THDDOCTORAL-God Among The Gods - An Analysis of The Function of Yahweh in The Divine Council of Deuteronomy 32 and Psalm 82

LIBERTY BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
AND GRADUATE SCHOOL

GOD AMONG THE GODS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE FUNCTION OF YAHWEH IN THE
DIVINE COUNCIL OF DEUTERONOMY 32 AND PSALM 82

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO

THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF RELIGION

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES

BY

DANIEL PORTER

LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA

MAY 2010

UMI Number: 1475472

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ii

The views expressed in this thesis do not necessarily represent the views of the institution and/or
of the thesis readers.

Copyright 2010 by Daniel Porter
All Rights Reserved.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To my wife, Mariel

And

My Parents, The Rev. Fred A. Porter and Drenda Porter

Special thanks to Dr. Ed Hindson and Dr. Al Fuhr for their direction and advice through the
course of this project.

iv

ABSTRACT

The importance of the Ugaritic texts discovered in 1929 to ancient Near Eastern and Biblical
Studies is one of constant debate. The Ugaritic texts offer a window into the cosmology that
shaped the ancient Near East and Semitic religions. One of the profound concepts is the idea of a
divine council and its function in maintaining order in the cosmos. Over this council sits a high
god identified as El in the Ugaritic texts whose divine function is to maintain order in the divine
realm as well on earth. Due to Ugarits involvement in the ancient world and the texts
representation of Canaanite cosmology, scholars have argued that the Ugaritic pantheon is
evidenced in the Hebrew Bible where Yahweh appears in conjunction with other divine beings.
Drawing on imagery from both the Ugaritic and Hebrew texts, scholars argue that Yahweh was
not originally the high god of Israel, and the idea of Yahweh alone was a progression
throughout the biblical record. However, there are scholars who understand the divine council
motif as a common image among all ancient Semitic peoples, and while the biblical writers use
the imagery of divine council, they do not adopt the theology. The questions that arise are: do the
Hebrew Scriptures allow for Ugaritic parallelism? Is the divine council in the Hebrew Scriptures
an import from Ugarit? And if so, what is the function of Yahweh in these council settings? To
answer these questions, this thesis explores the views and responses presented by scholars who
analyze two key passages in the debate where the Yahweh/El polemic is suggested:
Deuteronomy 32:8-9 and Psalm 82.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................... iii

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... iv

Chapter 1 - Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1

Chapter 2 Ugarit in the Ancient Near East .................................................................................. 5

Chapter 3 The Divine Council of Yahweh in Deuteronomy 32:8-9 .......................................... 18

Chapter 4 The Divine Council of Yahweh in Psalm 82............................................................. 31

Chapter 5 - Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 51

BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................................... 54

1

Chapter 1
Introduction

The assembly of the gods is a common concept among cultures in the ancient Near
East. The divine council motif is largely found in literature from Mesopotamia, Ugarit,
Phoenicia and Israel.
1
The primary sources for divine council imagery come from
Mesopotamia and Ugarit. In Mesopotamia, the Gilgamesh Epic, Epic of Atrahasis, and the
Enuma Elish are examples of the use of divine council imagery.
2
In these accounts, Anu is
the high god of the pantheon who presides over the council until Marduk is chosen as king of
the gods in the Enuma Elish.
3

The Baal Cycle and the Keret Epic give the clearest understanding of divine council in
the Ugaritic texts.
4
In the Ugaritic epics, El is the king of the gods and maintains order in the
cosmos. El is presented as the ultimate authority in the cosmos to whom all the gods answer.
5

The term ultimate authority is used lightly here. The Ugaritic texts present El in a powerful
position; however, while his decrees are final, he is sometimes not the absolute ruler one
would expect from the king of the gods.
6

1
E. Theodore Mullen, Divine Assembly, Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Freedman. 6 vols. (New
York: Doubleday, 1992), 2:214-217.

2
S. B. Parker, Council, Dictionary of Deities and Demons, ed. Karel vand der Toorn. (New York: Brill,
1995), 393.

3
Walton, John H., Ancient Near Eastern Thought and the Old Testament, (Grand Rapids: Baker), 96

4
Mullen, Divine Assembly, 216.

5
Mullen, E. Theodore, The Assembly of the Gods, Harvard Semitic Monographs 24 (Chico, CA: Scholars
Press, 1986), 282.

6
Frank Moore Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic; Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel,
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973), 40
2

The Hebrew Bible also contains references that some scholars believe to be divine
council motifs. The most descriptive references of divine council are found in I Kings 22 and
Job 1; however, council imagery and terminology are used elsewhere in Scripture.
7

Deuteronomy 32:8-9 along with Psalm 82 are presented by scholars as being key evidence in
the divine council debate. These texts are often used to show the emergence of Israel from
polytheism to monotheism. However, some scholars point out that in the biblical accounts,
Yahweh is presented as the absolute authority in the cosmos. The divine council in which
Yahweh interacts presents the other deities as inferior to him.
8

The Problem
The many similarities between the Ugaritic and Hebrew texts have been the focus of
debate since the discovery of the tablets at Ras Shamra in 1929. These tablets describe the
religious, cultural and mythical traditions from the 14
th
to 12
th
centuries B.C.
9
After this
monumental discovery, Near Eastern scholarship began to examine the significant
similarities between Israelite and Ugaritic religions.
10
The evidence these scholars use are the
similarities in terminology, and characteristics between the gods (more specifically El and

7
Pss. 29:1; 82:6; 89:7; 97:7; Deut. 33:2-3; 32:8; Zech. 3:1-7; Prov. 9:10; Is. 6; Dan. 7:9ff

8
Ronald Hendel, "Israelite Religion." Encyclopedia of Religion. Ed. Lindsay Jones. Vol. 7. 2nd
ed. (Detroit: Macmillan Reference, 2005). 4742-4750. 15 vols.

9
Marguerite Yon, D. and Pardee, Pierre Bordreuil, Ugarit, ABD

10
A few examples: J. Obermann, Ugaritic Mythology (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948); O.
Eissfeldt, El and Yahweh, Journal of Semitic Studies 1 (1956): 25-37; J. Gray, The Legacy of Canaan (2d ed.;
Leiden: Brill, 1965); Patrick D. Miller, The Divine Council and the Prophetic Call to War, Vetus Testamentum
18 (1968): 100-107; W.F Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan: An Historical Analysis of Two Conflicting
Faiths (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1968); Matitiahu Tsevat, God and the Gods in Assembly, Hebrew Union
College Annual 40-41 (1969-1970): 123-137; Frank M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and the Hebrew Epic (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1973); David Noel Freedman, Who is Like Thee Among the Gods? The Religion of
Early Israel, in Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank M. Cross (ed. Patrick D. Miller, et.al.;
Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987), 315-336; Mark S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and Other Deities
in Ancient Israel (2d. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002); Marjo Christina Annette Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds:
Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine (Munster: Ugarit Verlag, 1990).

3

Baal) and Yahweh. These scholars see the parallels specifically in the divine council
references as indications of polytheism in the biblical record. Their understanding is the
Ugaritic council, with El as high god, was the source of the Israelite council.
11
Michael
Heiser explains, Israels council is thought to reflect a pre-exilic polytheistic bureaucracy
that included the notion that the gods exercised territorial control over the nations of the earth
(Deut. 32:8-9).
12
He continues to explain that in this view, El and Yahweh were seen as
separate, distinct deities in the biblical texts.
13
Eventually; however, the gods were
assimilated into Yahweh and the council disappeared from the biblical religion as a result of
Israels evolving monotheism.
14
Patrick Miller suggests the origin of the biblical Yahweh is
found in the Canaanite El.
15
He states, the roots of Yahweh, are to be traced back far
(historically) and broadly (geographically) into the religious world of the ancient Near East,
and particularly Syria-Palestine. Clan religion, Amorite religion, Canaanite religion these
formed the matrix out of which the worship of Yahweh came.
16
In this view, Yahweh was
a cultic name of El, this cult would later split from the patriarchal religion to become its own
entity later in Israels history.
17

11
Mark S Smith, The Origins of Biblical Monotheism : Israel's Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic
Texts. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).; see also DDD Council 392-398.

12
Michael S Heiser, The Divine Council in Late Canonical and Non-Canonical Second Temple Jewish
Literature (Ph.D diss. The University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2004), 8.

13
Ibid, 8. Also see, Mark S. Smith, Origins, 48-49

14
Ibid, 9.

15
Patrick D Miller, The Religion of Ancient Israel, (London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2000), 25.

16
Ibid.

17
K.Van der Toorn, Yahweh, DDD.
4

The Purpose
The conclusions of the scholars who examine the biblical texts referring to the divine
council is that it is obvious Israels religious expressions found in the Hebrew Scriptures is not
the intolerant monotheism found later in the religion. Instead, scholars use the divine council
parallels in the Ugaritic texts and Hebrew texts to prove that the biblical religion was no different
from the Canaanite religion. The question is whether or not there is a valid argument for these
claims. Does the Hebrew Scriptures allow for Ugaritic parallelism? Is Yahweh the only supreme
deity in the Hebrew Scriptures or is there another? To answer these questions, this thesis will
examine how scholars on both sides of the argument understand the function of Yahweh in two
primary texts proposed to have divine council imagery: Deuteronomy 32:8-9 and Psalm 82.

5

Chapter 2
Ugarit in the Ancient Near East

First, discussion will center on the background of Ugarit and its unique position in the
ancient Near East. In order to fully understand the similarities between the Ugaritic high god, El
and the Israelite deity, Yahweh, one must ascertain Ugarits involvement in the ancient world.
Second, there must be a brief introduction of the cosmology of Ugarit and the structure of the
pantheon which will be discussed at length in subsequent chapters.

Geography
The ancient city of Ugarit was located in modern Syria on a tell called Ras Shamra. The
tell is approximately seven miles north of Laodicea ad Mare and about fifty miles east of Cyprus.
This strategic location provided for Ugarits great success as both a city and kingdom. Its
location provided a cross roads of commerce in the ancient Near East between Mesopotamia,
Cyprus, Egypt and Canaan.
18
The city stood at an intersection of maritime and overland trade
routes which made it a natural link between the Mediterranean world and the land routes to
Mesopotamia and Anatolia. During the Bronze Age the city was the crossroads between the
cultures of the Mediterranean and the Sumero-Akkadian world.
19
The citys primary income was
through trade between foreign lands, however, there is much evidence supporting the fact that
Ugarit also manufactured goods itself.

18
Adrian Curtis, Ugarit (Ras Shamra). (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1985), 56.

19
Charles F. Pfeiffer, Ras Shamra and the Bible in Baker Studies in Biblical Archaeology (Grand Rapids:
Baker Book House, 1962), 19.

6

Excavations have unearthed remnants of metal workers along the coast which provided
weapons for export and use in the army. Further evidence shows Ugarit was a principle
manufacturer of purple dye and linen clothing.
20
Wine was cultivated throughout the kingdom as
was oil for ordinary and ceremonial use. The southern region of the kingdom produced ceramics
that have been found in Egypt as well as in Canaan. Warehouses found in the city indicate that
Ugarit boasted a thriving cosmetic industry as well. There are also texts that indicate grain and
salt were exported from the kingdom.
21
This made the kingdom of Ugarit very wealthy early in
their history.
The kingdom of Ugarit was relatively small. It comprised of a small coastal strip from the
vicinity of Jebel Aqra (Mt. Sapan of the Ugaritic texts) in the north to the region of Tell Sukas in
the south. The eastern border was formed by wooded hills which run parallel to the coast and is
broken by the main river, the Nahr al-Kabir.
22
The kingdom comprised of approximately 200
villages. It is difficult for scholars to know the exact number of villages for their locations have
not been clearly identified and over the course of time many changed names, disappeared or
relocated making the total count uncertain.
23

The king of Ugarit played a prominent role in the life and politics of Ugarit. The king
functioned as the diplomat to Ugarits allies and suzerains. Early in the second millennium
pressure was coming from the north by the Hittites who were beginning to dominate the Anatolia
region. Babylon became threatened after the death of Hammurabi the Great (ca. 1686 BC) which

20
Curtis, Ugarit, 59.

21
Florence Malbran-Labat, "Commerce at Ugarit." Near Eastern Archaeology 63, no. 4 (2000): 195-196.

22
Ibid, 49.

23
Michael Heltzer, The Rural Community in Ancient Ugarit (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1976), 5

7

was cause for concern for the Babylonian dependent commerce economy of Ugarit.
24
The
dominant feature in Ugaritic politics in the second millennium seems to be concerned with
Egypt. An alliance with Egypt would have given Ugarit security during the unstable times. Egypt
would dominate the Ugaritic culture until the rise of the Hyksos in the eighteenth century.
With Egypt under Hyksos control, the Egyptian presence in Ugarit was scarce. It was
during the reign of the Hyksos (1720 1550 BC) that Ugarit became dominated by the non-
Semitic Hurrians. Pfeiffer notes that there are very few records surviving from the Hurrian
period at Ugarit, but the city does seem to temporarily lose its strategic importance.
25

The expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt under Amosis (1552-1527) led to dramatic
changes for Ugarit. The Pharaohs of the eighteenth dynasty sought to restore their claim to Syria.
The northern aggressors, the Hittites, seem to have retreated leaving the region open which
resulted in a century of a Egyptian-Hurrian contest for control.
26
Thutmose I (1520) was the first
to invade and make his way north to the Euphrates. However, most of the territory was lost
within twenty years to the Hurrians. Thutmose III began a campaign around 1482 to re-conquer
Asia. He succeeded and by 1475 he controlled Canaan and the seacoast as far north as Sumer,
however, by 1471 the Hurrians were once again in control of the area.
27
Astour notes that Ugarit
seemingly was untouched during these campaigns due to the city not being mentioned in either
Egyptian or Hurrian texts. He suggests the region around Ugarit formed a buffer zone between

24
Pfeiffer, Ras Shamra and the Bible, 20.

25
Ibid., 21.

26
Michael C. Astour, "Ugarit and the Great Powers." In Ugarit in Retrospect, (Winona Lake, IN:
Eisenbrauns, 1981), 3-30.

27
Ibid, 11.

8

the two warring states therefore sparing the city from destruction.
28
It seems by the time of the
reign of Pharaoh Amenophis II (1438-1412) that Egypt and the Hurrians had reached a
stalemate. Egypt and the Hurrians entered into an alliance that would last through the fifteenth
and fourteenth centuries. This peace would result in the trade routes between the two empires to
open once again and Ugarit would soon find itself at the apex of its grandeur.
29

The period of peace between the Egyptians and Hurrians would prove profitable to Ugarit
which remained loyal to Egypt during most of this time, however they maintained alliances with
the Hurrian kings.
30
The city was enlarged three times to include larger streets and homes,
luxurious spaces for royalty and nobility, larger temples were erected to the citys patron deities
and the copper and bronze market seemed to have flourished throughout this period.
31
Ugarit
would experience a rise in influence both economically and culturally throughout the fifteenth
and fourteenth centuries, until the arrival of the Sea Peoples in the twelfth century.
In addition to being a center of commerce, Ugarit gained in scholastic ventures as well.
The evidence of cultural diversity in the capital city is abundant. The royal archives contained
tablets written in a variety of languages. In addition to numerous texts written in Akkadian, other
languages represented were Sumerian, Hittite, Egyptian, Hurrian, the Minoan script of Cyprus,
and a previously unknown language later identified as Ugaritic.
32

The major difference between the Ugaritic language and that of the surrounding
Mesopotamian writings is the use of only thirty signs. This writing appeared to scholars to be

28
Ibid, 12.

29
Pfeiffer, Ras Shamra and the Bible, 21.

30
Curtis, Ugarit, 43.

31
Astour, Ugarit and the Great Powers, 19.

32
Curtis, Ugarit, 27.

9

more alphabetic rather than syllabic. Upon further analysis scholars determined that the language
was Semitic in origin and closely related to Hebrew which provided aid in translation of most of
the texts.
33
The Ugaritic texts contain a variety of literature. Due to the vast number of languages
used in the city itself, dictionaries have been found translating from one language to another.
Inventories of peoples, places and supplies have been found throughout the city. The royal
archives contained diplomatic, military, legal, administrative and commercial texts. The
sanctuary or temple area contained lists of sacrifices and of deities, ritual texts and poems
recounting the activities of the gods.
34

Ugaritic Religion
The religious structure of Ugarit is for the most part unknown. The only evidence of their
religion is the two temples of Dagan and Baal which offer no clue as to their practices. The only
known examples of their religion are in the poetic texts found in the royal archives. These poetic
texts do not describe Ugarits religious rituals, but describe the actions and attributes of the gods.
It is through these mythic texts that scholars are able to put together the religious heritage of
Ugarit and understand how the ancient people viewed their world. These mythic texts have been
the emphasis of Biblical and ancient Near Eastern studies since they were deciphered in the
1930s. The reason for their importance is their presentation of typical Semitic-Canaanite
religion. Until this time the only explanation of Canaanite religion was found in the Bible. The
Ugaritic texts shed light on what these ancient Semitic people believed.
The mythic texts found at Ugarit describe a pantheon of deities acting as a community to
maintain order in the cosmos. In order to understand how these myths contribute to the lives of

33
Ibid.

34
Curtis, Ugarit, 31.

10

the ancient peoples myth must be defined. According to John Gray, myth is technically the
spoken counterpart of ritual actions and is evidenced in the religious rites and in the lives of the
participants.
35
For example, the government of Ugarit was organized in a communal form, the
villages were organized as communes as a reflection of how the myths presented the assembly of
the gods. This idea of imitating the gods is called imitatio dei which is a reference to the fact
that the actions and passions of deities in the mythological texts are often a reflection of human
society; then, through a circular process, the humans justify their actions because the gods and
goddesses act in those ways.
36
In order to understand the Ugaritic religion thoroughly, one must
ascertain the concepts of their myths.
The council at Ugarit is quite complex. The pantheon was ruled by the high god, El. The
name El is commonly used throughout the ancient Near East as a term for deity. The term ilu is
found among Mesopotamian texts as an appellative for deities; however, there is no individual
god who is referred to as Ilu. The Ugaritic texts, on the other hand, have more than five hundred
references to the god El. It is also noted that el is used as an appellative; however, the common
use is for the high god himself.
37

The pantheon at Ugarit is organized in a bureaucratic hierarchy. The highest ranking gods
were El and his consort, Athirat or Asherah. These two authoritative gods were the owners of
the heavens and the earth and were entitled to appoint and establish various rulers of their cosmic

35
John Gray, The Legacy of Canaan; the Ras Shamra Texts and Their Relevance to the Old Testament
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965), 20.

35
Cyrus Herzl Gordon, and Gary Rendsburg, The Bible and the Ancient near East (New York: W.W.
Norton & Co., 1997), 159.

36
W. Herrmann, El, DDD, 522-523.

37
Lowell K. Handy, The Appearance of the Pantheon in Judah, in The Triumph of Elohim: From
Yahwisms to Judaisms, ed. Diana Edelman (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 33.

11

world.
38
Smith argues that Asherah did not share high rank with El, instead he envisions her as
an advisor given her ability to influence El in his decision making.
39
Handy, however, argues that
the designations of El and Asherah as owners and parents indicate her co-divine status with
El.
40
Asherah is presented as the co-creator with El as it is through her the gods of the pantheon
were believed to have been born.
41
Her children constitute the second tier of the pantheon.
42

The sons of El and Asherah are better described as active gods. The term active is
used in apposition to the characteristic inactive function of El to be described later. These were
the gods responsible for the natural functions of the cosmos. Some of the gods mentioned by
name in Ugaritic literature are Shemesh, Yareah, Reshep, Yam and Mot. The most well-known
gods are Anat and Baal. They are the focus of the most extended epics.
43
As the progeny of El
and Asherah, these gods were given authority to govern the natural realm. Handy states:
They basically had free dominion in their rules, which allowed them to fight among
themselves, argue with their superiors, abuse their power to thwart others and even kill

38
Mark S. Smith, The Origins of Biblical Monotheism : Israel's Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic
Texts (New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 45.

40
Lowell K. Handy, Among the Host of Heaven : The Syro-Palestinian Pantheon as Bureaucracy (Winona
Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1994), 76- 79.

41
Ibid, 77.

42
Scholars are divided on the structure of the divine council at Ugarit. Handy proposes there are four tiers,
the first made of the authoritative gods, El and Asherah, the second tier consisting of their sons and daughters, the
third tier occupied by craft deities. Smith and Heiser both recognize this tier, but admit there is little support for its
existence. The fourth tier is made up of messenger deities whose sole function was to serve the gods of the upper
tiers and communicate orders from the gods to their human counterparts. Heiser proposes a three tier system
eliminating the craft god tier. In conjunction with the Hebrew Bible, however, the tier system is further reduced to
have two tiers: the authoritative deity and messenger deities. Heiser finds this two tier system problematic and
postulates that the three tiers may still be present in the Hebrew Bible itself. The two lower tiers may be hierarchy of
angels seen later in biblical record with the archangels taking the place of the sons of God of the second tier and
their subordinates as messengers.

43
E. T. Mullen, The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature, in Harvard Semitic
Monographs 24 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1980), 273.

12

each other. In all this, however, they remain answerable for their behavior and can be
called up in judgment before El.
44

The key to understanding the sphere of influence of the gods is through the ancient Near
Eastern concept of divine function. Walton observes that, in the ancient world something came
into existence when it was separated out as a distinct entity, given a function, and given a
name.
45
He later states that the gods were believed to exist on earth only through their
individual functions.
46
The gods of Ugarit were not unlike their counterparts in Egypt and
Mesopotamia. The gods were born by means of procreation, given names and given functions or
jurisdictions.
47
These jurisdictions are the sphere of authority described by Handy. He defines
these spheres as territorial, natural or as abstract.
48
Baal for instance was the patron god of
Ugarit.
49
He is also a storm god and is attributed to bringing rain and guaranteeing fertility of
crops.
50
A more abstract example would be Anat, the goddess of warfare.
51

The gods were identified very closely to their distinctive function or jurisdiction. Without
these distinctive functions the gods would cease to exist.
52
Each gods function was important to
the balance of the cosmos. Handy comments, the various active deities had the power and

44
Handy, Appearance of Pantheon, 35.

45
Walton, Ancient Near Eastern Thought, 88.

46
Ibid, 89.

47
Handy, Among the Host, 78. Also see Walton, Ancient Near Eastern Thought, 91.

48
Ibid, 114. Walton describes the jurisdictions as cosmic, terrestrial or cultural, 92.

49
Patrick D. Miller, "Aspects of the Religion of Ugarit," in Ancient Israelite Religion, (Ithaca, NY:
Fortress Pr, 1987), 60.

50
W.Herrmann, Baal, DDD, 254.

51
Day, P.L. Anat, DDD, 65.

52

13

resources to maintain their realms in an adequate fashion, whether their realms were political or
natural. When the deities failed to carry out their proper functions, for one reason or another, the
entire system ceased to function properly.
53
This concept is most clearly seen in the Baal Cycle.
The Baal Cycle describes the battle between Baal and the god of death, Mot. When Mot is
victorious over Baal, Baal is taken into the nether world. Baal is then dethroned and his natural
function of bringing rain ceases thus bringing chaos into the natural realm. It is therefore
necessary for Baal to be resurrected so order could be restored. According to de Moor this
describes the natural order of the seasonal cycle.
54
Therefore, the importance of the divine
assembly finally comes into focus. The primary function of the divine assembly was to bring
order to the natural realm.
The classifications of active and inactive deities become problematic when
discussing the functions of the gods. As Walton states, a god who does not function or act fades
into virtual nonexistence.
55
El, for all practical purposes, is an inactive god. He is the creator
god who creates the active gods who rule in the natural realm. Walton references J. Assmann
in his observation that it was the creator gods inactivity that led to them being replaced by active
deities.
56
De Moor explains this dilemma by chronicling the struggle between Baal and El in the
Ugaritic texts. He observes that Baal is in constant struggle to overthrow his father-in-law El.
57

53
Handy, Among the Host, 116.

54
Johannes C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu, According to the Version of
Ilimilku (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsverein Neukirchen-Vluyn: Verlag Butzon &
Bercker Kevelaer, 1971).

55

56
Ibid, 93.

57
de Moor takes the position that Baal was an outsider to Els divine family. Scholars are not in agreement
on this subject. For example see: N. Wyatt, The Relationship of the Deities Dagan and Hadad, Ugarit Forschungen
12 (1980): 375-379; J. David Schloen, The House of the Father and Symbol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the
14

He further comments that this progressive move from El to Baal was slow, but by the first
millennium B.C. Baal is presented as the victor and El is only mentioned occasionally.
58
He
explains the reason why Baal became superior was due to the areas total dependency on rain.
In contrast to Egypt and Mesopotamia, Syria-Palestine was totally dependant on rain for its
agricultural and cattle-breeding. In this semi-arid region sufficient rainfall in the period from
October through April was crucial to the sustenance of life.
59
Therefore, since Baal was a more
active god than El, Baal took the leading role and eventually replaced El as the primary focus of
devotion as Walton and Assmann proposed. However; while El may fall out of favor with the
people over time, the Ugaritic texts still see Baal as being subservient to El.
60

This raises the question of the function of El as the high god. As already stated, the
function of the divine council was to bring order to the natural realm. Therefore, it can be
deduced that the function of the high god was to maintain the order of the divine assembly and
thus maintain order in the cosmos. Handy observes there are two actions necessary to maintain
order: creation of order and maintenance of that order.
61
All the functions and realms of the
various gods were assigned by El. It was El alone who decided the jurisdictions of the gods of
the assembly, and it was El who established the thrones of rulers both in the divine and human
realm.
62
Handy further notes, El did not do the work of running the universe, but made certain

Ancient Near East (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2001); G. del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion According to the
Liturgical Texts of Ugarit (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1999).

58
Johannes C. de Moor, The Rise of Yahwism: The Roots of Israelite Monotheism (Leuven: University
Press, 1990), 75-77,

59
Ibid, 78.

60
Ibid.

61

62
Ibid, 84-87.

15

that those who were supposed to do the work, both human and divine functioned correctly.
63

Cross states, the exercise of authority by El over his council suggests that his role is more that
of a patriarch or that of the judge in the council of a league of tribes.
64
He further describes El
as a social god, the primordial father of gods and men, sometimes stern, often compassionate,
and always wise in judgment.
65
This understanding of El may lead one to presume that El was
pictured as a perfect god; however, that is far from how these ancient cultures viewed their gods.
In the ancient texts, the gods were described in seemingly irreverent ways, but to the
ancients this was the reality of their religion. When the people of Ugarit described the divine
realm it was a world full of hate, violence, treason, weakness, greed partiality, rashness,
blunders, drunken bouts, and orgies.
66
The gods were described as no more moral than humans
with the same fears and vices. They feared each other and most of all they feared death. When
they did not fight they indulged in heavy drinking and debauchery.
67
This discussion only
serves to show that the divine realm as the Ugaritic texts present it was one of imperfection. The
gods were selfish and petty. The ancients observed chaos in the human realm and understood it
to be a result of chaos in the divine realm.
The divine council therefore, in the Ugaritic texts presents a bureaucratic system in
whose primary function was the operation of the cosmos. Each god was given a specific
jurisdiction within the natural and divine realm and he or she was expected to manage it
according to the divine will of El. When the gods assembled, they would meet with El at his

63
Ibid, 87.

64
Cross, Canaanite Myth, 39.

65
Ibid, 42.

66
de Moor, Rise of Yahwism, 84.

67
Ibid.

16

cosmic mountain.
68
It was here they met to deliberate the business of the cosmos and feast.
69

These deliberations would affect life on earth and could benefit the people or curse the people. It
was for this reason that the gods needed to be cared for in their temples daily. The evidence of
sacrifice that has been unearthed shows that the ancients vied for favor with the gods on a daily
basis.

Observations
The importance of Ugarit is not in their direct involvement in the shaping and moving of
the ancient Near Eastern landscape, but in their place on the map. Because of Ugarits location,
they became the depository of information and culture. The Egyptian, Hurrian, Hittite and
Babylonian influence upon their western-Semitic culture created a melting pot of beliefs and
customs recorded in their texts. It is safe to say that Ugarits influence in the ancient world was
connected only to their commerce and through trade ideas spread throughout the Near East and
into Canaan.
The religious culture of Ugarit was typical of the ancient Near East and provides insight
to the religious philosophy of other Semitic peoples which the Israelites were in direct contact.
As Gordon reflects, our knowledge of the Canaanites comes mainly from Ugarit. While it is
true that this site lies far to the north of the region settled by the Hebrews, scholars are in
agreement that the society reflected in the Ugaritic texts is not unlike that of Canaanite cities
farther south. The epics themselves refer to Canaanite cities closer to the area inhabited by the

68
Richard J. Clifford, The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament, Harvard Semitic
Monographs. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 23-24, 37-38, 98-160.

69
Mullen, Divine Council, 180.

17

Israelites (such as Tyre and Sidon).
70
Ugarit, therefore, is a window into the philosophy of the
ancient Near East that the ancient Israelites had to contend with. It is clear from the biblical
tradition that the Israelites were impacted by their Canaanite neighbors; however, the question
remains whether or not the biblical writers themselves were influenced by these same motifs.

70
Gordon, The Bible and the Ancient Near East, 158.
18

Chapter 3
Divine Council of Yahweh in Deuteronomy 32:8-9

The previous chapter introduced the concepts and ideology of the Ugaritic pantheon and
the function of the divine council in relation to the high god, El. This chapter will begin
analyzing key passages of the Hebrew Bible which scholars argue may contain imagery similar
to the divine council of Ugarit. As in the previous chapter, emphasis will be given to the function
of the high god and how he operates within the council. First, there must a brief description of
the hypothesis of the similarities between the two high gods, El and Yahweh. Second, the
biblical terms and function of the biblical council must be explored. Third, the function of the
high god, Yahweh in the biblical council will need to be discussed before finally analyzing the
key passages being considered for this study.

Arguments for the similarities between El and Yahweh
Scholars note that there are many similarities between the Ugaritic god, El and the
Israelite deity, Yahweh. The similarities are so convincing that some scholars equate Yahweh
and El as being the same deity. Mark Smith argues that the similar characteristics and
designations for El and Yahweh command their unity. He presents two arguments: first, Israel is
not a Yahwistic name and Yahweh and El were identified at an early stage since there are no
biblical polemics against El.
71
Cross also theorizes that Yahweh was a cultic name of El that
later separated from El in the radical differentiation of his cultus in the Proto-Israelite league,
ultimately ousting El from his place in the divine council.
72
However, it is also argued that El is

71
Mark S. Smith. Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel, The Biblical
Resource Series. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002) 32.

72
F.M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and the Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973),
See also, J.C. de Moor, The Rise of Yahwism, 310 69.
19

not to be equated with Yahweh, but rather they are separate deities. Eissfeldt argues that El and
Yahweh were two distinct deities within the same pantheon and that Yahweh supplanted El. He
states, beside some traits of El which were taken over by Yahweh, the latter appropriated the
function of Creator of the world and King of the gods, which according to the evidence of the
Ugaritic texts are especially peculiar to El, and which are generally assumed to have been
originally alien to Yahweh.
73
These scholars indicate the critical view that Yahweh and El were
somehow related within the same religious tradition. Eissfeldt presents two passages where this
imagery seems to appear: Deuteronomy 32:8-9 and Psalm 82. Deuteronomy 32 will be discussed
in this chapter while Psalm 82 will be discussed later. Before the passage itself can be analyzed,
attention must be given to the evidence of divine council imagery in the biblical record.

Biblical Terminology
The terminology for the divine council is diverse and found in various passages
throughout the Hebrew canon. The biblical examples used are tde(Ps. 82:1) commonly
translated assembly; deWm rh (Is. 14:13) translated mount of assembly; vwdq lhq (Ps.
89:6 MT) translated as the assembly of the holy ones; dWs (Jer. 23:18) translated council.
These terms bring the concept of divine council directly into the biblical text. However; there are
other references that contain the concept of the divine council. In 1 Kings 22 the council is
referred to as .ymvh abx or host of heaven. The council is also alluded to by the phrase
.yhla ynb or ,wyle ynb, sons of God found in Psalm 82; Job 1:6 and Deut. 32:8-9. The
last designation is of particular interest as the title sons of god is also attested in the Ugaritic

73
Otto Eissfeldt. El and Yahweh. Journal of Semitic Studies 1, no. 1 (1956): 25-37.
20

texts. These references to the divine council in the Bible give enough evidence of the council
concept in ancient Israel, however, unlike their Ugaritic counterpart; the biblical texts offer little
information about the councils operation.
74
However, this does not mean that its function cannot
be ascertained. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the unique function of divine council in
the Hebrew Bible.

Function of the Biblical Council
In the previous chapter, attention was given to the Ugaritic pantheon. However, the
biblical council is not as complex as their neighbors to the north. Instead, the Bible presents
Yahweh as the sole authority for the functions of the council and ultimately the functions of the
cosmos.
75
Therefore, it is only necessary to discuss how Yahweh and his council functioned.
Unlike El of the Ugaritic texts, Yahweh is classified as an active god. This goes beyond
the creation aspect of Yahweh which is also attributed to El. Yahweh is portrayed as being
intimately involved in the realm of humanity. The fact that God reveals Himself is fundamental.
He appears to Abraham, Gen. 12:7; He makes known His name and therefore His nature, Ex.
6:3; He does not belong to the number of the dumb gods, Hab. 2:18. The fact that God has
fellowship with man is due to His free and groundless will and is His first and fundamental
deed.
76
According to Kohler, Gods revelation of himself to his covenant people is due to his
free will and sheer grace. This idea stems from the biblical record of Yahweh as an active
deity.
77

74
S. B. Parker, Council, DDD, 394.

75

76
Ludwig Kohler, Old Testament Theology, (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1957), 59.

77
For example see: Gen. 18:16-32; Ex. 16:4-12; 20:1-21; 33:8-11; Judges 3:7-11; 1Sam 3:4-14 etc.
21

Function of Yahweh
The functions of Yahweh within the divine council in the various passages are not unlike
those found in the Ugaritic texts. The most expressive example is 1 Kings 22:19-28. In this
passage, Yahweh is seated on his throne with the host of heaven standing around him. Yahweh
is pictured deliberating with his council on who will seduce Ahab to go to battle and ultimately
to his doom. This revelation of the council is mediated by the prophet Micaiah. This parallels the
common divine council function of using messengers, in this case a prophet, to communicate the
decision of the council.
78
Scholars are in disagreement over the interpretation of this passage and
how the council is presented. Handy suggests that the assembly comes together to discuss the
ordeal and they disagree with each other. He states, The highest authority sought the members
advice and accepted it; he did not command an action of his own devising that he expected them
to carry out without dissent.
79
Paul House presents another interpretation. He suggests that
Micaiahs account of the lying spirit was to reveal the nature of the other prophets as not true
prophets of Yahweh. He further states that Micaiah could not present Yahweh as a liar, but rather
the reason for this was to warn the king not to listen to the other prophets. He concludes, This
account portrays God giving Ahab a chance to respond to a true prophet, which is consistent with
other similar, earlier opportunities (e.g. 1Kgs 18:16-19:2; 21:17-29).
80
Houses interpretation
fits the idea more of Yahwehs sovereign role in the council and in the biblical record.
81
The

78
H. Wheeler Robinson, Council of Yahweh, Journal of Theological Studies 45 (1944): 151-157; also
see Mullen, Divine Council, 209-226.

79

80
Paul R. House, 1, 2 Kings New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman and Holman), 238.

81
See Eugene Merrill, Everlasting Dominion: A Theology of the Old Testament, (Nashville: Broadman and
Holman, 2004) especially pg.144.
22

story in 1 Kings 22 illustrates the role in which the high god delegated authority within the
divine and human realm (see earlier discussion regarding Els function of delegation).

Deuteronomy 32:8 9
The book of Deuteronomy is often disputed among scholars. Along with the other books
of the Hebrew Torah, the book has been dissected by scholars since the Enlightenment.
82
Critical
scholars believe the Torah was brought together from various sources and is a product of
redaction.
83
Deuteronomy itself receives harsh criticism due to its unlikely form. The book is
presented as a series of speeches given by Moses at the end of his life before Israel entered the
Promised Land. Critical scholars view Deuteronomy as being written in the seventh century B.C.
due to the religious reforms under King Josiah.
84
Deuteronomy is attributed to the book of the
Law found in the Temple during renovations. A common view is that what was found was a
law book containing Deuteronomy 12-26 and the present book is the result of a long process of
additions to that core by later Deuteronomists.
85
According to this view, Deuteronomy 32
would be included in the later additions.
Deuteronomy 32 is identified as the Song of Moses and the biblical account ascribes
the Song to Moses.
86
Critical scholars remove the Mosaic element from the Song and attribute it
to a much later date. Some scholars date the Song to the exilic period or to the time just prior to

82
T.D. Alexander, Authorship of the Pentateuch in Dictionary of the Old Testament: Pentateuch, eds. T.
D. Alexander and David W. Baker (Downers Grove, IL: Intervarsity Press, 2003), 61.

83
Ibid, 62.

84
Christopher Wright, Deuteronomy, New International Biblical Commentary, (Peabody, MA:
Hendrickson Publishers, 1996), 6.

85
Ibid, 6.

86
See Deut. 31:30 and 32:44.

23

the exile.
87
Others argue that the Song was probably written during the post-exilic period.
88

De Moor presents a twelfth century B.C. date citing that the song would be written in response to
Israels defeat by the invading Sea Peoples.
89
This only proves that among critical scholars the
debate over the composition of the Song is not settled.
90
Most confessional scholars attribute the
book and therefore the Song to Moses which will date the Song to the fifteenth century B.C.
91

The passage itself has confounded scholars for years in regards to its interpretation. The
first interpretive issue is over the use of two divine epithets. Verse 8 uses the term ,Wyle
translated traditionally as most high and verse 9 refers to Yahweh. Smith contends that Elyon
is a reference to the high god El and Yahweh is his subordinate.
92
This would mean that Yahweh
was a member of the sons of El mentioned at the end of the verse. The reason for this
interpretation comes from the use of the particle yk. If the particle is adversative, the meaning
would present a contrast between the two deities in verses 8 and 9.
93
However, some scholars
contend that the particle should be considered emphatic thus establishing emphasis on the

87
Samuel R. Driver, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy, International Critical
Commentary on the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1925), 355.

88
Anthony Phillips, Deuteronomy, Cambridge Bible Commentary, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1973), 209-210; Mayes, A.D.H. Deuteronomy (Grand Rapids: Eerdman, 1991), 381-382.

89
J.C. de Moor, The Rise of Yahwism (Leuven: 1990), 155-160.

90
For more detailed discussion concerning the authorship of Deuteronomy see: Paul Sanders, The
Provenance of Deuteronomy 32 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996) 6-98.

91
Eugene Merrill, Deuteronomy, New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman and Holman,
1994), 22.

92
Smith, Origins, 49.

93
J. Muilenburg, The Linguistic and Rhetorical Usages of the Particle yk in the Old Testament, Hebrew
Union College Annual 32 (1961): 140.

24

relationship between God and his choosing of Israel as his own inheritance.
94
The problem is
resolved by examining the nature of the terms used and the structure of the verses. First, the term
,Wyle is primarily a poetic term in the Bible.
95
It is also observed that the title most high is
never attributed to El in the Ugaritic texts.
96
Cross notes that el is not used in the Bible as a
proper name of a non-Israelite, Canaanite deity in the full consciousness of a distinction between
El and Yahweh.
97
Furthermore, Richard Nelson states, both the context and poetic parallelism
make clear that these two designations refer to the same God.
98
Wright states, there is no
possibility that Yahweh is simply one of the sons of god to whom nations are allocated.
99
The
overall context of the verse in relation to the whole song supports the view that the two epithets
refer to the same God. The context of the verse is to prove the sovereignty of God over all men
and nations, but it is stated in such a way as to emphasize his particular concern for his chosen
people.
100

94
Duane Christensen, Deuteronomy, Word Biblical Commentary eds. Bruce M. Metzger, John D. W.
Watts and James W. Watts (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2002), 796. See also, J. Tigay, The Jewish Publication
Society Commentary: Deuteronomy (Philadelphia: JPS, 1996), 303.

95
G. Johannes Botterweck, Helmer Ringgren, and David E. Green. ,Wyle in Theological Dictionary of
the Old Testament. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990).

96
Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds, 276.

97
Cross, Hebrew Myth, 44.

98
Richard D. Nelson, Deuteronomy : A Commentary, The Old Testament Library. (Louisville, KY:
Westminster John Knox Press, 2002), 371.

99
Wright, Deuteronomy, 300.

100
Peter C. Craigie, The Book of Deuteronomy, The New International Commentary on the Old
Testament. (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1976), 379

25

The second element in understanding Deuteronomy 32:8-9 is the context of the Song
itself. The basic structure of the Song is that of a rib, a common ancient Near Eastern lawsuit.
101

John Weibe outlines the Song in the structure of a common rib:
102

A. 1-6 Introduction: Summoning of Witnesses case is stated
B. 7-14 The Prosecution Speech: Historical Review of past blessings
C. 15-18 Specific Indictment
D. 19-26 The Sentence (possible that the lawsuit ends here)
E. 27-33 An Act of Lamentation
F. 34 The Judges Deliberation (God discerns the enemies response)
G. 35-42 The Decision Following Deliberation
H. 43 Concluding Doxology

The rib was a formal lawsuit document presented to a rebellious vassal accusing them of
disloyalty to their overlord.
103
The overlord would begin by reminding the vassal of the benefits
that he had bestowed on his servant. In the Song, the historical review begins in verse 7 with
remember the days of old. Wright observes that this indicates that what was about to be told to
them was common knowledge. Here the full story is told, starting even before human history
with the divine election of Israel as the special portion of Yahweh moving on to the historical
events of exodus and Gods tender care in the wilderness (10-12), and climaxing in Gods
abundant generosity in the land (13f).
104
Wiebe states that most other prophetic lawsuit
passages focus on a selection of particular historical events (most commonly the exodus and/or

101
Christensen, Deuteronomy, 792-793

102
John M. Wiebe, The Form, Setting and Meaning of the Song of Moses. Studia Biblica et Theologica
17, no. 2 (1989): 119-163.

103
Wright, Deuteronomy, 297.

104
Ibid., 299. For a historical analysis of the events see K.A. Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old
Testament, (Eerdmans, Grand Rapids: 2003), 422-500.

26

the wilderness themes), this song provides an entire cosmology of the nation of Israel and indeed
of the other nations.
105

The final issue that this verse presents is with the translation of the last line. According to
the Masoretic Texts, verse 8 reads:
When the Most High gave to the nations their inheritance, when he divided mankind, he
fixed the borders of the peoples according to the number of the sons of Israel.
However, according to some scholars, the Septuagint and Qumran scrolls represent a better
rendering. The Qumran texts present God dividing the nations according to the sons of the
god(s) whereas the LXX renders it angels of God. Duane Christensen comments on this
problem, It is easy to understand the change that was made in the MT to remove a text that
seems to suggest the existence of other gods.
106
The acceptance of the sons of god raises
question as to identity of these divine beings.
It is argued by some that the identity of the sons of god has a direct parallel with the
Ugaritic pantheon and the seventy sons of El. Day notes at Ugarit we read in the Baal myth of
the seventy sons of Asherah. Since Asherah was Els consort, this therefore implies that Els
sons were seventy in number.
107
Albright asserts that Deuteronomy 32:8 receives its conceptual
background to the seventy sons of El.
108
The number seventy in relation to the divine council
parallels is not new to the Jewish interpretation of this passage. Block observes that the expanded

105
Wiebe, The Form, Setting and Meaning of the Song of Moses, 133.

106
Duane L. Christensen, Deuteronomy, Word Biblical Commentary (Nashville: Thomas Nelson
Publishers, 2002), 796.

107
John Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, Journal for the Study of the Old
Testament, 265. (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 22.

108
W.F. Albright, Some Remarks on the Song of Moses in Deuteronomy XXXII, VT 9 (1959), pp. 339 -
46.

27

paraphrase of the text in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan understands the verse to read he established
the borders of the nations according to the sum of the number of the seventy souls of Israel who
went down to Egypt.
109
Block notes since the paraphrase references the sons of Israel, this
indicates that the Targum as being based on the same tradition as the MT.
110
While Block agrees
that the LXX and Qumran preserve the original reading of the text, he argues that the idea of
associating the sons of god in verse 8 with the seventy sons of El is far-fetched. He states that
it is preferable to search for the solution within Israels own traditions.
111

Finding an explanation for the divine beings within the biblical texts is not difficult.
Christensen interprets the use of seventy in the Targum to indicate the reference to the seventy
nations of the Table of Nations in Genesis 10.
112
According to this assessment, after God divided
the seventy nations at Babel and established where each nation would be located, he then gave
the nations as an inheritance to the sons of God. The view of the nations being the inheritance
of the divine beings is supported in the passage itself. Sanders observes that while the verb ljn
can be connected both with an accusativus personae (the inheriting person) and with an
accusativus rei (the object inherited by this person). He states, since in v. 9 Jacob is presented
as the hljn heritage of Yahweh the interpretation of .ywg as accusativus rei is most

109
Daniel Block, Gods of the Nations (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000) 28. Quote taken from the translation of
the Targum Pseudo-Jonathan:Deuteronomy. Translated by E.J. Clarke. Aramaic bible 5B (Collegeville, MN:
Liturgical Press, 1998), 90.

110
Ibid, 29.

111
Ibid, 31.

112
Christensen, Deuteronomy, 796.

28

probable.
113
This would make the nations subject to the sons of God as their respective patron
deities.
114

The concept of patron deities is not uncommon in the ancient Near East. In fact, if the
assessment above is to be accepted, Yahweh is a member of the assembly of gods who inherits
his own nation. That conclusion would be acceptable if the biblical texts presented the Israelite
religion as another polytheistic system. The fact, however, is that the biblical religion is
interpreted as monotheistic. References to other deities would make them inferior to Yahweh. It
is often pointed out that a direct parallel passage to Deuteronomy 32:8-9 is Deuteronomy 4:19-
20.
115

Deuteronomy 4 presents a warning to Israel not to be seduced in worshipping the celestial
elements for they have been apportioned to all the peoples under heaven. The connection
between Deuteronomy 32:8 and Deuteronomy 4 is found in the use of the word qlxj. qlj
can be taken in two ways: to divide or to assign, without dividing.
116
Merrill interprets the
passage to mean God created the heavenly beings and assigned them to all the human race
(Gen. 1:14-19).
117

What is most interesting in this passage is instead of the nations being given to the gods,
the gods were given to the nations. Patrick Skehan states, It seems clear that the sons of God
of Deut. 32 are here associated with the heavenly bodies as in some sense the gods of the nations

113
Sanders, The Provenance of Deuteronomy, 154.

114
Block discusses the importance of nation/deity relations more thoroughly in his book The Gods of the
Nations (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000).

115
Nathan MacDonald, Deuteronomy and the Meaning Of Monotheism (Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 91.

116
BDB, 323.

117
Merrill, Deuteronomy, 124.

29

foreign to Israel. The whole series of passages achieves consistency if we say that the celestial
bodies are taken in the prose texts as types of real spiritual beings, the guardian angels of the
individual nations, who are subject to the Lord and take charge of the nations at his bidding.
118

Merrill continues to explain that while these nations may have been given heavenly patrons, the
worship of these beings is not allowed for Israel (Deut. 29:24-25) or by anyone else (Deut.
4:19).
119

This interpretation is understandable given the idea of divine function in the ancient Near
East. Here the high god, in this case Yahweh, exercises his divine role over the cosmos. He
distributes the created elements of the universe to the peoples of the earth which given their
understanding thought these elements to be divine themselves or at least the functions of the
gods (see earlier discussion of function). In this sense Yahweh practiced his function and right
to divide the nations and set their boundaries. The language of verse 8 shows that all nations
received their inheritance and had their boundaries fixed by this sovereign God, whose role was
in no way restricted to the sphere of Israelite life and history (Ps.74:17).
120
Craigie comments
that the purpose of language of this particular passage is to emphasize the sovereignty of God
over all the nations, not just Israel.
121
Deuteronomy 32:8-9 points back to the event in Genesis 10
when Yahweh divided the nations.
122

118
Ibid.

119
This idea is expounded on by Paul in Romans 1:18-25. Paul in his condemnation of the pagan peoples,
contributed their sin to the rejection of the true God to worship creation. While the exegesis and explanation of
this passage is beyond the scope of this thesis, it is worth noting. Deuteronomy 4 and 32 do not give a clear concise
reasoning behind the decision for Yahweh to divide the nations; it simply states that he did. Paul offers the reasoning
based on his divine judgment stating in essence, since the nations rejected the worship of the true God, the true God
gave them over to their idolatry resulting in their corruption.

120
Ibid.

121
Craigie, Deuteronomy, 379.

122
Merrill, Everlasting Dominion, 413.
30

Observations
Deuteronomy 32:8-9 presents a unique problem in the area of comparative studies. The
polemic of a divine council in the traditionally monotheistic text has raised many questions and
concerns. While some may argue for Yahweh and El to be members of the same Canaanite
pantheon, there is a lack of evidence that Yahweh was ever recognized as a Canaanite deity as he
does not appear in the Ugaritic pantheon.
123

The ideology of Yahweh being a subordinate of El is also incoherent with the broader
scope of the text itself. First, it is observed that the divine beings within the council of Yahweh
are not identified and are considered inferior to him. Second, the rib pattern does not support
Yahweh being subordinate to any other deity. Yahweh is evidenced most clearly in Deuteronomy
32:6-7 where five functions of El are ascribed to Yahweh.
124
Finally, in Deuteronomy 4:19-20, it
is accepted that Yahweh is the one who assigned the nations to the host of heaven and took Israel
as his own inheritance. Heiser sums up the issue well by saying Israel was not given to Yahweh
by El, which is the picture that scholars who separate El and Yahweh in Deuteronomy 32 want to
fashion. In view of the close relationship of Deuteronomy 32:8-9 to Deuteronomy 4:19-20, it is
more consistent to have Yahweh taking Israel for his own terrestrial allotment by sovereign act
as Lord of the council.
125

123
Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, 15.

124
Sanders, The Provenance of Deuteronomy 32, 360-361.

125
Michael Heiser, "Are Yahweh and El Distinct Deities in Deut. 32:8-9 and Psalm 82?" HIPHIL 3, no. 1
(October 2006).
31

Chapter 4
The Divine Council of Yahweh in Psalm 82

Psalm 82 is presented by scholars to be a parallel to Deuteronomy 32 and in a sense
presents the same mythic background as Deuteronomy. This chapter will examine the psalm in
light of scholars views of the divine council imagery and examine the psalms connection to
Deuteronomy 32 and the biblical council debate.
The psalm presents no apparent textual or linguistic challenges found in Deuteronomy
32.
126
Instead, the interpretation of the psalm itself is dictated by the myth-poetic nuances found
throughout the passage. The primary concerns in this passage are centered on the identities and
usage of the word .yhla. This chapter will focus on the use of elohim and the various
interpretations given by scholars. Then it will be necessary to analyze the context of the psalm
itself in light of the possible mythic background.

Yahweh as Elohim
The first dilemma is regarding the .yhla of v. 1a and v. 8. The psalm opens with a
divine court scene as la-tdeB bxn .yhla God stands in the divine assembly. The more
literal translation may render this portion of the first verse to read God (.yhla) stands in the
assembly of God (la-tdeb). This translation has led some scholars to propose that two
different deities are in view here: Yahweh the prosecutor and El the seated high god.

126
Matitiahu Tsevat, "God and the Gods in Assembly : An Interpretation of Psalm 82," Hebrew Union
College Annual (1970): 123-137.

32

In much the same way in which Deuteronomy 32:8-9 is interpreted through the Ugaritic
myth-paradigm, Psalm 82 is also interpreted through the mythic background. Smith states that
Psalm 82 presents Yahweh in an explicit divine council scene that does not cast him as its
head.
127
In his analysis of the passage, Smith postulates that Psalm 82 reflects an older
theology. He states:
The author of Psalm 82 deposes the older theology, as Israels deity is called to assume a
new role as judge of all the world. Yet at the same time, Psalm 82, like Deut. 32:8-9,
preserves the outlines of the older theology it is rejecting. From the perspective of this
older theology, Yahweh did not belong to the top tier of the pantheon. Instead, in early
Israel the god of Israel apparently belonged to the second tier of the pantheon; he was not
the presider god, but one of his sons. Accordingly, what is at work is not a loss of the
second tier of a pantheon headed by Yahweh. Instead, the collapse of the first and second
tiers in the early Israelite pantheon likely was caused by an identification of El, the head
of this pantheon, with Yahweh, a member of the second tier.
128

Smiths interpretation comes from his understanding that Israels religion was primarily
polytheistic until about the 8
th
century BC.
129
He supports this view citing Isaiah 6 and 1 Kings
22:19 where Yahweh is presented in later writings as the one who presided over the divine
council not El. According to Smith, Psalm 82, suspected of being written in the Jahwist period is
subject to Elohist redactors.
130

Simon Parker also interprets this passage in light of the Ugaritic paradigm and separates
Yahweh and El. Parker notes the difference in seated deity and the standing deity. He states:

127
Mark Smith, Origins, 48.

128
Ibid, 49.

129
Ibid.

130
Most scholars agree the dating of the psalm is undeterminable. However, most place the psalm in the
elohim-psalter. For a condensed overview of the views in dating the psalm see Boesak, Willa. "Exegesis and
Proclamation, Psalm 82 : God Amidst the Gods." Journal of Theology for Southern Africa, no. 64 (1988): 64-68.

33

Are these the actions of a presiding officer, or of a member of a court? At first sight of
the root fpv has a variety of meanings; indeed each of its four occurrences in this psalm
bears a different meaning. Its specific sense in v.1 is defined by the speech which the
word introduces. This consists of a rebuke as it calls upon the members of the assembly
not to pervert justice by favoring malefactors. Understanding the speech as a charge,
rebuke, or accusation, we must assign the occurrence of fpv in v.1 the specific
meaning: to charge with, accuse of, injustice. Fpv neither states nor implies that the
speaker is presiding over the gods, only that he is accusing the gods.
131

Parker concludes since Yahweh is standing as the accuser that he is distinct from the judge or
presiding deity who is seated. He supports his conclusion with a number of references. He cites
Job 1:6 and 2:1 where the sons of God presented themselves before Yahweh. 1 Kings 22:19,
21 where Yahweh is sitting among the host. Zechariah 3:1,3,4,7 gives a vision of the divine
assembly where the high priest, Joshua, is being prosecuted and the prosecuting angels stands
before Yahweh. In Daniel 7 the members of the divine council stand before the presiding judge
who sits. Based on this evidence, Parker concludes, The weight of this evidence leads to the
conclusion that the language of v.1, together with the context of 2-4, indicates that Yahweh is not
here presiding over the divine assembly as judge, but rather stands among the gods to pronounce
a charge of injustice. There is tactfully no direct reference to the president of the assembly.
(On the other hand, all modern historians of West Semitic religion recognize within the
designation of the divine assembly (la-tde v.1) and the pantheon (,wyle ynb v.6) two terms
for old high gods (El and Elyon).
132
Parker and Smith follow the consensus view in establishing
the myth-poetic origins of the psalm. However, there are some issues with their conclusions that
need to be addressed.

131
Simon Parker, The Beginning of the Reign of God, RB 102 (1995): 533-534.

132
Ibid., 537-538.

34

The first issue Heiser recognizes is scholars are divided on the issue concerning the
separation of Yahweh and El.
133
He states, although it is widely understood on the basis of texts
such as Exodus 6:3 that Yahweh and El were at some point separate and then merged in Israelite
religion, this merger could have been a combining of the high gods of two different religions.
134

This hypothesis does not justify the father-son relationship presented by Parker and Smith.
Furthermore, it is also believed Exodus 6:3 actually presents Yahweh and El as epithets of the
same deity.
135
This reflects the arguments presented in the previous chapter where El and
Yahweh should be understood as the same Israelite deity.
The second problem with Smiths hypothesis is his interpretation of v.8. He interprets
this to mean that Yahweh is here called to assume a new role as judge of the world. Heiser
states, this runs contrary to the theme of Yahwehs kingship over the world, a prominent feature
in enthronement psalms and early Israelite poetry that some scholars date between 12
th
and 10
th

centuries B.C.E.
136
He cites Psalm 29 which specifically has Yahweh sitting upon the flood.
This early Psalm shows Yahwehs identification with El in having sovereign rule as high God.
137

Cross commenting on Psalm 24 and Exodus 15:18, accepted as two very early texts, states, The
kingship of the gods is a common theme in early Mesopotamia and Canaanite epics. The

133
Heiser, Distict Deities, 76. See also Eissfeldt, Otto. "El and Yahweh." Journal of Semitic Studies 1,
no. 1 (1956): 25-37.

134
Ibid.

135
Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 60-75; de Moor, The Rise of Yahwism, 323-369.

136
Heiser, Distinct Deities, 77.

137
Ibid.

35

common scholarly position that the concept of Yahweh as reigning or king is a relatively late
development in Israelite thought seems untenable.
138

The third problem Heiser raises with Smith is his statement that the psalm preserves an
older theology it is rejecting. Heiser points out that this so called scribal error is really
incoherent with the redactor theory. He states, Not only were polytheistic elements of Israels
religion presumably missed in the editing of the final form of the text, but now it is argued that
the redactors deliberately utilized the rejected polytheism to convince their audience that
Yahweh is the lone god.
139
In other words, if Smiths theory is correct, Israels religion with the
merger of Yahweh and El would have gradually resulted in the intolerant monotheism in which
such references to foreign deities, especially where another deity is superior to Yahweh would
have been edited out of the text. Heiser simply argues that this is not the case. The text itself does
not allow for such an interpretation. He notes, neither Smith nor Parker offer any explanation as
to why, in the scene they are creating, El the seated judge does not pronounce the sentence. In
this reconstruction El apparently has no real function in the council. If one wants to press the
courtroom metaphor, then the idea of the accuser also pronouncing sentence is both a violation of
protocol and an overstepping of the role of accuser.
140
The problem with having Yahweh as
both prosecutor and judge is not uncommon as has already been discussed in relation to
Deuteronomy 32 and the rib or lawsuit. Kirsten Nielsen states:
If we are to undertake an investigation of the understanding of God which is presupposed
by the prophetic lawsuit, we would do well to begin with a consideration of the roles
Yahweh plays in the lawsuit. It would appearthat it is characteristic of the prophetic

138
F.M. Cross and David N. Freedman, Studies in Ancient Yahwistic Poetry (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press,
1975): 45.

139
Heiser, Distict Deities, 78.

140
Ibid., 79.

36

lawsuit that Yahweh enjoys a dual role of prosecutor and judge. That Yahweh appears as
prosecutor can be explained by the fact that it is he who has been wronged.
141

If the rib pattern is understood to be of royal judiciary proceedings as demonstrated
earlier, this would indicate that Yahweh as supreme deity was issuing a complaint, not as the
accuser, but as the offended suzerain. The assembled members of his council have gathered as
they always have (see Job 2:1f), however, this assembly is different. Tsevat comments on this,
It is the normal posture of God, in conception or vision, to be seated as He is surrounded by His
servants and ministers (1 Kings 22:19-22; Is. 6; Ezek. 1:26ff), standing is a sign of an
extraordinary event. The meaning, then, of the psalms opening is that what might normally be a
routine assembly, where the gods report or participate in deliberations, has unexpectedly turned
into a tribunal; God has stood up to judge the assembled.
142

The argument that Parker and Smith would take is that v.8 calls for Yahweh to assume
authority that previously he was not understood to have. This is incoherent with Old Testament
theology as Yahweh is repeatedly proclaimed as universal king. Psalm 24, as commented on
earlier, is an example of early Israelite expression of the kingship of Yahweh. Also, Merrill
comments the rule of the Lord over the nations is expressly affirmed in Psalm 47:8: God reigns
over the nations; god is seated on his holy throne. As the great king over all the earth (v.2), he
has the right to their praises (v.6). All the earthly rulers not only must submit to him but must
also recognize that they belong to him and exercise rule at his pleasure (v.9).
143
In fact,

141
Kirsten Nielsen, Yahweh as Prosecutor and Judge: An Investigation of the Prophetic Lawsuit Rib-
Pattern (trans. Frederick Cryer; JSOTS 9; Sheffield: University of Sheffield, 1978), 74.

142
Tsevat, God and the Gods in Assembly, 127.

143

37

Yahwehs role as king is represented throughout the Psalms both in early and late poetry.
144

Heiser further argues the use of the imperative of Ps. 82:8 does not support Smith and Parkers
hypothesis. The seated god, Yahweh, is not asked to arise to begin a new, heretofore,
unimagined governance of the nations; he is beseeched to maintain the order he decreed in
ancient times (a reference to Deut. 4:19 and 32:8-9). He is not asked to assume a new role; he is
expected to act because he already is the eternally supreme king.
145

The idea that Yahweh and El were understood as two separate deities in the religious
dialogue of Israel is incoherent according to the scholarly opinion stated above. According to the
evidence above, it is more coherent with biblical theology to understand Yahweh and El as one
deity. While the mythic background to the psalms theme is clearly seen, the direct involvement
of the Ugaritic El is unfounded. This is a common complaint about Ugaritic studies in that
scholars attempt to impose mythic elements where the elements do not belong. It is seen by
many scholars that the psalmist sees no other God, but Yahweh as being the active sovereign in
the psalm. This conclusion is attested not only from the context of the passage, but also from the
whole of Old Testament theology. The question now is who or what are the members who make
up the divine council?

The Identity of the Elohim
In order to fully understand the meaning of this passage and the proposed mythic
background, the full scope of the use of .yhla in verses 1b and 6a must be examined.
According to Mullen there are three major interpretations have been proposed: (1) they are
Israelite rulers and judges; (2) they are the rulers and judges of the nations; and (3) they are the

144
Ibid., 570 575.

145
Heiser, Distict Deities, 82.
38

members of the divine council and therefore should be identified as deities.
146
Simply, the
interpretations are the elohim are identified as either human or as divine.
Elohim as Human Judges
The interpretation that the .yhla is to be understood as human judges is attested by the
Targum and interpreted by medieval commentator Rashi.
147
This view has been the prevailing
Jewish and Christian interpretation of the psalm for centuries based on the use of elohim
elsewhere in scripture. The argument some commentators have made is .yhla is used as a
poetic title for the judges. Kirkpatrick relies on the usage of the term in Ex. 21:6; 22:8, 9, 28; 1
Sam. 2: 25 to justify his interpretation that it is clear that the administration of justice at the
sanctuary by those who were regarded as the representatives of God is meant in these passages,
and the direct application of the title Elohim to judges in the psalm is fully intelligible.
148
Keil
and Delitzsch interprets the congregation of God to mean the congregation of the sons of
Israel as expressed in Num. 27:17; 31:16; Jos. 22:16.
149
They explain, those in authority are
God's delegates and the bearers of His image, and therefore as His representatives are also
themselves called elohim.
150
Cohen echoes this sentiment and explains since these men exercise
a godly function of administering justice, they have the name attached to it. In commenting on
v.6, Cohen states the identity of the .yhla, these men are invested with a divine prerogative

146
Mullen, The Divine Council in Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature, 228.

147
Cohen, The Psalms, 270. Anderson, The Book of Psalms, 592. See also, James S. Ackerman, An
Exegetical Study of Psalm 82, (Th.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1966).

148
A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Book of Psalms (Cambridge: University Press, 1916), 495.

149
Carl Fredrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch eds. Commentary on the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1989).

150
Ibid.

39

and as sons of the Most High, it was therefore incumbent upon them to conform to their Fathers
will.
151
The representatives of this interpretation primarily follow the tradition inherited from
the Targum.
With the exception of Cohen, most of the scholars advocating this view predate the
discoveries at Ras Shamra. Cyrus Gordon points out that interpreting .yhla as human judges is
an example of theologically protecting God.
152
It is understandable for Jewish and early
Christian commentators to be apprehensive toward interpreting the psalm to accommodate the
existence of other deities. As will be seen below, it seems the shift from the traditional view
occurred after the discovery of the Ugaritic texts. This does raise the question if this
interpretation of .yhla from v.1b and v.6 is subject to the same Ugaritic imposition examined
earlier in v.1a and v.8. Therefore it is necessary to examine the argument that the .yhla are
divine beings.
Elohim as the gods
The interpretation of the .yhla as divine beings prior to the discovery of the Ugaritic
tablets at Ras Shamra does have precedence. Cheyne refers to the elohim as patron angels of the
foreign nations.
153
This view is closer to the modern consensus view yet attempts to remove the
godlike element from the passage. Cheyne takes the safer approach in rendering the elohim as
angels rather than gods. Since the discovery of the Ugaritic texts, it is the consensus view that

151
Cohen, The Psalms, 271.

152
Cyrus Gordon, .yhla in its Reputed Meaning of Rulers, Judges, Journal of Biblical Literature 54
(1935): 139-144.

153
Cheyne, The Book of Psalms, 230.

40

the elohim of v.1b and 6a should be understood as divine figures if not interpreted as foreign
gods. Anderson comments, scholars have tended to identify the elohim with the national gods of
the various peoples of the world, who have been demoted to the position of Yahwehs
servants.
154

There are several arguments for this view. The use of ,Wyle is a direct title for deity in
Hebrew and in the Ugaritic texts.
155
The designation of the elohim as sons of God in v.6 is also
indicative of their divine nature.
156
The divine nature of the sons of God is attributed to other
references throughout the Hebrew scriptures. Job 1:6 the sons of God are easily interpreted as
being divine beings. Psalm 29:1 also presents the sons of God as divine beings giving praise to
Yahweh. Tsevat comments on these passages that, It is likely that the component sons of in
some of these phrases points to an earlier conception of the minor gods as sons of the supreme
god, El, or of major gods.
157
He later explains however, that the title sons of may just be a
designation of the divine realm. He states, Hebrew son of A, as is well known, often has the
meaning of member of group or category A. Here the classification is clear cut: .yhla ,B is
a supernatural being belonging to the sphere of God.
158
McKenzie echoes this same sentiment.
In his study of the use of el and elohim he states, We should recall that these words were not
invented by the Hebrews, but came to them from older Semitic languages already vested with
meaning. It would appear that the more ancient, if not the primitive sense of these words was the

154
Anderson, The Book of Psalms, 592.

155
Cross, Hebrew Epic, 51.

156
Michael S. Heiser, "Deuteronomy 32:8 and the Sons of God." Bibliotheca sacra 158, no. 629 (2001):
54.

157
Tsevat, God and the Gods, 126. n.9.

158
Ibid.

41

superhuman world in which man saw, or thought he saw, the manifestation of being and a power
higher than himself.
159
The fact that the elohim are here rendered as gods is not uncommon
and is quite acceptable in biblical context.
A final indication that may point to the divine identity of the elohim is found within the
text itself. It is often argued that since v.7 presents the members of the council with the death
sentence, they are obviously human. This presupposes the idea that all elohim are like Yahweh.
This is far from the truth as Oesterley observes, Immortality is the property and gift of Yahweh
alone.
160
Smick comments, The stress on Yahweh as Creator is necessary, for the deities were
identified with the natural forces of heaven and earth. In a world full of patron deities the
psalmist shows that Yahweh is the only and true patron deity.
161

Given the fact that the Hebrew Scriptures clearly present Yahweh as the supreme creator
deity, he alone possesses true immortality. In short, the other elohim could die or at least be
dethroned. Mullen states, That gods could be killed, or condemned to death, is not unparalleled
in the ancient Near East.
162
He does note, however, that while the Hebrew or Ugaritic texts does
indicate the death of the gods, they do not present the gods being put to death. This observation
is correct on further examination of the Ugaritic myth; Baal Cycle the account of Baals death
is missing from the text. According to the Ugaritic texts, two messengers approach El to report
that they had found the body of Baal. When the report is given, El and the other gods of the
pantheon are presented as entering into ritual mourning. Anat finds the body of Baal and buried

159
John L. McKenzie, "The Appellative Use of El and Elohim." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 10, no. 2
(1948):180.

160
Oesterley, The Psalms, 374.

161
Smick, Mythpoetic Language in the Psalms, 93.

162

42

him at Sapanu, the dwelling of Baal. Later in the text Baal is represented as being alive having
tricked or defeated the forces of Mot, the god of death.
163
The broken Ugaritic texts make it
unclear how Baal died or how he was resurrected leading scholars to speculate that the god did
not lose his life, but was dethroned and lost the power of his function. This does not have a direct
parallel to the psalm in question. It only serves to show the idea of death or dethronement in the
divine realm was understood in the ancient Near East.
Given this evidence, it is preferred to interpret this psalm as presenting the elohim as
divine beings who are subject to the heavenly kingship of Yahweh. This as McKenzie indicates
does fit into the common usage of the term:
Yahweh is elohim, indeed, he alone is elohim. Others are called elohim and worshipped
as elohim, but they are not truly so. Still other things are called elohim or said to belong
to elohim in a sense which may be abusive, but which to the Hebrew was apparently
unobjectionable. They did not seem to object to saying that a thing was elohim or
belonged to elohim as long as it was not made equal with Yahweh.
164

Function of Elohim
Whatever conclusion one comes to in the identity of the elohim, it is most evident the
psalm does present a divine court scene in which judgment is handed down. Mullen indicates this
is one of the primary functions of the council as a whole. Noting similarities between the
Ugaritic council and Hebrew council imagery he states, As El passed the decree of judgment
among gods and men in Canaanite literature, so Yahweh is the dispenser of judgment in the

163
Johannes C. de Moor,. An Anthology of Religious Texts from Ugarit Nisaba, Vol. 16. (Leiden; New
York: E.J. Brill, 1987), 79-100. For issues relating to Baals death and resurrection see Smith, Origins, 104-131.
Specifically 120-128.

164
McKenzie, El and Elohim, 172.

43

Hebrew texts.
165
This, therefore, raises the question of the purpose of the psalms imagery and
the status of gods of the nations. To ascertain this question the psalm must be explored.
Divine Council in the Context of the Psalm
Dahood suggests the psalm be broken into three parts: (1) vs. 1-4 is the vision of the
divine council where Yahweh judges pagan deities, (2) vs. 5-7 the sentencing of the pagan
deities for their injustice, and (3) the psalmists prayer for restoration.
166
The analysis of the
psalm will follow this outline.
The opening verses show the divine council being assembled. Job 1 indicates the routine
assemblage of the divine council. It has already been explored the numerous places where the
divine assembly appears in scripture and therefore does not need to be rehearsed. It is assumed
that the psalm is reporting on the divine council event which is understood to routinely take place
(cf. Job 1; 1 Kings 22). Yahweh is then reported to stand in the council. As was discussed above,
this issue is raised to show two different deities, however, this has been rejected based on the fact
that it is incoherent with biblical theology. However, Tsevat argues that while Israels judges are
seen as seated (1 Kings 7:7; Ex. 18:13f; Judges. 4:4; Ruth 4:2) God is normally pictured as
standing to judge (Is. 3:13; Ps. 76:10).
167
He indicates that while this might be seen as a typical
divine council, the fact that Yahweh has stood up is an indication of an extraordinary event. He
states, what might normally be a routine assembly, where the gods report or participate in

165

166
Mitchell J. Dahood, Psalms, Anchor Bible. Vol.17 (New York: Doubleday, 1968): 268.

167
Tsevat, God and the Gods, 127.

44

deliberations, has unexpectedly turned into a tribunal; God has stood up to judge the
assembled.
168

Yahweh, the creator/king of the divine realm possesses the sole right to judge among the
gods. As discussed above, Yahweh as creator/king dispensed divine authority throughout the
divine realm as indicated in Deuteronomy 4:19; 32:8-9.
169
The primary function of the high god
within the divine council was clearly to maintain order in the cosmos and by association
maintain order in the world.
170

One indication of cosmic balance was the institution of justice on earth. Miller writes,
Justice in the human realm was a concern of all Near Eastern religions, but in Psalm 82 the
cosmic realm also depends upon justice in the social order.
171
The divine judge stands to accuse
the vassal deities of their failure to perform the basic functions delegated to them. Scholars agree
that it seems that the psalmist is attempting to answer the question to social injustice as it is
practiced on earth. Anderson observes, the psalmists problem is the question why the weak and
defenseless are continually deprived of justice, this is explained as due to mismanagement of the
subordinate divine beings who have been entrusted with jurisdiction over mankind.
172
Weiser
goes further explaining that the psalmist may be offering a type of apologetic removing Yahweh
from blame. The judicial function of the lower deities in heaven has its origin in the root idea of
the celestial archetype or counterpart of things that happen on earth, an idea that is widespread in

168
Ibid.

169

170
See chapter 2. Also, Handy, Among the Host of Heaven, 81f.

171
Patrick D. Miller, "When the Gods Meet : Psalm 82 and the Issue of Justice." Journal for Preachers 9,
no. 4 (1986): 2-5.

172
Anderson, Book of Psalms, 591.

45

the history of religions, and it seems to have penetrated the Old Testament theology of the cultus
in order to provide an answer to the question of how the injustice prevailing on earth can be
reconciled with belief in the reality of the righteous God.
173
According to Weisers view, the
psalmist explains the existence of evil being the activity of the lesser divine beings hostile to
God, therefore, leaving Yahwehs righteousness in tact.
174

The indictment of the elohim begins in vs. 2-4. Here Yahweh accuses the gods of
showing partiality to the wicked. The gods, who were given their rank and authority from
Yahweh (Deut. 32:8-9) have neglected the primary function of their divine office. Oesterley
observes, The justice or realm of the gods is failing. Everywhere injustice and oppression are
rife. The depressed classes orphans, the lowly and the poor can get no justice. Favor is only
shown to the wicked.
175
This is a serious crime in the mind of the ancient Near East, especially
in the mind of the Israelite. The Torah is filled with references to social justice and order as
represented in the care for the poor and destitute (cf. care for the orphan and widow Ex. 22:21;
feeding the poor Lev. 23:22; 19:9; Deut. 24:19-20; providing for the poor Deut. 15:7; giving
to charity Deut. 15:11). This concern for social justice has been a unique aspect for Israelite
religion that endeared them to their neighbors for centuries.
176

The indictment is presented in very simplistic terms, yet vivid enough for the psalmist to
get his point across. Terrien comments, The eighth-century prophets uttered similar accusations,
but theirs were different in style and wording. For example, the psalm mentioned the orphans but
not the widows, contrary to conventional tradition. There is also an unusual number of synonyms

173
Weiser, The Psalms, 557.

174
Ibid.

175

176

46

to describe economic destitution.
177
Terrien suggests the psalmist may have been personally
affected by the partiality of the judges.
178
The indictment, as was discussed earlier, is reminiscent
of the common ancient Near Eastern law suit or rib where the suzerain indicts the vassals for
their misdeeds. Their position in the divine council was according to the favor of Yahweh and
like El in the Ugaritic myth, Yahweh possesses the ability to remove them from power.
179

Yahweh has presented his case and will now sentence the gods. As the divine suzerain, Yahweh
has the right to both accuse and sentence within his realm.
The verdict of Yahweh is presented to the gods in vs. 5-7. The speaker in v.5 is debated
and the meaning in what is said is a little unclear. The verse can either be the conclusion of the
indictment spoken by Yahweh or it could be the psalmist who is identified by some scholars as
the speaker in v.6 which itself is disputed. The gods are mocked in a sense and declared
incompetent. Miller comments, The powerlessness or incompetence of these gods to carry out
their responsibility for ensuring justice is described in v.5 in language reminiscent of the
description in Isaiah 40-55 of the nothingness of the idols that have no capacity to see or know or
discern anything....
180
Terrien notes that perhaps this is where the psalmist is inserting an
explanation of the cause for the gods misconduct. They lack knowledge of, or elementary
concern for, the plight of the masses.
181
He continues, Their ignorance is itself the cause of
their misdeeds, for it prevents them from comprehending the complexity and the simplicity of

177
Samuel L. Terrien, The Psalms : Strophic Structure and Theological Commentary, The Eerdmans
Critical Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 589.

178
Ibid.

179
Handy, Among the Host, 90. See also Anderson, The Book of Psalms, 593.

180
Miller, When the Gods Meet, 3.

181
Terrien, The Psalms, 589.

47

social ethics.
182
This description of the gods having little concern or described as their
incompetence is seen in the Ugaritic myths. It has already been discussed that the gods were seen
as petty and immoral.
183
If the elohim are indeed the deities foreign to Israel as described in
Deuteronomy 4, it would seem that the psalmist had a clear understanding of Canaanite
mythology represented by the Ugaritic texts and in a poetic expression places the gods under the
judgment of Yahweh.
The final element of this verse is the simple statement that due to the misdeeds of the
gods in the cosmos, the foundations of the earth are shaken. The ancient Near Eastern
understanding between the relationship between the cosmos and earth has already been discussed
so there is no cause to rehearse it here; however, it is with this phrase that the idea of cosmic
cause and earthly effects is clearly seen. Miller comments, When justice is not maintained, then
the very foundations of the earth are shaken, the world threatens to fall apart into chaos once
more.
184
It is because of this threat of chaos that Yahweh is forced to act and intercede. He then
proceeds to condemn the gods to death.
The verdict pronouncement itself is problematic. It is unclear who the speaker is. Like the
previous verse scholars debate whether it is Yahweh or the psalmist. Dahood believes the
speaker is the psalmist. He states, The psalmist had been under the impression that the pagan
deities were of some importance but now realizes that they are nothing, because they are quite
incapable of defending the poor and rescuing the downtrodden.
185
Weiser holds the position that
it is Yahweh who is speaking, In his verdict God makes clear to them with telling force what

182
Ibid, 590.

183
See Chapter 2 discussion of Ugaritic Religion.

184

185
Dahood, Psalms, 270.

48

they have been until now and what they shall be henceforth. It true that in conjunction with their
office he had once granted them divine rank and name (Deut. 4:19) but now they will share the
lot of mortal human beings.
186

It would be more coherent to have Yahweh, as the divine judge, be the one to speak the
verdict to the accused. Yahweh in a sense reminds the gods that he was the one who placed them
in their capacity and made them sons of the Most High. Anderson sums up this thought very
well, All the other heavenly beings are dependant upon him for their very existence and they are
responsible to him for their actions.
187
His reference to them as sons of the Most High or
sons of Elyon is a throwback to the use of the term elohim. Here sons of Elyon are not
describing a pantheon as found in the Ugaritic texts, rather the term is describing a class of
being. Cheyne explains, [Yahweh] and the inferior, dependent elohim form together a company
of superhuman beings. [He] is fitly called Most High just as the king of Israel is ideally described
as most high to the kings of the earth.
188
Anderson asserts that the phrase need not imply an
actual kingship with Yahweh, as would be the case in a genuine pantheon. He continues, It
may denote divine beings (i.e. those who belong to the class of gods).
189
Yahweh states that
even though they have enjoyed the status as immortal beings, because of their disobedience they
are to be sentenced to death like common mortals.
The fact that death existed in the divine realm has already been discussed. The battle
between Baal and Mot serves to show this concept. In the ancient Near East, it was common for
a god be condemned to die or fall victim in battle. What is unique about this psalm is the fact that

186

187

188
Cheyne, The Book of Psalms, 231.

189

49

one deity condemns all other deities to death.
190
The problem alluded to earlier in discussion of
the death of the gods is whether or not they actually cease to exist or if they are simply demoted.
Tsevat indicates that the gods are simply stripped of their divine titles and deposed from
office.
191
He states, Because the gods have not fulfilled their function, they will be deposed, will
cease to be gods.
192
This interpretation is admissible given the last phrase of the psalm; the
psalmist asks Yahweh to rise up and judge the earth thereby assuming the functions of the
deposed deities. Miller argues, The whole divine world is rendered impotent. The psalm is the
story of the death of the gods. The immortals are condemned to the fate of mortality and merit
comparison with human beings and not God. In this sense the gods are clearly and permanently
negated. Only the Lord of Israel can claim the just rule of all the earth. Only God, Elohim, has
any power in the divine realm.
193

In the language of the verdict, the gods are sentenced to die like men. Then the psalmist
interjects his cry to Yahweh to rise and judge the earth. This is the basis of Millers conclusions
that the gods were rendered nonexistent. However, based on the previous discussion concerning
the importance of function to the existence of the gods, both explanations seem to hold weight.
In essence, a deposed god is a dead god. Without any function in the divine realm, the deity
would essentially cease to exist altogether. What ultimately follows is the proclamation for
Yahweh to take possession over the entire cosmos therefore inheriting all nations for himself.
In a prophetic sense, the psalmist perceives that since Yahweh has assumed all authority for

190

191
Tsevat, God and the Gods, 130.

192
Ibid, 129.

193
50

himself that social justice and peace will come to the earth as Yahweh restores balance in the
cosmos.

Observations
Psalm 82 is intricately connected to the divine council debate and Deuteronomy 32. The
attempt to separate El and Yahweh and present Yahweh as a subordinate member of the elohim
is incoherent with greater biblical theology. The Hebrew Scriptures clearly present Yahweh as
the sovereign over the cosmos and by association, the sovereign of the nations. The consensus
view which attempts to use Psalm 82 as proof text for Israels ancient polytheism is not
contextually founded. The psalm only names one deity and the other deities are never given
names or fully defined.
Although this psalm is cited as proof of Israels struggle between polytheism and
monotheism, the psalm seems to present a stronger argument for monotheism. The psalmist,
understanding ancient Near Eastern cosmology, develops the psalm to condemn the pagan deities
in light of the injustice experienced in the cultures around him. The psalm could be seen as a
poetic expression of a theological truth. Yahweh is not only the patron deity of Israel (Deut.
32:9) he is also the only deity for the nations (Ps. 24; 82:8).

51

Chapter 5
Conclusion

The importance of Ugarit to biblical studies is widely accepted. It is observed that Ugarit
did not have direct influence on the cosmology or shaping of Israelite religion, rather it is the
Ugaritic texts representation of Canaanite cosmology that has garnered the attention of biblical
scholars. There is no debate that Ugaritic and Hebrew share many common themes and imagery.
The evidence of parallels is convincing even for scholars and students of biblical studies. Divine
function and the function of the divine council in the ancient Near East was central to their
understanding to the operation of the cosmos. The divine council presented in Deuteronomy
32:8-9 and Psalm 82 presents the biblical scholar with the perplexing question to the status of
Yahweh in the mind of the ancient Near East. The passages were examined in light of their
seemingly close association with the Ugaritic myths and how scholars have interpreted these
passages since the discovery of the ancient texts.
What can be observed is the tendency of scholars such as Smith and Parker to insert the
Ugaritic myth into the Hebrew texts where it does not belong. It was observed that to separate
Yahweh and El in Deuteronomy 32 and Psalm 82 is incoherent with Old Testament theology.
Gordon states:
The Ugaritic tablets confront us with so many striking literary parallels to the Hebrew
Bible that it is universally recognized that the two literatures are variants of one
Canaanite tradition. To the Hebrew writers, however, the mythology is often little more
than a literary background on which to draw for poetic imagery. Just as John Milton was
52

a good Christian in spite of his profuse allusions to pagan mythology, the Hebrew poets
were monotheists who worshiped Yahweh and Yahweh alone.
194

Gordon also states that while the imagery may be there, they in no way represent the theological
convictions of the Hebrew authors. In fact, he notes that much of the Hebrew text is in reaction
against the Canaanite influence.
195

The divine council was just one image common in the ancient Near East and used by the
Hebrew writers to express their understanding of the cosmos. They used common terms from
their environment to express their understanding of the divine realm and it seems likely they
borrowed terms and imagery from their neighbors as illustrated by the use of elohim.
196
Miller
states, They used the thought forms, the language, the images that were given to them out of
their environment, but they used them and transformed them in the service of a particular view of
the intention and purpose of God in the human community.
197

Walton comments that while the biblical texts may echo pagan mythology, it removes
Yahweh from the domain of that mythology.
198
The Ugaritic pantheon as demonstrated above
contained two classes of deities, active and inactive. The inactive deities (usually defined as
El and Asherah) are the creator gods while the active deities represent the created realm and
forces of nature. The forces of nature were believed to be personal and were the function of the
gods themselves. To the biblical writers, however, nature was a created thing, created by a one

194
Gordon, The Bible and the Ancient near East, 89.

195
Ibid., 93.

196
See McKenzie, "The Appellative Use of El and Elohim." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 10, no. 2 (1948):
170-181.

197

198

53

solitary deity who they knew as Yahweh. In the divine council settings of Deuteronomy 32 and
Psalm 82, the other gods are never given names or a function independent from Yahweh. They
were totally dependent on him for their existence and their existence is clearly seen to serve him.
Merrill writes, the narrative leaves no doubt that God is absolutely sovereign. He preexisted his
creation and had no need for it. Only his inscrutable design called it forth; but once it was in
place, the creation became the physical realm over which he displayed his dominion.
199

According to confessional scholars, the divine council of Yahweh is not the evidence of
polytheism, but an expression of Israels faith in Yahwehs sovereignty over them and over the
nations.

199
54

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