum
Late ,
th
century
Marius of
Avenches
3hronicle 8(,"9
Aegidius 8no formal title
mentioned9
Late ,
th
century
>allic %hronicler
of )!! 8(,!9
Jo mention of Aegidius at all 4arly ,
th
century
Hydatius
3hronicle
3omes 8);!;2!29
3omes utrius>ue militiae
(,s 8%hronicle
ends in (,19

.(2
He +as probably a native of >aul$ @LRE -- Aegidius$ !!<!2: P; Mc>eorge i:id$ p; /" favours the appointment
being made by MaNorian in ()/;
.("
#he precise nature of this episode is mired in controversy +ith 4; Dames$ $he Fran#s 8H6ford$ !1//9$ pp; ./ L
/ arguing that Syagrius& importance +as deliberately e6aggerated by >regory of #ours to emphasise the
victory of %lovis and P; Mac>eorge Late Roman 9arlords 8H6ford$ 229$ pp; !2) L !" arguing strongly
against this vie+ saying that >regory +as reporting a genuine memory;
.((
D;P;% Gent$ $he Di;ided empire and the fall of the 6estern parts- ./0-'/, R73 < 8London$ !11(9$ pp; 2.: 22 L
221;
!..

8);2;2!(9

Priscus Fr; "1
83loc*ley9 EIc8
De Leg8 Gent8 ,'
=Fello+ soldier of MaNorian?
%ommander of =large force?
(.sB

#he principal discrepancy seems to be Aegidius& formal title; >regory claims he +as magister
militum +hile the contemporary Hydatius calls him comes utrius>ue militiae +hich seems an
odd combination of a variety of military titles8 #his could be used to imply the parochialism
of Aegidius& position0 that he +as using a variety of Roman titles to legitimise his position in
northern >aul rather than representing a formal relationship to the central -mperial
administration; 3urgess has suggested that Jepotianus and Arborius +ho campaigned in
Spain during the ()s$ and +hom Hydatius describes as magister militiae$ are not Roman
magistri as they are often described$ but Fisigothic commanders;
.()
Roman titulature +as
the only available organisational military model 8apart from reges9 so its adoption by the
>oths is entirely sensible; Aegidius therefore represents a similar local formulation;
Ho+ever$ this is not the only reading as the title of comes +as @uite fle6ible L technically it
signified an official carrying out duties for the imperial court;
.(,
Many comites had specific
military roles leading comitatenses as Kcomes rei militaris& but there are e6amples of
magistri militum also holding the title in a more honorific manner e;g; Stilicho received (
rescripts in the #heodosian %ode describing him as Kcomes and magister militum;&
.(.

Hydatius also compresses the title duI et magister utrius>ue militiae and comes et magister
utrius>ue militiae on several other occasions into formulas similar to Aegidius so his
rendering supports >regory$ it does not contradict him;
.(/

#he most notable title attributed to Aegidius is his title of ReI Francorum$ recorded by
>regory of #ours; Some scholars have @uestioned +hether this is simply an error on
>regory&s part$ a result of him transposing the title reI on anyone holding authority over

.()
R; 3urgess$ KFrom >allia Romana to >allia >othica0 a Spanish vie+&$ in D;F; 'rin*+ater and H; 4lton$ eds;$ op
cit8 8!1129$ pp; 2( L 2,;
.(,
P; 3arn+ell$ Emperors- @refects and ings 8London$ !1129$ p; ".;
.(.
38$h8 F--;22;!2$ );!$ !";!/$ 2;!";
.(/
R; 3urgess$ op8 cit8- p; 2);
!./

people he sa+ as Fran*s$ as +as the case in his o+n day;
.(1
Hthers have been more
supportive of >regory and doubt +hether such a title is a result of carelessness$ suggesting
that Aegidius +as involved in a po+er struggle +ith rivals for the position such as
%hilderic;
.)
#here is a parallel to be dra+n +ith Alaric&s adoption of the title of reI
gothorum in the 3al*ans in the "1s; #his has been discussed as a means of creating
legitimacy for Alaric&s rule +hen his Karmy& +as thro+n out of the Roman military system
during his comple6 relationship +ith the +estern and eastern courts in the "1s;
.)!
#he
prominent role KFran*s& have +henever Aegidius is discussed is significant; Arguably$ this
reflects Aegidius& recruitment of large numbers of Fran*s into his forces$ +hich then evolved
an ethnic identity under Aegidius& leadership as he became more separate from the central
government in -taly;
.)2

Aegidius seems to have underta*en a significant amount of fighting$ most notably the
encounter +ith the Fisigoths recorded for (," by various sources in the Loire region;
.)"
-t is
painfully difficult given the paucity of evidence to establish the nature of the force that
Aegidius commanded; #he ans+er falls bet+een t+o stools0 some +ould argue for a
KRomanised& force based on the K>allic field army& that had continued to survive the travails
of the )
th
century or one can see Aegidius as representing the culmination of barbarisation$
commanding a +ar<band of Fran*s +ho had very little to do +ith any form of Roman
army;
.)(
7hat is crucial is that the contemporary sources$ i;e; Hydatius and Priscus$ despite
their geographical distance$ tend to stress that Aegidius is continuing to +or* +ithin a
recognisably Roman structure; #his is clearly ho+ things loo*ed to observers from some
distance a+ay and undoubtedly this +as the image that Aegidius and his supporters +ere
trying to proNect$ even though +hat +as happening on the ground may have loo*ed odd to a
senator in Rome or %onstantinople; #his is +here the similarity +ith Alaric also comes in
useful$ as he +as undoubtedly also competing for a place +ithin the e6isting Roman politico<
military system and +as being frustrated in this @uest by being undermined at a politically

.(1
4; Dames$ $he Fran#s 8H6ford$ !1//9$ p; ,/;
.)
'; Frye$ KAegidius$ %hilderic$ Hdovacer and Paul&$ Aottingham 1edie;al Studies$ ", 8!1129$ !<!(: for a
contrary opinion on this thesis see P; Mc>eorge$ Late Roman 9arlords 8H6ford$ 229- pp; 1)<1.;
.)!
#; 3urns$ Bar:arians 6ithin the Gates of Rome 83loomington$ !11(9$ pp; !.1</2;
.)2
>; Halsall$ Bar:arian 1igrations and the Roman 9est .F(-0(& 8%ambridge$ 2.9$ p; 2,.;
.)"
P; Mc>eorge$ op8 cit8- 8229$ p; 11;
.)(
P; Mc>eorge op cit8 8229$ chapter ! opts out of ta*ing any firm position of the @uestion; > Halsall op8 cit8$
82.9$ p; 2,.$ describes Aegidius as commander of the =Roman field army on the Loire?;
!.1

unstable court in -taly; -n the confused accounts of the battle bet+een Aegidius& forces and
those of Fredericus and a Fisigoth army in the Hrleans region$ Hydatius& version stresses
that Aegidius +as maintaining imperial policy of restricting Fisigothic attempts to
unilaterally e6pand their territories; He may +ell have loo*ed to %onstantinople for ultimate
authority$ though there +ould have been no practicality in putting himself under the
eastern command structure; #he record of him sending legates to the Fandal *ing should be
seen as a +itness to his capacity to act autonomously to undermine Ricimer and Libius
Severus in -taly rather than him acting as an independent ruler;
.))

7hat Aegidius demonstrates is the comple6ity of military identities in the conte6t of the
fragmentation of the +estern imperial structures; - +ould suggest that Aegidius continued
to maintain a Roman army in a form that +as identifiable to contemporaries L Priscus seems
supportive of this$ describing Aegidius as being in charge of a =large force? and stressing that
he +as =a fello+ soldier of MaNorian&s;?
.),
Hydatius ma*es many other favourable
comments about Aegidius$ describing him as a =;ir at fama commendatus et Deo :onis
peri:us complacens? 8a man +ho both enNoyed an e6cellent reputation and +as very
pleasing to >od because of his good +or*s9;
.).
Paulinus of PErigueu6 also praises his
courage$ good character and faith in his Life of St; Martin;
.)/
Hne could argue these +ere
simply comments on their piety$ but to separate that from feelings of political solidarity is
perhaps being too schematic;
.)1
#he rhetorical schema outlined in chapter ! is broad
enough to encompass this;
-n the aftermath of MaNorian&s murder his legitimacy became more comple6$ and this
e6plains the possibility of a hostile tradition amongst strict constitutionally minded figures;
#he =ita Lupicini preserves a hostile vie+ to Aegidius$ arguing that he +as see*ing to
undermine the 3omes Agrippinus by accusing him of selling out to the Fisigoths =:ar:aris
procul du:io fa;ere et su:retione clandestine pro;incias a pu:lica niteretur ditione
desciscere? 8he +as trying to grant favour to the barbarians and by secret plots to detach

.))
Hydatius$ 22( 8(,)9;
.),
Priscus$ 3loc*ley fr; "1;
.).
Hydatius$ 2!( 8(,"9;
.)/
Paulinus Petricordis$ =8 S8 1art8 F-; !!!<20 =7llustrem ;irtute ;irum sed mori:us almis plus clarum
magnum>ue fide >ua celsior eIstatS;
.)1
3ontra D; Harries$ Sidonius *pollonaris and the Fall of Rome 8H6ford$ !11(9 pp; 1/<11;
!/

provinces from the government of the state9;
.,
-t is certainly telling that Sidonius fails to
mention Aegidius by name in any of his letters$ even though he does ma*e allusions to him
in his +or*$ +hich implies that he e6cised Aegidius& name +hen he published his +or*s in
the (.s;
.,!
-t is odd that the >allic %hronicler of )!! replaces any mention of Aegidius by
describing KFranci& in his account of the battle at Hrleans; Ho+ever$ as discussed above$ the
)!! %hronicle rarely discusses Roman military actions or milites; Rather than describing him
as an independent K+arlord& +ho +as merely using his title of magister as a shroud to his
actions$ - +ould suggest that$ as far as he +as able$ Aegidius +as trying to maintain a
traditional Roman military identity;
.,2
His problem +as that the political and material
conte6t in +hich he operated; %omparing Aegidius +ith a 7estern military usurper in the
(
th
century such as Magnus Ma6imus is instructive; Ma6imus$ having asserted his military
control of >aul in opposition to the regime he rebelled against declared himself 4mperor;
Aegidius never did this$ +hich +ould have been the traditional response if he +as leading a
Roman army in the +est$ +hich highlights ho+ far things had changed;

0.. C&il#eric an# Clois
#here has been e6tensive argument +hether the Fran*ish *ingdom emerged from pre<
e6isting Roman structures: traditional Fran*ish practice: or as a result of entirely ne+
structures created by the changing circumstances of the second half of the )
th
century;
.,"

#he restrictions of the current study mean +e must focus is +hether any echoes of the
ducatus or any other Roman military position can be traced in the second half of the )
th

century; 'iscussions of the continuity of Roman military structures through the )
th
century

.,
=ita Lupicini- 1,;
.,!
D; Harries$ Sidonius *pollonaris and the Fall of Rome 8H6ford$ !11(9$ pp; 2(.</;
.,2
3ontra D; Harries op8 cit8$ p; !(!;
.,"
Most studies of the )
th
century tend to be in general terms 8as discussed in chapter 29; H<7 >oet5$ KGens$
Gings and Gingdoms&$ in H<7; >oet5$ D; Darnut and 7; Pohl$ eds;$ Regna and Gentes5 the relationship :et6een
Late *nti>ue and Earl+ 1edie;al @eoples and ingdoms in the $ransformation of the Roman 9orld 8Leiden$
2"9$ pp; ". L "(( though some try to isolate specific elements0 '; Frye$ K#ransformation and #radition in the
Merovingian %ivitas$& Aottingham 1edie;al Studies$ "1$ 8!11)9$ !<!!$ argues that the ci;itas remained the main
unit of administration under the Merovingians$ and represented a development that arose out of an evolution
of a more focused$ local identity based on the ci;itas during the late Roman period; #his +as enhanced in the
late "
rd
century by the erection of +alled circuits around the cities of northern >aul$ +hich provided an
additional focus of protection; He also argues that there is a dislocation during the ,
th
century +hen the Fran*s
rearmed the ci;itates and used them to further their con@uests in >aul;
!/!

have generally been @uite general;
.,(
#he most direct +ritten evidence is dominated by the
rather opa@ue letter 3ishop Remigius of Reims +rote to %lovis0
Rumor ad nos magnum per;enit administrationem ;os secundum Belgice 8sic9 suscepisse8
Aon est no;um ut coepessit esse sicut parentes tui semper fuerunt;
.,)

A strong report has come to us that you have ta*en over the administration of second
Belgica8 #here is nothing ne+ in that you no+ begin to be +hat your parentes
F((
+ere;

-f this letter is to be ta*en literally$ it could be reconstructed to mean that government of
the province had survived in some significant form$ and %lovis inherited this from his
predecessors$ +hich is presumed by most commentators to mean his father %hilderic;
.,.

Many historians accept this testimony as prima facie evidence that the provincial
administration remained intact;
.,/
Halsall has argued that the territory of Belgica -- retained
enough provincial and military administration to ma*e it one basis for the =Roman? armies
he argues continued to operate in the Loire valley in the (,s and (.s;
.,1
'id administratio
therefore have any formal 8or semi<formal9 meaning in this conte6tB #he @uestion of
survival of Roman administration in the north of >aul is problematic$ though many have
argued that some aspects did survive;
..
Remigius& letter is highly stylised$ though is

.,(
3; 3achrach$ 1ero;ingian 1ilitar+ Hrganisation '&, -F0, 8Minneosta$ !1.!9$ pp; ( L )$ argues for the
continued e6istence of Roman military institutions until %lovis& reign$ the use of +hich gave him advantage
over his competitors$ though he does not elucidates +hat these +ere in practice$; Anderson develops this
argument by suggesting that %lovis& army emerges directly from the laeti colonies and foederati settlements in
northern >aul of the (
th
century in #;S; Anderson$ KRoman military colonies in >aul$ Salian 4thnogenesis and
the forgotten meaning of @actus Legis Salicae 0/80&$ Earl+ 1edie;al Europe$ ( 8!11)9$ !21 L !((;
.,)
1GH --- Epistolae *ustrasicae 2$ p; !!"$ #he te6t is erroneous in its transcription of Belgicae Secundae;
.,,
According to Le+is and Short 8parens9 this term is @uite general and could apply to parents but also of
ancestors of generations preceding the present$ and in rare instances after the Augustan period$ in a more
general sense of Krelations& or K*insfol*&: it also has the meaning of a founder +hich +ould ma*e more sense in
a dynastic setting$ +hich doesn&t seem to be the case here;
.,.
M; RouchE$ 3lo;is 8Paris$ !11,9$ pp; "/1 L "1!;
.,/
4; Dames$ $he Fran#s 2H6ford$ !1//9$ p; ,: S; Lebec@$ K#he t+o faces of Ging %hilderic0 history$ archaeology$
historiography&$ in #; F; O; Joble$ ed;$ From Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8Je+ Por*$ 2,9$ p; "";
.,1
>; Halsall$ K%hilderic&s >rave$ %lovis& succession and the origins of the Merovingian Gingdom&$ in R; 7;
Mathisen and '; Shan5er$ Societ+ and 3ulture in Late *nti>ue Gaul5 Re;isiting the Sources 8Aldershot$ 2!9$ p;
!2.;
..
D; M; 7allace<Hadrill$ $he Long Haired ings 8London$ !1,29$ pp; / L 1$ argues that many of the legal and
administrative practices of northern >aul continued into the Merovingian period in terms of the long<term
acculturation of the Fran*s to Roman practice and +hile legal e6pertise may have been found in south<+estern
>aul$ he argues that the LeI Salica implies the continuance of vulgar la+; =#he Fran*s may +ell have
misunderstood and failed to use much of +hat they found of government and administration in >aul$ but they
certainly brought no alternative +ith them; #heir rule +as Roman derivative;? D; 7allace<Hadrill op8 cit;$ p; 1;
#he argument that %lovis +ished to control Reims in particular because of its administrative e6pertise$
economic strength and strategic position is highlighted by Joel La5aro 'elgado$ $he grand testamentum of
!/2

probably a set<piece rhetorical flourish on the nature of a good ruler; #he @uestion is +hat
model he is using; RouchE is @uite convinced that Remigius& list of @ualities is that of the
perfect rector pro;inciae;
..!
>iven Remigius& position$ there are plenty of biblical allusions
that he could be using$ depending on +ho the audience for the letter actually is 8he may
have sent copies to his episcopal colleagues L and may have been more concerned to please
them than %lovisS9 #here are several potential obNections to using Remigius& letter in such a
positivist +ay; Firstly$ it is not clear ho+ far the concept of pro;incia continued to be
relevant in northern >aul in the second half of the )
th
century; Remigius$ given his
education$ +as +riting in a self<consciously archaic manner and$ much li*e his
correspondent Sidonius$ using his cultural heritage as a means of asserting the ecclesiastical
po+er of himself and his aristocratic colleagues in the face of %lovis& military strength;
..2

#he amicable$ almost paternalistic$ language may disguise Remigius& relative +ea*ness
relative to %lovis$ an attitude +hich +ould emphasise the alien nature of the Fran*ish *ing
to the >allo<Roman Elite;
A distinction +as created bet+een the civilian authority of a praeses and the military
authority of a duI in a province$ though the authority of a ducatus +as lin*ed to a frontier
region 8limes9; Hne can presume that the office of praeses for Belgica -- had fallen into
abeyance$ at the very latest$ by the second half of the )
th
century; Remigius could be hinting
that %lovis had inherited another formal position or title$ such as that of duI$ from
%hilderic;
.."
#he main problem +ith this argument is there is no direct evidence to support
itS -ndirectly$ >regory of #ours ma*es the interesting comment from his o+n researches into
the origins of Fran*ish *ingship that0 =#he @uestion +ho +as the first of the *ings of the

Remigius of Reims5 7ts authenticit+- Buridical acta and :e>ueathed propert+ 8Minnesota$ 2!!9$ pp; !) L 2!: H;
7olfram argues that %lovis must have received some education for Remigius& letter to have any meaning
+hich he uses to imply that there +as some continuity of the educational system H; 7olfram$ $he Roman
Empire and its Germanic @eoples 83er*eley$ !11.9$ p; !1/;
..!
M; RouchE$ 3lo;is 8Paris$ !11,9$ p; "12 L this argument is based principally on the line =praetorium tuum$
omnibus omnibus pateatur ut nullus e6inde tristis abscedat;? 8#hat your praetorium 8tribunal9 +ill be open to
all and that no<one returns from it disappointed9; #his RouchE argues sho+s that the concern +as that %lovis
should be an ideal Nudge;
..2
Remigius& education see Sidonius$ Declatamiones =#here is no oration by any man living today +hich your
s*ill could not effortlessly surpass and outstrip? Ep8 -O;.: >regory of #ours$ +ho seems to be relying on a lost
;ita Remigii ma*es a similar comment Li:ri Hist8 --;"! describing him as a =bishop of immense learning and a
scholar above everything else;?
.."
Several scholars emphasise that %hilderic +as a =Roman general? e;g; H; 7olfram$ $he Roman Empire and
its Germanic @eoples 83er*eley$ !11.9$ p; 2": A; %; Murray Gregor+ of $ours5 the 1ero;ingians 82,9$ p; 66ii
says that %hilderic +as =associated +ith Roman and military episcopal authorities;?
!/"

Fran*s is disregarded by many +riters; #hough the history of Sulpicius Ale6ander tells much
of them$ still it does not name their first *ing$ but says that they had du*es;?
..(
Sulpicius +as
+riting in the late (
th
century$ so this moves out of the time frame$ but implies >regory sees
a line of continuity bet+een the t+o phases; #here are several figures in the +ritten sources
+ith various Roman titles in the second half of the )
th
century +ho operated in northern
>aul 8e;g; the comes Paul and Aegidius$ +ho is identified as both magister militum and
comes9;
..)
Most of the =Fran*s? +e meet are given the title of reI8 %lovis could not have
been entirely in control of the province$ a fact that seems to be underlined by the e6istence
of other apparently independent rulers in the province$ such as the reI Ragnachar in
%ambrai;
..,
%hilderic is only referred to in the sources as a reI;
...

#here is traditionally a strong historiographical split bet+een those that place stress on
%hilderic&s romanitas and those +ho emphasise his non<Roman$ pagan identity: others
e@uivocate and say he displays both;
../
#he only really contemporary source +e have for
%hilderic is his burial; #he post<processual approach favoured by Halsall and 4ffros does
allo+ these rites to be read as a source about +hat %lovis +as claiming; Since %hifflet&s
discovery of the tomb in !,)"$ scholars have stressed ho+ the burial uses Roman artefacts
as a statement of his Kimperial& status$ hence the references to =Roman general? that are
continually used +hen modern scholars discuss %hilderic; #his +ould stress continuity in the
+ay that militia had a strong rhetorical component +hich could be e6ploited to present
one&s use of force as legitimate and +ithin a Roman cultural frame+or*; Hn the other hand$
most scholars +ho stress the Roman models place them in %onstantinople rather than +ith
Rome$ so already the connection +ith a cultural continuity through Roman traditions in >aul
is +ea*; %hilderic&s s+ord has recently been recognised as a +estern military type; #he
horse burials revealed by 3rulet in his e6cavations in the !1/s also sho+ed that %hildreric

..(
>regory of #ours$ Histor+$ --;1;
..)
Paul0 >regory of #ours$ Histor+- --;!/: Aegidius 1agister 1ilitum$ >regory of #ours$ H7S$HRX --;!"$ comes$
Hydatius 3hronicle );!;2!2: );2;2!(;
..,
>regory of #ours$ Histor+- --;(2;
...
>regory of #ours$ Histor+$ --;!2 _regnem super Francorum gentem`: --;!/ 8the Angers Annals section9: =ita
Geno;efa- 2,$ =3hildericus reI Francorum;? #he inscription of the ring that +as found in his presumed tomb at
#ournai says 3H7LDER73OS RE<;
../
S; Lebec@$ K#he t+o faces of Ging %hilderic0 history$ archaeology$ historiography&$ in #; F; O; Joble$ ed;$ From
Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8Je+ Por*$ 2,9$ pp; "2. L "((;
!/(

+as placed under an enormous$ round tumulus;
..1
7hile stressing the Kpagan& connotations$
these vie+s have been pushed further for+ard by Ga5ans*i and Perin;
./
#hey argue$ in an
old fashioned culture<historical model$ that both the tumulus and horse<burials sho+
influences from 4astern 4urope$ and particularly the Huns; #hey cite evidence from Dordanes
that Attila had a tumulus prepared for his o+n burial$ before being interred secretly
else+here; #he authors suggest that the tumulus +as a means by +hich large numbers of
people could be brought into the rituals as a means of consolidating the heirs& social
position; #he +ea*ness of relying on the ,
th
century testimony of Dordanes is noted$ but as
they point out$ mounds devoid of burials are found in the Hungarian plain in the )
th
century;
7hat the range of influences Ga5ans*i and PErin sho+$ even if ethnic labels need to be
treated carefully is that %hilderic 8or %lovis9 +ere busy creating a ne+ military identity from
a variety of sources; #he fact they had to sho+s in a +ay that the ebb of Roman po+er at
the end of the (
th
and early )
th
century didn&t instantly create a ne+ model of military
identity;

0./ Concl-sion
-n the conte6t of this investigation it seems very unli*ely that any of these characters +ould
have identified themselves +ith the Ducatus Belgicae -- at any point$ though ultimately the
+ritten sources are not sufficient to ma*e a definitive statement on this; -t +ould seem
logical in the absence of a civilian governor$ a military commander +ith some form of official
recognition operating in Belgica -- could have filled the administrative void left behind +ith
the shrivelling up of central influence and ta*en over some civilian responsibilities0 a parallel$
in some +ays$ to the Kmilitarisation& of civilian government that 3ro+n argues occurred in
3y5antine administered -taly a century after the period under revie+ here;
./!
'uring the )
th

century as imperial po+er retreated to -taly 8arguably after >ratian&s move to Milan in "/!9$
and the direct involvement in local affairs +ould have diminished it appears that change

..1
P; PErin and M; Ga5ans*i$ KLa #ombe de %hilderic$ le 'anube et le MEditerranEe&$ in L; Ferslype$ ed;$ =illes et
campagnes en Aeustrie5 sociCtCs- Cconomies- territoires- 3hristianisation 8Montagnac$ 2.9$ pp; 21 L ".;
./
P; PErin and M; Ga5ans*i$ i:id8$ pp; ") L ",;
./!
#; S; 3ro+n$ Gentlemen and officers5 imperial administration and aristocratic po6er in B+!antine 7tal+- *8D8
00'-&)) 8London$ !1/(9$ beyond the reliance on circumstantial parallels from the Mediterranean region !
years either side of the period under focus;
!/)

came @uite @uic*ly and by %lovis& accession$ Roman military identities e6isted only as a
literary topos in the educated minds of Sidonius and Remigius;























!/,

C&a)ter /; Concl-sions
#his study has attempted to demonstrate that many of the approaches to the late Roman
military presence in the provincial society of Belgica -- have approached the evidence +ith
too many a priori assumptions and that alternative interpretations +hich challenge
conventional +isdom are both feasible and desirable; Ho+ever$ +e must al+ays
ac*no+ledge the fundamental difficulty +hen dealing +ith the late Roman military system0
the surviving evidence is e6tremely comple6 and often opa@ue$ and can easily support @uite
different interpretations;

/.( I#entity
KMilitary identity&$ as modern sociological theory has sho+n$ +as not eternal and
unchanging but mutable and affected by the particular social conte6t in +hich it operated;
-n the Roman +orld$ this identity ranged from a rhetorical means of legitimising imperial
rule through armed service$ but also created an institutional frame+or* +ithin +hich a
diverse group of individuals could share a series of common ideas and routines +hich
helped create a sense of military identity; Hn the other hand$ there +ere also local
e6pressions of community +ithin army units$ and +herever milites found themselves;
>ardner argues that these regional identities +ere particularly strong$ and that there +ere
clear differences bet+een >aul and 3ritain$ but it may be that these differences have been
e6aggerated; >ardner probably overrates the ethnic 8i;e; K>ermanic&9 dimension to >allic
military units$ certainly in the (
th
century$ and possibly even in the first fe+ decades of the
)
th
century;
./2
Further research needs to be done to understand the relationship bet+een
military identity and provincial cultures through the 4mpire as they under+ent the
transition from the "
rd
to the )
th
centuries; #he focus on the army of the 2
nd
century as an
ideal type is partially a stereotype +e can already see developing in the %hristian literature
+hich increasingly appropriated the concept of militia for its o+n purposes; #he (
th
and )
th

centuries should be seen as distinctive periods in their o+n right +here military identity +as
refashioned bet+een the t+in anvils of tradition and socio<economic change rather than as
representing a decline from an imaginary Kgolden age&;

./2
A; >ardner$ *n *rchaeolog+ of 7dentit+5 Soldiers and Societ+ in Late Roman Britain 8H6ford$ 2.4- pp; 2)/ L
2,!;
!/.

/.* Inte$ration
%rucially$ the discourse of integration in Roman military studies seems a crude tool of
analysis for our purposes; Soldiers did spend more time in cities$ and across the landscape$
in the (
th
century on+ards than in earlier periods$ but that did not mean that they became
part of the local community or developed gro+ing interest in e6tending their o+n po+er
and influence in local areas; -ntegration and separation are false dichotomies as both can
apply simultaneously L identity is fle6ible enough for this; #he evidence seems to suggest
that +hen it comes to routines$ ceremonies and the organisation of space$ milites retained
features that separated then from the diverse civilian community; A distinct military
community e6isted$ as it had done during the early 4mpire0 a group of people +ith military
attachments +ho retained dual identities$ but +ho +ere part of a different +orld to
ordinary civilians; 4ven +hen soldiers appear to be increasingly moved into urban areas 8or
settlements +ho retained some urban features9 at the end of the (
th
century$ they retained
a physical and mental separation from the non<military population; 4stablishing ho+
distinctive Belgica -- +as compared +ith the rest of the +estern 4mpire re@uires further
research;

/.. Militarisation
KMilitarisation& is a crude term that is often poorly defined and see*s to reduce a series of
comple6 changes into a misleadingly simple process; #he best evidence for a militarisation
of the province arguably comes in the second half of the "
rd
century$ +hen financial collapse
and political turmoil sa+ soldiers spread throughout the province in an attempt to reassert
imperial authority$ +hich +as challenged by several groups$ such as the :aguadae and
soldiers loyal to %arausius$ +ho had @uite different approaches in challenging the authority
of the #etrarchs$ but could be argued to represent a similar pheomonen; #he landscape did
become more dominated by fortified structures but this happened gradually and +as
related to a series of longer<term changes in the provincial social and economic structures
that had been occurring since the start of the "
rd
century; Militarisation +as not so much an
increasing influence of soldiers over civilian affairs as the imperial government intervening
more directly in provincial life; Again$ this is easily e6aggerated$ as despite its increased
manpo+er and physical presence in late Anti@uity$ the Roman 4mpire +as a reactive rather
!//

than a proactive entity; -t +as the relationship of the diverse groups of people found in
Belgica -- during the (
th
and early )
th
centuries to the imperial government that +as crucially
altered by the political crises of the period; After imperial influence diminished in the )
th

century$ northern >aul moved in a different direction; #he brea*do+n of the administrative
and material structures that had maintained the military communities of Belgica -- appears
to have been particularly serious in the )
th
century$ and this in turn reveals +hy +e find little
evidence for soldiers in the province after this point; -t seems li*ely therefore$ that before
long ne+ identities +ere being created$ but crucially +ere being fashioned out of the
foundations of those that they replaced;
#his thesis +ould argue that +e should recognise t+o divergent trends in the late Roman
military structures; #here +as a centralising$ universal set of values$ +hich competed +ith a
localising trend that created very particular e6pressions of military identity; 7hile the
4mperors and their proclamations$ edicts and reforms created a uniformity of practice this
+ould not apply consistently across the 4mpire due to the limitations imposed by
geographical variation; 7e can +itness the emergence of regional variation in the local
responses to issues of insecurity and a continued need for military force to maintain order;
#his should not be understood as a teleological development$ +here +e begin from a clear
unitary army structure that gradually fragmented$ but as a continual cyclical process of
fragmentation and reconstruction; #his could happen on an 4mpire<+ide scale 8as under the
#etrarchs and %onstantine9 but also on a more restricted$ local basis 8as under Falentinian -9;
#he +ider political developments of the )
th
century changed the dynamics of this
evolutionary trend +ith the pace of change @uic*ening dramatically as the century
progressed; Sidonius Apollinaris recorded MaNorian&s proclamation in Rome in (). as the
simultaneous act of the +hole city0 people$ senators$ soldiers;
./"
4ven allo+ing for the
deliberate anachronism in Sidonius&s +ritings$ this phrase has a clear political implication
that sho+ed ho+ the KRoman army& +as becoming the tool of historiography it remains
today$ as an idealised e6pression of a +orld that had vanished;
Future research should try and e6plore these issues in a +ider conte6t across the +est$ or
e6plore the various topics raised here in more detail; 4ach aspect covered has only touched

./"
Sidonius Apollonaris$ 3armen$ F;"/)0 =@ost>uam ordine ;o:is ordo omnis regum dederat[ ple:s- curia- miles
et college simulS;
!/1

the surface of understanding ho+ the later Roman period relates to the longue durCe of
northern >aul; #he full understanding of the changing burial practices in northern >aul and
their relationship to changes in military structure remains a particular challenge$ despite so
much recent +or*$ and possible provides the best evidence to allo+ a resconstruction of the
dynamic processes of change +e have outlined;





















!1

Biblio$ra)&y

Pri%ary So-rces

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!1"

Archaeology$ !1119$ pp; !.) < !1,
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Arce$ Davier$ KFrontiers of the Roman 4mpire0 Perceptions and Realities&$ in 7alter Pohl$ -an
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3aat5$ 'iet+ulf$ Der Rmische Limes8 *rch"ologische *usflge D6ischen Rhein und Donau$
(
th
4dition 83erlin0 >ebr; Mann$ 29

3achrach$ 3ernard S;$ 1ero;ingian 1ilitar+ Hrganisation 8Minneapolis0 University of
Minnesota Press$ !1.29
3achrach 3ernard S;$ * Histor+ of the *lans in the 9est5 from their first appearance in the
sources of classical anti>uit+ through the earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Minneapolis0 University
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8!1129$ (.L )(
3agnall$ Roger S;$ Eg+pt in Late *nti>uit+ 8Princeton0 Princeton University Press$ !11"9
3aillie$ Michael >;L;$ * Slice through $ime5 Dendrochronolog+ and @recision Dating 8London0
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others$ eds;$ La 1ar>ue de Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et les =illes du Aord de la Gaule
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la Gaule 8Amiens0 MusEe de Picardie 2,9
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3esuiNen$ >; P; A;$ Rodanum5 * Stud+ of the Roman Settlement at *arden:urg and 7ts 1etal
Finds 8Leiden$ Sidestone Press0 2/9
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2. 8!12)9$ "!2 L "!/
3id+ell$ Paul #;$ KLater Roman 3arrac*s in 3ritain&$ in Falerie Ma6field and 3rian 'obson$
eds;- Roman Frontier Studies ,/&/5 @roceedings of the <=th 7nternational 3ongress of
Roman Frontier Studies EIeter- /-,0 846eter0 University of 46eter Press$ !11!4- pp; 1 L
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ed;$ =illes et 3ampagnes en Aeustrie5 sociCtCs- Cconomies- territoires- 3hristianisation
8Montagnac0 \ditions Moni@ue Mergoil$ 2.9$ pp; () < )2
3inford$ Le+is R;$ *n *rchaeological @erspecti;e 8Je+ Por*0 Seminar Press$ !1.29
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Pub; %o$ !1,/9
3intliff$ Dohn and Helena Hamero+$ eds;$ Europe Bet6een Late *nti>uit+ and the 1iddle
*ges5 Recent *rchaeological and Historical Research in 9estern and Southern Europe
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3ird$ H;7;$ *urelius =ictor5 a Historiographical Stud+ 8Liverpool0 Liverpool University
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3ird$ H; 7;$ Li:er de 3aesari:us of SeItus *urelius =ictor 8Liverpool0 Liverpool University
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8Liverpool0 Liverpool University Press$ !1/"9
3Mhme$ Horst 7;$ Germanische Gra:funde des '8 :is 08 ?ahrhunderts D6ischen Onterer El:e
und Loire- 2 vols; 8Munich0 3ec*$ !1.(9
3Mhme$ Horst 7;$ K#he Fermand #reasure&$ in Gatherine Reynolds 3ro+n$ 'afyyd Gidd and
%harles #; Little$ eds;$ From *ttila to 3harlemagne5 *rts of the Earl+ 1edie;al @eriod
in the 1etropolitan 1useum of Art 8Je+ Por*$ 29$ pp; ./ L /1
3ooth$ Paul$ and others$ $he Late Roman 3emeter+ at Lan#hills- 9inchester5 EIca;ations
%)))-%))0 8H6ford$ H6ford Archaeology$ 2!9
3oudeau$ Dasmine$ K'evenir et place des thermes publics dans les castra du 3as<4mpire du
Jord<Huest de la >aule0 Etude de di6 chefs<lieu6 de citE de >aule 3elgi@ue et
Lyonnaise&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue du 3entre de la France$ ) 82!!9$ ()" L (11
3ourdieu$ Pierre$ Hutline of a $heor+ of @ractice 8%ambridge0 %ambridge Universty Press$
!1..9
3o+den$ 7illiam$ and Lu*e Lavan$ K#he Late Anti@ue %ountryside0 an introduction&$ in
7illiam 3o+den$ Lu*e Lavan and %arlos Machado$ eds;- Recent Research on the Late
*nti>ue 3ountr+side 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2(9$ pp; 6vii L 66vi
3o+den$ 7illiam$ Lu*e Lavan and %arlos Machado$ eds;- Recent Research on the Late
*nti>ue 3ountr+side 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2(9
3o+man$ Alan G;$ Life and Letters on the Roman Frontier5 =indolanda and its people
8London0 3ritish Museum$ !11(9
3o+man$ Alan G;$ and others$ =indolanda5 the Latin 9riting $a:lets 8London0 Society
for the Promotion of Roman Studies !1/"9
3o+man$ Alan G;$ and >reg 7oolf$ eds;$ Literac+ and @o6er in the *ncient 9orld
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !11(9
3o+man$ Alan G;$ Peter >arnsey and Averil %ameron$ eds;$ #he 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+
=olume <775 the 3risis of Empire *D ,/. E ..F- 2
nd
4dition 8%ambridge0 %ambridge
University Press$ 2)9
3rather$ Sebastien$ K4thnic -dentities as %onstructions of Archaeology0 the %ase of the
*lamanni$& in Andre+ >illett$ ed;$ Hn Bar:arian 7dentit+5 3ritical *pproaches to
Ethnicit+ in the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8#urnhout0 3repols$ 229$ pp; !(1 L !.)
3ree5e$ 'avid$ and 3rian 'obson$ HadrianLs 9all$ (
th
edition 8London0 Penguin$ 29
3rennen$ Peter$ K#he Jotitia 'ignitatum&$ in %laude Jicolet$ ed;$ Les LittCratures techni>ues
Dans lL*nti>uitC Romaine 4ntretiens Hardt (2 8>eneva$ !11)9$ pp; (. L ,1
3rodeur$ Dean$ and -sabelle Sou@uet<Lero$ KLes fouilles ArchEologi@ue de la >are Saint<Laud X
Angers&$ Bulletin de la SociCtC franYaise dL*rchCologie classi>ue$ ") 82"9- !1. L 2!
3ro+n$ Peter$ $he 9orld of Late *nti>uit+ *D ,0) E *D F0)5 from 1arcus *urelius to
1ohammed 8London0 #hames and Hudson$ !1.!9
3ro+n$ Peter$ $hrough the E+e of a Aeedle5 9ealth- the fall of Rome- and the ma#ing of
3hristianit+ in the 9est- .0)-00) *D 8H6ford0 Princeton University Press 2!29
3ro+n$ #homas S;$ Gentlemen and officers5 imperial administration and aristocratic po6er in
B+!antine 7tal+- *8D8 00'-&)) 8London0 3ritish School at Rome$ !1/(9
!1,

3rulet$ Raymond$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119
3rulet$ Raymond$ KLa militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire et les petites
agglomErations urbaines de Famars et de 3avay&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ ..
8!11)9$ )) L .
3rulet$ Raymond$ ed;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres5 le dispositif militaire du
:as-empire- guide pu:liC N lJoccasion du ,(th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman
Frontier Studies 8Louvain <la<Jeuve0 UniversitE catholi@ue de Louvain$ FacultE
de philosophie et lettres$ %entre de recherches dUarchEologie nationale$ !11)9
3rulet$ Raymond$ KMorlan+el5 - 2 --&$ in Raymond 3rulet$ ed;$ Forts Romains de la Route
Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ lUUniversitE %atholi@ue de Louvain !11)9$ pp; "" L ".
3rulet$ Raymond$ KLes #ransformations du 3as<4mpire&$ in Michel ReddE$ ed;$ LL*rmCe
Romaine en Gaule 8Paris0 4rrance$ !11,9- pp; 22" L 22,
3rulet$ Raymond$ K%asernements et casernes en >aule&$ in Pann Le 3ohec and %atherine
7olff$ eds;$ LL*rmCe Romaine de DioclCtien N =alentinien ,er8 *ctes du 3ongrKs de
L+on ,%-,' septem:re %))% 8Paris0 'e 3occard$ 2(9$ pp; !1! < !11
3rulet$ Raymond$ K#ournai$ capitale du 3as<4mpire et Evolution au Haut Moyen<nge&$ in
Rica Anaert$ ed;$ $he ;er+ :eginning of Europe5 Earl+-1edie;al 1igration and
3olonisation 83russels0 Flanders Heritage Agency$ 2!29$ pp; !2) L !"(
3rulet$ Raymond$ Dean<Pierre 'e+ert and Fabienne Filvorde$ Li:erchies 7=8 =icus gallo-
romain8 $ra;ail de ri;iKre 2@u:lications dJHistoire de lJ*rt et dJ*rchCologie de
lJOni;ersitC 3atholi>ue de Lou;ain- 374 8Louvain<la<Jeuve0 lUUniversitE %atholi@ue de
Louvain$ 2!9
3rulet$ Raymond$ Dean<Pierre 'e+ert and Fabienne Filvorde$ Li:erchies =8 =icus Gallo-
Romain8 Ha:itat de la $annerie et Sanctuaire $ardif 2@u:lications dJHistoire de lJ*rt et
dJ*rchCologie de lJOni;ersitC 3atholi>ue de Lou;ain- 3774 8Louvain<la<Jeuve:
lUUniversitE %atholi@ue de Louvain $ 2/9
3urgess$ Richard; 7;$ KFrom >allia Romana to >allia >othica0 a Spanish vie+&$ in Dohn F;
'rin*+ater$ D; and Hugh 4lton$ eds;$ Fifth 3entur+ Gaul5 a 3risis of 7dentit+
8%ambridge$ !1129- pp; !1 L 2.
3urns$ #homas S;$ Bar:arians 6ithin the Gates of Rome 83loomington0 -ndiana University
Press$ !11(9
3ury$ Dohn 3;$ K#he Jotitia 'ignitatum&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ! 8!129$ !"!<!)(
3usson$ 'idier$ @aris5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie des insciptions et
belles lettres 0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;` 0 diff; Fondation Maison de sciences de
lUhomme$ !11/9
%ameron$ Averil and Peter >arnsey$ eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+8 =olume ,.- $he Late
Empire *D ..F E '%0 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !11/9
%ameron$ Alan$ 3laudian5 @oetr+ and @ropaganda at the court of Honorius 8H6ford0 H6ford
University Press$ !1.9
%ameron Alan and Dac@ueline Long$ Bar:arians and @olitics at the 3ourt of *rcadius
83er*eley0 University of %alifornia Press$ !11"9
%arriE$ Dean<Michel$ K'evelopments in Provincial and Local Administration&$ in Alan G;
3o+man$ Peter >arnsey and Averil %ameron$ eds;$ $he 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+
=ol8 <775 $he 3risis of Empire *8D8,/.-..F 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$
2)9$ pp; 2,1 L "2)
%asey$ P; Dohn$ $he British Osurpers5 3arausius U *llectus 8London0 3atsford$ !11(9
%harles$ Michael 3;$ =egetius in 3onteIt5 Esta:lishing the date of the Epitoma rei 1ilitaris
!1.

8Stuttgart0 Fran5 Steiner Ferlag$ 2.9
%havarria$ Ale6andra$ and #amara Le+it$ KArchaeological Research on the Late Anti@ue
countryside0 a 3ibliographic 4ssayL- in 7illiam 3o+den$ Lu*e Lavan and %arlos
Machado$ eds;$ Recent Research on the Late *nti>ue 3ountr+side 8Leiden0 3rill 2(9$
pp; " L )(
%herf$ 7; D;$ K%arbon<!( chronology for the late Roman fortifications of the #hermopylai
frontier&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ ) 8!1129$ 2,! L 2,(
%heyette$ Fredric$ K#he disappearance of the ancient landscape and the climactic anomaly of
the early Middle Ages0 a @uestion to be pursued&$ Earl+ 1edie;al Europe- !, 82/9-
!2. L !,)
%hossenot$ Michel$ and Franuois Lefevre$ KLes st]les funEraires gallo<romaines de %hilons<
sur<Marne&$ SociCtC dL*griculture- 3ommerce- Sciences et *rts de la 1arne O%F-
8!1/!9$ () L ,2
%hossenot$ Raphaslle and others$ 1arne5 *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie des
inscriptions et belles< lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff; Fondation Maison
des sciences de lUhomme$ 2(9
%hossenot$ Raphaslle and others$ Reims0 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 0,/% 8Paris0
AcadEmie des insciptions et belles< lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;` 0 diff;
Fondation Maison des sciences de lUhomme$ 2!9
%hristie$ Jeil$ K#o+ns and People on the Middle 'anube in Late Anti@uity and the 4arly
Middle Ages&$ in Jeil %hristie and Simon Loseby$ eds;- $o6ns in $ransition5 Or:an
E;olution in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot0 Scholar !11,9$ pp;
.! L 1/
%hristie$ Jeil$ KLandscapes of change in Late Anti@uity and the 4arly Middle Ages0 #hemes$
'irections and Problems&$ in Jeil %hristie$ ed;$ Landscapes of 3hange5 Rural
E;olutions in Late *nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot0 Ashgate$ 2(9$
pp; ! L ".
%hristie$ Jeil$ From 3onstantine to 3harlemagne 8Aldershot0 Ashgate$ 2,9
%hristie$ Jeil$ $he Fall of the Roman Empire5 an archaeological and historical perspecti;e
8London0 3loomsbury Academic$ 2!!9
%hristie$ Jeil$ and Simon Loseby$ eds;- $o6ns in $ransition5 Or:an E;olution in Late
*nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8Aldershot0 Scolar !11,9
%hristie$ Jeil and A; Rush+orth$ KUrban fortification and defensive strategy in fifth and si6th
-taly0 the case of #erracinaL$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ ! 8!1//9- ." L //
%lar*e$ >iles$ Martin 3iddle$ and D;L; Macdonald$ $ @re-Roman and Roman 9inchester8 @art
%- $he Roman cemeter+ at Lan#hills 8H6ford0 %larendon Press$ !1.19
%lotuche$ Raphasl$ K#he Scheldt Falley %ommercial Activity Ione0 ") Hectares of the >allo<
Roman Landscape&$ Britannia- ( 8219$ (! L ,(
%lotuche$ Raphasl$ La =ille *nti>ue de Famars 8Falenciennes0 -llustria Librairie des MusEes$
2!"9
%ollart$ Dean<Luc$ KFermand&$ in Dean<Paul Petit$ Dean<Paul$ Michel Mangin and Philippe
3runella$ eds;$ *tlas des agglomCrations secondaires de la Gaule Belgi>ue et des
Germanies 8Paris0 4rrance$ !11(9$ pp; 2" L 2"!
%ollart$ Dean<Luc;$ MSaint<Quentin&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro spCcial$ !,
8!1119
%ollins$ Rob$ HadrianJs 9all and the End of Empire5 the Roman Frontier in the 'th and 0th
centuries 8London0 Routledge$ 2!29
!1/

%ollins$ Rob$ and Dames >errard$ eds;$ De:ating Late *nti>uit+ in Britain *D .))-F))
8H6ford0 Archaeopress$ 2(9
%oo*e$ Ji*$ $he Definition and 7nterpretation of Late Roman Burial Rites in the 9estern
Empire 8Unpublished Ph' thesis$ -nstitute of Archaeology$ University of London$
!11.9
%ool$ Hilary$ KA 'ifferent Life&$ in Hilary %ool$ Rob %ollins$ and Lindsay Allason<Dones$ eds;$
Finds from the Frontier5 1aterial 3ulture in the 'th-0th centuries 8Por*0 %ouncil for
3ritish Archaeology$ 2!9$ pp; ! L 1
%ool$ Hilary$ Rob %ollins and Lindsay Allason<Dones$ eds;$ Finds from the Frontier5 1aterial
3ulture in the 'th-0th centuries 8Por*0 %ouncil for 3ritish Archaeology$ 2!9
%rump$ >ary A;$ *mmianus 1arcellinus as a 1ilitar+ Historian 87iesbaden0 Latomus$ !1.)9
%unliffe$ 3arry 7;$ EIca;ations at @orchester 3astle$ ( Fols; 8London0 Society of Anti@uaries
for London$ !1.)9
%Wppers$ Hans$ KPfal5el&$ in $rier- aiserresiden! und Bischofssit!5 die Stadt in sp"tanti#er und
frhchristlicher Deit _*usstellung- '8 1ai :is ,)8 Ao;em:er ,/&'` Rheinisches
Landesmuseum #rier 8Main5 am Rhein$ !1/(9$ pp; "!1 L 22
'abro+a$ 4d+ard$ ed;$ $he Roman and B+!antine *rm+ in the East0 proceedings of a
collo>uium _sic` held at the ?agiellonian Oni;ersit+- ra#Z6 in Septem:er ,//%
2Gra*Y+0 'ru*arnia Uni+ersytetu Dagiellovs*iego$ !11(9
'ahlgren$ Mi*ael$ KHunting high and lo+0 +eapon graves and the interpretation of hunting
practices in Late Roman militarised society$& in Stoorgard$ 3;$ ed;- 1ilitar+ aspects of
the aristocrac+ in Bar:aricum in the Roman and earl+ migration periods5 papers from
an international research seminar at the Danish Aational 1useum- 3openhagen- ,)-
,, Decem:er ,/// 8%openhagen0 Jational Museum$ 2!9$ pp; 2! L 2,
'aniels$ %;M;$ K46cavation at 7allsend and the Fourth century barrac*s on Hadrian&s 7all&$
in 7illiam S;Hanson and La+rence D; F;Geppie$ $ eds;- Roman Frontier Studies ,/F/5
papers presented to the ,%th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies
8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1/9$ pp; !." L !1"
'ar*$ Gen$ K#he Archaeological -mplications of Fourth< and Fifth<%entury 'escriptions of
Fillas in the Jorth+est Provinces of the Roman&$ Historia$ )( 82)9$ ""! < "(2
'e 3lois$ Lu*as$ and others$ eds;$ $he impact of the Roman arm+ 2%)) B3-*D 'F(45 economic-
social- political- religious and cultural aspects 5 proceedings of the siIth 6or#shop of
the 7nternational Aet6or# 7mpact of Empire 2Roman Empire- %)) B838-*8D8 'F(4-
3apri- 1arch %/-*pril %- %))0 2Leiden0 3rill$ 2.9
'e Laet$ Sigfried and AndrE Fan 'oorselaer$ KLe Problem des Mobiliers FunEraires avec
Armes en >aule septentrionale a l&Epo@ue du Haut 4mpire romain&$ Helinium$ )
8!1,)9- !!/ L !"!
'e Ste; %roi6$ >raham 4; M;$ $he 3lass Struggle in the *ncient Gree# 6orld5 from the *rchaic
*ge to the *ra: 3on>uests 8London0 'uc*+orth$ !1/!9
'ec*er$ Michael$ K#o+ers$ Refuges and Fortified Farms in the Late Roman 4ast&$ Li:er *nnus-
LF- 82,9- (11 L )2
'elmaire$ Roland$ KLes enfouissements monetaires$ temoignages d&insecuritEB&$ Re;ue du
Aord-*rchCologie$ .. 8!11)9$ 2! L 2,
'elmaire$ Roland$ Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie des
inscriptions et belles< lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff; Fondation Maison
des sciences de lUhomme$ 2!!9
'elmaire$ Roland and others$ @as de 3alais5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0
!11

AcadEmie des inscriptions et belles<lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff;
Fondation Maison des sciences de lUhomme$ !11"9
'elmaire$ Roland$ and others$ eds;$ Le Aord5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0
AcadEmie des inscriptions et belles<lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff;
Fondation Maison des sciences de lUhomme$ !11,9
'esachy$ 3runo$ KLe site archEologi@ue de 3eauvais 8Hise90 elEments de presentation
topographi@ue et chronologi@ue&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie- " L ( 8!11!9$ !! L
(,
'esachy$ 3runo$ KJoyon&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro special$ !, 8!1119$ !.! L
!..
'ey$ Heindri*$ KArt$ %eremony$ and %ity 7alls0 #he Aesthetics of -mperial Resurgence in the
Late Roman 7estL$ ?ournal of Late *nti>uit+- ";! 82!9$ " L ".
'iesner$ Hans<Doachim$ U'as 3uccelariertum von Stilicho und Sarus bis auf AetiusU$ lio$ )(
8!1.29$ "2!L")
'riNvers$ Dan 7;$ and 'avid Hunt$ eds;$ $he Late Roman 6orld and its historian5 7nterpreting
*mmianus 1arcellinus 8London0 Routledge$ !1119
'rin*+ater$ Dohn F;$ $he Gallic Empire5 separatism and continuit+ in the Aorth-9estern
pro;inces of the Roman Empire- *8D8%()-%F' 8Stuttgart0 Fran5 Steiner$ !1/.9
'rin*+ater$ Dohn F;$ K#he 3acaudae of fifth<century >aul&$ in Dohn F; 'rin*+ater and Hugh
4lton$ eds;$ Fifth-3entur+ Gaul5 a 3risis of 7dentit+G 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University
Press$ !1129$ pp; 2/<2!/
'rin*+ater; Dohn F;$ KSilvanus$ Ursicinus and Ammianus0 Fact or FictionB&$ Studies in Latin
Literature and Roman Histor+$ F-- 8!11(9$ ),/<).,
'rin*+ater$ Dohn F;$ K#he Usurpers %onstantine --- 8(.<(!!9 and Dovinus 8(!!<(!"9&$
Britannia$ 21 8!11/9$ 2,1<21/
'rin*+ater$ Dohn F;$ $he *lamanni and Rome %,.-'/( 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$
2.9
'rin*+ater$ Dohn F;$ and Hugh 4lton$ eds;$ Fifth 3entur+ Gaul5 a crisis of identit+G
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1129
'umasay$ Franuoise$ Le $hCatre dL*rgentomagus 2Saint-1arcel- 7ndre4 8Paris0 \ditions de la
maison des Sciences de l&Homme$ 29
'uncan<Dones$ Richard$ $he Econom+ of the Roman Empire5 Ruantitati;e Studies
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1/29
'unn$ Archie$ K7as #here a Militarisation of the Southern 3al*ans during Late Anti@uityB&$ in
Philip Freeman and others$ eds8$ Limes <=777 @roceedings of the <=777th 7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 8H6ford0 Archaeopress$ 229$ pp; .) L .!2
'urand$ Marc$ K'es vestiges gallo<romains dans une cave post<medievale a Senlis 8Hise9&$
Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie "A ( 8!11"9$ !2! L !21
4lton$ Hugh$ K'efence in Fifth %entury >aul&$ in Dohn F; 'rin*+ater and Hugh 4lton$ Fifth
3entur+ Gaul5 a crisis of identit+G 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1129$ pp;
!,. L !.)
4lton$ Hugh$ 9arfare in Roman Europe *D .0)-'%0 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ !11,9
4lton$ Hugh$ K'efining Romans$ 3arbarians and the Roman Frontier$& in Ralph 7; Mathisen
and Hagith Sivan$ eds;$ Shifting Frontiers in Late *nti>uit+ 8Aldershot0 Ashgate$ !11,9
4lton$ Hugh$ K7arfare and the Military&$ in Joel Lens*i$ ed;$ $he 3am:ridge 3ompanion to
the *ge of 3onstantine 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 2)9$ pp; "2) L "(,
4rd*amp$ Paul$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+ 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9
2

4rrington$ Robert M;$ Roman 7mperial @olic+ from ?ulian to $heodosius 8%hapel Hill0
University of Jorth %arolina Press$ 2,9
4smonde<%leary$ Simon$ $he Ending of Roman Britain 8London0 3atsford$ !1/19
4smonde<%leary$ Simon$ K%ivil 'efences in the 7est under the High 4mpire&$ in Peter 7ilson$
ed;$ $he *rchaeolog+ of Roman $o6ns5 Studies in Honour of ?ohn S8 9acher
8H6ford0 H6bo+ 3oo*s$ 2"9$ pp; .2 L /)
4smonde<%leary$ Simon$ KFortificaciYn Urbana en la 3rittania Romana0 e'efensa Militar o
Monumento %fvicoB&$ in Rodrfgue5$ A;$ %olmenero$ D;$ RodX de Llan5a$ -;$ eds;-
1urallas de 3iudades Romanas en el Hccidente dell 7mperio8 *ctas del 3ongreso
7nternacional 3ele:rado en Lugo 2%( - %/8<78%))04 en el = ani;ersario de la
declaraciZn- por la OAES3H- de la 1uralla de Lugo como @atrimonio de la
Humanidad- 8Lugo 0 'iputaciYn Provincial de Lugo$ 2.9
4smonde<%leary$ Simon$ $he Roman 9est *D %))- 0))5 an archaeological stud+ 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ 2!"9
4smonde<%leary$ Simon$ Michael Dones and Dason 7ood$ K#he late Roman defences at
Saint<3ertrand<de <%omminges 8Haute >aronne9&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+- !!
8!11/9$ "(" L ")(
Faul*ner$ Jeil$ K%hange and decline in late Romano<3ritish to+ns&$ in Slater$ #;R;$ ed;$ $o6ns
in Decline *D ,)) - ,()) 8Aldershot$ 2!9$ pp; ! < )
Faul*ner$ Jeil$ K#he case for the 'ar* Ages&$ in Rob %ollins and Dames >errard$ eds;$ De:ating
Late *nti>uit+ in Britain *D .))-F)) 8H6ford0 Archaeopress$ 2(9$ pp; ) L !2
Fear$ Andre+ #;$ Li;es of the =isigothic Fathers 8Liverpool0 Liverpool University Press$ !11.9
Fehr$ Hubert$ K=ol#stum as Paradigm0 >ermanic People and >allo<Romans in 4arly Medieval
Archaeology since the !1"s&$ in Andre+ >illett$ ed;$ Hn Bar:arian 7dentit+5 3ritical
*pproaches to Ethnicit+ in the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8#urnhout0 3repols$ 229$ pp; !.. L
2
Fentress$ 4li5abeth$ Aumidia and the Roman *rm+5 social- militar+ and economic aspects of
the frontier !one 8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1.19
FerdiEre$ Alain$ KLa distance criti@ue0 artisans et artisanat dans l&Anti@uitE romaine et en
particulier en >aule&$ Les @etits 3ahiers dL*natole$ Jo; ! 82!9
FerdiEre$ Alain$ ed;$ 3apitales PphCmKres5 des 3apitales de 3itCs @erdent Leur Statut dans
lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue HrganisC par le La:oratoire *rchCologie et
$erritoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours0 F4RA%F$ 2(9
Ferrill$ Arthur$ $he Fall of the Roman Empire5 the militar+ eIplanation 8London0 #hames and
Hudson$ !1/,9
Fouracre$ Paul$ ed;$ $he Ae6 3am:ridge 1edie;al Histor+ =ol8 , c8 *D 0)) E *D F))
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 2)9
Francois$ 'aniel$ KLa Filla >allo<Romaine de Fieu6<Rouen<sur<3resle 8Seine<Maritime9&$ in Le
Maho$ Dac@ues$ ed;$ $rCsors *rcheologi>ue de la Haute Aormandie 8Rouen0 Le %erf$
!1/9$ pp; !!. L !2
FrE5ouls$ 4dmond$ Les =illes *nti>ue de la France$ " vols; 8Strasbourg0 A4%R$ !1/2 < !11.9
Frit5$ Denw$ ed;$ Limes 5 a#ten des <7 7nternationalen Limes#ongresses 2S!C#esfehCr;Vr- .)/&-
(///,/F(4$ 83udapest0 A*adEmiai GiadY !1..9
Frye$ 'avid$ KAegidius$ %hilderic$ Hdovacer and Paul&$ Aottingham 1edie;al Studies$ ",$
8!1129$ ! L !(
Frye$ 'avid$ K#ransformation and #radition in the Merovingian %ivitas$& Aottingham
1edie;al Studies$ "1$ 8!11)9$ !<!!
2!

Fuhrmann$ %hristopher D;$ @olicing the Roman Empire5 Soldiers- *dministration and @u:lic
Hrder 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ 2!29
Gallien in der Sp"tanti#e5 ;on aiser 3onstantin !u Fran#en#nig 3hilderich 8Main5 am Rhein0
Philipp von Iabern !1/9
>andini$ %ristina$ Des 3ampagnes Gauloises auI 3ampagnes de lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e5 la
D+nami>ue de lJHa:itat Rural dans la 3itC des Bituriges 3u:i 277e s8 a;8 ?8-38-=77e s8 ap8
?8-384 8#ours0 Ferac 4ditions$ 2/9
>ardner$ Andre+$ *n *rchaeolog+ of 7dentit+5 Soldiers and Societ+ in Late Roman Britain
8H6ford0 3erg$ 2.4
>arnsey$ Peter$ KRoman citi5enship and Roman la+ in the late empire&$ in Simon S+ain and
Mar* 4d+ards$ eds;$ *pproaching late *nti>uit+5 $he $ransformation from Earl+ to
late Empire 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ 2(9$ pp; !""<!))
>eary$ Patric*$ Before France and German+5 the creation and transformation of the
1ero;ingian 6orld 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ !1//9
>iddens$ Anthony$ $he 3onstitution of Societ+5 Hutline of the $heor+ of Structuration
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1/(9
>illes$ Garl<Dosef$ Sp"tromische Hohensiedlungen in Eifel und Hunsruc# 2#rier0 Rheinisches
Landesmuseum$ !1/)9
>illes$ Garl<Dosef$ KLangmauer&$ in0 3arte *rcheologi>ue du Grand-Duche de LuIem:ourg$
Feuille ,' Rosport 8Lu6embourg$ !1/)9$ pp; , L 2!
>illett$ Andre+$ ed;$ Hn :ar:arian identit+5 3ritical *pproaches to Ethnicit+ in the Earl+
1iddle *ges 8#urnhout0 3repols$ 229
>issinger$ 3;$ Recherches sur le Site FortifiC de Stras:ourg Durant lL*nti>uitC $ardi;e 8H6ford0
3ritish Archaeological Reports$ 229
>oet5$ Hans<7erner$ DMrg Darnut and 7alter Pohl$ eds;$ Regna and Gentes5 the relationship
:et6een Late *nti>ue and Earl+ 1edie;al @eoples and ingdoms in the
$ransformation of the Roman 9orld 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2"9
>offart$ 7alter A;$ Bar:arians and Romans *D ',& - 0&(5 the techni>ues of accommodation
8Princeton0 Princeton University Press$ !1/9
>offart$ 7alter A;$ $he narrators of :ar:arian histor+ 2*8D8 00)-&))45 ?ordanes- Gregor+ of
$ours- Bede and @aul the Deacon 8Princeton0 Princeton University Press$ !1//9
>offart$ 7alter A;$ Bar:arian $ides5 the migration age and the later Roman Empire
8Philadelphia$ Pa;0 University of Pennsylvania Press$ 2,9
>olds+orthy$ Adrian G;$ and -an P; Haynes$ eds;$ $he Roman *rm+ as a 3ommunit+
including papers of a conference held at Bir#:ec# 3ollege- Oni;ersit+ of London on ,,-
,% ?anuar+- ,//F- 8Dournal of Roman Archaeology Supplement "(0 Portsmouth$ R;-;$
!1119
>reene$ Gevin$ *rchaeolog+5 an introduction$ )
th
edition 8Abingdon0 Routledge$ 2!9
>rey$ %am$ 3onstructing 3ommunities in the Late Roman 3ountr+side 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ 2!!9
>rigg$ Robert$ K-nconsistency and Lassitude0 the Shield 4mblems of the Aotitia Dignitatum$L
?ournal of Roman Studies$ ."$ 8!1/"9$ !"2<!(2
>sch+ind$ Mar*us$ K4very s@uare structure a Roman fortB Qreiye<Ayyash and its Alleged
3ridgehead Fort #all Ar<Rum on the 4uphrates&$ in cngel Morillo and others$ eds;$
Limes <<8 %) 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana Leon
%))( vol; " 8Madrid0 4diciones Polefimo$ 219$ !)1" L !,!
>uillaumet$ Dean<Paul and Alain Rebourg$ MLLEnceinte dL*utunL- in Les enceintes
22

augustCennes dans lJoccident romain 2France- 7talie- Espagne- *fri>ue du Aord45 actes
du collo>ue international de AQmes 5 777e 3ongrKs archCologi>ue de Gaule
mCridionale- /-,% octo:re ,/&0 8Jmmes0 MusEe archEologi@ue$ !1/.9$ pp; (! L (1
>uilleu6$ Doseph$ LJ enceinte romaine du 1ans 8Le Mans0 3ourdessoules$ 29
>+yn$ 'avid$ ed;$ A8 H8 18 ?ones and the Later Roman Empire 8H6ford0 H6ford University
Press$ 2/9
Hales$ Shelley and #amar Hodos$ eds;$ 1aterial 3ulture and Social 7dentities in the *ncient
9orld 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 2!9
Halsall$ >uy$ KArchaeology and Historiography&$ in Michael 3entley$ ed;$ $he Routledge
3ompanion to Historiograph+ 8London0 Routledge$ !11.9$ pp; /. L /21
Halsall$ >uy$ KArchaeology 2 the Late Roman Frontier in Jorthern >aul0 the so called
=Foederatengraber? Reconsidered&$ in 7alter Pohl and Helmut Reimit5$ eds;$ Gren!e
und Differen! im frhen 1ittelalter 8Fienna0 Ferlag der Msterreichischen A*ademie
der 7issenschaften$ 29$ pp; !,. L !/
Halsall$ >uy$ K%hilderic&s >rave$ %lovis& succession and the origins of the Merovingian
Gingdom&$ in Ralph 7;Mathisen and 'anuta Shan5er$ eds;$ Societ+ and 3ulture in Late
*nti>ue Gaul5 Re;isiting the Sources 8Aldershot0 Ashgate$ 2!9$ pp; !!, L !""
Halsall$ >uy$ 9arfare U Societ+ in the Bar:arian 9est '0)-/)) 8London0 Routledge$ 2"9
Halsall$ >uy$ KSources and their interpretation&$ in Fouracre$ Paul$ ed;$ $he Ae6 3am:ridge
1edie;al Histor+ =ol8 , c8 *D 0)) E *D F)) 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$
2)9$ pp; ), L 12
Halsall$ >uy$ Bar:arian 1igrations and the Roman 9est .F(-0(& 8%ambridge0 %ambridge
University Press$ 2.9
Halsall$ >uy$ 3emeteries and Societ+ in 1ero;ingian Gaul5 selected studies in histor+ and
archaeolog+ ,//% E %))/ 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2!9
Halsall$ >uy$ KArchaeology and Migration0 Rethin*ing the 'ebate&$ in Rica Annaert$ ed;$ $he
=er+ Beginning of EuropeG Earl+-1edie;al 1igration and 3olonisation5 archaeolog+
in contemporar+ Europe 5 conference Brussels 5 1a+ ,F-,/ %),, 83russels0 Flanders
Heritage Agency$ 2!29$ pp; 21 L "
Handley$ Mar*$ Death- societ+ and culture5 inscriptions and epitaphs in Gaul and Spain- *D
.))-F0) 8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeology Reports$ 2"9
Hanel$ Jorbert$ KMilitary %amps$ %anabae and Fici&$ in Paul 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to
the Roman *rm+ 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9$ pp; "1) < (!,
Hanson$ 7illiam S; and La+rence D; F;Geppie$ eds;- Roman Frontier Studies ,/F/5 papers
presented to the ,%th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 8H6ford0
3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1/9
Harries$ Dill$ K%hurch and State in the Aotitia Galliarum&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ,/ 8!1./9$
2,<("
Harries$ Dill$ Sidonius *pollinaris and the fall of Rome5 *D ')F - '&0 8H6ford0 H6ford
University Press$ !11(9
Harries$ Dill$ La6 and Empire in Late *nti>uit+ 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1119
Haselgrove$ %olin and %hristopher Scull$ K#he changing structure of rural settlement in
southern Picardy during the First Millennium A'&$ in Dohn L; 3intliff and Helena
Hamero+$ eds;- Europe Bet6een Late *nti>uit+ and the 1iddle *ges5 Recent
*rchaeological and Historical Research in 9estern and Southern Europe 8H6ford0
#empus$ !11)9$ pp; )/ L .
Haselgrove$ %olin$ KLa Romanisation de lUHabitat Rural dans la FallEe de lUAisne dUAprEs les
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Prospectations de Surface et les Fouilles REcentes&$ Re;ue *rcheologi>ue de @icardie
Special$ !! 8!11,9$ !1 L !!(
Hassall$ Mar*$ KMediterranean and Jorthern Provinces$ and Rome0 the Hrigins and
%haracter of Roman Urban 'efences in the 7est&$ in Dohn Maloney and 3rian Hobley$
eds;$ Roman Or:an Defences in the 9est 8London0 %ouncil for 3ritish Archaeology$
!1/"9$ pp; !< "
Hassall$ Mar*$ K3ritain in the Aotitia&$ in Dohn %; Mann$ Roger >oodburn and Philip
3artholeme+$ eds; *spects of the Aotitia dignitatum5 papers presented to the
conference in HIford- Decem:er ,. to ,0- ,/F' 8H6ford$ 3ritish Archaeological
Reports$ !1.,9
Head$ #homas and Landes Richard$ eds;$ $he @eace of God5 Social =iolence and Religious
Response in France around ,))) 8London0 %ornell University Press$ !1129
Heather$ Peter$ Goths and Romans- ..% E '&/ 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ !11!9
Heather$ Peter$ K#he 7estern 4mpire (2) L (.,&$ in Averil %ameron$ 3rian 7ard<Per*ins and
and Michael 7hitby$ eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+ ;ol8 <7= Late *nti>uit+5 Empire
and Successors *D '%0 - ()) 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 29$ pp; ! L
"2
Heather$ Peter$ $he Fall of the Roman Empire5 * Ae6 Histor+ of Rome and the Bar:arians
8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ 2)9
He*ster$ Hlivier$ >erda de GleiNn and 'anislle SlootNes$ eds;$ 3rises and the Roman Empire5
@roceedings of the Se;enth 9or#shop of the 7nternational Aet6or# 7mpact of Empire
2AiBmegen- ?une %)-%'- %))(4 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2.9
Hitchener$ R; 3ruce and 'avid Mattingly$ KRoman Africa0 a Survey Article&$ ?ournal of Roman
Studies$ /) 8!11)9$ !,) L 2!"
Hodder$ -an$ $heor+ and @ractice in *rchaeolog+ 8London0 Routledge$ !1129
Hodgson Jic* and Paul #; 3id+ell$ KAu6iliary 3arrac*s in a Je+ Light0 Recent 'iscoveries on
HadrianUs 7all&$ Britannia- ") 82(9$ !2! L !).
Hoffman$ 'ietrich$ Das sp"trmische Be6egungsheer und die Aotitia dignitatum$ 2 vols;
8'Wsseldorf0 Rheinland<Ferlag$ !1,1 < !1.9
Hoffman$ 'ietrich$ K'ie spRtrMmischen Saoldaten grabinschriften von %oncordia&$ 1useum
Hel;eticum- 2 8!1,"9- ) L /1
Hollevoet$ Pann$ K4en nieu+e vroeg<middle<leeu+se nedder5etting te Ro*sem 8stad
Hudenburg prov; 7est<Flaanderen&$ *rcheologu in =laanderen$ 2 8!1129$ 22" <22,
Hollevoet$ Pann$ KLe Site Hudenburg et la 3retagne -nsulaire 'urant l&Anti@uitE #ardive0
Quel@ues -tems -nEdits&$ in Fran* Fermeulen and others- eds;$ *rchaeolog+ in
3onfrontation5 Studies of the Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est 8>hent$
2(9$ pp; "") L "(2
HonorE$ #ony$ La6 in the 3risis of Empire .F/ - '00 *D 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$
!11/9
Hope$ Falerie$ 3onstructing 7dentit+5 the Roman funerar+ monuments of *>uileia- 1ain! and
AQmes 8H6ford0 Archaeopress$ 2!9
Hop*ins$ Geith$ K#a6es and #rade in the Roman 4mpire 82 3;%;LA;'; (9&$ ?ournal of
Roman Studies- .$ 8!1/9$ !! L !2)
Hunt$ 'avid$ KAmmianus on the rebellion of Silvanus&$ in Dan 7; 'riNvers and 'avid Hunt$
eds;$ $he Late Roman 6orld and its historian5 7nterpreting *mmianus 1arcellinus$ pp;
)! L ,"
Hus*inson$ Danet$ K7omen and Learning0 >ender and -dentity in Scenes of -ntellectual Life
2(

on Late Roman sarcophagi&$ in Richard Miles$ ed;$ 3onstructing 7dentities in Late
*nti>uit+ 8London0 Routledge$ !1119
-saac$ 3enNamin$ Limits of Empire5 the Roman *rm+ in the East$ Rev; edition$ 8H6ford0 H6ford
University Press$ !1129
-ssac$ 3enNamin$ K#he Meaning of the terms of limes and limitanei&$ ?ournal of Roman
Studies$ ./ 8!1//9$ !2) L !(.
Dac@uemard<Le<Saos$ %atherine$ Ruerolus 2comCdie Latin anon+me4 8Paris0 3udE$ !11(9
Dac@ues$ Alain$ KLe sanctuaire germani@ue d&Arras&$ *rchCologica$ 2. 8!11!9$ ,! L ,,
Dac@ues$ Alain$ KL&occupation militaire d&Arras au 3as<4mpire&$ in Franuoise Fallet and
Michel Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8Saint<
>ermain<en<Laye0 MusEe des Anti@uitEs Jationales$9$ pp; !1. L 11
Dac@ues$ Alain$ KArras L Aemetacum&$ in 'idier 3ayard and others$ eds;$ La mar>ue de Rome5
Samaro:ri;a et les ;illes du nord de la Gaule 8Amiens0 MusEe de Picardie$ 2,9$ pp;
", L "1
Dac@ues$ Alain$ KLe sanctuaire germani@ue d&Arras0 les fouilles de rue 3audimont&$ in
Rita %ompatangelo<Soussignan and %hristian<>eorges Sch+ent5el$ eds;$
Ptrangers dans la cite romaine5 actes du collo>ue de =alenciennes 2,'-,0 octo:re
%))04 8Rennes0 Presses Universitaires de Rennes$ 2.9- pp; 22! L 2"/
Dac@ues$ Alain$ KL&occupation militaire d&Arras au 3as<4mpire&$ in Franuoise Fallet and
Michel Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8Rouen0
Association Francaise dUArchEologie MErovingienne et MusEe des Anti@uitEs
Jationales$!11"9$ pp; !1. L 11
Dac@ues$ Alain and 3elot$ 4ric$ KLe comple6e mEtroa@ue d&Arras<3audimont&$ Re;ue du Aord
*rchCologie$ LOO--- 8!11!9$ 2! L "(
Dames$ 4d+ard$ $he Fran#s 8H6ford0 3asil 3lac*+ell$ !1//9
Dames$ 4d+ard$ K#he Militarisation of Roman Society$ ( L .&$ in Anne J; DTrgensen$ and
3irthe %lausen$ eds;$ 1ilitar+ *spects of Scandina;ian Societ+ in a European
@erspecti;e *D , E ,.))- 8%openhagen0 Jational Museum$ !11.9$ pp; !1 < 2(
Dames$ Simon$ 1ilitar+ E>uipment and the 7dentit+ of Roman Soldiers 8H6ford0 3ritish
Archaeological Reports$ !1//9
Dames$ Simon$ K#he Fabricae0 state arms factories of the later Roman 4mpire&$ in D; %;
%oulston$ ed;$ Roman 1ilitar+ E>uipment and the 7dentit+ of Roman Soldiers 8H6ford0
H6ford Archaeological Reports$ !1//9
Dames$ Simon$ K7riting the Legions0 the 'evelopment and Future of Roman Military Studies
in 3ritain$& *rchaeological ?ournal- !)1 8229$ ! L )/
Dohnson$ Stephen F;$ $he Forts of the SaIon Shore 8London0 4le*$ !1.,9
Dohnson$ Stephen F;$ Late Roman Fortifications 8London0 3atsford$ !1/"9
Dohnson$ Scott F;$ ed;$ $he HIford Hand:oo# of Late *nti>uit+ 8H6ford$ 2!!9
Dones$ A;H;M;$ #he Later Roman Empire %&' E ()%5 a social- economic and administrati;e
sur;e+$ 2 vols; 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ !1,(9
Dones$ A;H;M;$ Dohn R; Martindale and Dohn Morris$ eds;$ $he @rosopograph+ of the Later
Roman Empire- " vols;$ 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1.! < !1129
Dones$ Sian$ $he *rchaeolog+ of Ethnicit+5 a $heoretical @erspecti;e 8London0 Routledge$
!11.9
Ga5ans*i$ Michel$ Les Goths 27erE=77e aprKs ?8-384 8Paris0 4rrance$ !11!9
Ga5ans*i$ Michel$ KLes Fibules >ermani@ues Hrientales et 'anubiennes en >aule 8pEriodes
%2<'29& Forschungen !ur *rch"ologie im Land Branden:urg$ )$ !11/ 8229- ".) L /,
2)

Gelly$ >avin$ *mmianus 1arcellinus5 $he *llusi;e Historian 8%ambridge0 %ambridge
University Press$ 2/9$ pp; "! L !"
Gent$ D;P;%;$ $he Roman 7mperial 3oinage ;ol8 ,) $he Di;ided Empire and the Fall of the
9estern @arts- *D ./0-'/, 8London0 Spin* and son$ !11(9
Ging$ Anthony %;$ K'iet in the Roman 7orld0 a Regional -nter<site %omparison of the
Mammal 3ones&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !2 8!1119$ !,/<22
Gnight$ Deremy$ KAn -nscription from 3avai and the Fifth<%entury %hristian 4pigraphy of
3ritain&$ Britannia- (! 82!9- 2/" L 212
Gou5net5ov$ Fladimir and -aroslav Lebedyns*y$ Les *lains5 ca;aliers des steppes- seigneurs
de 3aucase 8Paris0 4ditions 4rrance$ 2)9
Grause$ D;<U;$ and %hristian 7itschel$ $ KFifth<%entury %hristian 4pigraphy of 3ritain&$
Britannia$ (! 82!9- 2/" L 212
Gropff$ Anthony$ KLate Roman %oin Hoards in the 7est0 #rash or #reasureB&$ Re;ue Belge de
Aumismati>ue et de Sigillographie$ !)" 82.9$ ."</,
Guli*o+s*i$ Michael$ KJation versus Army0 a necessary contrast&$ in Andre+ >illett$ ed;$ Hn
Bar:arian 7dentit+5 3ritical *pproaches to Ethnicit+ in the Earl+ 1iddle *ges
8#urnhout0 3repols$ 229$ pp; ,1 L /(
Guli*o+s*i$ Michael$ K#he Aotitia Dignitatum as an Historical source&$ Historia$ (1 829$
")/<"..
Guli*o+s*i$ Michael$ Late Roman Spain and its 3ities 83altimore0 Dohn Hop*ins University
Press$ 2)9
Lafont %outourier$ HEl]ne and others$ eds;$ Saint *ugustin5 One 1Cmoire dL*lgCrie
83ordeau60 Somogny$ 2"9
Lavagne$ Henri$ KUne nouvelle inscription dUAugsbourg et les causes de lUusurpation de
Postume&$ 3omptes rendus des sCances de lJ*cadCmie des 7nscriptions et Belles-
Lettres 8!11(9$ ("! L ((,
Lavan$ Lu*e and 7illiam 3o+den$ eds;$ Recent Research in Late *nti>ue Or:anism
8Portsmouth$ Rhode -sland0 Dournal of Roman Archaeology$ 2!9
Lavan$ Lu*e and 7illiam 3o+den$ eds;$ $heor+ and @ractice in Late *nti>ue *rchaeolog+
8Leiden0 3rill$ 2"9
La5aro<'elgado$ Joel$ K#he grand testamentum of Remigius of Reims0 its authenticity$
Nuridical acta and be@ueathed property&$ 8unpublished Ph' thesis$ University of
Minnesota$ 2!!9
Le 3ohec$ Pann$ $he 7mperial Roman *rm+ 8London0 3atsford$ !11(9
Le 3ohec$ Pann$ LLarmCe romaine sous le :as-empire 8Paris0 Picard$ 2,9
Le 3ohec$ Pann$ KLimitanei et comitatenses80 %riti@ue de la th]se attribuEe ^ #heodor
Mommsen&$ Latomus$ LOF-;" 82.9$ pp; ,)1<,.2;
Lebec@$ StEphan$ K#he t+o faces of Ging %hilderic0 history$ archaeology$ historiography&$ in
#homas F; O; Joble$ ed;$ From Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8London0
Routledge$ 2,9$ pp; 2.2 L2/.
Lee$ A;';$ 9ar in Late *nti>uit+5 a Social Histor+ 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9
Lee$ A; ';$ K#he Army&$ in Averil %ameron and Peter >arnsey$ eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient
Histor+8 =olume ,.- the Late Empire *D ..F E '%0 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University
Press$ !11/9$ pp; 2!!<2".
Lee$ A; ';$ 7nformation and Frontiers5 Roman foreign relations in Late *nti>uit+ 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ !11"9
Lemaire$ FrEdEric$ KRevelles&$ in M; ReddE$ ed;$ LJ*rchitecture de la Gaule Romaine5 les
2,

Fortifications 1ilitaires 83ordeau60 Ausonius \ditions$ 2,9$ pp; ",/ < 1
Leman$ Pierre$ Kk Propos de Quel@ues Lieu6 de la Aotitia Dignitatum8 4tat de la RecherchE et
Suggestions&$ in Fran* Fermeulen$ Gathy Sas and Fouter 'hae5e$ eds;$ *rchaeolog+ in
3onfrontation8 *spects of Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est8 Studies in
Honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent$ 2(9$ pp; 2!" L 2!)
Lemant$ Dean<Paul$ KMou5on 8Ardennes9&$ in Dean<Paul Petit$ Michel Mangin and Philippe
3runella$ eds;$ *tlas des agglomCrations secondaires de la Gaule Belgi>ue et des
Germanies 8Paris0 4rrance$ !11(9$ pp; 2!. L 2!/
Lens*i$ Joel$ ed;$ $he *ge of 3onstantine 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 2,9
LEon$ Duan %;$ Les Sources de lJHistoire des Bagaudes 8Paris0 Les 3elles Lettres$ !11,9
Le+it$ #amara$ =illas- Farms and the Late Roman Rural Econom+ 8H6ford0 Archaeopress$
2(9
Le+it$ #amara$ KFanishing Fillas0 +hat happened to Elite rural habitation in the 7est in the
)thA,
th
centuriesB&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+- !, 82"9- 2, L .(
Liebeschuet5$ D; H; 7; >;$ *ntioch5 3it+ and 7mperial *dministration in the Later Roman
Empire 8H6ford0 %larendon Press$ !1.29
Liebeschuet5$ D; H; 7; >;$ $he Decline and Fall of the Roman 3it+ 8H6ford0 H6ford University
Press$ 2!9
Liebeschuet5 D; H; 7; >;$ K#he end of the Ancient %ity&$ in Dohn Rich$ ed;-$he 3it+ in Late
*nti>uit+ 8London0 Routledge$ !1129$ pp; ! L (1
Liebeschuet5$ D; H; 7; >;$ Bar:arians and Bishops 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ !119
Liebeschuet5$ D; H; 7; >;$ K7arlords and Landlords&$ in Paul 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to
the Roman *rm+ 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9$ pp; (.1 L (1(
Little$ Lester G;$ and 3arbara H;Rosen+ein$ De:ating the 1iddle *ges5 7ssues and Readings
8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ !11/9
Lode+iNc*6$ Marc$ ed;$ Bruc Ealles 9ell5 *rchaeological Essa+s 3oncerning the @eoples of
Aorth- 9est Europe in the First 1illennium *D 8Leuven0 Leuven University Press$
2(9
Loridant$ FrEdEric$ K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la %ivitas
%amaracensium&$ in Alain Ferdi]re$ ed;$ 3apitales PphCmKres5 des 3apitales de 3itCs
@erdent Leur Statut dans lJ*nti>uitC $ardi;e5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue HrganisC par le
La:oratoire *rchCologie et $erritoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours0
F4RA%F$ 2(9$ pp; .) L /2
Loridant$ FrEdEric$ K3avay<3agacum&$ in 'idier 3ayard and others$ eds;$ La 1ar>ue de
Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et les =illes du Aord de la Gaule 8Amiens0 MusEe de Picardie
2,$ 2,9$ p; ("
LMrinc5$ 3arnabXs$ Hnomasticon pro;inciarum Europae latinarum- =olume %5 3a:alicius E
7Ius 83udapest0 Archaeolingua AlapftvXny$ !1119
LMrinc5$ 3arnabXs$ Hnomasticon pro;inciarum Europae latinarum -=ol8 .5 La:areus - @+thea
83udapest0 Archaeolingua AlapftvXny$ 29
LMrinc5$ 3arnabXs$ Hnomasticon pro;inciarum Europae latinarum- =ol8 '5 Ruadrati - Dures
83udapest0 Archaeolingua AlapftvXny- 229
Louis$ 4tienne$ KA 'e<Romanised Landscape in Jorthern >aul0 the Scarpe Falley from the (th
to the 1th century A'&$ in 7illiam 3o+den$ Lu*e Lavan and %arlos Machado$ eds;$
Recent Research on the Late *nti>ue 3ountr+side 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2(9$ pp; (.1 L )(
Lutt+a*$ 4d+ard$ Grand Strateg+ of the Roman Empire 8London0 Dohns Hop*ins University
Press$!1.,9
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Maas$ Michael$ K4thnicity$ orthodo6y and community in Salvian of Marseilles&$ in Dohn
F;'rin*+ater and Hugh 4lton$ eds;$ Fifth 3entur+ Gaul5 a 3risis of 7dentit+G
8%ambridge$ !1129$ pp; 2.)<2/(
Mac%ormac*$ Sabine$ *rt and 3eremon+ in late *nti>uit+ 23er*eley0 University of %alifornia
Press$ !1/!9
Mac>eorge$ Penny$ Late Roman 9arlords 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ 2"9
MacMullen$ Ramsay$ Soldier and 3i;ilian in the Later Roman Empire 8%ambridge$ Mass0
Harvard University Press !1,"9
MacMullen$ Ramsay K#he Legion as a SocietyL$ Historia5 Deitschrift fr *lte Geschichte$ 3d;
""$ H; ( 8!1/(9$ (( < (),
MacMullen$ Ramsay$ 3orruption and the Decline of Rome 8London0 Pale University Press$
!1//9
Maloney$ Dohn and 3rian Hobley$ eds;$ Roman Or:an Defences in the 9est 8London0 %ouncil
for 3ritish Archaeology$ !1/"9
Mann$ Dohn %;$ Roger >oodburn and Philip 3artholeme+$ eds;$ *spects of the Aotitia
dignitatum5 papers presented to the conference in HIford- Decem:er ,. to ,0- ,/F'
8H6ford$ 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1.,9
Mann$ Dohn %;$ and Margaret Ro6an$ eds;$ Recruitment and =eteran Settlement during the
@rincipate 8London0 -nstitute of Archaeology$ !1/"9
Mann- Dohn %8- U#he historical de;elopment of the SaIon ShoreU$ in Falerie Ma6field$ ed;$ #he
SaIon Shore8 * Hand:oo# 846eter0 University of 46eter press$ !1/19$ pp; !L!!
Mann$ Dohn %;$ K#he Jotitia 'ignitatum L dating and survival&$ Britannia$ 22 8!11!9$ 2!)<2!1
Marichal$ Robert$ Les ostraca de Bu ABem8 SupplCments de Li:+a anti>ua8 8#ripoli 0 >rande
Damahira Arabe$ Libyenne$ Populaire et Socialiste$ 'Epartement des Anti@uitEs$
!1124
Massy$ Dean<Luc and 3ayard$ 'idier$ *miens Romains 8Amiens0 Revue archEologi@ue de
Picardie$ !1/"9
Mathisen$ Ralph 7;$ KHilarius$ >ermanus and Lupus0 the aristocratic bac*ground of the
%helidonius affair$& @hoeniI$ "";2 8!1.19$ !, L !,1
Mathisen$ Ralph 7;$ Roman aristocrats in :ar:arian Gaul5 strategies for sur;i;al in an age of
transition 8Austin0 University of #e6as Press$ !11"9
Mathisen$ Ralph 7;$ KProvinciales$ >entiles and Marriages bet+een Romans and 3arbarians
in the Late Roman 4mpire$& ?ournal of Roman Studies$ 11 8219$ !(<!))
Mathisen$ Ralph 7; and Hagith Sivan$ eds;$ Shifting Frontiers in Late *nti>uit+ 8Aldershot0
Ashgate$ !11,9
Mathisen$ Ralph 7; and 'anuta Shan5er$ eds;$ Societ+ and 3ulture in Late *nti>ue Gaul5
Re;isiting the Sources 8Aldershot0 Ashgate$ 2!9
Mathisen$ Ralph 7; and 'anuta Shan5er$ eds;$ Romans- Bar:arians- and the $ransformation
of the Roman 6orld5 3ultural 7nteraction and the 3reation of 7dentit+ in Late
*nti>uit+ 8Farnham0 Ashgate$ 2!!9
Matthe+s$ Dohn F;$ KHlympiodorus of #hebes and the History of the 7est 8A' (.L
(2)9& ?ournal of Roman Studies$ , 8!1.9$ .1L1.
Matthe+s$ Dohn F;$ 9estern *ristocracies and the 7mperial 3ourt 8H6ford0 H6ford University
Press$ !1.)9
Matthe+s$ Dohn F;$ $he Roman Empire of *mmianus 83altimore0 Dohns Hop*ins University
Press$ !1/19
Matthe+s$ D;F;$ La+ing Do6n the La6 8Pale University Press$ 29
2/

Mattingly$ 'avid$ $ripolitania 8London0 3atsford$ !11)9
Mattingly$ 'avid$ *n 7mperial @ossession5 Britain in the Roman Empire- 0' B3-*D ')/
8London0 Allen Lane$ 2,9
Mattingly$'avid$ K%ultural crossovers0 >lobal and local identities in the %lassical 7orld&$ in
Shelley Hales and #amar Hodos$ eds;$ 1aterial 3ulture and Social 7dentities in the
*ncient 9orld 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 2!9$ pp; 2/" L 21.
Mattingly$ 'avid$ and Dohn 7; Hayes$ KJador and Fortified Farms in Jorth Africa&$ ?ournal of
Roman *rchaeolog+- ) 8!1129- (/ L (!/
Mattingly$ 'avid$ and Hitchener$ R; 3ruce$ KRoman Africa0 an archaeological revie+&$ ?ournal
of Roman Studies$ /) 8!11)9$ !,) L 2!"
Ma6field$ Falerie$ ed;$ #he SaIon Shore8 * Hand:oo# 846eter0 University of 46eter press$
!1/19
Ma6field$ Falerie$ and Michael 'obson$ eds;$ Roman frontier studies5 proceedings of the
<=th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 7nternational 3ongress of
Roman Frontier Studies 2,0
th
5 ,/&/5 3anter:ur+- England4 846eter0 46eter University
Press$ 2"9
Mertens$ Doseph$ and L; van -mpe$ Het Laat-Romeins Graf;eld ;an Huden:urg 83russels0
Archaeologia 3elgica$ !1.!9
Mertens$ Doseph$ Het Laat-romeins castellum te Huden:urg *rchaeologia Belgica 2,
83russels0 %onspectus$ !1./9
Mertens$ Doseph$ KRecherches REcente sur le Limes en >aule 3elgi@ue&$ in 7illiam S; Hanson$
and La+rence D; F; Geppie$ L;$ eds;$ @apers @resented to the ,%
th
7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1/9
Mertens$ Doseph$ ed;$ Huden:urg- Romeinse Leger:asis aan de Aoord!ee#ust 83russels0
Archaelogicum 3elgii Speculum$ !1/.9
Meyer$ 4li5abeth A;$ K46plaining the epigraphic pattern in the Roman 4mpire0 the evidence
of epitaphs&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies- / 8!119$ .( L 1,
Miles$ Richard$ ed8$ 3onstructing 7dentities in Late *nti>uit+ 8London0 Routledge$ !1119
Millar$ Fergus$ $he Roman Aear East ., B3 - *D ..F 8%ambridge$ Mass;0 Harvard University
Press$!11"9
Millett$ Martin$ $he Romani!ation of Britain5 an archaeological essa+ 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ !119
Mitchell$ Stephen$ * Histor+ of the Late Roman Empire %&'-(', 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9
Morillo$ cngel$ Jorbert Hanel and 4speransa Martfn$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso
7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational 3ongress of
Roman Frontier Studies5 " Fols; 8Madrid0 4diciones Polifemo$ 219
Morris$ -an$ Death- Ritual and Social Structure 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$
!1129
Mourot$ Franc*$ ed;$ La 1euse5 3artes *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie des
inscriptions et belles lettres 0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;` 0 diff; Fondation Maison
de sciences de lUhomme$ 2!9
Muhlberger$ Steven$ $he Fifth 3entur+ 3hroniclers5 @rosper- H+datius- and the Gallic
3hronicler of '0% 8Leeds0 Leeds University Press$ !119
Muhlberger$ Steven$ KLoo*ing bac* from the mid<century0 the >allic chronicler of ()2 and
the crisis of Honorius& reign&$ in Dohn F; 'rin*+ater and Hugh 4lton$ eds;$ Fifth-
3entur+ Gaul5 a 3risis of 7dentit+ 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1129$ pp;
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Mulvin$ Lynda$ KLate Roman Filla Plans in the 'anube<3al*an RegionL$ in 7illiam 3o+den$
Lu*e Lavan and %arlos Machado$ eds;$ Recent Research on the Late *nti>ue
3ountr+side 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2(9$ pp; ".. L (!2
Munro$ 3eth$ KRecycling$ 'emand for Materials and Lando+nership at Fillas in -taly and the
7estern Provinces in Late Anti@uity&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+- 2) 82!29- ")!
L .
Murray$ Ale6ander %;$ $he 1ero;ingians 8Peterborough$ Hnt;$ %anada0 3roadvie+ Press$
2,9
Musurillo$ Herbert$ $he *cts of the 3hristian 1art+rs 8H6ford0 %larendon Press !1.29
Jicasie$ Martinus D;$ $6ilight of Empire5 the Roman arm+ from the reign of Diocletian until
the Battle of *drianople 8Amsterdam0 D; %; >ieben$ !11/9
Jicolas$ 'avid$ and others$ Les *rdennes5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie
des inscriptions et belles< lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff; Fondation
Maison des sciences de lUhomme$ 2!29
Joble$ #homas ;F;O;$ and #homas Head$ Soldiers of 3hrist5 Saints and SaintsJ Li;es from Late
*nti>uit+ and the Earl+ 1iddle *ges 8London0 Sheed 2 7ard$ !11)9
Joble$ #homas F; O;$ ed;$ From Roman @ro;inces to 1edie;al ingdoms 8London0 Routledge $
2,9
Josc$ Marie<Louise$ 9earing the cloa#5 dressing the soldier in Roman times 8H6ford0 H6bo+
3oo*s$ 2!29
HU'onnell$ Dohn M;$ Generalissimos of the late Roman Empire 8Alberta0 University of Alberta
Press$ !1/"9
H&Gelly$ Michael$ and %laire H&Gelly$ Earl+ 7reland5 an 7ntroduction to 7rish @rehistor+
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1/19
H*amura$ Laurence KSocial 'isturbances in Late Roman >aul0 'eserters$ Rebels and
3agaudae$& in #oru Puge and Masao*i 'oi$ eds;$ Forms of 3ontrol and su:ordination
in *nti>uit+ 8Leiden0 3rill$ !1//9$ pp; 2// L "2
Hldstein$ DWrgen$ Aeue Forschungen im sp"trmischen astell ;on *l!e+5 =or:ericht :er die
*usgra:ungen ,/&,-,/&0 8Main50 Ferlag Philipp von Iabern$ !1/,9
Hliver$ >raham$ $he epigraph+ of death5 studies in the histor+ and societ+ of Greece and
Rome 8Liverpool0 Liverpool University Press$ 29
Hu5oulias$ Pierre$ KLa dEprise agricole du 3as<4mpire0 une mythe historiographi@ue-L in
Pierre Hu5oulias and Paul Fan Hssel$ eds;$ Les 3ampagnes de lL7le de France de
3onstantin a 3lo;is5 collo>ue de @aris- ,'-,0 mars ,//( 5 rapports et s+nthKses de la
deuIiKme BournCe 8Paris0 Minist]re _de la` culture _et de la` francophonie$ 'irection
rEgionale des affaires culturelles -le<de<France 0 %entre national de la recherche
scientifi@ue$ !11.9- pp; ! L 2
Hu5oulias$ Pierre$ and others$ eds;$ Les campagnes de la Gaule N la fin de lJ*nti>uitC8 *ctes
du collo>ue de 1ontpellier 8Antibes0 AP'%A$ Association pour la promotion et la
diffusion des connaissances archEologi@ues$ 2!9
Paschoud$ Franuois$ ed;$ 3ollo>ue Gene;ois sur S+mmache N lJHccasion du 1ille SiI 3entiKme
*nni;ersaire du 3onflit de lJ*utel de la =ictoire 8Paris0 SociEtE dU4dition =Les 3elles
Lettres$? !1/,9
Pearson$ Andre+$ $he Roman Shore Forts5 3oastal Defences of Southern Britain 8Stroud0
#empus$ 229
Percival$ Dohn$ $he Roman =illa5 an Historical 7ntroduction 8London0 3atsford$ !1.,9
Percival$ Dohn$ K#he fifth century villa0 ne+ life or death postponedB&$ in Dohn F; 'rin*+ater
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and Hugh 4lton$ eds;$ Fifth 3entur+ Gaul5 a crisis of identit+G 8%ambridge0 %ambridge
University Press$ !1129$ pp; !), L !,(
PErin$ Patric*$ and Michel Ga5ans*i$ KLa #ombe de %hilderic$ le 'anube et le MEditerranEe&$
in Laurent Ferslype$ ed;$ =illes et campagnes en Aeustrie 5 sociCtCs- Cconomies-
territoires- 3hristianisation 8Montagnac0 \ditions Moni@ue Mergoil$ 2.9$ pp; 21 L
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Petit$ Dean<Paul$ Michel Mangin and Philippe 3runella$ eds;$ *tlas des agglomCrations
secondaires de la Gaule Belgi>ue et des Germanies 8Paris0 4rrance$ !11(9
Petit$ Paul$ KSaint<>ermain<l]s<%orbeil 84ssonne9$ la 3utte ^ >ravois&$ in LJ7le-de-France de
3lo;is N Hugues 3apet5 du =e siKcle au <e siKcle 8Saint<Huen<lUAumgme0 4ditions du
Falhermeil$ !11"9$ pp; 2" L (
Petro*ivits$ Harald$ KFortifications in the Jorth 7estern Roman 4mpire from the #hird to the
Fifth %enturies&$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ ,! 8!1.!9$ !./ L 2!/
Petts$ 'avid$ KMilitary and %ivilian0 Reconfiguring the 4nd of Roman 3ritain in the Jorth&$
European ?ournal of *rchaeolog+$ !,;2 82!"9$ "!( L "")
Phang$ Sara 4;$ $he 1arriage of Roman Soldiers 2,. B3 - *D %.045 la6 and famil+ in the
Roman arm+ 8Leiden0 3rill $ 2!9
Pichon$ 3laise$ *miens5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie des insciptions et
belles<lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff; Fondation Maison des sciences
de lUhomme$ 219
Pichon$ 3laise$ LL*isne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris0 AcadEmie des insciptions
et belles<lettres0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;`0 diff; Fondation Maison des science de
lUhomme$ 2(9
Pilet$ %hristian$ La ACcropole de Saint-1artin-de-Fontena+ 23al;ados45 Recherches sur le
@euplement de la @laine de 3aen- du =e s8 a;ant ?8-38 au =77e s8 aprKs ?8-38 8Paris 0
\ditions du %;J;R;S$ !11(9
Pohl$ 7alter$ KPerceptions of 3arbarian Fiolence&$ in Harold A;'ra*e$ ed;$ =iolence in Late
*nti>uit+5 perceptions and practices 8Aldershot0 Ashgate$ 2,9$ pp; !) L 2,
Pohl$ 7alter$ ed;$ ingdoms of the Empire5 the integration of :ar:arians in Late *nti>uit+
8Leiden0 3rill$ !11.9
Pohl$ 7alter and Helmut Reimit5$ eds;$ Gren!e und Differen! im frhen 1ittelalter 8Fienna0
Ferlag der Msterreichischen A*ademie der 7issenschaften$ 29
Pohl$ 7alter$ and Helmut Reimit5$ eds;$ Strategies of Distinction5 $he 3onstruction of Ethnic
3ommunities- .))E&)) 8Leiden0 3rill$ !11/9
Pohl$ 7alter$ K%onceptions of 4thnicity in 4arly Medieval Studies&$ in Lester G; Little and
3arbara H;Rosen+ein$ De:ating the 1iddle *ges5 7ssues and Readings 8H6ford$
!11/9$ pp; !"<2(
Polfer$ Michel$ LLartisanat dans lLCconomie de la Gaule Belgi>ue romaine N partir de la
documentation archCologi>ue 8Montagnac0 M; Mergoil$ 2)9
Pollard$ Jigel$ Soldiers- 3ities- and 3i;ilians in Roman S+ria 8Ann Arbor0 University of
Michigan Press$ 29
Potter$ 'avid$ $he Roman Empire at Ba+ *D ,&) - ./0 8London0 Routledge$ 2(9
Poulter$ Andre+ >;$ K#he Use and Abuse of Urbanism in the 'anubian Provinces in the Late
Roman 4mpire&$ in Dohn Rich$ ed;- $he 3it+ in Late *nti>uit+ 8London0 Routledge$
!1129$ pp; 11 L !")
Poulter$ Andre+ >;$ Aicopolis ad 7strum a Roman- Late Roman and Earl+ B+!antine 3it+
8London0 Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies$ !11)9
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Poulter$ Andre+ >;$ K#he #ransition to Late Anti@uity on the 'anube0 a city$ a fort and the
countryside&$ in Andre+ >; Poulter$ ed;$ $he $ransition to Late *nti>uit+5 on the
Danu:e and :e+ond 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press for the 3ritish Academy$ 2.9$
pp; ! L )
Poulter$ Andre+ >;$ ed;$ $he $ransition to Late *nti>uit+5 on the Danu:e and :e+ond
8H6ford0 H6ford University Press for the 3ritish Academy$ 2.9
Ravet5$ Alison$ K#he fourth<century inflation and Romano<3ritish coin finds&$ Aumismatic
3hronicle 8!1,(9$ 2! L "!
Rea$ Dohn R;$ Robert P; Salomons and Glaas A; 7orp$ KA ration<+arrant for an adiutor
memoriae&$$3S 2/ 8!1/)9$ !! L !!"
Rebillard$ \ric;$ $he 3are of the Dead in Late *nti>uit+ 8-thaca0 %ornell University Press$ 2!9
ReddE$ Michel$ ed;$ LJ*rchitecture de la Gaule Romaine5 les Fortifications 1ilitaires
83ordeau60 Ausonius \ditions$ 2,9
REvillion$ StEphane and Garl 3ouche$ KArchitecture de #erre et 3ois dans la FallEe da la
Haute 'eole$ de la Fin de lKAnti@uitE au 'Ebut de l&\po@ue MErovingienne; Apports
des >isements du =Luyot$? du =Haut de %lau+iers? et de =L&4pinette? ^ Seclin
8Jord9&$ Re;ue du Aord5 *rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France$ /) 82"9$
!!" < 2!(
Reynolds 3ro+n$ Gatherine$ 'afyyd Gidd and %hester #; Little$ eds;$ From *ttila to
3harlemagne5 *rts of the Earl+ 1edie;al @eriod in the 1etropolitan 1useum of *rt
8Je+ Por*0 Metropolitan Museum of Art$ 29
Rich$ Dohn$ ed;-$he 3it+ in Late *nti>uit+ 8London0 Routledge$ !1129
Ric*man$ >raham$ Roman Granaries and Store Buildings 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University
Press$ !1.!9
Rigsby$ Gent D;$ K#+o 'anubian 4pitaphs&$ Deitschrift fr @ap+rologie und Epigraphi#$ !2,
8!1119$ !.) L !.,
Rivet$ Albert L; F;$ K#he Aotitia Galliarum0 Some Questions&$ in Dohn %; Mann$ Roger
>oodburn and Philip 3artholeme+$ eds;$ *spects of the Aotitia dignitatum5 papers
presented to the conference in HIford- Decem:er ,. to ,0- ,/F' 8H6ford$ 3ritish
Archaeological Reports$ !1.,9$ pp; !!1 L !(2
Roblin$ Michel$ K%itEs ou %itadellesB Les 4nceintes Romaines du 3as<4mpire d&apres
l&e6emple de Senlis&$ Re;ue des Ptudes *nciennes$ ,.;" L ( 8!1,)9$ ",/ L "1!
Rostovt5eff$ Michael -;$ Social and Economic Histor+ of the Roman Empire 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$
!1).9
Rogers$ Adam$ Late Roman $o6ns in Britain5 Rethin#ing 3hange and Decline 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ 2!!9
Rosseau$ Philip$ @achomius5 $he 1a#ing of a 3ommunit+ in Fourth-centur+ Eg+pt 83er*eley0
University of %alifornia Press$ !1/)9
RouchE$ %harlotte$ *phrodisias in Late *nti>uit+ 8London0 Aphrodisias in Late Anti@uity$
!1/19
RouchE$ Michel$ 3lo;is5 histoire et memorie 8Presses de lUUniversitE de Paris<Sorbonne0
!11,9
Routier$ Dean<%laude$ Roland 'elmaire$ SEbastien Lepet5 and Dean< Luc %ollart$ KLe Site
gallo<romain de 7olphus ^ Ioufa@ues&$ *rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la
France 2Re;ue du Aord4- 1" 82!!9$ .1 L !,)
Routier$ Dean<%laude and Freddy #huillier$ KLes #Emoins d&Hccupation >ermani@ue de la Filla
>allo<Romaine de Ioufa@ues 8France9 et leur Apport dans le %onte6t de la
2!2

Militarisation de la >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire&$ in Fran* Fermeulen$ Gathy Sas and
7outer 'hae5e$ eds;- *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation5 *spects of Roman 1ilitar+
@resence in the Aorth6est5 Studies in Honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent0
Academia Press$ 2(9$ pp; ".1 L "12
Roymans$ Jico$ ed;$ From the S6ord to the @lough5 $hree Studies on the Earliest
Romanisation of Aorthern Gaul 8Amsterdam0 Amsterdam University Press$ !11,9
Sal+ay$ 3enet$ K7hatUs in a Jame0 a Survey of Roman Hnomastic Practice from c; . 3;%; to
A;'; .L$ ?ournal of Roman Studies$ /( 8!11(9$ !2( L !()
SXnche5 LeYn$ Duan %arlos$ Los Bagaudas5 re:eldes- demonios- mVrtires 5 re;ueltas
campesinas en Galia e Hispania durante el BaBo 7mperio 8DaEn 0 Universidad de DaEn$
!11,9
Sand+ell$ -sabella$ Religious identit+ in Late *nti>uit+5 Gree#s- ?e6s- and 3hristians in
*ntioch 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ 2.9
Sauer$ 4berhard$ $he End of @aganism in the Aorth-9estern @ro;inces of the Roman Empire5
the EIample of the 1ithras 3ult 2H6ford0 #empus Reparatum$ !11,9
Schiedel$ 7alter$ KMarriage$ families and survival0 demographic aspects&$ in Paul 4dr*amp$
ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+8 Blac#6ell 3ompanions to the *ncient 9orld
8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9$ pp; (!. L ("(
Schleiermacher$ Mathilde$ Rmische Reitergra:steine5 die #aiser!eitlichen Reliefs des
$riumphierenden Reiters 83onn0 3ouvier$ !1/(9
Schnurbein$ Siegmar von$ K'er neue Plan von Altrip&$ in Falerie Ma6field and Michael
'obson$ eds;$ Roman Frontier studies5 @roceedings of the <=th 7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies
2,0th5 ,/&/5 3anter:ur+- England4 846eter$ 2"9$ pp; 2/ L 21
Seillier$ %laude$ KLa prEsence militaire ^ 3oulogne<sur<Mer&$ Marc Lode+iNc*6$ ed;$
*rchaeological and Historical *spects of 9est-European Societies 83russels$ !11,9$
pp; 2". L 2((
Seillier$ %laude$ KLes #ombes de #ransition du %imeti]re >ermani@ue de Fron 8Somme9&$
?ahr:uch des rmisch-germanischen Dentralmuseums 1ain!- ", 8!1/19$ )11<,"(
Senne@uier$ >enevi]ve and Marie #uffreau<Libre$ KLe cimiti]re gallo<romain X inhumations
83as<4mpire9 du chateau d&\taples 8Pas de %alais9&$ Latomus$ ", 8!1..9$ 1"" L (!
Severs$ Luc$ Les 1onnaies de Li:erchies-Bons =illers 2Hainaut- Belgi>ue45 Ruartier *rtisanal
et Sanctuaire $ardif 2,er siKcle *;ant ?8-38 - 'e siKcle aprKs ?8-384 87etteren0 Moneta$
2!!9
Shan*s$ %hristopher P; and Michael #illey$ Re-constructing archaeolog+5 theor+ and practice
8%ambridge0 %ambridge University Press$ !1/.9
Sha+$ 3rent$ KSeasons of death0 aspects of Mortality in -mperial RomeL$ ?ournal of Roman
Studies$ /, 8!11,9$ ! L !"/
Sha+$ 3rent$ KSoldiers and Society0 #he Army in Jumidia&$ Hpus5 Ri;ista 7nterna!ionale per la
Historia Economica e Sociale DellJ*ntichitN$ vol; 2;! 8!1/"9$ !""<!)1
Shean; Dohn F;$ Soldiering for God5 3hristianit+ and the Roman *rm+ 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2!9
Shipley$ >raham and Dohn Rich$ eds;$ 9ar and Societ+ in the Roman 9orld 8London0
Routledge$ !11"9
Simpson$ %; D;$ KDulian and the Laeti0 A Jote on Ammianus Marcellinus OO$ /$ !"&$ Latomus- ",
8!1.. _2`9$ )!1 L )2!
Simpson$ %; D;$ KLaeti in the Jotitia 'ignitatum; aRegulara Soldiers vs; aSoldier<FarmersaL$
Re;ue Belge de @hilologie et dJHistoire$ ,, 8!1//9- / L /)
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Simpson$ %; D;$ KLaeti in Jorthern >aul0 A Jote on @an8 Lat8 F---;2!&$ Latomus$ ", 8!1..9- !,1
L !.
SintE$ %laude$ KLa Reutilisation des 4spaces Publi@ues ^ Arles0 un #Emoignage de la Fin de
l&Anti@uitEL- *nti>uitC $ardi;e$ 2 8!11(9- !/! L !12
Soproni$ SXndor$ Die let!ten ?ahr!ehnte des pannonischen Limes 8Munich0 3ec*$ !1/)9
Southern$ Patricia$ $he Roman *rm+5 a Social and 7nstitutional Histor+ 8H6ford0 H6ford
University Press$ 2.9
Southern$ Patricia and Garen 'i6on$ $he Late Roman *rm+ 8London0 3atsford$ !11,9
Spiedel$ Michael$ 1ithras Hrion 5 Gree# Hero and Roman *rm+ God 8Leiden0 3rill$ !1/9
Stambaugh$ Dohn 4;$ $he *ncient Roman 3it+ 83altimore0 Dohn Hop*ins University Press$
!1//9
Stirling$ Lea Margaret$ $he Learned 3ollector5 1+thological Statuettes and 3lassical $aste in
Late *nti>ue Gaul 8Michigan0 University of Michigan Press$ 2)9
Storgaard$ 3irger$ ed;$ 1ilitar+ *spects of the *ristocrac+ in Bar:aricum in the Roman and
Earl+ 1igration @eriods- 2@u:lications from the Aational 1useum8 Studies in
*rchaeolog+ U Histor+ 04 8%openhagen0 Jational Museums of 'enmar*$ 2!9
Stic*ler$ #imo$ K#he Foederati&$ in Paul 4rd*amp$ ed;$ * 3ompanion to the Roman *rm+
8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ 2.9
S+ain$ Simon and Mar* 4d+ards$ eds;$ *pproaching Late *nti>uit+ 8H6ford0 H6ford
University Press$ 2(9
S+ift$ 4dith$ $he End of the 9estern Roman Empire 8Stroud0 #empus$ 29
S+ift$ 4dith$ Regionalit+ in Dress *ccessories in the Late Roman 9est 8Montagnac0
Monographies instrumentum$ 29
S5idat$ Doachim$ Historischer ommentar !u *mmianus 1arcellinus Buch <<-<<7- $eil 7775 Die
onfrontation8 Historia Ein!elschrift &/ 83erne0 Habilitationsschrift$ !11,9
#heu+s$ Frans$ and Danet L; Jelson$ eds;$ Rituals and @o6er5 From Late *nti>uit+ to the earl+
1iddle *ges 8Leiden0 3rill$ 29
#hollard$ Patric* and %laude 'enimal$ KFouilles sur le forum de 3avay 8!11" < !11/9 --; Les
3as<4mpire&$ *rcheologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France 2Re;ue du Aord4$ /
8!11/9$ !)" L 22!
#hompson$ 4; A;$ Saint Germanus of *uIerre and the end of Roman Britain 87oodbridge0
3oydell Press$ !1/(9
#odd$ Malcolm$ $he Earl+ Germans 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ !1129
#omlin$ Roger S;H;$ KJotitia dignitatum omnium tam civilium @uam militarium&$ in Dohn %;
Mann$ Roger >oodburn and Philip 3artholeme+$ eds; *spects of the Aotitia
dignitatum5 papers presented to the conference in HIford- Decem:er ,. to ,0- ,/F'
8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1.,9
#omlin$ Roger; S;H;$ K#he H+ner of the 3eaurains 8Arras9 #reasure&$ in 4li5abeth Hartley and
others$ eds;- 3onstantine the Great5 Xor#Js Roman Emperor 8Por*0 Por* Museums and
>alleries #rust$ 2,9- pp; )1 L ,(
#omlin$ Roger S;H;$ K#he Legions in the late 4mpire&$ in 3re+er$ R; D; $ ed;$ Roman Fortresses
and $heir Legions8 @apers in Honour of George 38 Boon 8London 29$ pp; !)/<!)1
#omlin$ Roger S; H;$ KA;H;M;Dones and the Army of the Fourth %entury&$ in 'avid >+yn$ ed;$
*8H8 18 ?ones and the Later Roman Empire 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ 2/9
Urban$ Ralf$ Or:an Gallia re:ellis5 Erhe:ungen in Gallien im Spiegel anti#er Deugnisse
8Stuttgart$ !1119
Fallet$ Franuoise$ and Michel Ga5ans*i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe Romaine et les :ar:ares 8Saint<
2!(

>ermain<en<Laye0 MusEe des Anti@uitEs Jationales$ !11"9
Fan 3insbergen$ 7im M; D; and Fred 7oudhui5en$ Ethnicit+ in 1editerranean @rotohistor+
8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ 2!!9
Fan 'am$ Raymond$ Leadership and communit+ in Late *nti>ue Gaul 83er*eley0 University of
%alifornia Press$ !1/)9
Fan 'ierendonc*$ Robert M;$ KFive postholes and a ditch$ the Fal*enburgLMar*tveld #imber
7atch and Signal #o+er&$ in Fran* Fermeulen$ Gathy Sas and 7outer 'hae5e$ eds;$
*rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation8 *spects of Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est8
Studies in honour of @rof8 Em8 Hugo $hoen 8>hent$ 2(9$ pp; ." L !2
Fan 'riel<Murray$ %arol$ ed;$ Roman 1ilitar+ E>uipment5 the Sources of E;idence 8H6ford0
3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1/19
Fan 'riel Murray$ %arol$ KFindolanda and the 'ating of Roman Foot+ear&$ Britannia$ "2
82!9$ !/)<!1.
Fan Hssel$ Paul$ Pta:lissements rurauI de lJ*nti>uite $ardi;e dans le Aord de la Gaule 8Paris0
\ditions %JRS$ !1129
Fan Hssell Paul$ K-nsecuritE et Militarisation en >aule du Jord au 3as<4mpire0 l&e6emple des
campagnes&$ Re;ue du Aord-*rcheologie$ .. 8!11)9- 2. L ",
Fan Hssell$ Paul and Pierre Hu5oulias$ KRural settlement economy in Jorthern >aul in the
Late 4mpire0 an overvie+&$ ?ournal of Roman *rchaeolog+$ !2 829- !"" L !,
Fanhoutte$ Sofie$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results&$
in cngel Morillo$ and others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso 7nternacional de Estudios
So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational 3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies$
vol; " 8Madrid$ 219$ pp; !"/, L 1(
Fanhoutte$ Sofie$ 7outer 'hae5e and 7im 'e %lerc@$ K#he Pottery %onsumption c; A' 2, L
. at the Roman %oastal 'efence Fort$ Hudenburg$ Jorthern >aul&$ ?ournal of
Roman @otter+ Studies$ !( 8219$ 1) L !(!
Fanhoutte$ Sofie$ and others$ K'e 'ubbele 7aterput uit het Laat<Romeinse %astellum van
Hudenburg 8prov; 7est<Flaanderen90 #afonomie$ %hronologie en -nterpretatie&
Relicta- *rcheologie-1onumenten- en Landschapsonder!oe# in =laanderen- volume
)$ 83russels$ 219$ 1 < !(2
Fanhoutte$ Sofie and others$ KA Remar*able K'ouble& 7ell at the Sa6on Shore Fort at
Hudenburg 83elgium9$& in cngel Morillo and others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << 3ongreso
7nternacional de Estudios So:re la Frontera Romana / <<th 7nternational 3ongress of
Roman Frontier Studies 8Madrid 4diciones Polifemo$ 219$ pp; !"1) < 11
Fasselle$ Franuois$ KL&4nceinte Urbaine du 3as<4mpire de Samarobriva 8Amiens$
Somme9;'escription < %onstruction L 'atation&$ 3elticum$ , 8!1,"9$ "2"<"(2
Feermesch$ 'idier$ KLe Site ArchEologi@ue du Marais de Famechon 8Somme9; 3ilan
provisoire&$ 3ahiers *rcheologie de la @icardie- / 8!1/!9$ !(. L !))
Felay$ Phillipe$ De Lutece V @aris5 lL7le et les DeuI Ri;es 8Paris0 %JRS$ 29
Fermeulen$ Fran*$ KRoads for Soldiers and %ivilians in the %ivitas Menapiorum$& in Fran*
Fermeulen$ Gathy Sas and 7outer 'hae5e$ eds;$ *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation8
*spects of Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est8 Studies in honour of @rof8 Em8
Hugo $hoen 8>hent0 Academia Press$ 2(9$ pp; !2) L !(2
Fermeulen$ Fran*$ KLes %ampagnes de la 3elgi@ue Septentrionale et des Pay<3as
Meridionau6$& in Pierre Hu5oulias and others$ eds;- Les 3ampagnes de la Gaule N la
Fin de lJ*nti>uitC5 *ctes du 3ollo>ue- 1ontpellier- ,,-,' mars ,//& 8Antibes0 AP'%A$
Association pour la promotion et la diffusion des connaissances archEologi@ues$
2!)

2!9$ pp; () L ,/
Fermeulen$ Fran*$ Gathy Sas and 7outer 'hae5e$ eds;- *rchaeolog+ in 3onfrontation5
*spects of Roman 1ilitar+ @resence in the Aorth6est5 Studies in Honour of @rof8 Em8
Hugo $hoen 8>hent0 Academia Press$ 2(9
7acher$ Dohn$ KSome #houghts on Roman Urban 'efences in the 7est-L in Dohn Maloney
and 3rian Hobley$ eds;$ Roman Or:an Defences in the 9est 8H6ford0 3ritish
Archaeological Reports$ !1/"9
7allace<Hadrill$ Dohn M;$ $he Long Haired ings 8London0 University of #oronto Press$ !1,29
7ard<Per*ins$ 3rian$ K#he %itiesL- in Averil %ameron and Peter >arnsey$ eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient
Histor+8=olume ,.- $he Late Empire *D ..F E '%0 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University
Press$ !11/9
7ard<Per*ins$ 3rian$ KLand$ Labour and Settlement&$ Averil %ameron$ 3rian 7ard<Per*ins and
Michael 7hitby$ eds;- 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+ <7= *D '%0 - ()) 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ 29
7ard<Per*ins$ 3rian$ $he Fall of Rome and the end of ci;ili!ation 8H6ford0 H6ford University
Press$ 2)9
7elsby$ 'avid$$he Roman 1ilitar+ Defence of the British @ro;inces in its Later @hases
8H6ford$ !1/29
7ens*us$ Richard$ Stammes:ildung und =erfassung 8GMln0 3Mhlau$ !1,!9
7erner$ Doachim$ KIur 4ntstehung der ReihengrRber5ivilisation&$ *rchaeologica
Geographica- ! 8!1)9- 2" < "2
7ic*ham$ %hris$ Framing the 1iddle *ges 8H6ford0 H6ford University Press$ 2)9
7ic*ham$ %hris$ K#he Hther #ransition0 From the Ancient 7orld to Feudalism&$ in %hris
7ic*ham$ Land and @o6er5 Studies in 7talian and European Social Histor+- ')) E ,%))
8London0 3ritish School at Rome$ !11(9
7hitby$ Michael$ Rome at 9ar *D %/.-(/( 8H6ford0 Hsprey$ 229
7hitby$ Michael$ K#he late Roman Army and the defence of the 3al*ans&$ in Andre+ >;
Poulter$ ed;$ $he $ransition to Late *nti>uit+5 on the Danu:e and :e+ond 8H6ford0
H6ford University Press for the 3ritish Academy$ 2.9
7hitby$ Michael$ KArmies and Society in the Later Roman 7orld&$ in Averil %ameron$ 3rian
7ard<Per*ins and Michael 7hitby$ eds;$ 3am:ridge *ncient Histor+ ;ol8 <7= Late
*nti>uit+5 Empire and Successors *D '%0 - ()) 8%ambridge0 %ambridge University
Press$ 29$ pp; (,1 L (1,
7hitta*er$ %; R;$ $he Frontiers of the Roman Empire5 a social and economic histor+
83altimore0 University of Dohn Hop*ins Press$ !11(9
7hitta*er$ %; R; K7arlords and Landlords in the Later Roman 4mpire$& in Dohn Rich and
>raham Shipley$ eds;$ 9ar and the Societ+ in the Roman 9orld 8London0 Routledge$
!11"9$ pp; 2.. L "2
7hitta*er$ %;R;$ MLabour Supply in the Later Roman 4mpire&$ Hpus 8!1/29$ !.! L !.1
7iesehMfer$ Dosef$ K-uvenes 8-uventus9&$ BrillLs Ae6 @aul+ 8Leiden0 3rill$ 2!29
7ightman$ 4dith M;$ Gallia Belgica 8H6ford0 3lac*+ell$ !1/)9
7ightman$ 4; M;$ Roman $rier and the $re;eri 8London0 3atsford$ !1.9
7ild$ Dohn P;$ $eItile 1anufacture in the Aorthern Roman @ro;inces 8%ambridge0 %ambridge
University Press$ !1.9
7il*es$ D; D;$ K%ivil 'efence in #hird<%entury Achaia&$ Bulletin of the 7nstitute of 3lassical
Studies$ ", 8!1/19$ !/. L !12
7ill$ 4rnest$ KRecherches sur le 'eveloppment Urbaine sous l&4mpire Romain dans la Jord
2!,

de la >aule&$ Gallia$ 2;! 8!1,29$ .1 L !2
7illems$ 7illem$ KAn Hfficer or a >entlemanB A Late Roman +eapon grave from a Filla at
Foerendaal&$ in %arol Fan 'riel<Murray$ ed;$ Roman 1ilitar+ E>uipment5 the Sources
of E;idence 8H6ford0 3ritish Archaeological Reports$ !1/19$ pp; !(" L !),
7illiams$ 'iane and Dohn R; Genyon$ $he 7mpact of the Ed6ardian 3astles in 9ales5 the
proceedings of a conference held at Bangor Oni;ersit+- F E / Septem:er %))F
8H6ford0 H6bo+ boo*s$ 2!9
7oimant$ >eorges<Pierre and others$ LLHise5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris
AcadEmie des insciptions et belles<lettres 0 Minist]re de la %ulture _etc;` 0 diff;
Fondation Maison des sciences de lUhomme$ !11)9
7olfram$ Her+ig$ Histor+ of the Goths 83er*eley0 University of %alifornia Press$ !1//9
7olfram$ Her+ig and 7alter Pohl$ eds;$ $+pen der Ethnogenese unter :esonderer
Berc#sichtigung der Ba+ern5 Berichte des S+mposions der ommission fr
Frhmittelalterforschung- %F8 :is .)8 H#to:er- ,/&(- Stift D6ettl- Aiedersterreich
8Fienna0 Ferlag der xsterreichischen A*ademie der 7issenschaften$ !119
7ood$ -an J;$ K%ontinuity or %alamityB0 #he %onstraints of Literary Models&$ in Dohn F;
'rin*+ater and Hugh 4lton$ eds;$ Fifth 3entur+ Gaul5 a 3risis of 7dentit+G 8%ambridge0
%ambridge University Press$ !1129$ pp; 1 L !/
7ood$ -an J;$ $he 1ero;ingian ingdoms '0) E F0, 8London0 Longman$ !11(9
7ood$ -an J;$ K>ermanus$ Alban and Au6erre$& Bulletin du 3entre dLPtudes 1CdiC;ales
dL*uIerre BO3E1*$ !" 8219$ !2"<!21
7ood$ Dason$ ULe castrum de #ours0 etude architectural du rempart du 3as<4mpireU$
Recherches sur $ours$ 2 8!1/"9$ !! L ,
7oolf$ >reg$ KMonumental 7riting and the 46pansion of Roman Society in the 4arly 4mpire&$
?ournal of Roman Studies$ /, 8!11,9$ 22<"1
7o5ny$ Luc$ *miens- Saint-Germain- !one ,-!one % 2&)8)%,8),F *H4- DFS de fouille de
sau;etage- *miens 8Amiens0 SRA Picardie$ !11,9
Puge$ #oru$ and Masao*i 'oi$ eds;$ Forms of 3ontrol and su:ordination in *nti>uit+
8Leiden0 3rill$ !1//9
Iiegler$ SEbastien$ KUn \tablissment Protohistori@ue et un \tablissment >allo<Romain a
Jeuville<Saint< Amand =La FallEe de Jeuville? 8Aisne9&$ Re;ue *rchaeologi>ue de
@icardie$ " L ( 82/9$ !") < !,2










2!.


A))en#i7 (; forts in Belgica II

C.( G'it-s Sa7onic-%H

Na%e@ Ro%an
na%e
Perio#s of
occ-)ation
./(

Ty)e SiCe Te7t-al ei#ence Arc&aeolo$ical Ei#ence
Shore Forts
Aar#enb-r$ --- final period of
occupation late
"
rd
L early (
th

century

Abandoned
early (
th
century
Fort "ha Jumismatic data
indicating there is a
significant drop off at the
end of the "
rd
century;
./)

#here is coinage from
%onstantine$ Magnentius
and period O 8"// L (29;
Br-$es
./,

Un*no+n Fort 8B9 %oinage from 'iocletian
and some pottery found;
O-#enb-r$@
Portu 4patiaci

./.

-Fa c;2, < 2.
-Fb c;2. L 2/
Fa c;"2 L "(
Fb c; ". L (

Abandoned
early )
th

centuryB
Fort *./&a J'; Hcc; OOOF--;1 $ri:unus
militum Aeruiorum- @ortu
Epatiaci
-Fa is dated by the large
amount of #etrician
coinage 82.! L (9;
.//

#here are parallels in the
stone construction of the
fort +ith developments
across the channel in the
Shore forts in Britannia
+hich are dated to the
=2,s on+ards;?
./1

Pottery analysis has led to
the belief that there +as 2
phases of supply +hich are
identified as -Fa and -Fb;
#here +as also a large
amount of pottery
imported from 3ritain
during the period -F$ in
terms of 3lac* 3urnished
+are$ +hich confirms the
close lin*s bet+een

./(
#his is focused on the late Roman period only;
./)
>; 3esuiNen$ Rodanum5 * Stud+ of the Roman Settlement at *arden:urg and 7ts 1etal Finds 8Leiden$ 2/9$
pp; )) L ).;
./,
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ p; !));
./.
#he original structuring of the fort +as based on the e6cavations by D; Mertens +hich implied there +ere "
stages of settlement -$ -- 2 ---0 D; Mertens and L; Fan -mpe$ Het Laat-romeins graf;eld ;an Huden:urg 83russels$
!1.!9: D; Mertens$ Het Laat-romeins castellum te Huden:urg 83russels$ !1./9: R; 3rulet- op8 cit8$ 8!119$ pp; !!/
L !22: D; Mertens$ KHudenburg$& in M; ReddE$ ed;$ LJarchitecture de la Gaule romaine5 les fortifications militaires
8Paris$ 2,9$ pp; ",2 L ",(; #his has been challenged by the recent e6cavations from 2 L 2) +hich has
elaborated on the original periodi5ation 8see belo+ for references;9
.//
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results$& in c; Morillo and
others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << congreso internacional de estudios so:re la frontera romana / <<th 7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies5 vol; " 8Madrid$ 219$ pp; !"/, L !"//;
./1
A; Pearson$ $he Roman Shore Forts 8Stroud$ 229$ p; ,);
2!/

Hudenburg and 3ritain
during this phase;
.1

From the coin evidence 2
some +ooden plan*s in
the outside of the double
+ell e6cavated in the
south+est corner
providing a cutting date of
"!1 L "22 it is speculated
that the fort +as
reoccupied in the second
@uarter of the (
th

century;
.1!
#he final
phase is dated from
several reconstructions L
the internal part of the
double +ell for e6ample
+as constructed of +ood
+hich +as cut in c; ".1 L
and the Kmilitary
cemetery&;
.12

#he e6cavated south<+est
corner seems to reveal
that there +as a large
stone bath building +ith a
hypocaust that dominated
the area; #o+ards the end
of the (
th
century the area
+as divided by +ooden
fences and a simple
+ooden building 8possible
a stable9 +as constructed;
#here +as also a large oa*
basin$ possibly for storing
rain +ater;
Mar<-ise
-dentified as
possible
location for
Marcis by
name evidence
Late "
rd
century
L early )
th

centuryB
+ort 9 J'; Hcc; OOOF--;. E>uites
Dalmatae- 1arcis in litore
SaIonico;
Jone
Eta)lesL
-dentified as
possible site for
locus
Quartensus
Late "
rd
century
L early )
th

centuryB
+ort 9 J'; Hcc; OOOF--;/
@raefectus classis
Sam:ricae- in loco
Ruartensi siue Hornensi
#he medieval castle
occupies a strategic
position consistent +ith
other fortifications
sheltering in the estuary:
roller stamped samian
+are has been found and

.1
S; Fanhoutte$ 7; 'hae5e and 7; 'e %lerc@$ K#he pottery consumption c; A' 2, L . at the Roman coastal
defence fort$ Hudenburg$ Jorthern >aul&$ ?ournal of Roman @otter+ Studies$ !( 8219$ 1) L !(!;
.1!
S; Fanhoutte$ K#he Sa6on Shore Fort at Hudenburg 83elgium90 Je+ 46cavation Results&$ in c; Morillo and
others$ eds;$ Limes <<5 << congreso internacional de estudios so:re la frontera romana / <<th 7nternational
3ongress of Roman Frontier Studies$ vol; " 8Madrid$ 219$ p; !"/1;
.12
D; Mertens and L; -mpe$ Het laat-romeins graf;eld ;an Huden:urg 83russels$ !1.!9;
2!1

a small cemetery dating to
the mid<(
th
century;
.1"

'e CrotoyL
-dentified as
possible site for
locus
Quartensus
Late "
rd
century
L early )
th

centuryB
+ort J'; Hcc; OOOF--;/
@raefectus classis
Sam:ricae- in loco
Ruartensi siue Hornensi
Jone
Ca) Horn-L
-dentified as
possible site for
locus
Quartensus
Late "
rd
century
L early )
th

centuryB
+ort J'; Hcc; OOOF--;/
@raefectus classis
Sam:ricae- in loco
Ruartensi siue Hornensi
Jone

..*; t&e soFcalle# G'i%es Bel$ic-sH

Ba;ai E $ongres
Road
Na%e@ Ro%an
na%e
Perio#s of
occ-)ation
Ty)e SiCe Te7t-al ei#ence Arc&aeolo$ical Ei#ence
Baai
.1(

I c; 2/ L c; "

II c; ", L "/

III9 c; "/ L c;
("

+ortress9 *&a D /&a CI' IIII .40

!ic depositus in p"ace#
$ucinus/ Scrinar"ius#
bene merens/
D"omino# !on"orio#
%ug &' C"o#ns"ule#
&ixit %nnos ((((''''
8%hi<rho monogram9
#here is intense
disagreement over the
precise status of 3avay in
the late 4mpire and the role
of the castrum; For some
the +hole site is indicative
of a Roman fort; For others
this is unsatisfactory; #he
most up to date assessment
is that phase ! sa+ a
continued$ small civilian
population$ +hile there +as
a change after the ".s and
a military presence became
clearer;
.1)
#his +as found in
the eastern Kcastrum& +here
a construction +as created
in the late (
th
century$ and
+estern half remained a
civilian redoubt;

'uring the later (
th
century
there is coin evidence for
reoccupation of the forum
+ith a series of pits in the

.1"
>; Senne@uier and M; #uffreau<Libre$ KLe cimiti]re gallo<romain X inhumations 83as<4mpire9 du chateau
d&\taples 8Pas de %alais9&$ Latomus$ ", 8!1..9$ 1"" L (!;
.1(
R; 3rulet and P; #hollard$ K3avay&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres
8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp; 2) L ": P; #hollard and %; 'enimal$ KFouilles sur le forum de 3avay 8!11" L !11/9 --; Les
3as<4mpire&$ *rchCologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France 2Re;ue du Aord4$ / 8!11/9$ !)" L 22!: F;
Loridant$ K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la civitas camaracensium&$ in A; Ferdi]re$
ed;$ 3apitales CphCmKres5 des capitales de citCs perdent leur statut dans lJanti>uitC tardi;e 5 actes du collo>ue
organisC par le La:oratoire archCologie et territoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours$ 2(9$ pp; .)
< /2: R; 'elmaire$ Aord5 Ba;a+- 3arte *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; .) L /2;
.1)
For the latest vie+ arguing the site +as fundamentally civilian see R; 'elmaire$ op8 cit8$ 82!!9$ pp; !(/ L !(1
contra the Kmilitary& vie+ see F; Loridant$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ p; /;
22

+est part of the comple6;

!! crossbo+ brooches have
been found;
.1,


#here is some evidence for
+ooden structures being
built here +hich could be
seen as barrac*s +hich
seem to have been
constructed and occupied
until the end of the
century;
.1.

K>ermanic& pottery and
some cemeteries have been
argued to testify to a
military presence;
.1/

Giry
.11

I c; 2, L c; 2.)
II c; "2 L c; ")
:atc&
to"er
5.(/&a #he structure +as built on a
foundation of loose stones
alternating +ith placed
stone fi6ed +ithout mortar;
#he suggestion is that the
site +as a monument$
reused as a +atchto+er
during the "
rd
century;

%oinage seems to imply t+o
phases0 "( coins from the
>allic 4mpire period
8>allienus L #etricius --$ +ith
. imitations9 and ) from the
Licinius L
%onstansA%onstantius
period$ the latest being a
"(/<) type Fel $emp
Reparatio; A ditch ne6t to
the site also contains
sculpted stone and material
from the (
th
century;
Morlan+elC
/

I c. 2) L "


5.(1&a in
total@
5.502&a
S@uare building$ +ith ditch
and palisade$ corresponding
to a postal station; #he

.1,
R; 'elmaire$ op8 cit8$ 82!!9$ p; 1);
.1.
R; 'elmaire$ D<%; %armele5$ F; Loridant and %; Louvion$ Le Aord- Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule
8Paris$ 2!!9$ p; !(1;
.1/
F; Loridant$ K3avay<3agacum&$ in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La mar>ue de Rome5
Samaro:ri;a et les ;illes du nord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$ p; (";
.11
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; !22 L !2): R; 3rulet$ K>ivry$& in R; 3rulet
and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp; "! L "2;
/
R; 3rulet$ KMorlan+el5&$ in M; ReddE$ LJarchitecture de la Gaule romaine5 les fortifications militaires 8Paris$
2,9$ p; 2.,: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; 1! L 1): R; 3rulet$
KMorlan+el5 - 2 --&$ in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres 8Louvain$ !11)9$ pp;
"" L ".;
22!



II c; " < ")
internal


5.4&a
internal structure appears to
be +ooden building based
on several pieces of +ood
used as foundations; #here
only seems to be one phase
of construction;

#he second structure +as
moved closer to the road
and a s@uare to+er$ "m 6
"m$ +ith "m thic* +alls
+as constructed; #here also
seems to be a ditch around
the to+er$ but it is only on
one side;

#here is a Postumus coin$
implying some activity
during the mid<"
rd
century$
but the fe+ coins run from
%onstantine 8"" L "")9 to
Magnentius 8")<"9; #here
+ere only . coins in total;
'iberc&ies
/!

Ia c; 2, L c;
2/
Ib c; 2/ L c;
"!









IIa c; " L c;
"2
IIb c;"" L c;
",
IIc c; "1 L c;
(2


+ortress
D )art of
$imes
Belgicus
5.2*&a












*&a
















J' Hcc; F 2(,
Geminiacenses

Liberchies - is defined by a
series of ditches and
+ooden palisades$ +hich
e6cavators seem to believe
implies " stages; #he first
palisade +as constructed
after the abandonment of
ditch -$ as it is built on top$
and +as probably
constructed simultaneously
to the second ditch; A
subse@uent palisade is
probably lin*ed to ditch ---;
#he dating is done +ith
numismatics$ +ith
numerous Postumus coins
found in the emban*ment of
the ditch$ implying an origin
during the >allic 4mpire;
#he largest number of coins
date from #etricius -$ of
+hich !2. +ere imitations$ a
number +hich d+arfs the
total coinage; #he discovery
of imitation series of radiate
coins implies an occupation
until the early (
th
century
8(! coins in total9; #here are
a handful of (
th
century

/!
R; 3rulet$ KPont<X<%ellesALiberchies&$ in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8$ 8Paris$ 2,9$ pp; ",( L ",.: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule
Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; !" L !"2 8Liberchies -9: pp; !"" L !", 8Liberchies --9;
222

coins found on the surface
across the comple6;
/2


A large fortified comple6
emerges !(m to the +est
of the original fortification;
#he main structure is a
@uadrangular stone
fortification 8() 6 ),;)m9$
+ith +alls 2;/m high and
circular to+ers; #he interior
of the fort has evidence for
buildings constructed
against the +all; #he
perimeter of the site is
comple6 as there is evidence
for a large ditch$ +hich is
interrupted on the north
+est side by a small
palisaded ditch; #here are
t+o anne6es to the
fortification on the east side$
+hich appear to be bath
houses; Hn the +est side
there may be the remains of
a +ooden barrac*s
structure;

#here is considerable
controversy over +hy there
is such a large gap bet+een
the ditch and the fort
structure; #he best
e6planation seems to be
that the enclosed structure
+as built before the stone
fort +as constructed$ thus
giving phase --a and --b;

#he coinage is interesting of
the !/! coins .)) date
from period F
/"
8"" L
"(9; Again$ the maNority of
these 8(.29 are imitations;
Period F- 8"(<(/9 has !./
coins 8(! being imitations9;
#here are small numbers of
coins for later periods$ +ith
the last pea* being period O
8"// L (29 +hich has )2
coins 82 imitations9
surviving;


/2
R; 3rulet$ i:id$ p; !/;
/"
Follo+ing the chronological scheme laid out in R73 F---;
22"

... Ot&er fortifications in Bel$ica II

Na%e@ Ro%an
na%e
Perio#s of
occ-)ation
Ty)e SiCe Te7t-al ei#ence Arc&aeolo$ical Ei#ence
Reelles
/(

I c; 2, L c; 2.) B-r$-s 5./&a / miles to the south+est of
Amiens; #he fortification
replaced a large funerary
monument alongside the main
anti@ue road to Rouen;
/)
#he
dating of the site comes from the
,(! coins +hich all carry the
effigy of the >allic 4mperors
Postumus$ Fictorinus$ #etricius -
and -- +hich implies an
occupation date of about 2.;
#he site seems to be laid out in
an orthogonal shape$ estimated
to be .m 6 ,)m$ +ith a v<
shaped ditch surrounding a set of
internal structures; #he entrance
is protected by a titulum 8!1m in
length9;

#he current state of *no+ledge
about internal buildings is vague$
but there are a series of post<
holes +hich could be huts or
possibly e6tensions to a +all that
+ould permit those inside a
better vantage point 8a chemin
de ronde or suchli*e9;
+a%ars
/,

I c; "2 L ")B
II c; ", L c;
()B
+ortress (.3&a
D
*.*&a
ND Occ I'II
Fano 1artis Belgicae
Secundae @raefectus
Laetorum Aer;iorum
( Navelin heads +ere e6cavated
bet+een 2/ and 2!2: dated
to the end of the 2
nd
or early "
rd

century; Jo concrete evidence of
+hether they are to be
associated +ith hunting or +ith
soldiers; %lotuche argues that
they are found in a Kcivilian&
conte6t and no other military
obNects have been found but
doesn&t say +hich side of the
argument he +ould ta*e;

A coat of mail in a leather bag
+as found in 2/ in a trench
associated +ith a house

/(
F; Lemaire$ KRevelles&$ in in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8- 82,9$ pp; ",/ L ",1;
/)
F; Lemaire$ i:id8$ pp; ",/ < 1;
/,
R; 3rulet$ KFamars&$ in M; ReddE$ op8 cit8$ 82,9: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$
!119$ pp; !2, L !21;
22(

dismantled in the early (
th

century; Another contemporary
trench revealed an KAlamannic&
fibule imitating the fi:ulae of the
"
rd
A(
th
centuries L +hich is
identified as a Kfoederatus& 8on
no basis +hatsoever9SS Another
fi:ula 8early crossbo+9 +as
found +hich is dated 2, L 21
8B9;

3astrum L fi:ula Geller<PrMttel
2A 8dated to " L "(9: found in
an oven$ +as dated to "2" and
thus lin*ed to the construction;
Attests the role of official
supervision of construction;
S+ord found in !1
th
century$
attested to the type used in late
Anti@uity$ ho+ever one can&t be
more precise;

Role of the castellum and its
inhabitants are still largely
un*no+n; 7hy +as the site built
+hen the rest of the city +as
dismantledB 7hat +as the
relationship bet+een Atrebates
and JerviiB 7hy +ere the laeti
here$ and +hat +as the origin of
these soldiersB
6ortriM!
/.

ACo-rtraiB
=icus 3ortoriacum
3ortoriacensesG
#he fort has not been e6cavated
yet$ though e6cavations have
identified the Late -mperial 5one
and a ditch;

%oinage of Dulian and Falens has
been found;
C&atelF
C&K&Kry
AAr#ennesB
353

Hillfort *.0&a D<P; Lemant identified that the
site +as fortified in the Late
4mpire and dominated
habitation on the east slope;
Large amounts of (
th
century
pottery are found on the site;
!! coins +ere found across the

/.
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ p; !)";
808

22)

area L from Hadrian to "// L (2
phase; 4venly spread across the
(
th
century +ith some imitations;
8p; 2)!9
Large amount of pottery seems
to have been produced at %hatel
bet+een end of the (
th
and )
th

centuries +ith %hristian motifs
rolled onto ceramic;
O%ont
AAr#ennesB
354

/
t&
cent-ry@0
t&

cent-ry
Hillfort B Position of a bloc*ed spur
8Eperon barrE9 +hich had a
castle built onto it in //" led to
the theory that there +as a fort
here; Several tombs from the (
th

and )
th
century +ere e6cavated
here 8using pottery9 1A! being
Argonne +are;
, tombs from the Late 4mpire
have been discovered of +hich 2
had +eapons 8tomb no; " has a
*nife and no; ! an a6e9 L +hich
leads to the laeti theory;
Stonne
AAr#ennesB
3(5

.
r#
cent-ry +ort
ro-tier
B Underneath the medieval motte
+as a fortification built during
the 2,s that controlled the
Reims<#rier road;













/1
'; Jicolas$ R; %hossenot$ M; %hossenot and 3; Lambot$ *rdennes5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
2!29$ pp; ",) L ,,;
3(5
'; 3illion and D;<P; LEmant$ KFrancs de Fer$ Francs de Hauter&$ in Laurent Ferslype$ ed;$ =illes et 3ampagnes
en Aeustrie5 sociCtCs- Cconomies- territoires- 3hristianisation 8Montagnac0 \ditions Moni@ue Mergoil$ 2.9$
pp; () < )2

22,

A))en#i7 * F cities

(. Ciitas Ca)itals

Na%e
ARo%an
na%eB
:all
circ-it
AsiCeB
Date Te7t-al Ei#ence for t&e
'ate Ro%an )erio#
S-%%ary of arc&aeolo$ical
ei#ence for t&e 'ate Ro%an
)erio#
Military Ei#ence
A%iens
/!!

ASamarob
riva/
Civitas
%mbianiB
2ha Mid<(
th

century 8c;
")9
/!2

A%%ian-s Marcellin-s
<=8,,8,)
Huic 2Belgicae primae`
adneIa secunda est
Belgica- >ua *m:iani sunt-
ur:s inter alia eminens- et
3atelauni et Remi8

Je6t to this _3elgica -` is
3elgica Secunda$ +here the
Ambiani are$ +hose city is
the most eminent of all$
and the %atalauni 8%halons<
sur<Marne9 and the Remi
8Reims9;

A%%ian-s Marcellin-s
OOF--;/;!
@rofectus ita>ue a:
*m:ianis- $re;eros>ue
festinans- nuntio percellitur
_=alentinianus` gra;i- >ui
Britannias indica:at
:ar:arica conspiratione ad
ultimatum ;eIata inopiam

#his +as +hy$ having left
Amiens and +hile he +as
hastening to+ards #rier$
_Falentinian` +as alarmed
by a ne+ message$ +hich
indicated that 3ritain had
been brought to its *nees
by a barbarian conspiracy

Nero%e 'etter (*..!( *d
T&e late Ro%an city; -t is @uite
common to find evidence of
destruction levels in the final half
of the "
rd
century in e6cavated
areas of the Roman city; -t is
difficult to establish +hat the
precise cause of these +as0
violence or accident; #he early
imperial city does not seem to
have been able to use the +hole of
the urban area$ so there one could
argue that the troubles of the "
rd

century provo*ed a period of
urban decline;

T&e castrum0 there are numerous
debates regarding the nature of
the castrum; 7o5ny&s e6cavations
in the rue St Germain on the
section of +all opened in !1.2$
found some of the +ooden posts
used in the +all foundations; #hese
+ere subNected to
dendrochronological analysis0 the
maNority appear to have been cut
bet+een the +inter of "( and the
spring of "(!$ +hile one +as
apparently cut in ")!;

Another earlier +all has been
theorised0 a fortified +all dating to
before the castrum +as found in
the same insula as before$ but the
+all seems to have been limited
and did not e6tend to the south so
this theory is currently dormant;
/!"

Most of the
evidence is te6tual;
A small number of
military artefacts$
e;g; +eapons and
crossbo+ brooches
have been found$
but these +ere
discovered in the
!1
th
century and
thus have no
secure provenance;



/!!
#he main reference +or*s are 3; Pichon$ *miens0 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 219: '; 3ayard$
KSamarobriva&$ in '; 3ayard$ D;<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La mar@ue de Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et les ;illes du
nord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$ p; "!: '; 3ayard$ *miens Romain 8Amiens$ !1/"9: 4; FrE5ouls$ Les =illes
*nti>ue de la France 8Strasbourg$ !1/29;
/!2
#his is based on the dendrochronological dating in L; 7o5ny$ *miens- Saint-Germain- !one ,-!one %
2&)8)%,8),F *H4- DFS de fouille de sau;etage$ Amiens$ SRA Picardie 8!11,9 l&mlot Saint<>ermain; #rente<trois
pieu6 ont EtE dEbitEs pendant l&hiver "( et le printemps "(! et un pieu a EtE fabri@uE di6 ans plus tard; #his
challenges the traditional dating picture +hich is dra+n from the coins found in earlier e6cavations dating to
the late "rd century 0 F; Fasselle$ KL&enceinte urbaine du 3as<4mpire de Samarobriva 8Amiens$ Somme9;
'escription < %onstruction L 'atation$& 3elticum$ , 8!1,"9$ "2"<"(2;
/!"
3; Pichon$ op8 cit8$ 8219$ p;.2;
22.

Geruchiam 8c;A' (19
7nnumera:iles et
ferocissimae nationes
uni;ersas Gallias
occuparunt8 Ruid>uid inter
*lpes et @+ranaeum est-
>uod Hceano Rheno>ue
includitur- Ruadus-
=andalus- Sarmata- Halani-
Gepides- Heruli- SaIones-
Burgundiones- *lemanni et
o legunda respu:lica\
Hostes @annonii
;astaruntT Remorum ur:s
praepotens- *m:iani-
*tra:atae- WeItemi>ue
hominum 1oriniS
$ornacus- Aemetae-
*rgentoratus- translatae in
Germaniam;

Most savage tribes in
countless numbers have
overrun all parts of >aul;
#he +hole country
bet+een the Alps and the
Pyrenees$ bet+een the
Rhine and the Hcean$ has
been laid +aste by hordes
of Quadi$ Fandals$
Sarmatians$ Alans$ >epids$
Herules$ Sa6ons$
3urgundians$ Allemanni
and<alasS for the
common+ealS<even
Pannonians; #he po+erful
city of Reims$ the *m:iani$
the *tre:atae$ the 1orini
on the s*irts of the +orld$
#ournai$ Speyer 8B9$ and
Strasbourg have fallen to
>ermany0

S-l)ici-s Seer-s =ita S8
1artini ---;!
Ruodam ita>ue tempore-
cum iam nihil praetor arma
et simplicem militia ;estem
ha:eret- media hieme >uae
solito asperior inhorruerat-
adeo ut pleros>ue ;is
alogoris eItingueret

-nternal use of the castrum can be
seen in " areas$ +here evidence for
+hat has been interpreted as a
series of public enterprises +ere
found0

Rue Saint<>ermain

Halles du 3efroi

Forum

#he second half of the (
th
century
sa+ the destruction of the forum
site and its replacement by an
important building used for
metal+or*ing$ +hich has been
suggested to have served as the
fa:rica mentioned in the Aotitia;
/!(


Under Magnentius a mint +as set
up for a short time$ probably
because of Magnentius&
association +ith the city;
/!)
#he
city seems to have retained
significance in the te6tual
evidence$ as it +as occasionally an
imperial centre0 this is best
documented under Falentinian$
and thus the urban fabric +ould
have had to have been sufficient to
maintain the comitatus;

/!(
'; 3ayard and '; Piton$ KUn bitiment publi@ue du 3as<4mpire ^ Amiens0 !1." L !1./ si6 ans de recherche
au Logis du Roy&$ 3ahiers *rchCologi>ue du @icardie$ , 8!1.19$ p; !,(: 3; Pichon op8 cit8$ p; (/;
/!)
D; 3ide5$ KAmiens$ ville natale de l&empereur Magnence&$ Re;ue des Ptudes *nciennes$ 2. 8!12)9$ "!2 L "!/;
22/

o:;ium ha:et in porta
*m:ianensium ci;itatis
pauperem nudum8

Pane$yric-s Constantio
Caesari #ict-s -F;2!;! 8A'
21.9
7ta nunc per ;ictorias tuas-
3onstanti 3aesar in;icte-
>uid>uid infre>uens
*m:iano et Bello;aco et
$ricassino solo
Lingonico>ue resta:at-
:ar:aro cultore re;irescit8
=7hatever land remained
abandoned in the territory
of the Ambiani$ 3ellovaci$
#ricasses and Lingones
turns green again under
cultivation by the
barbarian;?

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
II..4
2Fa:ricae infrascriptae4
*m:ianensis spatharia et
scutaria

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
I'II.12 @raefectus
Sarmatarum gentilium
inter Remos et *m:ianos
pro;inciae Belgicae
Secundae8

C'$ IIII ./4*
D2is4 _12ani:us4 E2t4`
12emoriae4/ T 7anuarius
imagin2ifer4 A2umeri4
Orsarien2sium4 3i;es/
_Se`>uan2i4 ;iI2it4 annos/
_T<<`=7777 Se;erianus
frat2er4/ 1emor2iam4
posuit8

#o the Manes and the
memory of -anuarius$
imaginifer$ of the regiment
of Ursarienses$ citi5en of
the Se@uani +ho lived
218B9 years; Severianus$ his
brother$ raised this
memorial;

C'$ IIII ./4.
=al2erius4 Durio 3ircit2or4
A2umeri4
221

3atafr2actariorum4 ;iI2it4
an2nos4 <<< Falerius 'urio$
3ircitor of the %ataphract
Regiment lived for " years

C'$ IIII ./4/
'8is9 M8anibus9 48t9
M8emoriae9 Fal8erius9
-ustusA _4`@8uesB9 vi68it9
ann8os9 OOO- scolaA
provincialum inA _s`tituit
#o the Manes and the
memory of Falerius -ustus$
cavalryman$ +ho lived "!
years; #he Schola of the
Provincials installed this;

CI' IIII ./40
_D2is4` 12ani:us4/ E2t4
12emoriae4 =al2erius4
Durdiginiu2s4/ De2curio4
3a_tafr2actatoriumG4`
#o the Manes and the
memory of Falerius
Iurdiginiu8s9$ 'ecurion of
%ataphracts8B9


Arras
/!,

A*emetac
um/
Civitas
%trebatu
mB
/ha 4nd of "
rd

century
Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
I'II./5 @raefectus
laetorum Bata;orum
Aemetacensium *tra:atis
Belgicae secundae
#he main e6cavation +or* has
been at the 3audimont area of the
city +hich has revealed several
layers of occupation covering the
+hole imperial period; #his
evidence

T&e GGer%anic sanct-aryH

#he most interesting site +hich
may illustrate the comple6
relationship bet+een the military
and civilian population is at Arras;
At some point around ".) a
sanctuary site$ +hich from the
surviving cult obNects and statuary
seems to have been dedicated to
Attis and %ybele$ +as destroyed;
/!.

#he =>ermanic
sanctuary?
/!/
As
discussed in the
te6t$ there is an
argument to
suggest that this
structure is
evidence of a unit
of foederati$ but
there is no direct
evidence
associating this
+ith a military
conte6t;

#he =#heodosian?
barrac*s
/!1
are a
very important set

/!,
R; 'elmaire$ A; Dac@ues$ >; Leman<'elevre and %; Seillier$ Le @as de 3alais5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule
8Paris$ !11"9: A; Dac@ues$ KArras L Aemetacum&$ in '; 3ayard : D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La mar@ue de
Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et les ;illes du nord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$ pp; ", L "1;
/!.
A; Dac@ues and 4; 3elot$ KLe comple6e mEtroa@ue d&Arras<3audimont&$ Re;ue du Aord E *rchCologie$ LOO---
8!11!9$ 2! L "(;
/!/
A; Dac@ues$ KLe sanctuaire germani@ue d&Arras&$ *rchCologica$ 2. 8!11!9$ , L ,,: A; Dac@ues$ KLe sanctuaire
germani@ue d&Arras0 les fouilles de rue 3audimont&$ in R; %ompatangelo<Soussignan and %;<>; Sch+ent5el$ eds;$
Ptrangers dans la citC romaine 5 actes du collo>ue de =alenciennes 2,'-,0 octo:re %))04 8Rennes$ 2.9$ pp;
22! L 2"/;
2"

-n the ne6t fe+ years a ne+
sanctuary +as constructed$ based
on a rectangular pit measuring
";2)m by 2;,m +ith a depth of
!;(m; A small +all$ ;(m high$
based on a foundation of chal* and
pac*ed tiles enclosed the pit;
Postholes sho+ that a shelter +as
erected over the pit in a second
phase of construction$ soon after
the first; Several other
constructions appear during the
first phase L flat hearths$ ditches$ a
channel and a rectangular
structure 82;2m by ;/m9; Several
other hearths and ditches +ere
added during a second phase$ but
the stratigraphy hints at only a
short period of time bet+een the
t+o phases;

Farious deposits +ere found
across the site; #he principal pit
produced miscellaneous items
such as a bo+l$ nails and various
ceramics; #+o human s*ulls +ere
found placed upside do+n in the
middle of the pit; #he first +as of a
child$ estimated at ) years old$
+ith a co+ rib and limestone bloc*
+edged against it; #he second +as
an adult$ bet+een 2 and ( years
of age$ and +as placed in a +reath
of bron5e that +as encircled +ith
iron that also contained traces of
perishable tissue; #he partial s*ull
of a third individual$ a child of
around . years$ +as placed
bet+een the other s*ulls; #he
Na+bone of a very young infant
8bet+een ! L 2 years9 lay on one
side; A femur and a rib complete
the list of human remains from this
pit; #he systematic disappearance
of mandibles and cervical
vertebrae from the s*ulls attest a
post<mortem manipulation of the
bodies for ritual deposition;
Another smaller pit in the south<
+est of the comple6 contained the
s*eleton of a young girl 8minus her
s*ull9 in her early teens$ as +ell as
other articles similar to the
of evidence for
military occupation
in a late Roman
urban conte6t; #he
name is due to an
attribution of their
construction to the
aftermath of the
defeat of Magnus
Ma6imus by the
e6cavator$ Alain
Dac@ues$ but this is
speculative;

/!1
A; Dac@ues$ KL&occupation militaire d&Arras au 3as<4mpire&$ in F; =allet and M; a!ans#i$ eds;$ LL*rmCe
Romaine et les Bar:ares du 777e au =77e siKcle 8Rouen$ !11"9$ pp; !1. L 11;
2"!

principal pit L ceramics$ tiles and a
harness pendant; #he absence of
the cervical vertebrae and
mandibles implied to the
e6cavators an intermediary stage
bet+een e6humation and
secondary deposition; #races of
organic material 8+ood and other
tissues9 +ere found the main pit$
but unfortunately they did not
remain in a state +here the
original deposit could be
understood; A large variety of
deposits +ere found in the other
pits across the site$ including
human and animal remains; #he
maNority of these are por* 8,2j9
but there are traces of other meats
such as beef$ chic*en and shellfish;
#races of butcher cuts and signs of
coo*ing indicate that these may
have been consumed on the site$
possibly as part of the rituals
attached to the site;

GT&eo#osian Barrac!sH

#hese +ere constructed after the
destruction of the sanctuary; -n the
late "/sA"1s an intervallum of
about !)m +as created bet+een
the city +all and the ne+ buildings;
3uilding A +as rectangular and
measured (2m by .;2)m$ being
divided into a series of small
rooms; Material from a rubbish
dump attached to the site
contained spear and Navelin heads$
an iron arro+ +ith three flights$ a
fighting a6e as +ell as various
decorative items made from
bron5e; -n addition the dump
produced ( pairs of studded$
adult shoes$ numerous ceramics
and , bron5e coins; Food
remains contained large amounts
of meat 8beef and mutton9 +hich
are consistent +ith a military
presence; #he buildings are
identified by the e6cavators as
barrac*s$ containing contu:ernia$
+ith a papillo 8common room9 and
an arms store; #here is a second
period of occupation in this stage$
identified by the demolition of the
room at the north end of barrac*
bloc* A; #his +as replaced by an
2"2

oven$ used for ba*ing bread$
protected by a post<built shed
8!m 6 1m9; #he internal structure
of the buildings +as affected$ +ith
partitions dividing the rooms into
smaller units$ dotted +ith
rectangular pits and silos; #he
internal structure of the buildings
+as also affected$ +ith partitions
dividing the rooms into smaller
units$ dotted +ith rectangular pits
and silos; >iven the remains of
amphorae and dolia in these pits
these +ere probably for storing
foodstuffs; Finds from this period
consist of many obNects that
suggest a female presence L
bron5e and silver rings$ gold
earrings$ Net blac* bracelets and
bron5e brooches; A military
occupation is still indicated by
finds of a spur$ buc*les$ daggers
and lead plum:atae; Spears$
pommels and bron5e decorations
are consistent +ith cavalry
soldiers;

Bea-ais
/2

ACaesaro
magus/
Civitas
Bellacoru
mB
!;.ha
/2!

2 ditch
4arly (
th

century
/22

Pane$yric-s Constantio
Caesari #ict-s
7ta nunc per ;ictorias tuas-
3onstanti 3aesar in;icte-
>uid>uid infre>uens
*m:iano et Bello;aco et
$ricassino solo
Lingonico>ue resta:at-
:ar:aro cultore re;irescit8
8-F;2!;! 8A' 21.99;

Aotitia Galliarum F-
Fery little is *no+n about the
material remains of the to+n
during the late imperial period;

Jorth cemetery revealed a large
number of (
th
century graves +ith
no military elements;

%emetery found in north<east
dates from "
rd
2 (
th
centuries
+hich has fe+ grave goods and
distinguishing features;

#here are some indications of
continued use of buildings +ithin
the castrum and some indications
of continued use of suburban
occupation too; Recent
e6cavations on Rue Jully have
found evidence of @uite intensive
occupation in the Late 4mpire
Jone;

/2
4; FrE5ouls$ Les =illes *nti>ue de la France 8Strasbourg$ !1/29: >;<P; 7oimant$ LLHise5 3arte archCologi>ue
de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11)9$ pp; !2. L !,!;
/2!
><P; 7oimant op8 cit8$ pp; !(. L (/: " levels of large bloc*s +ith bonded petit appareil8
/22
'ating based on finds of early (
th
century coins Ma6imian Hercules 82/)9 and Licinius 8"!!9 found in
trenches underneath e6cavated section of the rampart during e6cavations from !1,, L ., ><P; 7oimant$ op8
cit8$ p; !(: 3; 'esachy$ KLe site archEologi@ue de 3eauvais 8Hise90 elEments de prEsentation topographi@ue et
chronologi@ue&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie$ "; "<( 8!11!9$ p; 2,;
2""

level$ +ith carefully constructed
structures made up or re<
employed spolia and chal*; -n the
+est of the site a room +ith under
floor heating +as discovered;
#here +as also a large amount of
pottery found; Sadly there doesn&t
seem to be any precise
chronological information yet on
this e6cavation;
/2"


Bo-lo$ne
/2(

ABononia
2
3esorioco
rum/
civitas
bononium
B
!2;,ha Late "
rd

century;
3oulogne seems to have remained
as a maNor naval and military base
during the late 4mpire; #he
settlement seems to have been
based around the upper to+n
citadel in the (
th
century;
#+o phases of barrac*s have been
found that date to the (
th
and )
th

centuries;
#he first barrac*
phase conform to
normal Roman
standards$ but the
last phase is more
irregular$ +ith
Seillier arguing the
hand turned
pottery meaning
that it +as
occupied by a
Kfederate& unit;
Ca%brai
/2)

ACamarac
um/
Civitas
Camarace
nsium
/2,
B
(;"ha
8B9
/2.

8B9 Aotitia Galliarum =%ivitas
%amaracensium? sho+s
that %ambrai had replaced
3avai as the %ivitas %apital
at some point in the (
th

century

>regory of #ours Historia
Francorum 2;1 8%lodio9
>regory of #ours Historia
Francorum 2;(2
8Ragnachar9
Fery little is *no+n about the
material remains of the to+n;
46cavations have produced late
Roman coins and relatively large
amounts of late pottery <
particularly Argonne +are;
46cavations at the lycEe FEnelon
have revealed compacted rubble
and levelled ground +hich may
have been the ancient castrum;
/2/

A Fran*ish leader
%lodio seems to
have established
some control over
the city in the mid<
)
th
century; -n the
early ,
th
century
Ragnacharius a
Fran*ish rival to
%lovis apparently
possessed a
*ingdom that +as
based on %ambrai;
#his implies that
the city had some
form of military

/2"
%; Laurent and D<M; FEmolant$ K3eauvais$& *rcheologie de la France E Aotifications5 Gallia 82,9 J2,<P-<
/,
/2(
R; 'elmaire$ A; Dac@ues$ >; Lemean<'elevre and %; Seillier Le @as de 3alais5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule
8Paris$ !11"9: %; Seillier KLa prEsence militaire ^ 3oulogne<sur<Mer&$ in M; Lode+iNc*6$ ed;$ *rchaeological and
Historical *spects of 9est-European Societies$ 8Louvain$ !11,9$ p; 2".<2((;
/2)
R; 'elmaire$ Le Aord0 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11,9$ pp; !)) L !,.;
/2,
%ambrai replaced 3avay as the civitas capital and the civitas changed its name from %ivitas Jerviorum to
%ivitas %amaracensium 8see Aotitia Galliarum9
/2.
#his is a hypothetical estimate devised by M; RouchE$ K#opographie histori@ue de %ambrai durant le haut
Moyen Age 8Fe L Oie si]cle9&$ Re;ue du Aord$ )/ 8!1.,9$ ""1 L "(/$ based on no physical evidence +hatsoever
8R; 'elmaire$ Le Aord0 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11,9$ p; !),; #he main reason for believing that
there +as an enceinte is the literary evidence from >regory of #ours +ho says that %hilperic - too* refuge at
%ambrai +hile fighting >ontran 8>regory of #ours Historia Francorum ,;(!9 +hile a later church is referred to
as being eItra muros 83alderic 3hronicle of *rras and 3am:rai -;,(9; #his isn&t particularly convincing ho+ever;
/2/
M; 3arret and D<%; Routier$ K%ambrai; Les fouilles du lycEe FEnelon0 un habitat du 3as 4mpire&$ *rchCologia$
", 8!1119$ 2, L "!;
2"(

function$ but it may
have been as a
secure site +hich
became more
important in a )
th

century conte6t
than as a late
Roman military site
relevant to the (
th

century;
,er%an#
/21

A%ugusta/
Civitas
&ermandu
ensiumB
!, L 2 ha Late
"rdA(
th

century
/"



Jone Hppidum +all +hich seems to date
in origin to the !
st
century 3% 8!, L
2 ha9 L there does seem to have
been some large reused bloc*s
placed into service in the +all
+hich may have been part of the
late Roman circuit

Fery little is *no+n of internal
structures but there is a continuity
of settlement in houses occupied
in Rue des #roupes;
/"!


#he cemeteries are given a date for
the second half of the (
th
century;

Si6 cemetery
groups +ith several
military burials;
#he most
prominent is =Le
tomb de chef$? the
precise nature of
+hich has caused
considerable
debate;
/"2


#here +as a large
civilian population
too0 %ollart
estimates 2j of
the population
+ere involved +ith
the garrison;
/""


%ollart compares
the site +ith
3u5enol and
Demelle in Belgica -;
To-rnai
/"(

A4urnacu
!2 L
!)ha
/")

Late
"
rd
Aearly
Notitia Galliar-% ,I
#ournai +as promoted to
#here seems to be a considerable
population in #ournai during the
#he %hilderic tomb
in the late )
th


/21
Fermand +as promoted to replace St Quentin as the civitas capital during the (
th
century0 D;<L; %ollart$
KFermand&$ in D;<P; Petit and M; Mangin$ eds;$ *tlas des agglomCrations secondaires de la Gaule Belgi>ue et des
Germanies 8Paris !11(9$ pp; 2" L 2"!: 3; Pichon$ lL*isne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ pp;
(.. L )(;
/"
#his dating is entirely hypothetical as the enceinte is so poorly understood; -t could very +ell be that the
structure surrounding the city as it is dates bac* to the La #Ene period and it +as maintained by later
settlements see 3; Pichon$ i:id8- pp; (/ L /2;
831
3; Pichon$ op8 cit8$ 82(9$ p; (/(;
/"2
KFermand #reasure0 3elt 3uc*le and #hree Mounts for Spear Shafts$ #he _Provincial Roman: Found in
Fermand$ France`& 8!.;!12;!("<;!(,9 -n Heil:runn $imeline of *rt Histor+ ; Je+ Por*0 #he Metropolitan
Museum of Art$ 2L; http0AA+++;metmuseum;orgAtoahA+or*s<of<artA!.;!12;!("<;!(,; 8Hctober 2,9
833
D;L; %ollart$ op8 cit8- 8!11(9$ p; 2"!: '; Schorsch, The Vermand Treasure: A Testimony to the Presence of the
Sarmatians in the Western Roman Empire. Metropolitan Museum Journal, Vol. 21 (1986).
/"(
R; 3rulet and others$ *rchCologie du >uartier Saint-Brice N $ournai5 eIposition au SiKge de $ournai- $ournai-
mars ,/&( 8Louvain$ !1/,9: R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ pp; 1) L 1/: %;
3onnet and R; 3rulet$ KLes fouilles de la cathEdrale de #ournai; Anti@uitE tardive et haut Moyen nge; 'onnEes
nouvelles et comparaisons&$ in L; Ferslype$ ed;$ =illes et campagnes en Aeustrie5 sociCtCs- Cconomies-
territoires- 3hristianisation 8Montagnac$ 2.9$ pp; ")<"!: R; 3rulet$ K#ournai$ capitale du 3as<4mpire et
Evolution au Haut Moyen<nge&$ R; Anaert$ ed;$ $he ;er+ :eginning of EuropeG Earl+-1edie;al 1igration and
3olonisation 83russels$ 2!29$ pp; !2)<!"(;
2")

m@ Civitas
4urnacens
iumB
(
th

century
/",

ci;itas capital in the "
rd
A(
th

century

Notitia Di$nitat-%
Occ.II.02
@rocurator g+naecii
$ornacensis- Belgicae
Secundae
#he procurator of the
+eaving<house at #ournai
Belgica secunda

Notitia Di$nitat-%
II,III.(0
3omes litoris SaIonici per
Britanniam praepositus
Aumerus $urnacensium
Lemanis
/".

Nero%e 'etter (*.
8See entry in Amiens
above9
late Roman period if the
cemeteries are ta*en into account;
#here is also some large scale
urban construction +or* in the
Saint<Pierre area +hich is dated to
the %onstantinian period; #here is
also evidence of continued
occupation in this area during the
)
th
century +here evidence of
artisan activity is mi6ed in +ith the
Kdar* earth& level;

46cavations have also revealed
developments in the cathedral
area also have produced evidence
for building activity in the late "
rd

to the )
th
century; A series of
building reorganisations in the (
th

and )
th
century are clear in a
domus +hich seems to have been
turned into a basilica in the )
th

century;
/"/
#here is also another
building here +hich +as
reorganised several times but in
the mid<(
th
century this included a
phase of being used as a bath
house$ and an adNacent room had a
hypocaust;

St; 3rice has sho+n some material
indications 8pottery and coinage9
of being occupied in the (
th

century but there is little precise
information on the state of
internal organisation beyond that;
century in the St
3rice cemetery is
the most notable
development for
military
connections;
Rei%s
/"1

ADurocort
orum/Civi
tas
Remorum
B
))ha c; "" <
")
/(

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
II..1
8Fabricae infrascriptae9
Remensis spatharia

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
II../
@raepositus thesauorum
Several sites in Reims seem to hint
at problems in the late "
rd
century
as almost a do5en sites give
evidence of abandonment andAor
destruction in the second half of
the "
rd
century;
/(!


First half of the (
th
century sees a
#here is some
evidence for a
military occupation
in the sector the
old sanctuary
around 2) L 2.)$
but this seems very
short as the

/")
#he full e6tent of the circuit is un*no+n as only fragments have been e6cavated e;g; at La Loucherie though
there is no doubt that there +as actually an enceinte see R; 3rulet$ K#ournai et le gen]se du Haut Moyen Age&$
in L; Ferslype$ ed;$ op8 cit8 82.9$ p; 2): >regory of #ours describes %hilperic ta*ing refuge there +ith his +ife
and children in )." 8as at St Quentin9 Historia Francorum$ -F;);
/",
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ p; 1/;
/".
3ased in Lympne in 3ritain under the command of the %ount of the Sa6on Shore;
/"/
R; 3rulet$ K#ournai et le gen]se du Haut Moyen Age&$ in L; Ferslype$ ed;$ op8 cit8 82.9$ pp; 2) L 2,;
/"1
R; %hossenot$ A; 4stEban and R; Jeiss$ Reims5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!9;
/(
-t seems fairly clear that the city +all +as constructed under %onstantine L as construction +as preceded by
a destruction of pre<e6isting buildings and money from "! L "2 +as found in this destruction layer as +ell as
Argonne +are R; %hossenot$ A; 4stEban and R; Jeiss$ op8 cit8 82!9$ p; 1(;
/(!
Gallia 7nformations 8!11/ L !111$ %' Rom9;
2",

Remorum
#reasury at Reims
Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
II.01
@rocurator g+naecii
Remensis- Belgicae
Secundae
#he procurator of the
+eaving<house at Reims in
Belgica Secunda

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
II.21
@raepositus
:ran:aricariorum si;e
argentariorum Remensium

A%%ian-s Marcellin-s
I,.*.3O I,II.*.( 8Dulian
assembles his forces at
Reims in "), 2 ").9

A%%ian-s Marcellin-s
II,I.0.(/O II,II.*.( D (5
8Falentinian mobilises an
army at Reims in ",, L ,.9

Nero%e 'etter (*.
8Quoted above9
period of calm and urban vitality in
Reims L the best sign of this being
the enceinte$ +hich covered an
impressive si5e in comparison to
other cities in the province$ and
parallels in some +ays the
Augustan +all foundations; #+o
triumphal arches +ere
incorporated into the +all as gates
8la @orte de 1ars 2 la @orte de
Ba!Ce9 probably for aesthetic
reasons too as their decorative
features +ere maintained;

Many finds in the !1
th
century
8especially glass+are9 imply that
the city +as an important centre of
production$ +hich is already
indicated by the number of
imperial production centres based
at the city according to the Aotitia;

#he +all enclosed the city but
there is evidence of continued
occupation of areas inside the city
+alls; #he most stri*ing are the
baths +hich +ere e6cavated again
in the cathedral area bet+een
!11" and !11) +hich revealed
continuity of function bet+een the
!
st
and (
th
centuries$ +ith a series
of refurbishments$ the most
spectacular being the
%onstantinian refoundation 8%-L
O---;"2))9; #his +as eventually
incorporated into the ecclesiastical
foundations of the )
th
century;
%oinage evidence also sho+s that
the a@ueduct +as still +or*ing
during the second half of the (
th

century;

Some speculation that the forum
retained a monumental function
during the (
th
century$ and
contained the palace of the
praeses$ +hich later became part
of the ecclesiastical comple6;
-dentifications of the palatium
mentioned in later documents for
the Merovingian era as +ell have
been made in the documentary
sources$ but there is little positive
archaeological support for this
though some remains found
underneath the foundations of the
nave in !11.;
archaeological
artefacts are
limited;

#here is little
evidence of any
permanent
occupation by
soldiers;

2".


Hutside the +alls the former
monumental structures seem to
have been used as a @uarry$ but
there are enough finds to indicate
a persistence in suburban use;
St
P-entin
/(2
A9B
B B Jone Fery little evidence of occupation
during the (
th
century on+ards L
(
th
century coin of Licinius 8"!, L
"!.9 found during e6cavations at
house 3 in the emban*ment
covering the last level of the road;
#his is the only indication of
occupation in the (
th
century;
/("

#he site seems to have been
moved to Fermand;
Jone
Cassel
/((

ACastellu
m
Menapior
umB

B
/()
Late "
rd

centuryB
/(,

Jone; #he city&s importance seems to
have derived from its pro6imity to
salt flats$ and +hen the sea levels
increased in the "
rd
century
8'un*ir* Marine #ransgression9
this probably e6plains its
subse@uent loss of importance;

#he civitas capital seems to have
moved to #ournai during the (
th

century L see Jotitia >alliarum
Jone
Soissons
/(.

A%ugusta/
Civitas
Suessionu
mB
!"ha Un*no+n
date "
rd

century
8%A>$ (),9

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
II..0
A+abricae infrascri)taeB
S-essionisQ
SyagriusA%lovis lin*s 8>#9
7all0 46cavated sections have
revealed traditional "rdA(
th
century
+all structures of recycled
monumental masonry 8(), < ().9
c; ! ha in 4arly 4mpire
(
th
century burial in Soissons 8coins
from Postumus$ Licinius 2
%onstantine9 %A> 2$ ()!
!/1. L !1!! e6cavations Longues
Raies found in a large cemetery
dating from !
st
< (
th
centuries 8)
inhumations9 belt buc*le set:
bron5e crossbo+ brooches 829:
Sarcophagi found in !1. revealed
bron5e coin of %onstantine -- and
Jone

/(2
D;<L; %ollart$ KSaint<Quentin&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro spCcial$ !, 8!1119$ ,.<!2/;
/("
%; Hosde5$ %; %haidron and A; Morel$ KJouvelles donnEes archeologi@ues sur la ville de Saint<Quentin0 le
diagnostic de la rue \mile Iola&$ Re;ue *rcheologi>ue de @icardie$ ! L 2 82!9$ p; !/;
/((
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ p; 11: R; 'elmaire$ ed;$ Le Aord5 3arte
archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11,9$ !.2 L !./[ F; Loridont$ K%assel L %astellum Menapiorum&$ '; 3ayard$ D;<
L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds;$ La mar@ue de Rome5 Samaro:ri;a et les ;illes du nord de la Gaule 8Amiens$
2,9$ p; (1;
845
A fe+ sections are *no+n but the si5e is uncertain;
/(,
#his is dated by a terminus post >uem based on the find of a coin of %laudius -- in the trench of a rampart R;
'elmaire$ ed;$ Le Aord5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11,9$ p; !.(;
/(.
3; Ancien and M; #uffreau<Libre$ Soissons Gallo-Romaine Decou;ertes *nciennes et Recentes 8Soissons$
!1/9$ pp; "!$ "" 2 (): 3; Pichon$ lL*isne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2(9$ pp; (22 L (2": (), L
()1: '; Roussel$ KSoissons&$ Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro special$ !, 8!1119$ !21<!".;
2"/

short 2 long s+ords +ith belt<
buc*le dated to the /
th
century L
coin misleading;
Little is *no+n of the city in the (
th

and )
th
centuries archaeologically

#he urban organisation of the
interior of the castrum is still
detectable by a certain
permanence$ through analysis of
the finds by the ancient road
net+or*; Unfortunately no building
has yet been identified as no
e6cavation has been carried out in
the intra-muros 5one on account of
the intensely built up area;

T&ero-an
ne
/(/

ACivitas
Morinoru
mB
B
/(1
B Nero%e 'etter (*.
AP-ote# aboeB

Some evidence for destruction at
the end of the 2
nd
century and the
end of the (
th
century;

#here is very little evidence for a
castrum; Some archaeologists have
claimed to have found remains in
the catherdral sector but these
have not proved uncontroversial;

C&alonsF
s-rF
Marne
/)

ACateloun
os/ civitas
Catuellau
norumB
%ircuit
+all
seems to
have been
made of
earth
/)!

Jo
evidence
for the
city +all
Ammianus
Jotitia >alliarum


J3 the early city is *no+n very
poorly in any detail$ but the finds
from the Late 4mpire outnumberA
are more important than the early
period;


%-L O--- "().
4sperandieu 8!1!"9
no; "."/
'8is9
M8anibus9AFurius
AntoninAus
circ88itor9 n8umeri9
'al8matarum9 vi6it
8a9nnos OOF- 8B9
dies OFA h8oras9 ---
memorian 8sic9A ei
coll8egium9 8B9 eius
possuit
8denariorum9 F
mil8ibus de suo
denaria
OOOF---%%%9

%-L O--- "()/
4sperendieu no;
".(( Plaianus
e@uisA in

/(/
R; 'elmaire$ A; Dac@ues$ >; Leman<'elevre and %; Seillier$ @as de 3alais5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule
8Paris$ !11"9$ pp; /" L 1/;
/(1
#here have been some claims that the late Roman rampart has been detected$ but this has been disputed;
/)
R; %hossenot$ D;<D; %harpy$ M; %hossenot and S; %hossenot$ 1arne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
2(9$ pp; 2/) L "!1;
/)!
R; %hossenot$ D;<D; %harpy$ M; %hossenot and S; %hossenot$ 1arne5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
2(9$ p; 2/,;
2"1

vi6elationeA'almat
orum FA vi66it
annos O 8B9A
impe8n9dium de
suA denaria
OOOF----A%%%


#he only military
evidence are the
t+o epitaphs +hich
are "
rd
century;
%A> )!A! 8Marne9$
21! argues this
represents
evidence for a
garrison$ but -Um
not sure about
that;

%ruciform brooch
found in !/.1</ in
a tomb 8%A>$ "!!9
Senlis
/)2

A%ugusto
magus/
Civitas
Silvanectu
mB
,;( ha
2/ to+ers
4arly (
th

century
/)"

ND Occ. /*./* 5rae)ectus
$aetorum gentilium6
Remos et Silvanectos
J> F-; 1
As +ith other cities there is a
theory amongst archaeologists
that settlement continued in the
area of the early imperial city in
the form of suburbs;
/)(

Jone

*. Secon#ary -rban settle%ents

Na%e
ARo%an
na%eB
:all circ-it
AsiCeB
Date Te7t-al Ei#ence Arc&aeolo$ical ei#ence Military Ei#ence
Mo-Con
/))

AAr#ennesB
%astrum
8small site
of about
!2ha in
early
4mpire9
c;".s Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
,II.(50 1usmangenses
2legio comitatenses9

Fie de Saint Su5anne tal*s
about a military officer in
the to+n in (2


Sanctuary 8fanum9
continued to be used
throughout the period;

'ating based on +ooden
posts built into the
foundations found in !112
82;)m +ide9;
'endrochronology dates
Montfort L fortification de
hauteur 2 the association
+ith the Musmangenses
are the main military forms
of evidence;

/)2
>;<P; 7oimant$ LLHise5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11)9$ pp; ((1 L ()!: M; 'urand$ KSenlis&$
Re;ue archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro spCcial $ !, 8!1119$ !.1<!/);
/)"
3ased on a comparison +ith 3eauvais$ +hich has better dating material see M; 'urand$ KSenlis&$ Re;ue
archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro special$ !, 8!1119$ p; !/;
/)(
M; Roblin$ K%itEs ou %itadellesB Les 4nceintes Romaines du 3as<4mpire d&apres l&e6emple de Senlis&$ Re;ue
des Ptudes *nciens$ ,.;" L ( 8!1,)9$ ",/ L "1!;
/))
'; Jicolas$ R; %hossenot$ M; %hossenot and 3; Lambot$ *rdennes5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$
2!29$ pp; ""/ L "): D<P; Lemant$ KMou5on 8Ardennes9;& in D;<P; Petit and M; Mangin$ eds;$ *tlas des
agglomCrations secondaires de la Gaule :elgi>ue et des Germanies 8Paris$ !11(9$ pp; 2!. L 2!/;
2(

the site to ",. L ,/ based
on !( oa*s and a maple
tree; #his parallels
developments at
Maastricht; %eramics date
from end of the (
th
century
to the ,
th
century %oins
found include %onstantine
-- %aesar 8"" L "")9 and
%onstans 8"((9;

#here #he site continued to
be an important settlement
into the %arolingian period
and beyond;
Noyon
/),

A*oviomag
us#
2;)ha
/).
4nd of
"
rd
Aearly
(
th

century
/)/

Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
I'II./(
@raefectus laetorum
Bata;orum 3ontragensium
Ao;iomago Belgicae
Secundae
3astrum had four gates
and to+ers; 7alls formed
in a similar +ay to other
cities L reemployed
sculptural attachments
+ith the rubble mortar
interior and faced +ith
petit appareil$ +ith lines of
bric* tiles every ";)m or so;
Jo dating information
available;

A hypocaust situated in the
interior of the castrum +as
partially e6cavated in the
rue des DeuI-Bornes in
!1/ +hich appears to
have been used until the
start of the (
th
century;

Hutside of the castrum
there is a brea* in
occupation and
organisation$ as +ell as
inside; At e6cavations in
the interior at lKylot des
'eu6<3ornes remains of
temporary buildings have
been found dating to the
(
th
and )
th
centuries; #here
is also evidence of
metal+or* ta*ing place
amongst some of the
Jone

/),
><P; 7oimant$ LLHise5 3arte archCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ !11)9$ "( L ")!: 3; 'esachy$ KJoyon&$ Re;ue
archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro special$ !, 8!1119$!.!<!..
/).
Le mur sUapparente au6 autres remparts urbains gallo<romains0 ElEvation en mauonnerie de blocage
parementEede moellons carrEs de petit appareil$ avec des arases intermEdiaires de tuiles: puissantes fon
dations de grands blocs calcaire de rEemploi; 8'esachy$ p; !.29
/)/
#his is done by comparing the +alls +ith 3eauvais and the other +alls in the south of Belgica -- L there is no
direct dating evidence;
2(!

structures of the 4arly
4mpire;

'aon
/)1

AAisneB
B B Jone Fery little evidence here at
all for Late 4mpire though
there is some evidence of
occupation and later
developments in the 4arly
Middle Ages indicate that
there +as a fortification
here in the upper city;
Jone
Baay
/,
*&a D /&a I c; 2/
L c; "

II c; ",
L "/

III9 c;
"/ L c;
("

None #here is a large amount of
evidence that the outer
suburbs of the city had
already been abandoned
by the end of the 2
nd

century and during the
early "
rd
century;
46cavations have sho+n
buildings @uite near the
forum 8e;g; in those at the
Maison de la REtraite9
being systematically
dismantled in the early "
rd

century;
/,!


#here is little evidence for
destruction at the end of
the "
rd
century despite
earlier theories e6plaining
the erection of the castrum
as a response to the
barbarian invasions;
/,2
-n
fact there are a large
number of coins found at
the site$ including
treasures$ dating to the last
fe+ decades of the "
rd

century and the (
th

century;
/,"
#his sho+s that
#here is intense
disagreement over the
precise status of 3avay in
the late 4mpire and the
role of the castrum; For
some the +hole site is
indicative of a Roman fort;
For others this is
unsatisfactory; #he most up
to date assessment is that
phase ! sa+ a continued$
small civilian population$
+hile there +as a change
after the ".s and a
military presence became
clearer;
/,1
#his +as found in
the eastern Kcastrum&
+here a construction +as
created in the late (
th

century$ and +estern half
remained a civilian
redoubt;

'uring the later (
th
century
there is coin evidence for
reoccupation of the forum
+ith a series of pits in the
+est part of the comple6;


/)1
#; 3en RedNeb$ KLaon&$ in D;<P; Petit and M; Mangin$ eds;$ op8 cit8 8!11(9$ p; 22.: D<P; Dorrand$ KLaon&$ Re;ue
archCologi>ue de @icardie8 AumCro special$ !, 8!1119$ ,!<,,;
/,
R; 3rulet and P; #hollard$ K3avay& in R; 3rulet and others$ eds;$ Forts Romains de la Route Ba;a+-$ongres
8!11)9$ pp; 2) L ": P; #hollard and %; 'enimal$ KFouilles sur le forum de 3avay 8!11" L !11/9 --; Les 3as<
4mpire&$ *rcheologie de la @icardie et du Aord de la France 2Re;ue du Aord4$ / 8!11/9$ !)" L 22!: F; Loridant$
K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la civitas camaracensium&$ in A; Ferdi]re$ ed;$
3apitales CphCmKres5 des capitales de citCs perdent leur statut dans lJanti>uitC tardi;e 5 actes du collo>ue
organisC par le La:oratoire archCologie et territoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours$ 2(9: R;
'elmaire and others$ Ba;a+5 3arte *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule5 Aord- Ba;a+ 8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; .) L /2;
/,!
F; Loridant$ i:id8$ p; ..;
/,2
R; 'elmaire$ op8 cit8- 82!!9$ p; 1(;
/,"
R; 'elmaire$ i:id8$ pp; ,1 L .!0 the treasures include0 one found at Rue Dordane5 in !1)2 +as made up of 22
denarii and ,,". antoninians dating from >ordian --- to 2/.A1: a treasure of !1 %onstantinian nummi +as
found in !1( 8but only !1 have been studied9 and one +ith coins from the late "
rd
and imitations from the
mid L late (
th
century;
2(2

the castrum did not lead to
the abandonment of the
city completely; #here is
also a large amount of
Argonne +are pottery still
found eItra muros and the
coinage continues to be
@uite numerous until the
Falentinianic period +hen
it begins a mar*ed decline$
finishing +ith some coins in
the late (
th
century 8and a
gold %onstantine --- coin9
though the provenance is
un*no+n$ and 'elmaire
doubts the attribution to
3avay;
/,(


#he comple6 chronology of
the site has been the
source of considerable
debated; After e6cavations
in the !1.s and !1/s$
%armele5 argued that there
+ere " phases of
construction0 an initial
ditch and bloc*ing of the
forum structure: this +as
follo+ed by the first +all at
the end of the "
rd
century
and then a second +all in
the later %onstantinian
period;
/,)
Subse@uent
e6cavation lead to this
theory being abandoned
and the evidence no+
seems to indicate that the
ditch and filling in of the
forum +alls +as actually
the preparation stage for
the erection of the first
+all; A ditch 8/;)m +ide 6
";)m deep9 +as dug !m
in front of the +all; 'uring
the second phase 8the first
half of the (
th
century9 the
!! crossbo+ brooches have
been found;
/.


#here is some evidence for
+ooden structures being
built here +hich could be
seen as barrac*s +hich
seem to have been
constructed and occupied
until the end of the
century;
/.!


K>ermanic& pottery and
some cemeteries have
been argued to testify to a
military presence;
/.2


/,1
For the latest vie+ arguing the site +as fundamentally civilian see R; 'elmaire$ op8 cit8- 82!!9$ pp; !(/ L !(1
contra the Kmilitary& vie+ see F; Loridant$ op8 cit8- 82(9$ p;/;
/,(
R; 'elmaire$ op8 cit8$ 82!!9$ p; .!;
/,)
D;<%; %armele5$ KL&Evolution d&une capitale de civitas au 3as<4mpire0 le cas de 3avay 8Jord9; \tat de la
@uestion: donnEes nouvelles d&apres des Etudes rEcentes&$ Re;ue *rchCologi>ue Sites$ (! 8!119$ " L 2(;
/.
R; 'elmaire$ op8 cit8- 8Paris$ 2!!9$ p; 1);
/.!
R; 'elmaire and others$ Ba;a+5 3arte *rchCologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ p; !(1;
/.2
F; Loridant$ K3avay<3agacum&$in '; 3ayard$ D<L; %ollart and J; MahEo$ eds8- La mar>ue de Rome 5
Samaro:ri;a et les ;illes du nord de la Gaule 8Amiens$ 2,9$p; (";
2("

ditch +as filled up and the
ne+ +all +as constructed
to replace$ or double up
on$ the first one; #his +all
+as constructed in a
methodical manner$ +ith
petit appareil and a tile
bric* course$ in the manner
of many late Roman
fortification +alls;
866
#he
dating has shifted too on
the basis of coin and
pottery finds in the
foundation trenches of the
different +alls; Jo+ the
first phase has a terminus
post @uem of 2/$ and the
second phase based the
Al5ey pottery that doesn&t
appear in other north<
+estern cities until after
the ")s$ is put into the
Falentinian period;
/,.


7ithin the +alls of the
castrum there are
elements of hypocausts
and other remnants that
have been found;
/,/


+a%ars
/."
(.3&a D
*.*&a
I c. .*5
D .059

II c. .15
D c.
/059
Notitia Di$nitat-% Occ.
I'II..4 @raefectus
laetorum Aer;iorum Fano
1artis Belgicae secundae
#he hypothesis that it +as
part of the %ologne L 3avay
L 3oulogne road net+or* is
moot; #he site lin*ed 3avay
to %ambrai +hich could
e6plain its lin* +ith the
Laeti;
/.(
-ts position on the
road net+or* +ould ma*e
it strategically useful too;

%lotuche argues the
parallels bet+een 3avay
and Famars are very strong
( Navelin heads +ere
e6cavated bet+een 2/
and 2!2: dated to the end
of the 2
nd
or early "
rd

century; Jo concrete
evidence of +hether they
are to be associated +ith
hunting or +ith soldiers;
%lotuche argues that they
are found in a Kcivilian&
conte6t and no other
military obNects have been
found but doesn&t say

/,,
P; #hollard and %; 'enimal$ KFouilles sur le forum de 3avay 8!11" L !11/9 --; Les 3as<4mpire&$ *rcheologie de
la @icardie et du Aord de la France 2Re;ue du Aord4$ / 8!11/9$ 2!. L 2!1;
/,.
F; Loridant$ K'Ecadence Urbaine et Anti@uitE #ardive ^ 3agacum et dans la civitas camaracensium&$ in A;
Ferdi]re$ ed;$ 3apitales CphCmKres5 des capitales de citCs perdent leur statut dans lJanti>uitC tardi;e 5 actes du
collo>ue organisC par le La:oratoire archCologie et territoires- O1R 37$ERES- $ours- (-& mars %)). 8#ours$
2(9$ pp; .) L /2: R; 'elmaire and others$ 3avay0 3arte *rcheologi>ue de la Gaule 8Paris$ 2!!9$ pp; ./ L /:
!(;
/,/
R; 'elmaire op8 cit8 82!!9$ pp; !"! L !"2;
/."
R; 3rulet$ KFamars$& in M; ReddE$ LJarchitecture de la Gaule romaine5 les fortifications militaires 8Paris$ 2,9:
R; 3rulet$ La Gaule Septentrionale au Bas-Empire 8#rier$ !119$ !2, L !21: R; %lotuche$ ed;$ La =ille *nti>ue de
Famars 8Falenciennes$ 2!"9;
/.(
R; %lotuche$ op8 cit8$ 82!"9 p; ".;
2((

and suggests they should
be seen as a similar site;
Same surface areaAsame
dates of construction etc;

#he terminus post >uem for
the site is "2 based on the
dating of buildings that
+ere dismantled for the
ne+ construction; #here
+as a defensive ditch dug
earlier apparently;

#he site has a pentagon
structure$ +ith a series of
defensive ditches; #here
+ere apparently t+o states
of construction;

>raves of the )
th
century
+ere found ,m a+ay from
the fortification +hich are
dated to the )
th
century on
the grounds that there
+ere no grave goods; #his
is problematic 8they could
be %arolingian9;

#he bath house and
temples$ as +ell as other
+or*shops$ +ere all
dismantled and the
stone+or* used in the
fortification +all; ",ml
of material +as used L
!;(m bloc*s; About "2
enormous ovens +ere
constructed to coo* the
material;

First phase sa+ the +all
constructed !m +ide$ and
the dating is brought from
coins in a hoard found in
one of the ovens +hich
sho+s "2" as the terminus
post >uem; 7alls of the
bath house are used in this
phase; Hnly found on the
northern and +estern
sides; #o+ers +ere hollo+;
- ditch +as lin*ed to the
first phase;

Second phase dates after
")" than*s to a coin of
Magnentius; #he +all +as
+hich side of the argument
he +ould ta*e;

A coat of mail in a leather
bag +as found in 2/ in a
trench associated +ith a
house dismantled in the
early (
th
century; Another
contemporary trench
revealed an KAlamannic&
fibule imitating the fi:ulae
of the "
rd
A(
th
centuries L
+hich is identified as a
Kfoederatus& 8on no basis
+hatsoever9SS Another
fi:ula 8early crossbo+9 +as
found +hich is dated 2, L
21 8B9;

3astrum L fi:ula Geller<
PrMttel 2A 8dated to " L
"(9: found in an oven$
+as dated to "2" and thus
lin*ed to the construction;
Attests the role of official
supervision of
construction; S+ord found
in !1
th
century$ attested to
the type used in Late
Anti@uity$ ho+ever one
can&t be more precise;

Role of the castellum and
its inhabitants are still
largely un*no+n; 7hy +as
the site built +hen the rest
of the city +as dismantledB
7hat +as the relationship
bet+een Atrebates and
JerviiB 7hy +ere the laeti
here$ and +hat +as the
origin of these soldiersB
2()

strengthened and
broadened to 2;"m; #o+ers
+ere filled; 2 ditches lin*ed
to this phase;

#here are lots of issues in
identifying the series of
levels here;

%oin finds0

%oin finds pre<e6cavation0
#heodosius - L Falentinian
--- 8solidus9

Found inter-muros5
>allienus L %onstantine
Found outside the +alls0
>allienus L Falentinian -


Pottery found by the
entrance dates from ") L
): e;g; Met5 phase 2
8until A' ()9 and 3rulet
(2( 8 A' ( L )9

















2(,

A))en#i7 . D Graestones fro% A%iens


+i$-re ( CI' ./4. ,aleri-s D-rio


2(.


+i$-re * CI' ./40 ,aleri-s R-r#i$ni-s
2(/


+i$-re . CI' ./4/ ,aleri-s I-st-s