The Brawling Bishop:

Archbishop Turpin and Clerical Violence in the Middle Ages

The relationship between the clergy, violence, and the structures of chivalry was a source
of tension in the Middle Ages, with canon law and cultural practices at odds over the role of the
clergy in military conflicts. In the character of Archbishop Turpin, this conflict is resolved
through the creation of a popular figure that is simultaneously a model cleric and a model knight.
One of the Twelve Peers of Charlemagne, Archbishop Turpin is a prominent character in the
chansons de geste, most notably the Song of Roland and the Song of Aspremont. These two
episodes, however, present strikingly different characterizations of the Archbishop. Written
approximately a century apart, the two chansons and their depictions of Turpin are indicative of
changing attitudes towards military clerics, particularly following reform movements through the
tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries.
The medieval cultural position on clerics and militarism was informed by moral attitudes
towards militarism in general. Twelfth century observers saw militarism as morally neutral,
being either condemnable or laudable based on the ends that it was directed against, even when
clerics themselves did the fighting.
1
The Church, however, had other views on the matter, with
prescriptive reforms in the twelfth century that attempted to separate the clergy from actively
engaging in secular violence. Canon law condemned those who engaged in warfare, and
movements like the Peace of God and Truce of God reformists in the late tenth and early
eleventh centuries opposed the involvement of priests in secular activities such as war, marriage,

1
Craig Meran Nakashian, A new kind of monsterpart-monk, part-knight The Paradox of Clerical Militarism in
the Middle Ages: The English and French Evidence (Rochester: University of Rochester, 2009), 2.
2

and simony.
2
Church councils included attempts to ban clerics from joining military service and
from carrying arms, and protections for clergy against assault were limited to those who did not
bear arms.
3

At the same time, religion and warfare were intimately connected. The development of
chivalry amid a period of religious growth and independence among the laity resulted in an
ideology that sought to resolve the apparent paradoxes of chivalric violence and Christian
forgiveness, resulting in a culture of sanctified violence.
4
With the Gregorian reforms of the late
11
th
century, militarism and clerical direction of military affairs became a hallmark of the
Gregorian papacy, and in many ways culminated in the crusading movement.
5
At the onset of
the Crusades, the religious conceptualization of warfare reached new heights with the
unionof the concepts of pilgrimage, penance, and just war theory to create the notion of a
holy war fought by soldiers of Christ in return for personal salvation.
6
War became a spiritual
endeavor, with licit violence providing spiritual rewards.
While war and violence were being placed in a religious context, active fighting on the
part of the clergy was still discouraged by the Church, but the general cultural attitude towards
militant priests depended on factors independent of clerical law. Important factors in the
determination of the reputation of fighting clergy included political pragmatism, based on whose
side they were fighting on; the Christianization of violence; whether they were fighting in the
service of the king; and a shared culture among the social elite. The upper ranks of the
ecclesiastical and secular social orders consisted of a shared elite culture, and clerics from

2
Ibid, 42.
3
Ibid, 44.
4
Richard W. Kaeuper. Holy Warriors: The Religious Ideology of Chivalry (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 6-10.
5
Nakashian, 76.
6
David S. Bachrach. Religion and the conduct of war, c. 300-1215 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003), 108.
3

aristocratic families would have grown up steeped in the same military ethos as their knightly
cousins.
7

With these factors in mind, we can investigate the popularity of the character of
Archbishop Turpin and how his depiction in The Song of Roland exemplifies not just an ideal of
the fighting cleric, but also the ideal of knighthood. The epic archetype of the fighting bishop and
one of the Twelve Peers of Charlemagne, Turpin ranks among the highest nobles of the court,
and his military prowess is the match of any of them. As Roland describes, The Archbishop is a
good man on a horse, theres none better on earth or under heaven, he knows his way with a
lance and a spear.
8
He is simultaneously a warrior and a man of god, indicating that the two
concepts are not only non-contradictory but complimentary. The language choice of this
description a good man, none better, and the inclusion of a reference to heaven
reinforces the sense that prowess and religious virtue are intertwined.
In many ways, Turpin is depicted in the same ways as the knights that surround him, a
fully incorporated part of their knightly culture. In laisses 93 through 95, a scene is repeated with
Roland, Oliver and Turpin; they hear one of the enemy insult the king, and they attack and kill
the culprit. In Turpins case, the scene is described thusly:
And Archbishop Turpin heard every word:
No man on earth he wants so much to hate!
comes on to strike with all his awful might;
Smashed through his shield, burst the rings of his hauberk,
Sent his great lance into the bodys center,

7
Nakashian, 4.
8
The Song of Roland. Trans. Frederick Goldin. (New York: W W Norton & Co Inc, 1978.) Laisse 127.
4

Drove it in deep, he made the dead man shake.
9

The language used to depict the fighting and killing is the same as for Oliver and Roland;
there is no difference in the depiction of how Turpin fights. All three are acting in service of their
king, defending him from insult and attack, which plays into the factors for the acceptability of
clerical violence. There is an aspect of judgment and retribution to his fighting, as he avenges the
insult on his king, but this is present in the other fights as well. Elsewhere, Turpin is explicitly
referred to as a knight, and his prowess is the equal of any of the Peers. Priest or not, Turpin is
wholly part of the elite culture of Charlemagnes court.
On the other hand, there are elements of Turpins portrayal which set him apart from the
other characters due to his priestly nature. The violence in Roland as a whole is Christianized,
framing the conflict in a crusading context of good Christians against pagan evil, but it is Turpin
who most exemplifies this element of the fighting, providing the religious backbone to
Charlemagnes vanguard. The complex role Turpin plays as a priest on the battlefield, balancing
his duties as a cleric and as a knight, is shown in such incidents as in laisse 132, where he acts as
a mediator between Roland and Oliver when they quarrel about sounding the horn, saying that
both their arguments have merit. Later, after the majority of the French force has fallen, he says
prayers over the dead: The Archbishop cannot keep from weeping,/Raises his hand and makes
his benediction.
10
And despite his own grief and pain, he attempts to comfort and care for
Roland at the end.
The moment which most strongly relies on Turpins status as a priest takes place just
prior to the battle, wherein he preaches to the French soldiers.
Barons, my lords, Charles left us in this place.

9
Ibid, Laisse 95.
10
Ibid, Laisse 162.
5

We know our duty: to die like good men for our King.
Fight to defend the holy Christian faith
Confess your sins, pray to the Lord for mercy.
I will absolve you all, to save your souls.
If you die here, you will stand up holy martyrs,
You will have seats in highest Paradise.
The French dismount, cast themselves on the ground;
The Archbishop blesses them in Gods name.
He commands them to do one penance: strike.
11

Turpins sermon names two duties of the assembled knights: to fight for their king and
for their faith. As a religious figure, Turpin serves a special purpose on the battlefield. While
other knights like Roland and Oliver may be devout and virtuous, only Turpin has the pious
relationship of a priest with God that allows him to absolve the men before they go to die. The
pastoral duty of hearing confession was an important responsibility on the battlefield, allowing
the men to face battle with a free conscience.
12
First-hand accounts and narratives of Crusaders
report that actual soldiers were eager to confess and receive communion as a preparation for
battle.
13

This passage also addresses several views of the relationship between knights, violence,
and spirituality; by naming striking at the enemy as their penance, Turpin frames suffering and
fighting as meritorious and redemptive, martyrdom ensuring resurrection in heaven. The act of
fighting itself is enough to gain favor with God, independent of other moral behaviors; it is a way

11
Ibid, Laisse 85.
12
David S. Bachrach. The Friars Go to War: Mendicant Military Chaplains, 1216-c. 1300 The Catholic Historical
Review Vol. 90, No. 4. 2004: 618.
13
Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 117.
6

to imitate Christ through suffering in battle against pagans.
14
With chivalric achievement so
closely linked with prowess in battle, it is an understandable impulse on the part of the popular
imagination to couple prowess and morality. It also reflects the crusading mindset which justifies
violence as both the defense of the faith and the judgment of God, as they punish unbelievers;
according to Carl Erdmanns discussion of the origin of the crusading movement, The poem
assigns a dominant place to the idea of war upon heathens: battle is a judgment of God, and the
Christian knights are Gods weapons.
15

Another brief episode that reinforces the role of religion as a justifying force occurs when
Turpin slays Siglorel, The enchanter, who had been in hell before: Jupiter brought him there,
with that strange magic.
16
The priest defeats the sorcerer, good defeats evil, Christians are right
and pagans are wrong.
17
Later, Turpin fights against the pagan Abisme, and denounces the
pagans cowardice, providing another conflation of martial ability and courage in battle with
morality. It is the response of the French to Turpins actions here that provides commentary on
both Turpins joint roles and on the relation of religion and violence: A fighter, that
Archbishop!/ Look at him there, saving souls with that crozier!
18
The crozier is the staff of
office of a bishop; here, the word is used to describe his spear. The wordplay explicitly reframes
violence into religious imagery and a religious act, a defense of the faith. The line also calls to
mind a comparison with the story of the discovery of the Holy Lance during the First Crusade,
when God sent the lance as a sign to make the troops confident and joyful.
19
The effect of the

14
Kaeuper. Holy Warriors. 3, 120.
15
Carl Erdmann. The Origin of the Idea of Crusade. Trans. Marshall W. Baldwin and Walter Goffart. (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1977), 285.
16
Roland, Laisse 108.
17
Ibid, Laisse 96.
18
Ibid, Laisse 126.
19
Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, 110.
7

lance is the same as the effect of Turpins presence with the troops, inspiring greater morale
through the support of their deity.
In Laisse 121, the narration comments, Across the field rides Archbishop Turpin./
Tonsured singer of masses! Where is the priest/Who drove his body to do such mighty deeds?
This and other instances frame Turpin as either an exceptional case compared to other priests, or
as a standard that few to none achieve; either way, the combination of knightly and priestly
virtues that he exhibits is a unique ideal. He occasionally seems to function as an indictment
against the normal behavior of the clergy, as in the quote above. In another case, Turpin cites
Roland as an example of what a knight should be, and puts down monks at the same time by
saying that a man who cannot fight properly is not worth four cents and ought to be a monk,
sitting at home praying.
20

After the vanguards stand against the Saracens, only two Frenchmen are left standing,
Roland and the Archbishop. Roland lays out the bodies of the fallen and Turpin blesses them;
shortly afterward, he dies himself while trying to fetch water for Roland, who is also mortally
wounded. The nature of Turpins death sets him apart from his fellow knights, as he falls doing
an act of charity, not of war. The text eulogizes him thusly: In great battles, in beautiful
sermons/ He was ever a champion against the pagans.
21
Once again, it is made clear that both
aspects of Turpins nature, his skill with both battles and sermons, are of equal importance to his
identity as a good cleric and knight. Roland laments aloud you great and well-born warrior,/I
commend you today to the God of Glory,/whom none will ever serve with a sweeter will./Since
the Apostles no prophet the like of you/ arose to keep the faith and draw men to it.
22
The

20
Roland, Laisse 141.
21
Ibid, Laisse 166
22
Ibid, Laisse 167
8

implication of Rolands praise is that Turpin is a worthier servant of God because of his great
prowess, and therefore a better cleric as well.
23

The importance placed on Turpins death in the plot is notable, and offers further insight
into the importance of Turpins character and the relation of religion and the clergy to chivalric
ideals. Turpin is the last to die, besides Roland, and he outlives Rolands bosom companion
Oliver. Most of the deaths are in order of importance, culminating in Rolands as the central
character, but Turpin is the one that remains at Rolands side at the last, despite the fact that up
until this point in the poem Oliver has been the character closest to Roland, with a strong
fraternal bond between the two. One theory is that Turpins presence is essential in order for the
bodies of the fallen to be blessed, but a hypothesis posited by Gerald Herman is that the three
protagonists correspond to three conceptions of the heroic type, a progressive evolution of the
warrior towards a Christian ideal.
24
Oliver is a faithful knight and vassal who fights loyally and
well for his king, but in Turpin, we have an ideal priest, someone who fights for Christ with
deeds and not just words. Turpin surpasses Oliver because he joins to the military perfection of
the knight the dignity and sanctity of the priest.
25
Beyond both of them, Roland combines the
roles of soldier and Christian martyr. In this argument, Turpin is an idealization of knighthood
more so than of priesthood; in fact, despite Hermanns argument, Turpin may be a more ideal
figure than Roland himself. According to Nakashian, Turpin is the better knight, as he is depicted
with no flaws like Roland and his pride. Turpin in the Song of Roland exhibits perfect prowess,
perfect loyalty and service to his king, and above and beyond any other character, perfect piety,
and the balance of these elements makes him the perfect knight and priest.

23
Nakashian, 253.
24
Gerald Herman. Why Does Oliver Die Before the Archbishop Turpin? Romance Notes Vol.14. 1972 :380.
25
Ibid, 381.
9

While the Song of Roland is dated to the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, the
Song of Aspremont, in contrast, was written down in the late twelfth century, around the time of
the Third Crusade. Clerical reforms aimed at the involvement of clergy in secular and military
affairs spanned the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and differences in the depiction of Turpin
between Roland and Aspremont could be seen as in response to these changing attitudes towards
militant clergy. The Gregorian Reform from the late eleventh century shifted the focus of reform
from separating clerics and militarism to promoting clerical direction of military action,
particularly in the crusading context.
26
A second phase of reform in the late twelfth century
addressed the proper roles of the various ordos, and developed the importance of confession and
penance as means of dealing with sin; the underlying purpose of some of these reforms was to
counter the growing centralized power of kings and noblemen.
27
The different depiction of
Turpin in the Song of Aspremont may be reflective of these changes; while the archbishop
participates less actively in violent warfare, he and other clerical figures play pivotal roles in
directing and accomplishing the battles. The religious duties a priest fulfills on the battlefield,
shown in Roland, are also given greater emphasis in Aspremont, particularly the importance of
penance and spiritual redemption through battle.
The introduction of Archbishop Turpin in the Song of Aspremont begins on familiar
ground, with praise of his virtues as a nobleman: No duke in France can muster as large a force
as the archbishopHe much prefers good destriers to buy/And noble armor to dub and dress
young squires/Than save his wealth and store it up in piles.
28
Once again, there is a conflation
of knightly duties with morality, though the emphasis is on the responsibilities of a knight to his
vassals rather than actual physical prowess. Turpins speech to the pope which follows his

26
Nakashian, 76.
27
Kaeuper, Holy Warriors, 54-55.
28
The Song of Aspremont. Trans. Michael A. Newth. (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc, 1989), Laisse 5.
10

introduction, however, presents a different attitude towards the clergy than that seen in the Song
of Roland.
It is our duty to cherish all brave knights;
For when we clerics sit down to eat at night
These men are fighting for our lands with their lives;
So Abbot Fromer here and you and I
Should empty all our coffers for their supplies;
Each one of us should give so much alike
Theyll honor us and serve us all the time.
29

Two things of note occur in this passage. The first is Turpins description of the hierarchy
of the orders, knights vs. the clergy. He once again presents the idea of suffering as meritorious,
implying that as knights suffer and risk more for God while fighting, they deserve more honor
from priests. At the same time, the relationship between the knights and the clergy as shown here
is a uniquely linked feedback loop: clergy ought to cherish knights and support them because of
their service, but the knights serve and honor them in the first place because they are supported
monetarily. In a contrast to Roland, where Turpin represented the two orders united into one
idealized figure, here the two orders are separate but intricately linked. The second important
aspect of this speech is Turpins self-presentation. The language serves to distance Turpin from
military action and violence; he includes himself with the clerics who sit down peacefully, not
with the knights.
With his martial virtues downplayed, the character of Turpin still functions as a comment
on the proper role of the clergy, as seen when Balans letter of challenge to Charlemagne is given

29
Ibid.
11

to Abbot Fromer to read. The abbot can only weep, so Turpin takes up the letter and chastises
Fromer for his weakness and fear.
Hes frightened now his wealth might disappear;
Wealth we should give to all those in need;
Begone, sir Abbot! Go sing your matins, please!
You will read better the life of Saint Omer;
Ill read this letter and work out what it means.
30

Here, Turpin again acts as an indictment of other clergy, who are passive rather than
active. The nature of the desired activity, however, has changed; rather than battle, the abbot
ought to engage in charity and have courage in general terms. Turpin is contrasted as one who
uses his wealth for good, in arming his men as described in his initial appearance; this has the
interesting effect of maintaining the link between virtue and military activity, but removing the
aspect of active violence on Turpins part.
Throughout Aspremont, Turpins role is drastically different from the part he played in
Roland. Rather than being one of the knights, he is complementary to them, performing the tasks
that knights shy away from because they do not involve military glory. His typical role in
Aspremont is as a messenger and communicator. As Charles gathers his army, he sends Turpin to
convince the hostile Girart to fight with them; he also charges Turpin with safeguarding Roland
and the other boys while Charles is away at war.
31
Later, during the battle, he acts as a messenger
for the other knights so that one of them will not have to lose honor by leaving the battlefield.
32

While the knights argue over who will be sent to Charlemagne, Turpin rises to the occasion,

30
Ibid, Laisse 15.
31
Ibid, Laisse 60.
32
Kaeuper, Holy Warriors. 102.
12

saying My lords, this feud must end;/Ill gladly go for all of you.
33
He also serves as clerk and
chronicler, recording Girarts transformation to a virtuous ally in pen and ink.
34

One aspect of Turpins characterization which is present in Roland but far more
prominent here in Aspremont is his role in casting moral judgment as Gods representative.
Turpins confrontation with Girart is charged with condemnation; while the bishop starts with
blessings and appeals to honor and respect for the king, he takes a more censorious approach
when he sees the extent of Girarts ill will. He tells his kinsman, Youre crazed with sin,
Girart/...Your soul has slipped into the devils clutch;/ Youll see your land destroyed as a result;/
That thought indeed was foul and hideous.
35
He pronounces judgment upon Girart in no
uncertain terms, saying that once the pope hears of his treatment, Girart and his people will all be
excommunicated.
36
Amusingly, Roland and his young comrades seem not to appreciate this
aspect of Turpins character, in an episode shortly after the visit with Girart. While Turpin is
away, the boys are locked in a castle, and Roland grumbles are we thieves or murderers for
hanging/ That the archbishop behind stout bars must banish us, placing the bishop in the role of
judge and jury.
37

Counselor, messenger, and moral judge, Turpin disappears during most of the battle
scenes. His retreat from active fighting is perhaps influenced by the presence of the pope, who
serves as a reminder of canon law. In the religious roles that Turpin fulfilled on the battlefield in
Roland, he is replaced by the Pope himself, whose ministry on the field is not that different from
Turpins. Before the battle starts, he makes a speech strikingly similar to Turpins before the
battle in Roland:

33
Aspremont, Laisse 219.
34
Ibid, Laisse 232.
35
Ibid, Laisse 68.
36
Ibid, Laisse 69.
37
Ibid, Laisse 75.
13

He who goes now against this foe to fight
And for Gods sake should lose his mortal life,
God waits for him already in Paradise
Without confession, all the sins of your lives
On Gods behalf I now collect and shrive;
Your penance is to fight with all your might!
38

It appears that the Churchs opinion on violence and militarism remains the same, but it
is the active participation of clergymen that is improper. The presence of clerics on the field of
war is necessary, but in a different capacity than that of the knights; compared to Roland, the role
of religious figures on the battlefield is actually expanded, to reinforce the importance of clergy
in directing warfare. The pope rides through the ranks with the relic of Saint Peters forearm,
blessing and comforting each man: The French at this are filled with fresh rejoicing.
39
He also
baptizes the African captives who wish to convert, says mass after the battle is over, and
counsels the king. The idea that the role of the clergy is separate from that of the knights but still
linked to their endeavors and an important part of any fight is supported by lines in Laisse 475,
where the African forces describe the effect that Turpins wielding of the flag of the pope has
had on their morale:
A curse upon this gonfalonier!
Wherever we look, his flag to heaven waves;
Behold it there, it blazes forth and flames
So that the sun gives off a lesser ray!
It blinds us all when we upon it gaze,

38
Ibid, Laisse 236.
39
Ibid, Laisse 244.
14

And blights our luck against this Christian race;
Against its power we fight to no avail.
Though the miraculous blazing of the flag which strikes fear into Charlemagnes enemies is
meant to be indicative of Charles divine favor, the incident also shows the more practical effects
that actual clergy could have on the battlefield. In comparison with the Song of Roland, where
Turpin saves souls with his crozier by striking them with his spear, here he does so solely
through the inspirational properties of the sign of the Cross.
While most of the depictions of Turpin and of the other clergy in Aspremont support this
idea of the connected yet separate nature of the clergy and the military, the approach that the
chanson takes to Turpins martial character is more complex than simply removing him from the
fighting. The lack of representation of his fighting side is notable in the first half of the chanson,
but towards the end of the poem, it begins to emerge. The moment in the Song of Aspremont that
encapsulates the more complex role of Turpin as a warrior cleric comes in Laisse 420, as the
pope searches for a standard bearer. As before in laisse 219, the knights refuse to do so, as it
would mean not being able to fight as they feel they ought to in Gods service. Turpin observes
this and volunteers, but with the condition that he be allowed to lead his men into battle and, if
he survives the fight, to be allowed to fight on Charles behalf thereafter while still remaining a
cleric. The popes response is that You are strong to advise/That an archbishop should also be a
knight, to which Turpin says I dare not argue with youIf you will not grant this request of
mine/ Then you must seek another man than I.
40

The implications of this exchange can be taken several ways. The fact that Turpin has to
ask for special permission to fight implies that fighting clerics are atypical, but his request is
granted, meaning that the Church cannot be too fundamentally opposed to the idea. The tone of

40
Ibid, Laisse 422.
15

the popes initial response is hard to parse. Given Turpins defensive response to the popes
words, it seems that strong may mean bold, as in, This is a very bold request. It could also be
understood as a comment on Turpins physical prowess, that a priest must be strong indeed if he
considers himself able to function as a knight. Faced with Turpins refusal to serve just as the
opposing troops are readying their attack, the pope agrees, saying Let it be yours but high
shall be the price!/ I see nothing ahead but lances sliced!
41
The popes acceptance of Turpins
request to fight recalls Craig Nakashians factors for when clerical militarism could be
considered acceptable: political pragmatism, the Christianization of violence, royal service, and
the presence of a shared culture among the social elite.
42
Within the narrative, the popes
decision is militarily pragmatic and necessary, but Turpins request is also framed to fit closely
with these socially acceptable factors, particularly service to the king. He is not asking merely to
fight, he is asking to fight specifically in defense of the king whenever he is attacked.
Interestingly, though the pope rephrases the request to fight as Turpin asking to be a
knight, Turpin himself does not use that language. Turpin had claimed the title of knight very
early in the narrative, telling Girart that Charles had knighted him two years after he was made a
priest.
43
Perhaps Turpin was a knight in name only, arming squires from his wealth and
counseling the king without actively participating in violence, or he might simply have been
asking the popes permission to continue doing what he had already done. Prior to this moment
in the song, Turpins explicit involvement in violent acts had been almost entirely limited to his
disarming of Girart when Girart attempted to stab him, and his absence on the battlefields is
conspicuous. His claim of knighthood also runs counter to his address to the pope describing the
duty of clergy and knights to each other, where he firmly seats himself on the clerical side of the

41
Ibid.
42
Nakashian, 4.
43
Aspremont, Laisse 69.
16

divide. Possibly, these contradictions are the remains of previous characterizations that were
popular with the audience and difficult to eradicate, or that came from different narrative threads
which were later woven together into a single story to make the complete chanson.
A second episode between the pope and Turpin also shows the conflict between the
overall depiction of the duties of a priest and Turpins urge for martial endeavor. The pope,
fulfilling his priestly battlefield role in laisse 455, successfully rejuvenates the flagging troops
with assurances of their acceptance into heaven, but his sermon has the additional effect of
invigorating Turpin:
Turpin of Rheims, likewise, would not default:
Milon, my lord, pray do not be annoyed!
I would give back this holy Cross of yours;
For Ive a hauberk and a good horse of war,
A bright steel helm and at my side a sword;
I am an archbishop and a knight withal;
I would now show the worth of my employ.
The Pope replies: I thank the Lord God for it;
For as I see I have but little choice!
Turpin once again claims the title of knight, showing that, in Turpins interpretation, the
roles of knight and priest are as complementary as they were in Roland, despite the fact that the
pope and church think otherwise. Another way to look at the contradiction between the overall
depiction of clergy and the action of Turpin is to see it as a personal conflict within Turpin.
Despite being a priest, he is still a human character who is part of the nobility and who would
have been raised as an aristocrat with military values, leaving him as susceptible as his comrades
17

to the stirring words of his spiritual superior on their martial and religious duty in battle. His
longing for martial action could be seen as a reasonable flaw representative of the cultural
tensions felt by priests, who must strive for spiritual perfection while still being products of the
general cultural atmosphere.
On the whole, the Song of Aspremont depicts a clearer division of the roles of knights
versus priests, where clerics have a necessary part to play in military action that is separate from
engagement in physical violence. Turpins deeds as a communicator and facilitator allow the
knights to focus on their pursuit of military achievement and honor, while the pope ministers to
the soldiers, boosting morale and courage. The prohibition against clerical violence that was
reinforced by clerical reforms remains incompletely enforced, however; necessity forces the
pope to allow Turpin to fight, and Turpin himself clearly considers fighting not only acceptable
but desirable, for himself if not for other priests.
In the Song of Roland, it is not necessity that underlies Turpins martial actions, but
idealization. Rather than being divided, the roles of knighthood and priesthood are in Turpin
blended into a single figure who represents both pious chivalry and active, energetic preaching.
Though the fictional Turpin will not exactly mirror the real-life attitudes towards the question of
clerical violence, the development of the Song of Roland over time shows that Turpin's role as a
soldier was expanded in the retelling, indicating that the character had great cultural resonance.
44

The difficulty that Aspremont has in resolving Turpins military role may stem from the attempt
to maintain this resonance while adapting to evolving attitudes on the Church and militarism. In
either case and in either chanson de geste, the Archbishop Turpin stands out among the cast of
knights, kings, and popes as a unique entity who cannot be constrained by any single label or
order.

44
Nakashian, 253.