The maritime belt of the coastal India was based on the canon shot principle till
1956.Jurist Bynkershoek laid the foundation for this rule, when he enunciated
that the breadth of maritime belt extends to the distance where a canon can fire
i.e. 3 miles of maritime belt. This principle based on canons that were in usage in
eighteenth century existed till twentieth century. The Hague Conference of 1930
which tried to extend the maritime belt did not yield results and hence
Conference on Law of Sea at Geneva attempted to revise the breadth of maritime
belt. India which was following this 3 mile maritime belt for centuries till 1956
extended the maritime belt by 6 miles through Presidential Proclamation. In the
year 1967 it was extended to 12 miles.
We Indian citizens, who rediscover the past, are baffled at the statement tabled in
Indian Parliament on July 23 1974 by then Indian External Affairs
Minister Mr.Swaran Singh [Lok sabha debates cols 186-201] for Re-
Agreement between India and Srilanka on boundary in historic
waters between the two countries and related matters. India must be
aware what its own representative sought before UN Sub-committee on the need
to extend its maritime belt in view of thorium find in Indian territorial waters.
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When we had national interest to extend our maritime belt, only a nincompoop
would opt for an agreement that will hand over Indian island of Kachcha Tivu to
Srilanka by way of this agreement.
We would like to remind that one Member of Indian Parliament, speaking on the
floor of the house on 23rd July 1974 raised a point or order. Mr.P.K.Deo,
Member from Kalahandi of Indian State of Orissa said “Nowhere the Indian
Constitution provide for cession of even an inch of Indian Territory. All the
Revenue records of Madras Government, a state of India, corroborate that
Kachcha Tivu was part of former Ramnad zamindary and an integral part of
this country. So under no circumstances the Government has got any power
under the Indian Constitution to cede even an inch of our country. A few days
back the Coco islands which is part of Andaman group of islands belonging to
India was ceded to Burma. Now it is Kachcha Tivu. It is utter contempt and
disrespect shown to the House [Indian Parliament] by not taking the house into
confidence and facing us with a fait accompli”
After fixing the maritime belt in 1967, India realized the need to protect every
inch of our territorial waters in view of finds of precious metals within our waters,
yet it conceded Kachcha Tivu to Srilanka. But in 1976, Article 297 of
Constitution of India was amended for fortieth time “ All lands,
minerals, and other things of value underlying the ocean within the territorial
waters or the continental shelf, the exclusive economic zones of India shall be
such as may be specified from time to time, by or any law made by the
Parliament.”
In his book entitled: Conflict Over Fisheries In the Palk Bay Region
(Lancer, New Delhi, 2005) Prof V Suryanarayan says that it is very important for
India to find ways for fishermen from Tamil Nadu to fish in Palk Bay/Palk
Strait (up to 5 nautical miles from the north Sri Lankan coast) and around
Kachcha Tivu, because this is a traditional right as well as an
economic necessity. According to him, a grave injustice was done to Tamil
Nadu fishermen in 1974, when New Delhi decided to give in to the Sri Lankan
government's contention that Kachcha Tivu was part of Sri Lanka, and agreed
to draw the maritime boundary line in a such a way that the island was
included in the Sri Lankan side.
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New Delhi had callously overlooked the fact that Kachcha tivu had been part of
an Indian "Zamindari" and that Indian fishermen had, from time immemorial,
fished in the waters around it, Suryanarayan says. The area around the island
and beyond, nearer the Sri Lankan coast, is rich in prawns, and prawns are the
main source of income for these fishermen since 1969. The annual fish
production in the Palk Bay region is 85,000 tones in 2005. Over a 100
fishermen have been killed, and catch and equipment worth millions of rupees,
have been lost in the process. But the fishermen are undaunted.”
Art 5 of the 1974 maritime boundary agreement, read with statements of Indian
ministers in parliament, gives Indian fishermen the right to fish around Kachcha
Tivu.
Given the deaths and the political fallout in Tamil Nadu, a State of India in 1991,
the state Chief Minister, J Jayalalitha, called for the "retrieval" of Kachcha Tivu
from Sri Lanka. She even suggested taking the island on "lease in perpetuity." In
this case, sovereignty over the island will rest with Sri Lanka, but India will get
the right to use the island and the waters around it. In 1974, India gave
Bangladesh the territory of Tin Bigha on such a lease, to settle the vexed question
of access to enclaves in each other's territories. Why this cannot be replicated in
the Indo-Sri Lankan case, Chief Minister Jayalalitha took the cue, and in 1994,
asked the Central government to get the island on perpetual lease. She reiterated
this demand in 2004 in a letter to the Indian Prime Minister.
A country of India's size and resources should not only assess the dangers
emanating from a changing strategic environment but, it should also zealously
safeguard autonomy in decision making. The recently published Indian Maritime
Doctrine highlights not only the importance of the control of the seas but also the
necessity to deny its use to the adversary.
India was urged to pressurize Sri Lanka to give in to its demand for licensed
Indian fishing in Sri Lankan waters in the Palk Bay/Palk Strait area. In 2003, Sri
Lanka had agreed to consider such a proposal mooted by India at the Prime
Ministerial level. This "window of opportunity which India should exploit", had
been closed. Killings continue. Periodical protests continue. India treats
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Srilankan fishermen caught in its waters with dignity and deports them, whereas
Srilankan navy fires and kills each and every Indian Tamil all these years.
To buttress its case, India can point out that in the 1976 maritime boundary
agreement, it had unilaterally offered Sri Lanka, licensed fishing for three years
in the Wadge Bank area, the experts says. Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen from
Jaffna and Mannar are indeed opposed to poaching by Indian fishermen, but
they have been practical enough to accommodate it with some conditions. A
recent agreement allowed Indian fishermen to fish as close to 3 nautical miles
from the North Western coast and 7 nautical miles from the Northern coast,
provided the Indians did not use trawlers. Trawling, which sweeps the bottom of
the sea, is what the Sri Lankan fishermen are really bothered about, not the
traditional fishing methods. But Srilankan navy killed hundreds who pursued
traditional fishing methods.
The fishermen of the two sides seem to want to share the marine resources in the
restricted Palk Bay area. Why can't the governments of India and Sri Lanka
follow suit? Sri Lankan Establishment, represented by the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and Fisheries, is against licensed Indian fishing despite the 2003 offer. In
2003, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was going out of the way to
accommodate India and the offer was part of the mood of the time. But the mood
had not percolated to officialdom and the rest of political system.
She has appealed for a directive to the Union of India to take appropriate steps
for retrieving the island or alternately to take steps to obtain or regain the right of
access to Kachcha Tivu and right to engage in fishing around the island. She has
also appealed for a directive to the Union of India to protect the lives and
livelihood of Indian fishermen who regularly fish around the island.
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New Delhi did not dispute the Zamindari rights of the Raja of Ramand, but it was
not certain that the Zamindari rights conferred sovereignty.
No one claimed that Zamindar was sovereign, but what must be highlighted is
the fact that the sovereign had delegated the powers of collecting the revenue to
the Zamindar. Once the Zamindari was abolished, all rights reverted to the
Government. New Delhi’s argument is tantamount to questioning Indian unity. It
must be remembered that on the eve of independence, large parts of India were
under Zamindari system. In the nine provinces of British India, the
Zamindari system covered 57 per cent of the area, the Ryotwari
system covered 37 per cent and the Mahalwari system 5 per cent. If
New Delhi’s (and Colombo’s) argument is accepted, the very existence
of India as a united country will be at stake.
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exercise of its original jurisdiction. The matter can be argued whether Kachcha
Tivu had always been a disputed territory or it was a part of India or a no man’s
island.
But this issue could not be settled by the Supreme Court of India. The
Srilankan Government is on record in its Parliament that:
Hence our petition to the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea
is mailed today as last resort.
Since all avenues to settle the maritime boundary and fishing rights
of Indian Tamil fishermen are exhausted bilaterally and through legal
framework of India, we are seeking justice from International
Tribunal of the Law of Seas.
The time for humanity to ask India, why you tolerated the killings of
your own citizens for decades had come. If stray violence erupts in
Australia Indian Prime Minister acts fast. If it is Mumbai blasts his
government gathers momentum, but when it comes to periodical
killings of Indian citizens by Srilanka, India freezes into slumber, and
this prejudice against Tamils should change, civilized democracies in
UN must advice India. Having waited for India to protect the interests
of Indian Tamil fishermen’s fishing rights, we had to knock global
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institutions to secure justice and compensation for Indian citizens
from the trigger happy Srilankan Government.
The global efforts led to the Convention of the Law of the Sea which had been
signed and ratified by India on 29th June 1995 and by Srilanka on 19th July 1994.
After this milestone in international law, there arose a necessity to re-demarcate
Indian territorial waters. Dravida Peravai, an Indian political party launched a
campaign among the Members of Indian Parliament on the necessity to redraw
the maritime belt and to retrieve Kachcha Tivu bartered to Srilanka in 1974.
Srilanka had been killing Indian Tamil fishermen for decades in the Palk Straits.
It cannot claim right over Indian Territorial waters, or in international waters of
Palk Straits in Bay of Bengal. As per International Court of Justice Rep 1951 page
116: “The Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries case, Court observed that the states are not
completely free in respect of delimitation of territorial waters with regards to
other states .The delimitation of Sea areas has always been an international
aspect, it cannot merely be dependent on the will of the coastal state as expected
in its municipal laws.
The Palk Strait is a strait that lies between the Tamil Nadu state of India and the
island nation of Sri Lanka. It connects the Bay of Bengal to the northeast with the
Gulf of Mannar to the south. The strait is 40 to 85 miles (64-137 km) wide. The
strait is named after Robert Palk, who was a Governor of Madras Presidency
(1755-1763) during the British Raj period. Srilanka is not free to delimit its
territorial waters and it is bound by international law, as per the judgment in The
Anglo Norwegian case in the International Court of Justice.
A] Srilanka had been unilaterally delimiting its territorial waters. The faux pas
committed by India in handing over Indian island of Kachcha Tivu had created
more confusion. Further India has many islands belonging to its territory in the
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Gulf of Mannar. The Gulf of Mannar has a chain of 20 islands located between 8 º
48' N, 78 º 9' E and 9 º 14' N, 79 º 14' E on the southwest coast of India. All
islands in the Gulf of Mannar have fringing reefs. In addition, there is a 8 km long
reef in the Palk Bay adjacent to the Gulf of Mannar, as well as patching coral
formation in the passage (Adam's Bridge) between India and Sri Lanka.The Gulf
of Mannar is particularly important for Green turtle and sea cow population, both
of which depend on the large sea grass beds particularly around Musal, Appa and
Balayamunai islands. Olive Ridley turtle is also occasionally found in this area.
The pro-chordate Balanoglossus is found in the northern reefs. Mangroves are
found on all islands and are particularly extensive in the Mandapam group. Most
of the islands have no freshwater and are therefore uninhabited.
The most productive chank and pearl oyster beds in India are found near
Tuticorin and Kilakarai. The Windowpane oyster Placuna placenta is also found
in the same area. Large quantities of molluscan shells for the ornamental trade
are collected in this area. Recently, native people of this area have begun
developing tourism also.
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be Indian Territory. The East India Company of the Britain had obtained this
Kachcha Tivu Island on lease in 1822 from the Sethupathy King. In 1880 one
Abdul Kader of Kilakkarai, a village in Tamilnadu state of India had obtained on
lease Kachcha Tivu, Kuthukaal Tivu, and Mannali tivu from the District Collector
of Ramnad, under Madras Presidency of India. In 1913 The Government of
Madras Presidency had obtained lease of Kachcha Tivu from the King Sethupathy
of the Princely State of Ramnad, and had given fishing rights to fishermen of
Madras Presidency. In 1947 one Mr. Mohammed had taken lease of the island of
Kachcha Tivu which was registered in the Sub-Registrar’s office of Indian town of
Rameswaram [Ref: Reg.No. 278/1948.
B] re-demarcating the territorial waters of India, not only taking into account the
landmass of the Southern mainland of India facing Bay of Bengal but also the
baselines of the 20 islands of India in the Palk Strait, more particularly in the
Gulf of Mannar.
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C] Defining the equal-distance not from mainland but various points from these
20 islands.
We pray before the Respected Judges of the Tribunal to deliver Justice to Indian
Tamils.
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