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8/27/2014 IS, Frankensteins monster unleashed - The Hindu 1/3
By seeking to
topple a secular
autocracy in Syria
working to shield
monarchies from
the Arab Spring,
Barack Obama
ended up
Islamist forces.
Opinion Lead
Published: August 27, 2014 00:12 IST | Updated: August 27, 2014 00:12 IST
IS, Frankensteins monster unleashed
Brahma Chellaney
Like al-Qaeda, the Islamic State has been inadvertently spawned by the policies of those now in the lead to combat it. But will
anything substantive be learned from this experience?
U.S. President Barack Obama has labelled the jihadist juggernaut that calls itself the Islamic State a cancer, while
his Defence Secretary, Chuck Hagel, has called it more dangerous than al-Qaeda ever was, claiming that its threat is
beyond anything weve seen. No monster has ever been born on its own. So the question is: which forces helped
create this new Frankenstein?
The Islamic State is a brutal, medieval organisation whose members take pride in carrying out beheadings and
flaunting the severed heads of their victims as trophies. This cannot obscure an underlying reality: the Islamic State
represents a Sunni Islamist insurrection against non-Sunni rulers in disintegrating Syria and Iraq.
Indeed, the ongoing fragmentation of states along primordial lines in the arc between Israel and India is spawning de
facto new entities or blocks, including Shiastan, Wahhabistan, Kurdistan, ISstan and Talibanstan. Other than Iran,
Egypt and Turkey, most of the important nations from the Maghreb to Pakistan (an internally torn state that could
shrink to Punjabistan or, simply, ISIstan) are modern western concoctions, with no roots in history or pre-existing
The West and agendas
It is beyond dispute that the Islamic State militia formerly the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant emerged
from the Syrian civil war, which began indigenously as a localised revolt against state brutality under Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad before being fuelled with externally supplied funds and weapons. From Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA)-training centres in Turkey and Jordan, the rebels set up a Free Syrian Army (FSA), launching attacks on
government forces, as a U.S.-backed information war demonised Mr. Assad and encouraged military officers and
soldiers to switch sides.
But the members of the U.S.-led coalition were never on the same page because
some allies had dual agendas. While the three spearheads of the anti-Assad crusade
the U.S., Britain and France focussed on aiding the FSA, the radical Islamist
sheikhdoms such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates as
well as the Islamist-leaning government in Turkey channelled their weapons and
funds to more overtly Islamist groups. This splintered the Syrian opposition,
marginalising the FSA and paving the way for the Islamic States rise.
The anti-Assad coalition indeed started off on the wrong foot by trying to speciously
distinguish between moderate and radical jihadists. The line separating the two
is just too blurred. Indeed, the term moderate jihadists is an oxymoron: Those
waging jihad by the gun can never be moderate.
Invoking jihad
The U.S. and its allies made a more fundamental mistake by infusing the spirit of
jihad in their campaign against Mr. Assad so as to help trigger a popular uprising
in Syria. The decision to instil the spirit of jihad through television and radio
broadcasts beamed to Syrians was deliberate to provoke Syrias majority Sunni
population to rise against their secular government.
This ignored the lesson from Afghanistan (where the CIA in the 1980s ran, via
Pakistan, the largest covert operation in its history) that inciting jihad and
arming holy warriors creates a deadly cocktail, with far-reaching and long-lasting
impacts on international security. The Reagan administration openly used Islam as
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an ideological tool to spur armed resistance to Soviet forces in Afghanistan.
In 1985, at a White House ceremony in honour of several Afghan mujahideen the jihadists out of which al-Qaeda
evolved President Ronald Reagan declared, These gentlemen are the moral equivalent of Americas Founding
Fathers. Earlier in 1982, Reagan dedicated the space shuttle Columbia to the Afghan resistance. He declared, Just
as the Columbia, we think, represents mans finest aspirations in the field of science and technology, so too does the
struggle of the Afghan people represent mans highest aspirations for freedom. I am dedicating, on behalf of the
American people, the March 22 launch of the Columbia to the people of Afghanistan.
The Afghan war veterans came to haunt the security of many countries. Less known is the fact that the Islamic States
self-declared caliph, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi like Libyan militia leader Abdelhakim Belhadj (whom the CIA abducted
and subjected to extraordinary rendition) and Chechen terrorist leader Airat Vakhitov become radicalised while
under U.S. detention. As torture chambers, U.S. detention centres have served as pressure cookers for extremism.
Mr. Obamas Syria strategy took a page out of Reagans Afghan playbook. Not surprisingly, his strategy backfired. It
took just two years for Syria to descend into a Somalia-style failed state under the weight of the international jihad
against Mr. Assad. This helped the Islamic State not only to rise but also to use its control over northeastern Syria to
stage a surprise blitzkrieg deep into Iraq this summer.
Had the U.S. and its allies refrained from arming jihadists to topple Mr. Assad, would the Islamic State have emerged
as a lethal, marauding force? And would large swaths of upstream territory along the Euphrates and the Tigris rivers
in Syria and Iraq have fallen into this monsters control? The exigencies of the topple-Assad campaign also prompted
the Obama administration to turn a blind eye to the flow of Gulf and Turkish aid to the Islamic State.
In fact, the Obama team, until recently, viewed the Islamic State as a good terrorist organisation in Syria but a
bad one in Iraq, especially when it threatened to overrun the Kurdish regional capital, Erbil. In January, Mr. Obama
famously dismissed the Islamic State as a local JV team trying to imitate al-Qaeda but without the capacity to be a
threat to America. It was only after the public outrage in the U.S. over the video-recorded execution of American
journalist James Foley and the flight of Iraqi Christians and Yazidis that the White House re-evaluated the threat
posed by the Islamic State.
Full circle
Many had cautioned against the topple-Assad campaign, fearing that extremist forces would gain control in the
vacuum. Those still wedded to overthrowing Mr. Assads rule, however, contend that Mr. Obamas failure to provide
greater aid, including surface-to-air missiles, to the Syrian rebels created a vacuum that produced the Islamic State.
In truth, more CIA arms to the increasingly ineffectual FSA would have meant a stronger and more deadly Islamic
As part of his strategic calculus to oust Mr. Assad, Mr. Obama failed to capitalise on the Arab Spring, which was then
in full bloom. By seeking to topple a secular autocracy in Syria while simultaneously working to shield jihad-
bankrolling monarchies from the Arab Spring, he ended up strengthening Islamist forces a development reinforced
by the U.S.-led overthrow of another secular Arab dictator, Muammar Qadhafi, which has turned Libya into another
failed state and created a lawless jihadist citadel at Europes southern doorstep.
In fact, no sooner had Qadhafi been killed than Libyas new rulers established a theocracy, with no opposition from
the western powers that brought about the regime change. Indeed, the cloak of Islam helps to protect the credibility of
leaders who might otherwise be seen as foreign puppets. For the same reason, the U.S. has condoned the Arab
monarchs for their long-standing alliance with Islamists. It has failed to stop these cloistered royals from continuing
to fund Muslim extremist groups and madrasas in other countries. The American interest in maintaining pliant
regimes in oil-rich countries has trumped all other considerations.
Today, Mr. Obamas Syria policy is coming full circle. Having portrayed Mr. Assad as a bloodthirsty monster,
Washington must now accept Mr. Assad as the lesser of the two evils and work with him to defeat the larger threat of
the Islamic State.
The fact that the Islamic States heartland remains in northern Syria means that it cannot be stopped unless the U.S.
extends air strikes into Syria. As the U.S. mulls that option for which it would need at least tacit permission from
Syria, which still maintains good air defences it is fearful of being pulled into the middle of the horrendous civil war
there. It is thus discreetly urging Mr. Assad to prioritise defeating the Islamic State.
Make no mistake: like al-Qaeda, the Islamic State is a monster inadvertently spawned by the policies of those now in
the lead to combat it. The question is whether anything substantive will be learned from this experience, unlike the
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forgotten lessons of Americas anti-Soviet struggle in Afghanistan.
At a time when jihadist groups are gaining ground from Mali to Malaysia, Mr. Obamas current effort to strike a
Faustian bargain with the Afghan Taliban, for example, gives little hope that any lesson will be learned. U.S.-led
policies toward the Islamic world have prevented a clash between civilisations by fostering a clash within a
civilisation, but at serious cost to regional and international security.
(Brahma Chellaney is a geostrategist and the author, most recently, of Water, Peace, and War, Oxford University
Press, 2014.)
Keywords: U.S. President Barack Obama, Chuck Hagel, Islamic
State, Shiastan, Wahhabistan, Kurdistan, ISstan, Talibanstan, Free Syrian Army
Printable version | Aug 27, 2014 1:41:33 AM |
The Hindu