D

iaspora is a Greek term

which originally refer -
red to the dispersal of
Jews beyond Israel. In
academia, the term first
referred to groups of
forced migrants with similar identi-
ties. However, difficulties in distin-
guishing between forced and vol-
untary migrants led to the broaden-
ing of the definition, to accommodate
voluntary migrants.
This inclusion in its definition is
still debated. According to Rogers
Brubaker (2005), the meaning of the
term has changed in semantic, con-
ceptual and disciplinary space from
its origin, over attempts to include
various intellectual, cultural and
political elements.
The Sri Lankan diaspora is a trans -
national community. And it is the
source of much interest to both the
Government and development com-
munity, especially in the post-conflict
context. In Sri Lanka, the term is
widely used to refer to Tamil expatri-
ates.
However, Sinhalese and Mus lims
have also ventured overseas as a
result of nearly three decades of polit-
ical crises and economic uncertainty.
They continue to emigrate, predom-
inantly as temporary migrant work-
ers, to West Asia. Large and diverse
Sinhalese diaspora communities have
formed in Italy, the United States, the
United Kingdom and Canada. Com -
pared to the Tamil diaspora, the Sin -
halese are fewer in number and they
tend to be less concentrated in certain
areas, and are not as well organised.
The largest Sri Lankan diaspora
comprises the Tamil community, as
much of the conflict was concentrat-
ed in the Northern and Eastern
Provinces. These communities are
scattered across the globe, with con-
centrations in Canada, the UK, India,
Europe, Australia and Malaysia. Even
though the Tamil diaspora is the
largest Sri Lankan expatriate commu-
nity, it is by no means homogeneous.
They are divided not only by pre-
migratory cleavages along caste,
class, gender, village or town of ori-
gin, education and religion, but also
by differences in the process of
migration e.g. date of arrival, length
of stay, legal status in the host coun-
try, socio-economic standing and
political orientation.
Much of the literature featuring
diaspora communities often has nega-
tive connotations the most promi-
nent being that the diaspora con-
tributes to sustaining and perpetuating
war or conflict in the homeland.
They are often perceived as irre-
sponsible long-distance nationalists
who are less inclined to compromise,
and driven by a sense of nostalgia,
guilt and deprivation, in addition to
being obstacles to conflict resolution
and peace building. The local percep-
tion does not differ from these senti-
ments, and multiple connotations
exist.
Despite these multiple connotations
of the term diaspora, it is largely used
unfavourably in Sri Lanka. In fact, the
President is reported to have said that
he didnt like to use the word, as the
term was (mis)used by some groups,
to destroy the country. This percep-
tion is bred as a result of pressure by
vocal diaspora groups among the
international community, calling for
war crimes accountability as a priori-
ty over other issues.
The diaspora has the potential to
play a role in supporting post-conflict
reconstruction, by investing in or
facilitating development initiatives.
Financial capacity, a healthy skills
and knowledge base, networks and
lobbying power both locally and
internationally are important fea-
tures of diaspora communities that
can be used to foster development in
post-crisis homelands.
It is important to recognise that the
interplay between the Tamil diaspora
and the LTTE was complex and often
misunderstood, as the (Tamil) diaspo-
ra was not a monolithic entity that
acted solely as the fundraising and
political wing of the LTTE. Not
everyone supported the LTTE politi-
cally, and countless people were vic-
tims.
As is often the case, some voices of
the diaspora groups were much louder
than others, and they continue to be
so.
If we are to view the diaspora solely
through the lens of the LTTEs vio-
lence, we reduce the entire group to
being a stereotype they do not
deserve that. It is important to recog-
nise that moderate diaspora groups
have always existed, and theyve been
involved in promoting ethnic harmony
through non-violent means through out
the years of the conflict.
These groups should not be classi-
fied with those of more extreme
views. Rather, these moderate diaspo-
ra groups should be recognised as the
people to start engaging with, in the
recovery process.
MISUNDERSTOOD AND MISUSED
How diaspora groups can help in the countrys recovery process
CEPA is an independent Sri Lankan think tank promoting a better understanding of poverty-related development issues.
It strives to influence related development policy, as it believes that poverty is an injustice that should be overcome.
Courtesy Centre for Poverty Analysis (CEPA)
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REDEFINING THE DIASPORA
81 SEPTEMBER 2014 LMD
Compiled by Mohamed Munas
and Nadhiya Najab