rty of Hitler,

the National Soclallst German Workera Party

d lts General Conceptions
by GOTTFRIED FEDER
translated byE. T. S. Dugdale
The Programme
of the N.S.D.A.P.
and its General Conceptions
by
Gottfried Feder
translated by E. T. S. Dugdale
Published by Frz. Eher Nachf., 6.m.b.H., Munich 2 NO
0 1976
1\11 rights reserved, especially
that of translation.
Prin led by J. G. WeiB"sdJe Budldruckerei, MunidJ
Historical Account of the Rise of the
N.S.D.A.P. with a Biographical Survey of the
Career of Adolf Hitler
Adolf Hitler was bom on April 20 th, 1889, at Braun au on the Inn,
a village of the old Bavaria.
His father was the orphaned child of a poor peasant and worked his
way up to being a Customs Official. His mother came from a German
peasant family. When he was 13 years old he !ost his father, and four
years later his mother. Adolf Hitler was then a scholar at the Re a 1-
s c h u 1 e at Linz on the Danube, after leaving the National School. It had
been his father's wish that he should become an official, but his own desire
was to be an artist. His mother's death obliged him without further delay
to earn his own living.
At 17 years old Hitler went to Vienna, where he aimed to become an
architect. He earned a living by his own efforts, first as a builder's la-
bourer, mixing the mortar, then as an architect's draughtsman. At 18 years
old he was already ta king an interest in poli tics; he became anti-Marxist,
but so far took no leading part. From his earliest youth Hitler had been
passionately Nationalist, and his hope was to combine the social ex-
periences of his worlng period with his nationalist convictions. For severa!
years he lived in Vienna in extreme poverty.
In 1912 he migrated to Munich, where he was a student. He had
never known youthful enjoyments, but ever since the day when he left
home with 50 kronen in his pocket, labour and privation had been his lot.
In February, 1911!, he succeeded in getting free from the obligation
to serve in the Austrian 1\rmy. Six months later war broke out. He
immediately volunteered for service in the German Army, and obtained,
by a direct appeal to King Ludwig of Bavaria, permission to enter a
Bavarian regiment as a volunteer for the war. On October 10 th, 1911!,
the new regiment marched forth.
On Deccmber 2nd, 1911!, the 25-years oid volunteer was awarded
the Iron Cross, 2nd Class.
In recognition of his bravery in the ataack on the 'Bayernwald' and
in the other engagements near Wytschaete, he was ordered to take on
duty as a despatch-carrier, which demanded especial courage and reliabi-
lity, for reports had often to be carried across open ground under heavy
fire. This quickly made his name known throughout the regiment beyond
the narrow circle of his comrades.
On October 7th, 1916, he was wounded by a shell splinter. In March,
1917, he returned to his regiment. He received severa! other distinctions,
3
including a Reg i rn en t s p 1 o rn for special br avery in the fights
near Fontaines, and finally the Iron Cross, Class I.
On 1918 he was severely injured along with many
comrades m his regiment by the Mustard Gas which the British were
then using for the first time, and he .was temporarily blinded. Whilst he
was in hospital the Revolution broke out.
On this Hitler resolved to become a politician. In 1919 he joined with
a small party consisting of 6 men and on it he founded the Nation.at
Socialist German Workers' Party. He drew up in outline the Programme
of the new movement, and settled lts character and aims.
The Nucleus: Seven Men.
In September, 1919, Adolf Hitler made his first speech to seven men;
he then addressed audiences of 11, 25, IJ7; in December 111; in ]anuary,
1920, 270, and shortly afterwards IJOO. On November 11J th, 1920, he spoke
at a of 1700. He now organised the propaganda of the
young Party, which after a year's work numbered 61! members. A year
- . 1920 - it bad already reached 3000. Hitler's propagandist activity
I? Mumch was such that be was finally addressing three
times a week, and on Mondays he carried on a course of instruction. He
attacked first and foremost the f o 11 y of V ers a i Il e s, and denied the
assertions of the Marxists, the Centre Party, etc. that it was possible to
fulfil that Treaty. He pilloried the slogan of these Parties - "Give up
your arms, and the others will also disarm". He spoke on the assumption
that after arms had been given up by us the rest would continue to
arm, - if not with their own money, then with the millions wrung from
the completely disarmed German nation. Whilst opposing the propaganda
od the S.P.D. and Centre in favour of signing the Treaty, he prophecied
that the Ruhr would be occupied, whatever we signed.
1921.
This year was marked by the foundation of the first l0cal groups
at Rosenheim and Landshut. Hitler organised the first body of men to
protect the Party, and began his fight against the Separatist movement
in Bavaria. Our leader also addressed a meeting of over 5000 in the
Circus in Munich.
He declared at his meetings that fulfilment of the Treaty would not
help, as the S.P.D., Centre and Volkspartei asserted, to build up German
prosperity in peace and quiet, but that the result of that foolish policy was
bound to be inflation on a large scale, involving immense injury to
German industry. Hitler's assertion that the Government was
planning to the State Railways was declared to be a
lie'. An attempt at a revoit within the Party was defeated.
Hitler drafted the new Constitution of the Party, which gave him dictatorial
powers.
Social Democracy, which was unable to continue to ignore the name
of Hitler, now attempted to get rid of its by methods ()f
terrorism. There were sanguinary collisions at the meetings, in which our
leader's iron nerves maintained the upper band. An invincible body-guard
4
l' IIIIIIIPd in the course of them, which thenceforward was named the
.1111111 lh>tarhment'.
1922.
Whllst the conquest of Munich was proceeding, the was
1 ,,

to spread throughout the _of Bava:ia. Hitler reJe?ted ali
,.,rlnr<' S, by way of compromise, to JOin up wtth Parhes. He;'
.uhurtl!J destroyed ail similar 'nationalist' party formatwns, and made
lu Nulional Socialist movement supreme over them.
ln October, 1922, Hitler marched at the head of 800 men to Coburg,
1
u
1
d in twice 21! hours for the first time utterly crushed the Red Terrol"
ur thul town.
/\ dolf Hitler declared then publicly that we were rushing headlong
111 tlw direction of inflation, which he had foreseen as the result of the
I' " Ju
11
of the black-red coalition. He became known as the most dangerous
1uul t11sl hated enemy of the system. Social Democracy and the
p ,
1
rtq !'eased defending themselves by argument, and adopted a pohcy of
dl'l .unation.
1923.
In January, 1923, the first great Party Conference was held, and the
lirst banners of the Party were consecrated. The Storm Detachment was
formally incorporated. .
The Party propaganda was exhaustively studied and and
the permanent principles of the organisation were settled estabhshed.
Adherents gathered round Hitler in large numbers, the maJonty whom
are to-da y his stedfast partners in the .. The attacks on we:e
meanwhile pursued with increasing he found . h1mself
prison for the first time on the charge of dtsturbmg the meetmgs of his
adversaries; he was constantly fined. Nevertheless he never for one moment
ceased fighting against the system.
During the summer of 1923 J\doll to break dawn the
Rtd Terror in the majority af the towns m Bavana; RatJsbon, Hof, Bayreuth,
Nurenberg, Frth, Ingolstadt, Wrzburg, Schweinfurt, - at the c_ost of
J:-loodshed in street fights, in which he defeated the Social-democratie and
Communist terrorist bands.
His struggle against the incompetent of Reich was
accompanied by bitter accusations. He prophecred the tll-success of
the Government's feeble resistance in the matter of the Ruhr, and
stantly attacked the stupid policy of an understanding V:ith France, and
that of fulfilment. He never failed to point out the necess1ty of an
standing with England and Italy.
In November, 1923, Adolf Hitler made his attempt to overthrow the
system. The rising failed, and Hitler was arrested.
1921J.
The great Trial took place in Munich in March, 1921J.
guilty on the facts, our leader achieved overwhelming JUStlfJCah?n
Hitler's defence influenced the Court to such an extent, and b1s assumptJOn
of sole and exclusive responsibility was so convincing, th3;t the
of the counsel indicting him tumed into a remarkable testlmony to h1s
5
honourable motives. The Judge however condemned him to a period of
detention.
The National Socialist Party suffered by the loss of ' its leader. lts
adversaries were convinced that the movement was done for, and took
courage to sign the infamous Dawes Pact, thus deliberately starting the
system of the plundering of Germany which was brought to a head in the
Young Plan. What a triumph for the Social Democrats and the Centre!
The objective of the enslavement of Germany was apparently achieved!
In vain Hitler tried through his associates, who were at liberty, to
put up a fight against the Dawes Pact. In vain he made them declare in
public that the assurances of the Centre Party, the S.P.D. and the
Volkspartei, that the foreign loans under the Plan would increase national
prosperity, that unemployment would cease, that wages would be raised
and taxes reduced, that agriculture would be saved, were merely a
ce.ption of the nation. ln vain he. made them point out that the Dawes Pact
was bound to increase poverty, since the interest on the loans would
cripple industry, whilst the loans themselves merely served the purpose
of fulfilling the fi nan cial obligations un der the Plan; banl1ruptcy and
unemployment would increase, wages would sink, priees and taxation
would rise still further, and the farmers would be faced with utter
ruin and be forced to part with ali they possessed.
On December 20th Hitler quitted the fortress.
1925.
By February 27 th, 1925, Adolf Hitler's cali for the re-birth of the
Party went forth, and he made his first speech after his imprisonment be-
fore an audience of 4000 persans.
The National Socialist movement had been broken up after the events
of November 9th, and ali its property and moneJJ had been confiscatexl;
so that Adolf Hitler now started with nothing in hand to rebuild the Party
from its foundations. V or w ii r t s and G er rn ani a in Berlin made fun of
his efforts and mocked at the "fool whom imprisonment had made mad".
Nevertheless the reconstruction of the Party proceeded with great rapidity
under Hitler's leadership. The old leaders gathered faithfully round him once
more. Hitler stimulated the Party press into fresh activity.
By December, 1925, the Party numbered 27,000 members.
The Centre and the Social Democrats in alarm decreed that the leader
should not speak in public for two years.
1926.
June of this year saw the first Conference of the Party since Hitler's
imprisonment.
The bourgeois world were still convinced that the policy of fulfilment
would save Germany and that the Dawes Pact would revive industry. The
M.arxists were convinced that their domination was unshakable.
President von Hindenburg separated from his supporters and marched
off with the Centre and S.P.D.
The Party carried on the struggle; by the end of the year it
numbered 49,000 members.
6
l' l"/
l'hl' order forbiddinn 111111'1' to Jil' llk ln puhli r wH-; withdruwn, -;Inn
11 w.1-. round impossible to l'llfntTI' Il Il l' ucldr(ss(d mnnl>l'rs mnss 1111'1'1
Ill' ! Each month saw the ParltJ uuln' wul more firmi!J consohdntl'd.
l)pvelopments ali round prnv1d wilh greater and greater rn.n' l' llt tll
llllh'r had been right. The Duw1s Pact was unmaslced, and ILS co11
qmnces were terrifie. The Socin! Democrats. and Centre Parl!J alll'tupl
1
1 1 ln save what might be saved I>H means of Iles and abuse.
ln August Hitler summoned a Parly Conference at Nurenberg, wltlcl1
prov
1
d a great success. By the end of the year the Party nuntlH' IIId
1'
1
,000 rncmbers.
1928.
/\dolf Hitler led his Party in an intensified assault on the cxistitHJ
.q. ll' lll. National Socialism was now the of the .d':
.
11 011
crs of German y within and without. Httler directed .tus CSJH .
1
wlly against the senseless ruining of the farmers and mtddle classes.
prophecied the catastrophe which would !ali upon home mm k<.h
lie declared at hundreds of meetings agam and agam that the poht IJ
of [ulfilment was tunacy, and that its consequences would mean death und
ruin to German industry. The Social Democrats a.nd .centre mocked and
jeered in attempt to get their revenge. Their hes and abuse W\' 11'
directed at Hitler personally.
By the end of the year the membership numbered 108,000, and 12
members of the Party sat in the Reichstag.
1929.
Adolf Hitler continued his fight with the existing system wllh
untiring energu. The Press of the Party was perfected, the Storm Dl'-
tachment the SS formations and the propa :
ganda intensified. of National Soctahsm began to
deeply into the natwnal consCJousness.
On August 4th the second Party Conference took place at.
on a tremendous scale. Hitler attacked the system wlth ever Jll -
creasing energy and stood forth without a rival as the most powerful
leader against ali that was meant by 'Democraty'. Ali attempts to oust
him from the leadership of the Party were crushed.
By the end of the year the Party numbered 178,000 members.
1930.
The struggle against the Young Plan was in full swing. Hindenburn
defended it with energy, asserting that by it Germany would be saved,
that German industry would revive, that unemployment would be
that the farmers would breathe again, and that it would be posstble lo
lighten taxation. .
Adolf Hitler described such views as unreal and he
the contrary. His Party proceeded to enlighten the a mt dst sevc1 (
fighting. The opponents replied with a stream of hes.
7
The Elections to the Reichstag took place on September Hth 1930.
!he Party polled

million votes, and 107 members were Its

mternal organisation was stronger than ever. El. few minor attempts at
revoit, promoted from outside, were promptly crushed by Hitler, and
those who would not submit unconditionally were expelled.
The Centre Party, which bad now delivered itself into the bands of
S.P.D. for good or ill, began t<J excite the Church against Hitler.
B1shops and Priests, belonging to th.e Centre Party, started a fanatical
attack against the National Sodalist movement, excommunicated its
even refused them Christian burial. Hitler held unshakably
his conviCtion that the Centre spelt ruin for Germany, and continued
his fight . against it with even greater determination th an before. He
sternly re)ected any attempt to extort sorne modification of his opinions
from him.
By the end of the year the Party numbered 389,000 members.
1931.
The fight against the Young Plan continued. The consequences fore-
seen by Hitler became a reality.
The _Go:rernment began administrate by means of emergency mes-
sures, thinking thus to save mdustry. Sharp disputes followed in which
Fl.dolf Hitler again pointed out the fatal consequences of that' policy. In
a few months - a few weeks even - he was proved right.
. Meanwhile numbers of National Socialist newspapers had starded into
hfe, and the central_ publishing office of the Party had gradually grown
to be a vast enterpnse. The organisation bad become highly efficient and
the Storm Detachment had in course of time reached a high stage of
development.
Our opponents wallowed in lies, and were allowing orders for goods to
be placed in France.
_By the end of the year 1931 the membership of the Hitler Par.ty
attamed to 806,000, a month later to 862,000, and again a month later to
920,000. On the day of the Election there were something like a million
members, and untold millions of supporters at the Polis.
The man who was once a poor worker and later a soldier at the
front . th us _in barely thirteen years built op the grea test poli ti cal
or_garusatwn. whu:h Germany has ever seen. The sole against
this man wh1ch h1s oppenents can employ are lies and defamation. Fl.nd he
has always won so far in spite of ali the lies, and this time he has come
near to being elected President of the Reich.
. . Has in whole history of Germany ever accomplished a
m twelve years, in face of opposition from Party,
h1gh fmance, Cap1tal, Press, public opinion, bureaucracy, lies, terrorism, and
persecution?
This was no sheltered child; from his earliest years he has been a
man in the highest sense of the word, relying solely on his own strength.
8
Preface
/\1 W<imar in 1926 the Council of 1he Party dedded to pubUsh a series
"' rumphl<>ls, dealing in a concise rorm with the fundamental questions
1ll cllun rvery aspect of political !ife in Germany. Our intention was, and
ln rmsent a consistent and complete picture of the attitude of National
"''"llsm towards the various tasks of our public life, and of the means by
hl< h it hopes to remove its errors and defects.
Our task is therefore to examine exhaustively ho w i t stands, th en
ln I'IIQUirc scientifically wh en ce i t or i gin at e d, and finally, with
l oo ul1v<' u1spiration, to answer the fateful question, wh at the n? The
hiiJII alm of these pamphlets is to indicate new methods for the !ife of the
' .lulo, for finance and economies; to set on high a 'rocher de bronze'
111 1111' 111idst of the chaos, to form a stock of clear by close
lllolil. so lhal out of it ali may emerge a united political will.
/Il Ille great Meeting on Fl.ugust 31st, 1927, Fl.dolf Hitler declared
. pil ulicully : "Questions of Programme do not affect the Council
"' /ldmiuistration ; the Programme is fixed, and 1 shall never suffer
c in the principles of the movement, as laid down in its Programme."
With this decisive pronouncement on the part of our Leader I asso.ciate
IIIIISelf whole-heartedly, for nothing is more dangerous to the life and
striking force of a movement such as ours, than that, as time goes on, its
li xed Programme should be subjected to negative critidsm.
No man who feels that he cannot go the whole way with us in the
J<>wish question, in our fight against high finance, the Dawes Pact and the
pauperising policy, or in any other questions contained in our Programme,
nr is inclined to barter the liberty of the German nation through the League
of Nations, the Locarno Pact, by compromise and cowardice, need apply to
us ; his place is outside the N.S.D.Fl..P. We utterly reject the 'superior pri-
vate knowledge' which such as he are so ready to air in platform oratory
und journalistic out-pourings.
El. man who agrees fundamentally with our principles may perhaps
have scruples about a few minor details, for we cannot expect evergone to agree
ub:;olutely on ali questions, especially in an aggressive political movement.
It is, hnwever, a different matter when political enemies make mince
meat of sorne one Point by odious misrepresentation quite beside the point,
as has indeed happened. ln such a case an official commentary is necessary.
(See p. 19: Point 17.)
We refuse to vary our Programme for reasons of expediency, as other
Parties do, to suit so-called altered conditions. We intend to make condi-
tions suit our Programme, b!-1 mastering them.
I have been commissioned by Fl.dolf Hitler to issue this series of
pnmphlets, which are to form the official literature of the Party.
I have included the official Manifesto of the Party of March 6th, 1930;
a Iso my reply to ten questions (p. 11! et seq.) set us by the D eu t sc h e
T n g <.> s z e i tu n g, the leading organ of the Reichslandbund. Th at news-
pupcr accepted my replies.
This is the best and most effective way to dispose of ali the lies about
our ill-disposition towards ownership and inheritance of landed property
ln Germany.
9
1. Official Party Manifeste on the Position o
the N.S.D.A.P. with regard to the farming
population and Agriculture
Munich, March 6, 1930.
1. Impo rta n ce of t h e F armin g Cl ass a n d of .1\gr i cu ltur
f o r G er m a n y.
The German nation derive a considerable portion of their food fro
importation of foreign food- stuffs. Before the world War we managed t
pay for these i mports with our industrial exports, our tracte, and ou
deposits of capital abroad. The outcome of the war put an end to thi
poss bility.
To-day we are paying for our imported food mostly with the help o
foreign loans, which drive t he German nation deeper and deeper in debt
t o the international financier s wh o provide credits. If t hings go on as t hey
are, the German poeple will become mor e and more impoverished.
The only possibility of escaping from this thraldom lies in the ability
of Germany to produce essential food st uffs at home. lncreased product:ipn
by German agriculture is therefore a question of !ife and death for the
German nation.
Moreover a country population, economically sound and highly pro-
ductive, is essential for our industry, which will in future have more and
more to look for openings in the home market.
We also regard t he country population as the bearer of the inheritance
of health, the source of t he nation's youth, and as t he back-bone of its
armed strength.
Maintenance of an efficient agricwt ural class, i ncreasing in numbers
as the general population increases, is an essential plank in t he National
Socialist platform, because our movement considers the welfare of a li our
people in t he generations t o come.
2. The p resent-day Stat e's neglect of the Farmi ng c l ass
a n d o f 1\ g ri c u 1 t u r c.
.1\gricultural production, which in itself is capable of being augmented,
is being handicapped, because the incr easing indebt edness of the farmers
prevents their purchasing the necessities of cultivation, and because the
fact that farming does not pay removes the inducement to increase pro-
duction.
The reasons why farming fails to give a sufficient return for the labour
are to be sought:
10
111 1111' ,xisling fiscal policy. which lays undue burdens on agri-
,1111111 l in-. 1s dm lo Parly considerations, because the world
1
.
1
.. 1
11 11
111
t11i11'1 which really controls parltament ary democracy m Ger-
.,1
11 111
wlsit
1
s lo destroy German agricult ure, since_ this would place the
, " " 111 IIHiion, a nd especially t he worlting class, at tts mercy;
1
111
!Ill' compet ition of foreign agriculturists, who work under. mor e
, , \ ..
111
,
1
1>11 r onclitions, and who are not hold in check by a poltcy of
l'"''" 111111 lor German agriculture;
1 lu !he ext ravagant profits made by the large wholesale middlemen,
l11 1111 1"1 lhcmselves in between producer and consumer.
'1 1
11
!Ill' oppressive rates the farmer has to pay for electric power and
nllllt 11 11 lllltllures to concerns mainl).l run by Jews.
1111 lti qh taxation cannot be met out of t he poor return for ?n
11
11
t
11
ul lit e farmer is forced to r un into debt and pay usunous
1 ,
1
1 1 o1 loans. He sinks deeper and deeper und er t hts t yranny, and m
11t ,
11
d forfeits ali that he possesses to the Jew money-lender.
1 Ill' German farming class is being expropriated.
1 l n l h e R e i c h, as w e h o p e t o !S e e i t, t h e r i g h t s o f L a n d
.hall be r espected and there shall b e an .1\gricu l tural
Po 1 i c y f or G erm an y.
There can be no hope of any sweeping improve.ment in conditions
111 pnverly of the count ry population, or of a rev1val of as
11111'1
11
o; the German Government is in fact controlled by_ the mternattonal
IIIIIIII'IJ magnates, helped by the parliamentar!:J: democratic of go-
1 ' ' lllllll' lll; for these desire t o destroy German y s strength, whtch IS based
1111 lhl' la11d.
ln the new and very different German St ate, to _which _aspire,
lh( rarmers and agricult ure will r eceive the consideratiOn whtch ts due
ln them owing to t he fact t hat t hey are a main support of a tr uly
11, tl 10nal German State.
From tLis emerge the following r equir ements :
t. The land of Germany, aquired and defended by t he German nation,
11111
st be at the service of the German nation, as an home a_nd_ as means
of livelihoori. Those who occupy t he land must adminst er tt m thts sense.
2. Only members of the German nation may possess land. . .
3. Land legally acquired by them shall be as mhentab!e
property. To the r ight to hold property, ho:"'ever, 1s att ached the ? blt-
qalion to use it in the national interest. Spectal Cour ts shall _be appomted
ln oversee this obligation; these shall consis t of from ali
dl'pnrlmcnts of the land-holding class, and one repr esentattve of the St ate.
l!. German land may not become an object of financi_al speculat io_n.
(d. Point 11. p. 19), nor may it pr?vide an. unearned mcome. for I!S
owncr. tt may only be acquired by htm who ts to cultivat e tt
himself. Therefore the State has a right of preempt iOn on every sale of
la11d.
11
lt ro:bidden to pledge land to private lenders. The necessary lo
for cultivatlon on easy terms will be granted to farmers either by a
dations recognised by the State, or by the State itself.
5. Dues will. be paid to the State for the use of land according to t
extent and quality of the property. This tax on land will obviate
further taxation of landed property.
6. No hard and fast rule can be laid down as to the amount of cul
vation. From the point of view of our population policy we require !ar
numbers of small and middle-sized farms. Farming on a large scal
has a very essential part to play, and, if it preserves a healt
relation towards the smaller businesses, it is justifiable.
7. A law of inheritance will be required to prevent sub-division
property and an accumulation of debt upon it.
8. The State shall have the right of appropriating land suitable corn
pensation being granted: '
(a) wh en not owned by a member of the nation;
(b) when - by a judgment of the Land Courts - it is held that it
owner, by bad farming, is not acting in the national interest;
(c) for the purpose of settling independent farmers on it, when th
owner is not cultivating it hlm self;
(d) wh en it is required for special State purposes in the national intere
(e. g., communications, national deferree).
Land acquired illegally (according to German law) may be confiscate
without compensation.
l iu IIIPIIII'II I ol' pri res for agricultural produce must be frecd [rom
.. d 1 IH'rulntion, and a stop must be put to exploitation of the agri-
,.J III Il lullnst l>y the large middlcmen, the transfer of whose business
1111 1 1111 ur al associations must be encouraged by the State.
Il .hall he the task of such professional organisations to reduce the
"' '"luq xpenscs of farmers and increase porduction. (Provision of impie-
,, 111 m1umres, seed, breeding stock on favourable conditions , impro-
, "'tuh , war against vermin, free advice, chemical research, etc.) The
1 111 .hull provide full assistance to the organisations in carrying out
Il 11 ln particular the State must insist on a considerable reduction
" 1111 msl to farmers of artificial manures and electric power.
1 he organisations must also establish the class of farm labourers as
"' of the farming community by contracts which are just in the
'"' '' " use. Supervision and arbitration in these matters will be the func-
111 11 111 lltl' State. It must be made possible for good labourers to rise to
l" .lulus of farm-owners. The much called-for improvement in living con-
1111<111' . Hnd wages of farm labourers will ensue as soon as the general'
"'"iii!J situation improves. When these conditions take a turn for the
ull,. it will be no longer necessary to employ foreign labour on the land,
md this custom will in future be forbidden.
' 1. The national importance of the farming class requires that the State
lmll promote technical education in agriculture. (Juvenile institutions,
11qli schools for agriculture, with very favourable terms for youths with
uhut but no means.)
9. 1t is the duty of the State to colonise land which has become avail
able, by a scheme based on high considerations of a po licy of population P r o f es s i o n a 1 or g a ni s at i on s ca n not p r o vi d e a Il t h e
The land shaH be allotted to settlers as a hereditary possession under -. ,htance r e qlllired b!J the farming class; only the
conditions which shall make a !ivelihood possible. Settlers shaH be selecte o 11 LI r a 1 rn ove rn en t of the N. S. D. A. P. for G er rn a n 1 i bert y
by examination as to their ci vic and professional suitability. Special fa v our ca n do this.
shall be shown to sons of farmers who have not the right to inherit (see 7). . . .
Colonisation of the eastern frontiers is of extreme importance. In thi 1 Illet a.re ptohort becau:'e tlheclwholef Germkan nation IS
case the mere establishment of farms will not be sufficient, but it will be 1our. 1. s an error o Imagine a one smg e o wor ers can es.-
necessary to set up market towns in connecti.on with the new branlch sharmg the of the German commumty as a wh ole, - and
of industry. This is the only way to provide an opening for making the 1 enme to Jealousles .between town folk and country folk, who are
smaller farms a paying proposition. 1otu1d togetl.er for good or Ill.
It will be the .duty of Germany's foreign policy to provide large Economie. assistance under the. system cannot
spaces for the nour1shment and settlement of the growing population of 1 Jlt'rmanent 1mprovement, for polttJcal slavery 1s at the root our people s
Germany. 1ovcrty, anr! political methods alone can remove that.
The old political Parties, which were, and are, responsil>le for the
4. T h e f a r rn i n g c 1 a s s rn u s t b e r ai s e d e c o n o rn i ca Il y a n d 1.1llonal enslavement, cannot be the leaders on the road to freedom.
e du cation a Il y. Therc are important economie tasks awaiting professional organisations
1. The present poverty of the land population must be at once u our future State; even now they can do much preparatory work in that
relieved by remissions of taxation and other emergency measures. Further ln Prlion; but for the political struggle of liberation, which is to lay the
indebtedness must be stemmed l>y reducing the rate of interest on Ioans u1111dulion of a new economie order, they are not suitable; for that struggle
to that of the pre-war period by law, and by summary action againts ill have to be fought out from the point of view not of a single profes-
extortion. .lon, but from that of the whole nation.
2. It must be the State's policy to see to it that farming be mad The movement wlch will carry through the political struggle for
to pay. German agriculture must be protected by tariffs, State regulation llbl' ration to the end is the N.S.D.A.P.
of imports, and a scheme of national training.
(signed) Adolf Hitler.
12
13
The Policy of the N.S.D.A.P. on Ownershi
of Landed Property
il. Reply : by Gottfried Feder.
!he Deutsch e Ta g es z e i tu n g (No. 47) of January 25th, 19
publtshed a number of questions put to us by the leaders of the Brande
burg Landbund. Their main object was to obtain a definition of the attitu
of N.S.?.ll..P. private ownership of land, inheritance, raising
credtts, regulation, profit-sharing, and towards questions
general soctal-poiltlcal and election-tactical interest.
I.
In. order to . allay anxiety with regard to any la ter arbitrary inter
of Pomt 17 of the Party Programme (see p. 19), the fir
questwn was put in the following words:
. "Is the. N.S.D.J\.P. prepared to give a quarantee that it will not s
tts face agamst ownership of land."
. ll.nswer. Nati.onal Socialism recognises private ownership as a pri
ctple, and places tt under State protection. (See p. 30 II. 8.)
It will seek to maintain a healthy combination of ali businesse
small and great, in the economie !ife of the nation. (See p. 30 11. 12.)
. spir.it of the whole Programme proves clearly that Nation
a convinced and consistent opponent of Marxism, utterl
reJects tts rumous central doctrine of general confiscation and considers
permanent agricultural class to be the best and surest for th
national State.
. being a determined opponent of the great capitalists whos
rum tt ts to mobthse for themselves ali agricultural values and to oust th
farmers by means of .taxation and interest on loans, Socialis
. State pro tech on of the farmers against aggression by the bi
busmess mterests.
We need a strong, healthy class of farmers, free from the thraldo
of interest and the tyranny of taxation.
II.
second. addressed to me personally, as having be
appomted by Hitler fmal arbtter of ali questions touching the Programme
"What is the attitude of National Socialism towards inheritance
property, and succession duties ?"
ll.ns:ver: Sin.ce it. is the mainstay of the national idea, continuity o
ownership, 1. e. mhentance of the land which a man's forefathers reclaim
and cultivated, is a natural consequence. National Socialism therefore re
cognises the principle of inheritance, as it does that of ownership of lan
If property goes to distant relatives the National Socialist State wi
levy a special tax, but in the case of nearer relationship this will be assesse
at the rate prevailling at the moment.
14
III.
1 hh question was set owing to anxiety - qui te unfounded - regarding
'" l'"' "blc consequences of prohibiting loans from private capitalists
11 liu "'rurity of the land.
/lu-..wer. il. State, which desires to make agricultural property free
'""' ohhl, and to rescue the farmers from the claws of professional finan-
to 1 so many farmers having been, as it is, driven from their homes
1 liu )l'WS - , a State, which desires to break down the money monopoly
l 1 apitulism and to abolish the thraldom of interest, is not likely to
"llltltold the necessary credits nor to charge extortionate interest; on
lw mnlrur!J, National Socialism intends to assist agriculture to the utmost.
IV.
"llnalling down the thraldom of interest." Abolition of unearned in-
'"'"'' "What is the attitude of the National Socialist Party towards
upltnl saved or inherited ?"
/\nswer. Has any farmer to-day an 'unearned income' out of demands
ur iuterest, or can any landowner live on money saved from his rents?
This means that there i s anxiety among certain land-owners who stiJl
111ve a little capital left, or else there is intentional mis-comprehension
1r ignorance of that most essential demand of the National Socialist
'rogramme.
N. B. We mean literally "breaking down the thraldom of interest" .
o one will describe small amounts of interest from savings or a mortgage
11 n novernment loan, as the thraldom of interest. What we mean by
1 to; whcn deliberate inHation has robbed us of ali our savings, and the
.ntllt'r has to pay interest on fresh mortgages and short term credits at
''"'" which r uin him.
'lltose who favour of sticking to the present system of capitalism are
uruinst the true interests of the farmers, and in favour of allowing the
wnl:s and their agents to batten on agriculture.
For the rest l would refer readers to my pamphlets entitled D er
ln a t au f nat i on a 1er und s oz i a 1er Grun d 1 ag e, and Da s
'r o gr a rn rn der N.S.D.ll..P.
V.
Our policy as regards taxation states clearly and consistently: To
nc the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and the producer
lmrn taxes which cramp his business.
"Do es the Party in tend to rem ove import duties ?"
/lnswer. The Lan d bun d ought to be aware that the National
"ormlist vote in the Reichstag went absolutely in favour of protective
clull<s on agricultural produce, in accotdance with its principle - Pro-
lc!lion of the nation's work in town and country.
VI.
Tite question of Profit-sharing.
lt is impossible here to deal with this wide and difficult subject. In my
wrlkly journal, Di e F 1 a rn rn e, I have described our attitude in detail in
n number of articles.
15
. The article in th.e De ut s ch e Tage s z e i tu n g is misleading,
1t r emoves from the1r context the sentences which it quotes. I person
consider that profit-sharing in the general sense of the capitalist
Marxist schools of ideas is not the correct solution. On this subject o
refers to workers in factories, and there is no point in attem
mg to clear up the question in a pamphlet dealing with agriculture.
VII.
Extension of Old Age Insurance Benefits.
"How is it proposed to raise the funds for this purpose?"
1\nswer. There is provision now for Old 1\ge Insurance, but it is
many cases insufficient, and is regarded as pauperisation. Once the burd
of taxation is removed, and those who are now unemployed but able
work are restored to the economie sphere, there will be sufficient means f
providing ample Old 1\ge benefits for those who are past worlc
VIII, IX, X.
These are merely questions to do with Party tactics and not with an
principle. '
Seing in opposition against a coalition which has brought unhappin
to Germany, we have naturally now and again to vote with the Communis
(although a whole world divides us from them), just as the Germ
National and the Christian National Farmers do. We allow no one to dictat
to us where we get our adherents from, but we turn t o ali - worker
bourgeois and farmers - who have a good German heart in their bodi
and are men of good will, and desire to see an end of Parliamen
mis-g_overnment and the. wretched policy of fulfilment (of the Pea
Treatles). We do not cons1der that 'social communication' with other Par
ties is a proper method of freeing the German nation from Marxism an
- for leads to political bargaining. Nothing bu
dtctatonal actwn and determmed exercise of power can pull Germany ou
of the mud.
. The nation wants not fine words, but forcefulness; not
solid work for our poor, down-trodden nation.
t 11 11 towards the permanent official class is surely a worthy
1 J. should not be such whole-hearted admirers of the great King
' l'til, ln if we were against this class. What the 1\rmy was abroad, a
1 1 1111 " 'ruptible official class is for the State at home. Honour and duty
.... 1 1 '""l' ugain become essential qualities in our officials. The kind of
' 11 1 who are at the beek and call of the Reds and the Blacks, will
1 l" ' ' ln the coming State; such Party wire-pullers have no use
lt 1 lt1111111tr and duty.
l lw suggestion that the National Socialists are against the officiais and
1 tl ud lo reduce their pay and do away with pensions, is of the nat\ule
o1 1 polilical lie, which has been circulated by the Press of our opponents.
Ou lhr contrary, we desire to grant to ali members of the nation who
Il t11 Germany faithfully ali their lives long, a pension of honour
hic Il will relieve them of cares in their old age. lt is only thus that
"' 1 tl thslslance will be freed from the stigma of 'pauperisation'.
W 1 11111St also refer to the extension of the pension idea to the indepen-
lt-111 lr ndts and hand-workers. There is no need to worr y about how we
" ' lo raise funds for the purpose. When we cease paying thousands of
uullitu1s abroad each year, and still more to our own banking houses, a
11 .u ll ott of those sums will suffice to pay for Old 1\ge Pensions.
Un e rn p 1 o y rn en t 1\s sis tance and Insu ra 11 ce.
Il is not, in itself, the affair of the State to support with State funds
mu who are able to work. Our attitude towards the present system of
1 hlllllt'l.' for th ose who cannot earn a living has never altered ; we have
d ' ' "'" prcssed in Parliament for better conditions for the workless. This
, do. uol because we think it a right state of things, but because a
'"'' ' ' lllllll'ttt like the present one, whose idiotie foreign and domestic policy
1 ,., l'll rricd labour, food production and all commerce to the edge of the
1h11 . i in duty bound to let its policy go by the board.
1\ State which ls unable to reinstate in the economie world millions of
111' 11 who can work, deserves to be swept away; so it fails financially
11 IIH'I.'t the problem of assistance to unemployment , we merely shrug our
llonldcrs.
The various attacl on the system of the dole, even if justified when
IH11 refer to cases of abuse of this social assistance, fail to turn us
1111 111 the principle we believe in. Granted that, amongst nearly 3,000,000
1\ full and clear account of the foregoing is given in No. 19 of th nn<'lllploueJ there may be 2 or 300,000 notorious scrimshankers who would
National Socialist collection - Uns er t ii g 1 i ch Brot: Basic 0 u es 1, .ulllq return to work if the dole were removed - we must not forget
ti ons of Ger rn an 1\ gr i cu 1 ture; by Hermann Schneider Ecke lll ul the re remain at !east 2l/2 million good workers, employs, engineers,
dorf, Kreis Namslau, regarding the whole policy of National Socicilism wit 1 <'l lllli dans, foremen, clerks, etc. seeking desperately for work and unable
respect to agriculture. It contains w.ell conceived proposais for re-establish 1 o l1nd il. It is owing to the failure of our thoroughly unsound State
ing the suffering farming class of Germany. polilt J tllat it is impossible to make any change in the miserable unemployed
No: by Dr. contains an excellent essay on the meaning dol<. . .
and spmt of our econollllc policy. Il 1 1 a c k s o n R e !1 g 1 o n a n d t h e C 1 er g y.
No. 12, by Colonel Hier!, describes our policy of national defence Wt cannat declare too often that the N.S.D.J\.P. is not dreaming of
We shall conclude with a few remarks on certain questions lll ildlll tCJ the Christia.n religi.on and its worthy servants. . ,
our political enemies misrepresent spitefully and untruthfully in the ho Il is the corruptmg poltcy of the Centre the s
of doing us an injury. p which we attack; these !ose no opportuntty of crymg Church m
16 17
Danger" except when they are making common cause with the athei
cal, Social Democracy.
It is because we have so high and holy an ideal of man's relation
wards his God that we hate to see religion besmirched with the dirt
political conflict.
1) 111 d llzens of the State shall br equal as regards rights and duties.
Ill 11 IIIIISt be the first duty of each citizen of the State to work with
,, '"'"" or with his body. The arlivities of the individual may not
, 1 1 1o wll h thl' interests of the whole, but must proceed within the frame
.. f 1111 1 utnmunity and be for the general good.
We demand therefore:
Il /\bolition of incarnes unearned by work. 2. The 25 Points
Rbolitlon of the Thraldom of lnterest The National Socialist German Workers' Party at a great massmeeti
on February 25th, 1920, in the in Munich announc
their Programme to the world.
ln section 2 of the Constitution of our Party this Programme
declared to be inalterable.
1 111 view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded
..r " tlltlion by every war, persona! enrichment due to a war must be
,, . .,,., dPd as a crime against the nation. We demand therefore ruthless
. on li ,, .ttlon of ali war gains.
l.t We demand nationalisation of ali businesses which have been up
The Programme tu th present formed into comparues (Trusts).
Ill We demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall be
The Programme of the German Workers' Party is limited as to period lunu. out
The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have beer '
1
f Id
achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the cfis. 15. We demand extensive development of provisiOn or o . age.
content of the masses artificially, and so ensure the continued existence o to. We demand creation and maintenance of a healthy mtddle class,
the Party. mnwdiate communalisation of wholesale business premises, and their
1. We demand the union of ali Germans to form a Great Germany o cns( at a cheap rate to small traders, and that extre.me. shall
the basis of the right of the enjoyed by nations. "' shown to ali small purveyors to the State, dtstnct authonttes and
2. We demand equality of rights for the German People in its dealing .nl ltll l'r Iocalities.
with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles an 17. we demand suitable to our natio?al requirements,
St. Germain.
111
.lnq of a law for confiscation without compensation of land
.3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of OUI " ""'""'"' purposes; abolition of interest on land Ioans, and prevention
people and for settling our superfluous population. ,r . til sp.zculati'on in land*.
4. None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. Non We demand ruthless prosecution of those whose activities are
but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of th Jurlous to the common interest. Sordid criminals against the usurers,
nation. No ]ew, therefore, may be a member of the nation. prulilC'ers, etc. must be punished with death, whatever thetr creed or
5. Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany on!
1111

1

as a guest and must be regarded as being subject ta foreign laws. Il). We demand that the Roman Law, which serves the materialistic
6. The right of voting on the State's government and legislation i wurld arder shall be replaced by a legal system for ali Germany.
to be the citizen of the State. alone. We thr
1
With the aim of opening to every capable and industrious German
ali offtctal appomtments, of whatever kind, whether m the Retch, m
11
. . ' bility of higher education and of thus obtaining advancement, the
country, or in the smaller localities, be granted to citizens of . consider a thorough of our national S!;Stem
State alone.

ul .. durution. The curriculum of ali educational establishments must be

We oppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling pos ltnlllqll into Une with the requirements of practical life. Comprehension
merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference . .
character or capability On 1\ prll l:lth, 1928, 1\dolf Hitler made the foliowmg declaralton:
11 h nctessary to reply to the !aise interpretation on the part of our oppouents of
? We the shall make 11 tts hrst. duty to ""'"' 17 of !he Programme of the N.S.D.l\.P.
the mdustry and livelihood of ettizens of the State. If 1t not posstble t ,
11111
, the N. s. 0.11. P. admits the princip le of private property, it is obvious thal
nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals "" , prt.-ton 'confiscation without compensation' .merely refers to .P?ssible legal po-
of the State) must be excluded from the Reich. w, tu nmflscaie, if necessary, land illegal! y acqu.red, or n.ot admtmstered ln
,j
11111 1
wllh nutional welfare. It ls directed ln accordance wth nallonal welfare. It IS
8. lUI tmmtgratwn must be prevented. We demand tha ,
1111
,
111
.
11 111
lite first Instance against the Jewlsh companies whidt speculate in land.
ail who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, 1914 Mntt hh J\prll
13
th.
1928
.
shall be required forthwith ta depart from the Reich.
(slgned) 1\dolf Hitler.
18
19
of the State idea (State sociology) must be the school objective, begin
with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. We demand develop
of the gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupa
1
11
11 <lhrtlssion at the General Meeting of members on May 22nd,
11
11
that "This Programme is unalterable". This does
at the expence of the State.
1
11
t
11
tliul 1very word must stand unchanged, nor anything
1
1 1
t. 1(1111 or devet op the Programme is to . be proh1b1ted,. 1t
..
1
11 1111 thsolute decision and unswerying clanty the prmcrples
1 1 lltt!l lckus contained in it may not be tampered wlth.
21. The State must see to raising the standard of health in the na
by protecting mothers and infants, prohibiting child labour, incre
bodily efficiency by obligatory gymnastics and sports laid down by 1
and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the bodily development
the !:JOung.
111
1
, , , nr1 be no ben ding or twisting from considerations of expediency,
.
1
1
11
1 r. 11 I11Lerference with very important - and for the: present-day
,
1 1
11
1
, ''"ul s in polltics, society and economies, very unwelcome
lut 1
11
!lu Programme, no deviation of sentiment.
22. We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a natio
army.
23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lying
its dissemination in the Press. In arder to facilitate creation of a Germ
national Press we demand:
1<11111
lllllcr prints its two main points in leaded type:
The Common Interest before Self -
the spirit of the Programme.
1\bolition of the Thraldom of Interest -
the core of National Socialism. (a) that ali editors of newspapers and their assistants, employing t
German language, must be members of the nation;
1 tuee these two points are achieved, it means a victory of the
(b) that special permission from the State shall be necessar!:J befor
111
ld llug universalist ordering of society in the '.true State' ove:r the
newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed i separation of State, nation and under the
the German language; uq lu!luence of the individualist theory of society as now construa:ed.
(c) that shall be prohlbited by law from participatic lw shnm State of oppressing the working classes an? protectmg
financially in or influencing German newspapers, and that the penalt
11
, plruled gains of bankers and Stock Exchange 1s
for contravention of the law shall be suppression of any su ch newspape
11
ll'dllrss private enrichment and for the .towest proflteermg.
and immediate deportation of the concerned in it. qiV<"'
110
thought to its people, and prov1des no htgh moral bond of
It must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to th
1111111
1 hl' power of money, most r uthless of ali powers, holds abso!ute
national welfare. We demand legal prosecution of ali tendencies in ,
1111111
1 und exercises corrupting, destroying influence on State, nation,
and literature of a kind likely to disintegrate our !ife as a nation, ,.,
11

111
: morais, drama, literature, and on ali matters of morality, less
the suppression of institutions whlch militate against the requirement "Il lo
1
slimate.
ll ll're must of course be no wavering, no drawing back in this giant
21!. We demand liberty for ali religions denominations in the State ll uqqlt'; it is either victory or defeat.
so as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the mora, l lw somewhat varied view of the same basic principle, which gave
feelings of the German race.
1
" " ' book, De r de ut s che s ta a t au f nation a le r un d s a 1 e
The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not bin1 r
11 11
ct 1 age (F. Eh er Nachf.) is not an alteration, a senes. o
itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats th
111111
s which belong together, collected and arranged accordmg to varwus
spirit within us and without us, and is convinced tha
11
itt lrul economie, financial, cultural, aspects of life.
our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the principle . . . f . (
22
) co Id be looked on as varying from
Il Lho;.e v1ews o mme see p. u .
" opposed to the 25 Points, Hitler would never have m!:J. book
11 hl\ brief preface as the "catechism of our movement .. fulyone 1s free
" either of the views according to his taste, but 1f he compares
h
1
u together he will not find them mutually contradictory.
The Common lnterest before Self.
25. That ail the may be realised we demand the creatiu
of a strong central power of the State. Unquestioned authority of th
politically centralised Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation
and formation of Chambers for classes and occupations for the purpos
of carrying out the general laws promulgated by the Reich in the variou
States of the confederation.
The leaders of the Party swear to go straight forward - if necessar
to sacrifice their lives - in securing fulfilment of the foregoing Points.
Munich, February 21!th, 1920.
20
111 urder to insure for the future absolute agreement in our d.emands
..
1
pnssed in our Programme, and to guard the movement agamst the,

lil(cly t o injure any movement, - the 'suggestions for improvement

,f1
1 1 1
<1 hy professional and amateur critics, grumblers and
ldoll llltler at a conference of ali district organisers held at Bamberg on
d mlilr!J t tlth, 1926, formally appointed Gottfried Feder to be the final
udql' or ali questions connected with the Programme.
21
3. The Basic ldeas
It is o_ur intention in this pamphlet to expose the essential prin
of National conception of the State as briefly and simpl
possible. We shall m a later one deal in more detail with the socialo
theoretic and spiritual aspects of that conception.
. shall also not attempt to describe the various other poil
nor who represent them in the different parties
.- th1s 1s a task by itself - , but we set down here merely
essenhal pOints of our demands.
The world arose out of chaos, order out of disorder organi.Sati
out of wild confusion. '
chaos is rampart in the world, - confusion, struggle, hatr
oppresswn, robbery, cruelty, self-seeking. Brother is estranged fr
brother: .Members of the same nation attack each other, stab a man
death Simply because he wears a Swastika Cross. They ail suffer under t
same burdens, the privations; yet who ever during these Iast mont
has heard of .Marx1st workers attacking or killing their employers or th
party leaders, or any of the and Stock Exchange blood-sucke
or any. of the wholesale proflteers? The sole sacrifice to chaos is
Simple_ worker. The .Marxists have lost their heads and are crowdi
to J?m up With the plunderers of their own class, whilst they turn savage
agamst those who stand ready to rescue it.
Il " '" Il ' cll'parted from business, which is ail ln the hands of
tltd ' ""'' 111hs. The producers have surrendered to high finance,
' ' 1h 1 ''"'"'II!J. The employers in the factories and offices, deep in
1 1 h 1 1 1 ' h cont ent with the barest pittance, for ali the profits of
1 ''" 1111 ' "'" liu pockets of the impersonal money power in the form of
ol lo 1 1111 1 oflvidcnds.
1ft I""PII' i11 control are totally unable to stem the chaos. Crushed
Il tdn1vt hu taxation and interest payment, menaced from below by the
Htt llllt!l' ol the submerged worl{ers, they have bound themselves blindly
1 olftto coHirolled by capitalism, whilst the exploiters of the present
1, 1 ""'' ''' them to remain in power merely as slavedrlvers over the
' o11tl uq 111.1sses. Their fury is directed not against the lunacy of
11111 ,111, h111 ngainst the wearers of the Hooked Cross. They forget
li till '' ,. atone saw the tragedy of German economies approaohing,
d\>ocl nul showed how, if taken in time, Germany by ber own strength
''"" ' ' \lor( the balance.
1 ,,on.II!Ons under every kind of name, reasonable in their basic ideas
hopl' lcss in the present chaos of public !ife, are seeking how to produce
' do' IL is ali in vain, for they are not in touch with the nation as a
tl social whole. 1\11 are merely intent on snatching small advantages
'' tl H' Ir own caste; bare of any political or economie principle, they
ppiiJ lo each political party in turn. They bow to the existing system
td lww-tow to the so-called supreme authority.
l ht' IJ <'osl the German nation untold sums in payments to numberless
. !he and other Parties are in the Government, or , q.tlll directors and wire-pullers, but no one of them does the !east
fightmg to get mto it with those who have destroyed their national ide ' ""' llllllllioll - a criminal measure - robbed ali classes, the thrifty,
and thereby both honour and character. The defence associatio " 111111 l ' ol 11ssociations, artizans of their savings. Sorne new tax, straight
are to 'into. the State' - the State of Severing a , 11111 lill' 11reen t able, destroys the hopes based on years of work. 1\n
Grzesmsky, - paciflsts, mternatwnalists and Jews, with whom they belie ol vuiii ii CJI' gained after numberless meetings, discussions, deputations
they can run the government. , 1111 liovernment, is usually annulled by to a rise in the cost of llving,
They have gone off their heads! The so-called R e ch t s kr e i r ho or u faU in priees.
fail to see that eagles and snakes, wolves and lambs mankind and t 1 hnos and lunacy! How can a far mer live un der such persecution?
bacillus, cannot join in co-operation. They putting forth low n 111 the worker buy with priees rising ali the time? What good
strength to give an appearance of 'order' to disorder political chao , Il to raise the pay of officiais and employs when the index of the
political effeteness. But they set their faces against the National Socialist o.t ol living continues to rise. They look in their credulity for help from
those 'fanatics', filled with _crazy fears that the latter might depriv 1 '>lute: State has caused ali and suppres-
them of sorne of the1r former pnvileges and positions _ forgetting tha ou1, wlnrh 1s not the Father of t he Nation, but the tyrant and tax-
they ali the very people from whom now demand olkrt or vf the money despotism.
share m the pohtical loaves and fishes. "io they turn again and again to the old Parties, say they don't care
The industrials, great or small, have but one end in view - profits
only one longing - credits -, only one pro test - against taxation the
fear and resp_ect only thing. - the banks; they shrug their sho;lde
the National Soc1allst demand for breaking down the thraldom
0
mterest.
Their one desire is to 'make debts'. The vast tribute extracted fro
by the banks, without trouble or labour, they regard as perfectl
Ill order. They found parties of economy and vote for the Dawes Law
which are the main cause of the heavy taxation.
22
" ' polltics and belong to no Party, and at the same tlme let the
, l'll'ft ( d Party squabbles go on as before.
1 hr task which National Socialism !tas set before it is a
. '' 1111111ation to restore form, to des pel the chaos, to set the world,
lor Il !tas departed from the old dispensations, in order agai n, and to
'"" " !hat order - in the highest Platonic sense.
Il ,hould be stated here that we regard as 'Order' neither the apparent
1 dtr ur a policed State, nor the robbery of finance hallowed by custom
"" Jl('rmilted by law, nor the conspiracies of syndicates, trusts, and other
23
organised measures of national betrayal, however weil they 'fun
a band. of robbers has 'arder', prisons have their 'regula
m the na!IOn, taken as an organic whole, every aspect of our p
!ife shows pam, bandage, suppression, insincerity, and presents a ch
picture of a struggle of ali against ali.
Government against people, Party against Party, at the same
concluding most unnatural alliances, employer against emplog, mer
against producer and consumer, landlord against tenant, labourer ag
officiais against the public, worker against 'bourgeoisie', Ch
agamst State, each blindly hitting out at his particular adversary
thinking only of his own selfish interests, his advancement and
No one reflects that the other has a right to live, or
pursuit of his own selfish ends means that someone else has to pay for
No one thinks of his neighbour's welfare, or of his higher duties to
community. 1\ breathless pursuit after persona! gain. Elbow your nei
bour to get on, tramp on his body if you will get anything by it -
care? That is modern business.
Let us not deceive ourselves. We are in the midst of a great wo
change, and it is natural that simple souls, poor wandering spirits, see
way out of the chaos, seek relief in suicide, or think the world is corn
to an end and join in the race after the golden calf and rush blindly
the whirlpool. "Enjoy white you can - after us the deluge."
So terrible a blow to the morale of a nation is only possi
and explicable when the whole intellectual foundation of society
skaken or else false, - and in fact we see that .Marxism, Capitalism,
the leaders of our public !ife ail worship the same god - Individuali
Persona! interest is the sole incentive, - obtaining adv1antages for on
own narrow class in !ife.
Later on a further contribution to this series will appear, devoted
a careful socialogical study of the construction of society.
1111 a nation. Not until chaos has been organically, by. a
hrnught into arder and gives place to form, not until a
lw1 been assembled out of the mass of parts, can the true
1 llthJ t hen will the component parts assume a purposeful
1 t llhooo" PHlin, formerly Rector of Vienna University, bas explained
1 oh .1 lu loo lois book, Der w ah re S ta at, and in his G es e
li 1 Il l h ' l' the socialogical bases of the present day individualistic
1 1 'l'l'"w<l to the high ideal of universal arder in a State founded on
oolllll po lndples.
W Nullonul Socialists coined the phrase, which ail men can
The Community before the Indivldual.
Il 1 1111111 l>y serving the general interest as a member of the national
PHulltt lhut the individual awakes to a higher !ife, each one in his
" tl Only so will each one attain to the genuine Socialism, the
1111111111111 l('e!ing, the true !ife, win consdousness of security, and realise
11 uthJ under the domination of this idea can an organic, national
,., otnort<>ll l arise from the present day system of robbery, and be of
.. 111 lo the community, and to each member of the community.
1 11 da11 the individual is a helpless victim of the forces fighting for
mu-.!lnJ; his associations are powerless to help hi m. It is not clearly
11 1 d who is the real enemy - the idle profiteer and exploiter.
ln spitc of the .Marxist cry against capitalism, the pious
111111h ol the Centre, the complaints of the business world about the
11l ot ni tuxntion and interest, no one realises the world enemy, the
1 1111 wlddt uvershadows the world, and its representative, the Jewish
11111111<'
1111 d.I'>'>Cs have felt the tash of interest; the tax collecter bears heavy
v tt s1clion of the population, - but who dares oppose the power
"""'' and Stock Exchange? Capital proclaims its character by growing,
1111 11111 ln ali experience elsewhere on earth, as it were outside itself
11111111 poins or labour, by means of interest and dividends, and by waxing
olto 1111cl more powerful each minute. The devilish principle of lies has
,J<od 1 he decency of creative labour.
Here I shall only attempt shortly to show a comparative picture
the difference between the organic errors in the State and politi
economy of and the essence of a National Socialist State. T
present day doctrine is: Society is the sum of the individuals - t
State at its best a convenient aggregation of individuals or associatio fltttlfl rlown the thraldom of interest is our
We may compare this doctrine of the construction of society to 1 ltnow that this demand, which underlies every other, is not
he a P of s ton e s. The only real thing about it is the individual piec oln uudrrslood in its full vast significance even in our own ranks. Very
of stone. Its shape is a matter of chance; whether a stone is on to,., ol our speakers, for instance, dare to attack this basic question, though
underneath is indifferent. The result is neither more nor Jess than a hea ol ol them fee! how important it is; for one of our Party slogans is
of stones. lqhl rnpital and the Stock Exchange". But what the 'thraldom of
By the same simile, the State which answers to our Nation , "''l' really is, how it bears on the !ife of the nation and the
Socialist doctrine of society and philosophy of the State is the ho us n.l how 'finance' has enslaved the population, and what the i'ight
Speaking mechanically, the ho use also consists of so many individual bric 1 po tH li cal methods are which must be adopted to break it, and what
- sand, cement, joists, windows, doors, floors, etc. But any one can s ,, . uli s of breaking it would be for the whole population - is
that a bouse, a room, is a higher entity, something new and peculiar ilullll dcar to very few to enable them to explain it in ther own words.
complete in itself, more than a mere sum total of bricks heaped togethe lu lns great work, .MEIN KA.MPF, (Vol I, pp. 221!-225) Adolf Hitler
1\ny one can understand that a house does not come into being by pilin' ludi('ated the vast importance of this question as follows: "As 1
a number of single parts in a heap, but only by assembling these pa 1111d to Gottfried Feder's first lecture on breaking dawn the thraldom
according to a deliberate plan. tnltnst in June, 1919, 1 knew at once that this was a theoretic truth
24
25
Il
immensely important for the future of the German nation ... The ,11 who must earn their bread by mental or bodily work, whilst
against international capital and finance !tas become the chief p Il lll .mull proportion, without labour or trouble, pocket huge
the Programme for the German nation's struggle for independenc 1 toi llll'lr dividends, speculations and bank shares. We do not
liberty." th 11111 savers and small capitalists - though they too owe,
Al! serious National Socialists share this conviction, for the s 1 11111 dnnings to a false system -, but ali their lives long many
of this question implies solution of the Jewish question, _ and much 111 uonnt of their little interest was taken from them in the form
than that. '' lhaL we can easily afford to repay them in their old age
1\nti-semitism is in a way the foundation of the feeling underlyin 1 i 111 tlul! lull earnings, which were taken away. I shall have more
1
111 tlouul lliis later on.
who e movement. Every National Socialist is an anti-semite, but every
semite need not be a National Socialist. J\nti-semitism is negative; " 1 li u lndustrial, who has labouriously built up his business, and
anti-semite recognises the carrier of the national plague-germ, but Il lu ourse of time into a company. He is no longer a free agent,
knowledge usua!ly turns into hatred of the individual Jew and the sucee lu tllsfy the greedy board of directors and his shareholders as
the Jews in the !ife of business. Then in the best event anti-semi Il lu clocs not wish to be squeezed out.
rises up to help in driving the Jew out of our State and economie , ''' ull nations that cover their deficits by means of loans.
The anti-semite does not worry his head about How and What next. Ill aldom spells ruin for any nation that hands over to the money
If, even after the Jew was driven out, there still remained liu bankers, its sovereign rights at home, the control of its
principle of present-day Jewish domination - self-interest before gen ol ils railways, and of taxation and customs, as Germany has
interest - and the Jewish banking and credit system, there would stil ,, 111 mTcpting the Dawes Law.
enough bastard Jews, or even 'normal Germans' of mixed race as r c ,,.,llvc labour is under the same thraldom, if it thinks of money
to step into the Jews' shoes and rage against their own race as are .,, .t il l'Ise. To-day money, the 'servant of business', has become the
Jews to-day, and we should perhaps see plenty of 'anti-semites' si .to
1
. l u racl, the brutal tyrant of labour.
where the Jews once sat. li u altlom of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms,
Now National Socialism with its main demand, Breaking down IIHI

Labour, blood versus money, creative work versus ex-
Thraldom of lnterest, is essentially constructive. It bites deeper, and
1
1nllou
consequences are far more all-embracing. 1111 ,,.,.,.ssily of breaking this thraldom is of such vast importance
In my essay, Da s He r z s t c k uns er es Pro gr a rn rn s, (Nat " ' "
11
, 11
1111
and our race, that on it alone depends our nation's hope
Jahrbuch, 1927) 1 pointed to the peculiar position that demand gives us a ,, '""
1111
from its shame and slavery; in fact, the hope of recovering
ail other Parties and associations. In ail our other demands we find si 'l''"'' !1, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world.
and parallel aspirations in the Parties of the Right and Left. No 'lt"'
1111
. pivot on which everything turns; if is far more than a mere
Party but ourselves can show any counterpart of this one demand.
111
, o/ financi al policy. \f!hilst ifs principles and conseqaences bite
We al! know that neither the Left, with their false cry of "
111
1
0
political and economie life, if is a leading qaestion for
with Capita!ism", nor the Right with their phrases about the Fatherla
1111
,/arly, and thus affects every single individual and demands a
are capable of starting a new world epoch, for neither the M.arxists ,
11111
1
111111
each one: _ Service to the nation or unlimited priva te en
the reactionaries could alter anything in the nature of our . economy ,!Il ,
11
1. li means a solution of the Social Question."
would only destroy as the Communists in Russia do. They are incapabl ,
111
' world-questions' are capable of being described in one word, which
construction - like the Communists in Russia.
11111 n flame out of chaos; at the same time countless prophets and
What do we mean by Thraldom of Interest? ,1, <l ll ll'ot exhaust ali the questions which arise out of that word.
The condition of peoples under the money domination of the W l'lill say no more at present on this vast basic principle of National
of the world Jewry. 1 have already thrown light on every essential side of the
The land-owner is un der this thraldom, who has to raise loans l>k111 in my pamphlets: Da s M. ani fest z ur Brech un g der
finance his farming operations, - loans at su ch high interest as alm ' h 11 l'ch t sc ha ft - Munich, 1926 (now out of print); Der
to eat up the results of his labour -. or who is forced to make debt;s 8J , 1 10 ha nk rott, Die Ret tu n g - ]os. C. Huber, Di essen, 1919;
to drag the mortgages after him like so much weight of lead. 1 ' 11 o m rn e nd e Ste u ers t re i k - Diessen, 1921; and D er De ut-
Sois the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittan \tnat auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage-
whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has 1 lll'r Nachf., Munich, (ail obtainable through the library of our Party
worked for. "<\ 11 11h'h, Thierschstr. 11).
So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost en l11llusive study is required to master the details of this problem, for
to pay the interest on bank overdrafts. l" .Jd iral economies of the last 50 years have followed the capitalisttc
26 27
idea so closely, that ali who have grown up with it need a
change of orientation in arder to get free from it.
.ulftred by our German artistic and intellectual !ife al
fwish dictalorship, especially through the poisoning of
A pamphlet on subject is saon to appear, which will gl
an explanahon on this highly important task of the 11 111 1111 .. Important domain of public life there are, of course,
natwnahst State. Ill 1 lto oprovements to be considered.
. In addition to the two quite novel basic principles of our Pro 1 1 llotol our system of Law will have to be modified to meet
gtven above, we must mention certain others in connection Ill 111 li .h institutions; that the scandai of election to Parliament
general policy of the State. ol 1111 1 1 oll vote will have to be removed, and that, foilowing the
T Il 111 11 l"' llucl of a Dictatorship, we shall have to decide on the
he principle underlying our policy of the State is shortly as f
11
1 vi ll oh lorm of the State and the internai functions of the
The G e rman Reich is t he home of the Germans. 1
11111
It is ,the for our whole foreign policy, and i ""' louwver, we can see in this brief outline the vast dimensions
Germany_s_ polittcal hberatwn, ail the requirements of our racial poli
111
oo ,flous when set face to face with the tremendous fundamental
the conditiOns of membership of the State. ool llll r Programme.
Our. economie pri?ciple is: Th e d u t y of th e nat i
0
na 1 e 11 1 11111 lttndnmental - in fact it is indifferent to us wh ether is to be a
nomy lS to prov1de the necessities of !ife and no .. '" '" .o republic, whether we are to have a federation of 5 or
secure the highest pos s ible profits for capital. 111 pmvided only they are ali German States combined under a
of economie policy embraces a fundamental at , 1 ool rnl government, when face to face with the foreigner, and
of Soaahsm towards private property, and with regard t 1 Il ol uttht lhe citizens of the German State at home may live happy and
vano_us forms of business, from the very small to the very grea "'"
1
Trusts and also ta the great moral questions which
be a livmg force in business, if the 'national economies' are not t
to b_eing mere exploitation of the nation and to being run
profit!
Our princip le as regards finance is as follows:
Finance shatl exist for the bene fit of the State; the fiu
magnates shall not form a State within the State.
This principle involves a seismic change. It concerns the pr
measures which will have to be taken to break the Thraldom of Inter
- of finance, control of the system of credit, an
bankmg system.
one of these tasks is of the greatest importance from the
of. vtew of our Programme. They involve ali tax legislation wit
ulttmate - and seemingly impossible - aim of a State tax
Our principle as regards social subjects is as foilows:
The general welfare is the highe s t law of ali.
principle ?f ours is in direct opposition to present day
accordmg to which every class, every profession, tries to
advantages for its own particular group in social policy without re
to general interest. We wish to make it possible for ail to f ,
dwelhng and for ail to make a living, and t o institute a general syster
care for the aged.
. regards educational and moral progress it is our unchange
pnn<:'ple: that ali work in that direction is to be doue from the sole p
of vtew of nationality. It cannat be by arder or by force
the and mtellectual forces of our nation may introduce a
Renrussance, a new classic epoch in the arts. A stop will have to
28
1 he Programme Requirements in Detail
looollllllii iC'd by Gottfried Feder in Der deutsche S taat.
11 will ' " " " ' " for clarity, when enlisting new members, t o make use
r,. " ' " "' .o1111 11 1' in the form which follows. The minor clauses are ranged
Ille rtt11or important headings, corresponding to the principles
r lu 11 11 pnreding chapter.
&lu l,olltlcal and Economie Programme of the N. S. D.ll. P.
t li111 ls - Germany's to German liberty in the German
liu ""''"'s to this aim are:
llr pulllir ul principle: The German Reich is th e home of
1 Ir ,, < i r r 111 a n s.
t 1 lu luninn policy:
1 urrualion of a homogeneous national State, embracing ali of
< urrnan race.
1 .oolrgetic representation of German -interests abroad.
llo) 111 md al policy:
:1 llismissal of ali Jews and non-Germans from ail responsible
po si lions in public !ife.
11 flrrvention of immigration of Eastern Jews and other parasitic
loreigners. Undesirable foreigners and Jews t o be deported.
(1 1 111 itt lernal policy:
1 None but Germans who profess entire community with the
.plrit and destiny of Germany may exercise the rights of a
rllizen of the State.
29
1
6. He who is not a German may only live in the Germ
as a guest and is under foreign law.
7. The rights of Germans shall have the preference over
citizens of foreign nations.
II. Our economie principle: The dut y of the S tate i s t o p r
the necessaries of !ife and not to secure the hl
p o s s i b 1 e p r o fi t s f o r c a p i t a 1.
8. National Socialism recognises private property as a
and protects it by law.
9. The national welfare however demands that a limit
set to the amassing of wealth in the bands of individual
10. lUI Germans form a community for the promotion of the
welfare and Ku 1 tu r.
11. Within the limits of the obligation of every German to
the sanctity of private property being r espected, every
is free to earn and to dispose of the results of his labour
12. The healthy combination of ail forms of business, sm
large, in every domain of economie !ife, including agri
shaH be encouraged.
13. lUI existing businesses which until now have been in the
of companies shall be nationalised.
1tt Usury and profiteering and persona! enrichment at the
and to the injury of the nation shall be punlshed with de
15. Introduction of a year's obligation to work (for the
incumbent on every German.
III. Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the b
fit of the State; the financial magnates shal
for m a S t at e w i th i n th e S ta t e. Hence our aim to b
the thraldom of interest.
30
16. Relief of the State, and hence of the nation, from i
debtedness to the great financial bouses which !end on int
17. Nationalisation of the Reichsbank and the issuing bouses.
18. Provision of money for ali great public abjects (waterp:-
railroads, etc.), not by means of loans, but by granting
interest bearing State bonds or without using ready m
19. Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured
20. Creation of a national bank of business development (
reform) for granting bearing loans.
21. Fundamental of the system of taxation on s
economie principles. Relief of the consumer from the b
of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling ta
(fiscal reform and relief from taxation).
tl Jltolll l< nl princlpl c: Th l' g e n e ral welfar e is the
1 1 t " ! a Il.
11 loopot unl on a large scale or Old Age Insurance by
1 lt lll Ill ,ustem of annuities. Every member of the German State
' ' til lu of enough to live upon on attaining a cert!!in
' Il w. If permanently disa bled, before that age.
, Htoolldpulion by ali engaged in productive enterprises in the
l" ull h uccording to efficiency and age. Responsibility will also
lit in fulfilling t he task from a national point of view.
' ' 1 , 1 un for social purposes of ali profits made out of the War
ltttol lli r Revolution, not due to honest work, and of the fortunes
t oi tt' urers and
''1 1/d ld of the shortage of dwellings by extensive fresh con-
, (r utllon throughout the Reich by the means suggested in No. 20
(11 ucw national bank).
tt1tt t' llllural aim is that al i t he sciences and fine arts
ltn ll f l o uri s h on the basis of a poli t ically fre e ,
,. " n o 111 i ca Il y h e a 1 th y S t ate. The means of achieving this
Ill ht
Trulning t he young up to be healthy in body and free in mind,
nfllr lite gr eat traditions of German culture.
21 1 uttl pii' Lr liberty of creed and conscience.
:m ' pttlul protection for the Christian denominations.
"1 l ll\louragement of dogmas, which are opposed to German moral
' "' llucls and con tain matter injurious to the State and the nation.
Ill 1 lls('Quragement of ali evil influences in the press, in literature,
till' .luqc, the arts and the picture theatres.
'' 1 tlwrty of instruction in the German secondary schools;
mntion of a ruling class of high-minded men.
'\\l l l t ury a ffairs.
\' ' t o make the nation efficient by permitting every free German
to strve and bear arms.
1.1 llholition of the paid Army.
1'1 r rcation of a national Army for national defence under the
mrnmand of a highly trained corps of professional officers.
1 1 h t' r r e c o rn rn e n d at i o n s.
.'\ o. Press reform. Suppression of ali journals which militate against
thl' national good. Strict responsibility for ali untrue and inten-
tlonally falsified intelligence.
, 11 Modification of the franchise laws so as to eut out the demo-
rnlising methods of election contests, and the immunity of
1 hose elected.
31
37. Formation of special Chambers for trades and professio
38. Judicial reform as regards
the Land Laws - recognisation of t he rights of pro
land as a principle; no right to borrow from privat
ces on the security of the land; the State to have tl
of pre-emption, especially in the case of foreigners an
the State to be empowered to administer estates in tht
of bad management on the part of the owner.
Civil Law - grealty increased protection for persona! h
health, as opposed to the one-sided legal protection
rights of property, which predominates at the present da
39. State Law reform.
The for rn of S tate most sui table to the German ch
is sovereign control united in a central persona! pow
nation must decide later on whether this central p
power shall be wielded by an elected monar ch or a pr
Federal character of the Reich.
The constitution of the German nation out of a num
countries closely bound together by race and history
it necessary that each one of the States shall be very e
,,
1 111 1ll' l inl llrhrtJs, corrmrprd al , is cillcfi!J n prts(utcd hrt t111
111 lnllsur, like anti -semilism, regards the )ewish- malerhrllsllr
1 1 1 hi 1 tuuse of the cv il; Jt lmows however th at this grculcsl
11 ltl1l111 11 must nol stop short at merely destroying the semillc
11 1 1 wh!J the great Programme of National Socialism goes far
1 liu flllll sl'mitic desire to destroy, for it offers a positive con-
li 1 pl 11111, how the National Socialist State of labour and
'"" 11 1 11111Jhl to a ppear when completed.
llr11, ll rl l11 qh aim is achieved the National Socialist Party will dissolve
111 1llo 11111. lor National Socialism will then be the entire !ife of the
Ir 1111 "' 111 11.rlion. The N.S.D.l\.P. is not a political Party in the ordinary
111 liu wonl, but is that section of the nation, which is confident
"1 lill' future, which has gathered round strong and determined
111 doll vrr Germany from shame and impotence abroad and from
"' 111111 rll o11 ut home, and to malte her once again strong and respected
, '"" 111 111 nror ally and ecconomically healthy at home.
"'l'Ill' German Reich is the home of the German people."
sively independent in internai aff airs. 1 1 1 111 won l of this princip le of State policy is a eut with a lash, when
lt is the affair of the Reich to represent the German 1111.1o1 n !111 miserable state of things to-day.
abroad, and to provide for passports, customs, also f liu ' 1 ot"llllrrll Reich' - where is there a German Reich to- da y? Can
1\rmy and Navy. '"'""" l r11 dnlrn to be called an independent State? No! Not even the
There are three main obstacles to carrying out this national 1 '"1"1ol 11 l'Il l pundits in State Law could describe a country, such as
gramme of National Socialism: Marxism, the Parliamentary system, 1 .. 1 11 111 1 rrmv, as one in full enjoyment of all its rights of sovereignty.
the capitalist magnates. liu 1111 nr ost important rights of a State are: sovereignty over its
1. Our anti-Marxist campaign is directed against the disruptive , ' '"1 11. 11. urmy, its finances, its interna! administration and communi-
trines of the Jew, Karl Marx - that of the class-war which splits , '" , 1nrd lasii!J its justice.
nation, that of distruction of private property which makes busine
1
.,
11
lurvt only to put the matter in this way to any layman without
possible - a nd against the whole economie materialistic view of h
1111 1 1
plullalion of a nation's rights under International Law, and
2. Our campaign against parliaments is directed against the la 11 pn r, 11 wit h GermanJJ's position to-day, and it becomes clear that it is
responsibility of the so-called r epresentatives of the people, who - '" lili lo r11 aintain that a severeign 'German Reich' exists any longer.
immune - can never be summoned in practice to answer for the r1
of their decisions; also against ali the evils which arise out of the s
(moral corruption, nepotism, venality), ail resulting in the final e
a government which is dependent on such a parliament.
3. Our campaign against Mammon, which ranks above the other
is directed against t he world-embracing power of money, i. e. the per
exploitation of our nation by the great lending bouses.
It is also a tremendous struggle against the soul-killing, mate
spirit of greed and rapacity with ali its disruptive accompani
throughout our public, commercial and cultural !ife.
The main battle is one between two world- theories, represent
two essentially differing structures - t he spirit which has created
creative and the unquiet, grasping spirit. The creative spirit, deep-r
but superior to the rest of the world in spiritual experience, is c
mainly by the Arian race; - The grabbing spirit, without roots any\\
32
1111 1 of our territory is a mockery, for whenever France chooses
111 r1 l' upon German land without asking leave and without suffering
" 1111111. < Z\'Chs, Poles, Danes can venture on any inroad into German
Il " 11 w11iro11t fear of hindrance. The 'accursed old r egime' put a very
. , 111 lll ll'rpretation on the slightest breach of frontier. A military inroad
1 1 ol r111o111 terri tory then implied a 'state of war'.
1 " prol<rt its territorial sovereignty a nation needs an armed force
, ' 11 1 o npclling any attack on its land, and therefore on the lives and
, 111 ut Ils nationals. A free State cannat permit a for eign Power to
ih actions, or to have the right of deciding the str ength,
lplltrrrl, rrmaments, garrisons of its 1\rmy; if it does, it is certainly
11\ll'o<'llfir'; it cannat command its means of power; it has given up
., ol ot 1h rnilitary forces. Germany bas done this by giving in to the
1 111 1 11111111hsions for Disarmament and Control.
33
Germany had already suffered this humiliation under the 1\
conditions, and had !ost her international rights.
Nevertheless she might have retained sorne part of her internai c
but as soon as the military control was destroyed, the financial ma
seized the opportunity for limitless exploitation of German labour.
First of ali the muddy torrent of Revolution burst forth over Ger
then the usurers and profiteers, the traitors, son
chaos, deserters, shared the power with the Democrats
Centre, and behind and over ali the financiers, the Jews, did their busl
Soon the Free Masons of the so-called National Parties, especially Bro
Stresemann, were called in. The final blow was soon to come. The
perts with their Dawes Law robbed Germany of control of her fin
which was bartered away to a handful of Jews, the German and fo
financial magnates. The Reichstag let the railways go, and with
ali control of communications, also a great part of the control of tax
and customs, by handing them over to the Reparations Commissioner.
Control of justice hardly exists any more. The occupied districts
und er foreign military law; special regulations govem the rest of Ger
su ch as th ose for the defence of the Republic; insecurity of rights, or
sed public robbery through the 1\ u f w e r t u n g s g es e
forcing the Courts to declare that wrong is right.
Germany is no longer a sovereign State. She is a colony of si
Germans are oppressed, thrown into prison, denied free speech - si
because they are still 'German' and desire to end their slavery.
Yes, we want to have Germany free again, and this coming Ger
Reich s h a Il be the home of the Germans, - not merely a machine
keeping order, not merely a 'State', an 'authority', a 'government'
sinecure for a handful of reigning bouses, but a H o m e, that w
of charm - love of home, lovely, sunny, beloved. The smell of
home earth rises up, the wanderer thrills with joy to fee! the h
soil beneath his feet; he is bound to it by blood lies. The home fe
is the feeling of security, and from that blossoms the fine flower of
of home. The State and nation can have no finer aim than this.
lt greater than a cautious social policy, than unemployment insura
than housing schemes, though indeed having one's own home is one
the strongest incentives for love of home.
Home is more than an 'Imperial State', which one serves, whe'
from enthusiasm or under compulsion.
It is more than an adminstration, more than the defence of one's
interests, more than a crib for cattle, or protection for person and prop
1\ll these public objects must serve the conception of home. Just as
idea of home has a special charm of the children in a properly organ
family, as one's own room arouses very different feelings from a r
in a ho tel or a prison cell; home is sometning unspeakably tender
yet powerful, superior to the idea of an association for a purpose, w
is the Liberal - parliamentary - democratie conception of the social S
34
Policy of the State
1 h 1 c ,, r m a n R e i c h s h u Il b e a h o m e f o r t h e G e
1 1 '''' lws, Russians (Communists), Social Democrats, who have
1 i t Ill d Germany (Crispien), nor for ail the foreigners who
1 i 1 1 ' '' '.horter stay on German soil.
.lntrp and fundamental opposition to the Weimar
p ults only of 'German nationals', but ignores the
11 1 " '111.111' in the national, or rather racial, sense.
Il t .l 1111 seven following theses has three separate aspects
'''" pnlh-11, (1>) population, (c) citizenship.
'1 1 Il 1 1 1 q Il p 0 1 i c y.
1 1 tl1 l l11 11 of a solid national State, embracing ail
, li t " 1 1 h e G e r rn a n r a c e.
11 '" .,,. ,illlln blood, whether living under French, Danish, Polish,
' oi li llll.in sovereignty, shall be united in a German Reich. We
'" h\s nor more than what was demanded for our enemies -
i 1ld nf 1 oc r111ans to decide to belong to their motherland, the German
d nhu 1111 Germans in Sudeten Germany, Poland,
''li"' mlnii!J of 1\ustria, and the States whlch succeeded to the old
1 ' 1 Il l' dt' Uiand however expressly excludes any tendency towards
1 ' ' ' "', Il tite simple and natural demand, whlch any strong natio-
'"'' leu wmd as its natural requirement.
''''''''' <' pre s e ntation of Ge r man interests abroad
"' Il", """ tlccessary corollary of Point 1.
1 11 llltlliJ the best, most industrious and venturesome - engineers,
, l" olcssors, merchants, doctors - who go into foreign lands,
'"' 1 "'tll iilll Ku 1 tu r with them. They are members of the great
111 11 llon11! family, to which they must never be !ost. They have a
ln c pcc'l protection from home when they are abroad. They
1 ln ""' tnerely disseminators of Ku 1 tu r, but the conscious ad vance
"' th 1 icrmanlc idea in the world; not 'apostles of humanity', but
ol liu Nordic idea.
"" l ' wltn represent Germany abroad should not acquire foreign
l.nt ,IJck to their superior German character. Our Foreign Office
'" llcpl clean with an iron besom. We must finish with the
'111111 "'' , s towards the foreign er after the mann er of Erzberger and
111111111, oittd it will be seen that strong representation of German
1 wi ll he quite otherwise respected, and attention to German desires
' ol mntempt will be the result.
llln'lal p olicy.
1 x o<Jn s ion of Jews and ali from ail
, . " 1 h 1 e p o s i t i o n s in p u b 1 i c 1 if e.
'" d nu1nd is so natural to us National Socialists that no further
' '""" ,., ueeded; but it is not possible to give convincing arguments
, r 1 tltnse who fail to take in the principles of our racial doctrine.
35
/1111/0ll<' who 1
n'licliou' and on a )ew as a 'citize
< IHII'IW!t. will f as a heterogeneous n of the State of the
lllaJi wcre to sa al to .appreciate the people,
!he middle f y or thml< that a cabb en alness of this
strawberries o plant was had grown by
that a lion cub wh 1ot from it, he would hw erry plant, and
a sheep. A. G Je ad got in amon e as wrong as if h
or In dia, and would not be gool a: flocl< of sheep thereb e
Treasury offiCial not like to have a officialyin
A.nd . ayor of a German town maman or a Hottentot
yet It would b .
Chek in control . e better to have
disintegrating Germany than to Enver Pasha or a Chan
loosened the band characteristics. Wh at i a With free play f g
fewish bankers s of order in the Stat s certam is that the or
G
lmmigrated as the ]ews fro% tEhat the long
ermany We h many, have enrich e ast who
been goin o ali seen and had ed t?emselves by
one way .disintegration of of this; it has
long as order . c:atty people - Institutions. "Ther .
Therefore we (Goethe a: th!s ;::t;hing to hope e so
q at Plundersweilen.J
. That the im .
Parasitic alie migration of Ea t
aliens ns shall be t s ern ]ew
a n d 1 e w s s h a 1 I b o P p e d, a n d t h a t s a n d . o th er
A.t the f e e p or t e d. u n d e s 1 ra b 1 e
like vermin of the great inflation )ews
they Germany. and Poland flocked
started whilst of
thousand carpets, diamonds Slnes, buying up ev . creep
rator copper, lead,' platinum,
Germans - in th ey qUJckJy became v 'bi grain (the E n,
C . e eyes of 'normal y and took
ompromJse is tt .
administrators u erly madmissible i .
of the race m whose racial beliefs aren meetmg !he case. We m
and by
or JC Idea. must be turned Northwar " . o the anti-semtic
This . d tn the sense of the
questwn do
Programme of the ers not perhaps belon
not muc11 N.S.D.A..P but g properlrJ to the .
be done with the must .ali uu;i<'rstand
n nation uutil it h at
But we as been 'de-
h can state h
as only - at an and now that t .
markable interest Y rate m theory - been the ternhlc racial decaden

36 ma e real progress. ut solid and
1 1 /1 S ta l t' <lt 1 ' ,. 11 h 1 l' \\ 1 oll'lllllliol
1 Ir ut n one bu L G l' r 111 11 n .. 11 h " h ,. 1 l 1 v l' l11 G er man
lhd l u r Il nd the co 111 111 o 11 cl1 l l 11 tl o 1 .111 l' r 111 a n s, s ha Il
JIIIJ the rights of a ol lil l' '> tal e.
1 111'11 here limits must be dnrw11. lll'opl1 , who, even lhough German
111 1cl consciously in a WB!J l11]111'1ou ... ln lht' nation and the State, and
1 1 .md ohey orders from abroud l. l'. do not accept a share in the
u 1 1on destiny, may not be alh>WI'd the ri!)hts of citizenship; there are
11 11'11 Lo whom we shall have lo den!J lhc high honour of enjoying these
111111
h. No n-Germans may onl!J dwell in the German State
1 quests, and shall be r egar d ed as being subject to
! dgn l aw.
rhis is a necessary prlnciple, calculated to put an end forever to the
1 tlllll obsequiousness towards the foreigner. But it does not mean that
'hall not welcome citizens of a foreign country warmly and treat them
Il as guests so long as they conduct them selves properly; but
7. The rights and interests o f Germans shall have
prl fe rence over those of the subjects of a foreign
11 1 Lio n.
Our further requirements need not be included in our Programme in
ddail. For instance, the form assumed by the laws affecting foreigners will
orne on for settlement later, also the methods for excluding the Jews.
1\ Programme of principles cannat be expected to be a Programme of
II'Lion, giving tactical details of how supremacy is to be secured, etc.
1 am opposed altogether to fixing our Programme too rigidly, for in this
qreat struggle we must first determine the prindples from which we shall
never draw back, and not imitate the votecatching methods of the
hourgeois and Socialist Parties.
Economie Policy
It is the duty of the National Government to provide
the ne<:essaries of !ife and not to secure the highest
pos sible profits for Capital.
lt may occur to simple, plain-thinking men that to announce this
obvious tact as a principle is superfluous. lt is a common-place to the
producer, the farmer, the artizan, the manufacturer, that what he makes
is either used or consumed, - by himself or, as an article of commerce,
by others.
In bis eyes business which is not concerned with production or con-
sumption is ridiculous, impossible, against common sense.
This brings us to one of the great intellectual difficulties in our
recruiting work. Our fellow-countrymen are bound to say: - Of course
your natural sentiment in thinking of the mearngs and aims of labour
37
nuct <'t'OIIOmics is quite correct, but unfortunately our so-called
ecouorny of to-day in no way answers to this natural claim. If
closer you Will discover the terrible characteristics which are utterly
sed to the obvious duty of ali national politlcal economy. -
For wh at about the money-len ders and profiteers? Do these
plunderers give a thought to providing the necessaries of !ife? No
they engaged in creating values, do they produce anything? Nol
are robbers and traitors in the economie sense, and merely amass for themselves.
What about the banks? They circula te money and give 'credit'. Y
but the Post Office does this, and cheaper, quicker and better; and
whom do the banks give credit? - To the needy, the labouring
who have no home of their own, or for building bouses, for :suiiJUJ.u"u
the crying need of dwellings? No! Or to the farmers, or to th ose
run businesses and who produce and distribute the economie necessaries?
Not freely, and only if security is offered, over and above the natura]
engagement to repay; moreover they charge interest. Do the banks care
whether the producers' customers are served weil, cheaply and promptly,
or whether economie necessaries are supplied quickly, cheaply and With
due attention? No! Their one thought is for making their profit out of the
interest, commission, or whatever the banking process of tapping the
supply of money is ca lied. What do the banks pro duce? Nothing! What
do they earn? Vast sums.
Thus money-Ienders, proflteers, banks, financiers, supply no necessity,
but instead they draw huge profits from the prevailling capitalist system,
- in fact they tyrannise over and exploit the anti-social economie system
of to-day. The main task of economies is to see that the interest on
loans is secure, i. e. the workers are forced to give up part of their
earnings to the 'City'. What does the factory-owner, or as the workers
cali him, the 'exploiter' and ' blood-sucker' do? By paying the lowest
possible wages, by using inferior material, by mass-production, averaging,
and high retail priees, he tries to make the largest possible profit for himself.
He gives no thought to his employs' poverty; he does not care if his
wares have to be quickly thrown away as rubbish, - ail the better, since
it means more work and more profits for him. The silly people rush again
and again after cheap rubbish, if only it is displayed attractively.
The return on his capital cames first Wi!h hlm, supplying necessaries
of !ife cames a bad second.
He does however do something. He supplies work.
The true factory-owner is something quile different, he who is
conscious of his high task as an economie len<kr. !Je must possess high
woral worth - in the economie sense at leasl. llis lusk is to discover the
real economie needs of the people - if he ls nlso "" Juventor he does this
pioneer work himself. He must keep his costs us low as he can and lay
them out to the best advantage, keep prit<>s <low11 liS low as possible in
arder to get his goods on to the kttp up both quality and
38
. () !hui lluq rnuu be uhle
. ilh
11
'''
11
'
1
lmprovements and
1 11111 "' pmdutlton, Pll!l 1 '" thluiii111J o Il this first in his
oods fn.><>hJ,
11111
' 1 11 ltco puls
11
hl hest
1111""' q l and .trndluq ulrtltw lifl' in. the hest and g.
1 W111 ' ol 1 . liu Ill'' Il- ' ol ' . ilhout his making
1 1 lm Ill' ls 1'01111' ol lw universally known
Il ' und profits . t Tlu fhw.t il nd rnosF d There are other
til 111 ""' f malllli lll'llll''' r

eqo:ay hlgh, - Krupp,
lt11ph o Il heav whlt 1 s rous others.
1 olt ln our own Sit'lllt' lls, and nume . t when they are
1\1"' " " 1\bb, Mann ch is altogether who look after
1 hl' character of fiu d by men of high moral qu t impersonal Iimited
'"'' fH' rsonally cont;o eorkers but a re handed over o
sts of theJr w ' Id
"" lnlt' l e . the chief shareho er
'' 11t pnnies. f der of a business IS h' products, ali may
'io long as the of excellence o .lS overhelmed by the
lnd ran maintain the a: conversion takes place the managers,
'" weil; but as shareholders: The for improve-
lultrtsts of the Board representmg the sd't'ons - and the share-
nmv depend on e and working con 1 1 driver) in the welfare
mPnts in m'!t (beyond that of the slave-lon as the dividends
holders have no excellence of the of proprietory
of the workers od large ones. T e rn chance speculator
l'oming out of 1t are influence, for f industrial works
'""" h" hd ." ::'':md ootually b<oomo E<ohongo to<k "':
l'an corner the s ar . about them. To t e with They are no
without knowing anythmg ch paper for them to play t of. them could not
are merely .. so roduction and labour, labour wages and
interested in or conditions of by law. ( !)
say what the u th business of which they ar: pen to have cornered
maintenance are ln e Il are just because they ap
1\.nd owners the.y actua in the market. . of its effect on
the shares of Uns or this state of affairs in the of the capitalist
Let us now examme to realise the corrupt charac
Political economy, so as t 1
system. . rel looks for a re ur The cultivate t n on cap1 a
To-day busmess1 metor'!s follow y desire for
The large retaJ s . ' 'lux ury articles ' an
. , 'bluff' 'averaglng
'attractwn. .
1
showed above. refinement, invite to
non-necessarJes, iit with ali the of less articles, and by
Great palaces, bu a but most! y qrnte use. customers to spend
purchase of' payment they entice provided to ena ble
offering easy con 1 lOon pure Iuxury. thus become mere hot-
ali manner of g time in the w .Je he gets anything as a
people to spend a for let no one stores. they know what
beds for extravagan ' le don't buy ln large s dear. Do the
t
Really weil-off peop he who buys cheap y b 'lt otherwise
presen d 't know - they were u1
the poorer one .on those palaces imagine k they get off paying for
crowds who bu y
111
d p pennies? Do they '!' like illuminatiOn?
than with their the rest-rooms, the fwry-
the escalators, the
1
39
llallw, uho, that lire large stores spell tuin to the sma11 shop-keep
lhut lhl'IJ Pxploit home-labour and their staffs most cruelly, that what Js
r11u11ufurtund is mostly rubbish. The better articles are usuaiJy dearer than
lo '"P'<toble 'Peciall"d 'hop,, a faot whioh '""'"" ooc fight '"""'
the large stores. We regard them as a special form of the capitalistic idea
in practical operation, Which does not provide necessaries of life, but is
merely there for the purpose of producing buge profits for the shareholders.
Given this leading conception of provision of the necessaries of !ife
(Whioh, "" 'hoold obmvo, h" ao!Jtiog !o do with !he sohome
of eroaomlos), the '"""'" """' fic" ln lmportan ln "' at!ltode tow"d'
private property.
8. National Socialism recognises private ownership
of prop ert y as a principle and protects it by law,-
given that it is acquired and employed honourably. We cannat discuss it
hooe, bot oay oae who <lgh!ly rompoehends !he !eom 'wook' wH! qold<ly
see that the product of 'work' must be tlJe property of him who works.
A. producer Will fail ta understand why his work, or its value, should be
the property of a vague 'community', nor will he readily admit that the
fruits of his labour should go ta an individuaJ, the capitalist. Hence a
right understanding of the meaning of 'work' leads naturally to recognition of private ownership.
There is finally a further subject - the conception of the home.
The Home is not a reality unless it reaiJy is a man's own property, and
his own home his own family. A. man's own fruit and vegetables
out of his own garden taste better than a meal eaten in a crowded eating
house. A.ny one who does not know the longing for possessions nor the
Joy of """"''" wJU fol/ to oMernta.d !he lmpootanc. of <eoogn;""
private ownership. Such a man bas no roots anywhere. It is curious that
the preying type of man is always envious, always seeking something fresh
ta possess, whilst the Nordic man, the solid man of the sail, is absolutely
modest in his ideas. He wants no more than he can get by his work.
il workman do es not wish to have a fine villa Which he could never earn;
he wants a nice little bouse of his own, not a hired one for which in the
course of his life he would be paying three or four times much as the
house cast to build. But the ]ew, the capitalist, - he does not want to
be tied to any plot of land; his ideal is a big safe stuffed with scrip,
mortgage deeds and promissory notes. Wealth, not in property but in
other people's mortgaged property, is his aim. He does not work, but he
rests not till he bas amassed bundles of bonds giving him the whip
band over ail those to whom he has lent money. The next demand of our
Programme is framed in order to put a stop to tllis.
9. The w e 1 fa r e of th e n a ti on d e m a n d s th a t a 1 i m i t
shaJJ be set to the amassing of wealth in the bands of i n d i v i d u a 1 s.
Wealth is not injurious in itself; on the contrary, possessions weJJ
administered do good to ali who are connected witlJ them. But again
it is the capitalist system of loans which l1as llll'll ed wealth from a bles-
sing into a curse; it is robbery. The great mass of possessionless workers
40
1 111 , 1111 , .,1pmulltl
idd(e Chis\ lill' tl 1111111 ltlllil ; , :: ::
111
lill dl'i>l , lllld 1111'
1111 lndebted m llll IIWIII'I ' 1111 Ill Il tlll l 1 11111111' 1111111, WUXI"
lill' rich; ltllootl "" lui lo t 1 '"", ;:;.', ll;"o" c 1111'
1
of the fmanc1ers, Il
1
,
111
,
11
""""
111
1111
11 1
n1ore sinister, as they s ,
1
'"
1
,
11
11
1
1 '" 11 '"
To meet this the NaUonn , , ' c o Ill "' " tt i t !J o 1
Ill il li G er m ans s 1 a . 1 1 h' 1 " """ '"' 1 . Il h ' 1 " ' "' ' d '" 1 " 1 w !! Il Il r <.> a " d
. h furtherunc"
"1 le f 0 r t e c overlltrow or llH'
1 ,. 1 1 tt r. 't of wo1l1 lnq> 1 ' lucUon mus. e tl
liu trononll 1 b in-
1 his idea of commumfy cieiiJ /I ll lVIII'' "'"' Jl' oc '1 Il is in no wau
. ception o so .
1111
couunum.y. .
1 0
11111
con . h 'dea of scrvlrt lu . that indiv1dua pr -
'"'" " within the htf and '."'' 'II Our No. 11 gives
l' "'scd to persona t the expence of 0111' ., f ow
, , shall not a
If " 1 on to this demand. k attaching to every
NIIITSS
1 1
1 of wor . l ry
f
the genera 1" Y . a princtp e, eve
Il. Within the frame of privafe ownerslup as he chooses, and
and with recogm wn . whatever manner 1 ,, nu an, free to earn tn
' tman bfe the results of his labour. . . . hemes of Marx.ism
1 t to dt spose o 1 rejects the socJahsmg greatest possible
The foregoing express y State shall include t e vice - - It is
d also high finance. Tr\ed by the social idea of sae:es ;olling mills,
,:::mbe< of fcee to mn ,;d lndependenl
ool course out o Il scale but a hundre r shoe factones.
hip-yards on a sma re better than five t of Germany are more
estates in the North if managed by small
. run ohn ff within easy reach of towns
p1 o Small free o
lcoehold '"'"'" N 12 demonds thot'
11
kin d'
tnd villages. Our o. . f b u si n e s s e s of a m ai n -
mbinatton o . shall be 12. il he a lt h y co . 1 u ding far m 1 n g,
e a n d s m a Il, I n c
1 a r g t .
0
n a li s e d.
1 o lne d. . "" ('yndl!.,, ''"''') '" "'1: agoln'! the
13 Gre at bus 1 ne t with our general strugf in any parti-
demand is . of syndicates and m businesses for
. 'd a _ Tne 1r . 'th other st d e to
pl!"lsbo ' ' . d ctlon ;, !o umte W< eooed by no "'" d
' "'" boao<h o: ""'" m speciolly

the purpose o t a cheap pnce. uc f' ms in the same m
"'"!bote good "' dolng r:.; '""' ,, ' veoy 1':;.;.';
by new busmesses d put out of t e ' b pooling, by w 1
business are Supply with an appl
ri ce by way o ulate pnces m the share 10 ,
they are able Thot ls wh! New ldeas and
enuine 'supply em: rces kept low by suppressed if
hm no hostile eye, aod r of oldeo plants. Su<'h
' nventions are vlewe n er the paying capaci y office are clearly
adopUon woold gusts f<om ooy o the ""
1
"'
businesses, i e. they have cease
' ripe for sacralisation , . 41
loth(' cornmunity which indi .
lys<'<l from the start and oniVIdual competition performs. They are
y serve the greed of capitalism
. 14. Usurers and r f' .
mde n ttaht the exP e c i d r uht h 1 es s se If-e
e a . J o n, s a Il b e p u n i s h
The Law, as it is now iv .
Srnall th.efts are punished protection to individual
of. c?tchmg large scale swindl y, whereas the Law supplies
tahstJc methods'. We refer es e who rob an en tire nation b
by. the It was the p to who promoted and Y
:tn?us nation was robbed of the .hJstory that an entire
ation on the vast scale as oG xts savings by a crime of
The gr d f m ermany.
b ee
0
the banks after the t
ro hery. More Germans feil . r s abJhsation was worse than
panies' than to any organised practices of the 'war
When the time cornes we hall .
and shall have to find a legal with these things more in
th at 'organised fraud against the them. But everyone will
severely than small th ft na ton must be punished
e s of money, or fraud.
15. Introduction of .
or service for every year of !abou
The obligation to serve b . .

fosgf to
ne man togeth I . e w ole co ' .
strict fulfi!ment

man
or e service of the nation.
Financial policy
Breakiug the tbraldom of . t
o . . ID erest.
ur prmcxples on this sub
second chapter, that we shaH have ?een so fully set down in th
for our objective in here the measures suitabl!
16. Liberation of th
its indebtedness and and so.of the nation, from
terest to the grat financial hthe obligation to pay in
42
Th St o u s e s. -
ate may make no debts - .
JS no comparison between the Jt !tas no necessity to do so
very now and then requires Jo . a e and the private persan wh .
contrais the M.int; it can thus !n! :nd JS forccd to make debts. Tlle
cannat do! It did this . . e rn on e !J, whlch the ri vat
;he with the <!urina the
o t e so-called Reichsbank - with sam(' resigning its control
The State could make far b e so cnlled Reichsmark.
without the danger of inflatio .use of lhls right to make mo
n emg mvolvt>d. But only if first: ney.
1 lit and ali /lu ,,. llttlimwli.\ l'd, tllld
If 1/icrr is provision of mont' l' Jttr 11/1 grtn/ p11blic objrl'ls
(llrlltl fl mvtr, railroads, rie.) nol ht 1111'1111 \ of l ouas, bu/ by granting
11 Statc bond\, '" 11'11/um/ n\ i ng rtady money.
ln olher words: - Wautou prlnllnq or bu11k notes, without creating
111 11 values, means inflation. W1 Hll llved through it. But the correct
1 .ull'lllsion is that an issue or 11011 - ll[('I'CSL bearing bonds by the State
1 tnnol produce inflation if new villnes ure at the same time created.
The fact that great economie enterprises cannot be set on
lo 11 without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable
11 of the State's right to produce money which might produce most
IHnl'ficial results.
Il must be clear to anyone that, for instance, a great electrical plant
11 ing water-power might weil be erected in the following unexceptional
ntluner:
The Government introduces a Bill in the legislative Council for ex-
plolling the of Bavaria, Saxony, etc., by satisfying ali
tonomic requirements. The local Diet, or other body, decides on con-
ruction, empowers the Finance Minister or the State Bank to issue a
aories of bank notes, marked specially to show that they are fully covered
hy the new works under contemplation. These notes are supported by the
tombined credit of the State or the Reich. No one can show any
objection on the score of inflation. Construction takes place on the
udditional credit granted by the Council representing the nation, and the
notes become legal tender like the rest.
When the work is completed, nitrates or electricity are supplied
to customers against this money, and in a few years the issue can be
recalled and destroyed. Result: The State, the nation has. instituted a
new work, which secures to them a great new source of revenue,
and the nation is the richer by it.
To prove the folly of the present system let us compare the-
foregoing with what goes on now.
1\ Joan is taken up. 1\ few capitalists do what the whole nation,
even though Parliament may vote in fa v our of it, cannat do; they allow
the State to borrow money from them. Instead of using its direct
authority for the benefit of the nation, the State engages to pay
manent interest for the sum required to complete certain work, thereby
hanging a mill-stone round its neck. And, what is most costly of ali,
it issues bonds, thus creating 'fresh purchasing capacity'. On the balance-
,t makes no difference whether the new work is represented by
new paper money or new bonds. But the community suffers injury
cause the bonds imply that the new work is mortgaged to capital, which
naturally makes itself quite secure, dictates priees, and takes the profits.
Thus it is really the financiers who are the richer by the development of
the nation's they are indifferent about repayment; they
like to have to such monopolies as permanent milking cows. The
lation are forced to pay dear for electric current or nitrates, and once
again a part of the national property is converted in the interests of the
financiers.
43.
1 refer the reader to my earlier writlngs, especially Der
d e 11 1 s (' Il <.' S t a a t, which treats these questions in more detail than
is possible in this pamphlet. Severa! numbers in this series, moreover, deal
with va.-ious special aspects of the comin,g State's novel methods of
creating money.
Point 19 demands introduction of a fixed standard of
coin ag e. That we admittedly have now, but the robbery remains the
same as before. We National Socialists had everything ready, once we
were in power, for bringing the inflation swindle to an end forthwith,
and for introducing a new guaranteed standard of coinage.
20. E s t a b 1 i s h m e n t o f a n e w n a t i o n a 1 b a n k f o r d e v e-
l o p m e n t a n d e c o n o m y.
This demand is exhaustively explained in Pamphlet 8 of the National
Socialist Library: Di e W o h n u n g sn o t u n d di e S o c 1 a 1 e B a u- u n d
Wirtschaftsbank ais Retterin a us Wohnung selend,
W i r t s c h a f t s kr i s e u n d Er w er b s 1 os e n e 1 e n d. It ls remarkable
that this demand of ours for a financial policy has penetrated deeply
into other political circles besides our own.
ln 1921 I submitted this demand to the Bavarian Government in the
form of a fully worked out Bill. There was at first much sympathy
with the idea: but once the 'experts' - banking fraternlty - were drawn
into consultation, the Government rejected 'Feder's Utopia'.
After the successfuJ Election in Thuringia in February, 192/l, our Party
in the Landtag there worked hard for establishing such a bank and found
von Klchtzner, the Finance Minister, prepared to co-operate; the bourgeois
section also were in sympathy. By a majority vote in the Landtag the
Government were empowered to establish a Social Bank for development
and economy. Whereupon the Government of the Reich, un d er pres-
sure from the R e i ch sb an k, for bade the will of the people being carried out.
I had in the meanwhile managed to have a Bill in outline introduced in
the Reichstag, providing for similar banks in the different States; in the
short Session of the Dawes year (192lJ) however, it was cautiously
postponed by the Government Parties until the dissolution in the autumn
of that year.
A Bill for a bank was before the Landtag of Mechlenburg. The
Resolution was made ineffective by the vacillation of the German-
nationalist Finance Minister, also owing to the obstacles which the
Reichsbank was expected to place in the way.
The idea underlying the bank for development is no less simple than
the plan explained above for creating money for great public purposes.
A combined economie corporation, such as the bank for economie
development, should be given the right to issue money for development
(Bau rn ar k- Sc hein en) covered by the value of the newly built
bouses. These could then be erected free from the huge burden of
interest, which alone to-day makes it impossible to build in sufficient
quantities.
44
G WIJIJ Il IJOIIII' 11.1 IJI'-. OWJl. ver!J ermnn 1 1
1\ Cree people Oll lliii' IH'Illllhtttl 1111(. .
{' r of lht .\ 1'\ltm of faxa/ton
'1 Com
11
tete re-modellllf, /
1
,
1
, consumer from
J l !i /)t'/(Jt'f"ll Il '" .
1
/tltml rconomtr prwctp e
1
. r from taxes wluch
/ lllrfirect taxation, and flu prruu"
111 (IJt!tt'S.
on social
t he burden
ramp !tis
Social Policy
. tto of our present political cure-alls.
Social policy is the favonte mou! d attracts votes for the Party
11 -.ounds so ruee, rn thin right.
. akes them pop ar, an
' hich promises to make eve:y g ff al for instance, an increase of
When every Party the o tet ,
JIIIIJ, they caU that Social Policy. . to rant the wishes of the clerks
lt is the same when they pr?mltset e9eve people with small incomes,
und workers; or w teachers or Germ ans a roa
hen they do a htt e o r b d
or war sufferers, or young olitical rat-catchers when they play
A d ali the people run after these p
on 'social' flutet. ial Policy denotes, The pub l! c
It must first be made clear that as now understood, Social
w e 1 fare th e hi g he s t 1 a w, an . do regard to the general wei-
li
!1
is really one of havmg d and those who make them
po c f less promises are ma e, h
fare AU sorts o care . . rn ossible to fulfil t em.
must know from the sta.rt that It ts II P politically, economically and
Now that German y ts so he Dawes Laws and now m
' ally - which finds expresswn ftrst m/ of fulfilment which has latd
CI L and in the so-called po tcy . "ble - it is both false
Young aw,our nation, making life alm?st. German !ife is so
to "lk ond tcylng
d when each man ts h the different classes o

0
f hlm ond to hovo
0
"' ''""P ,, tho oxpooc;
population are at for the general goocl', but
of another are not Social o y know very weil that a mom.en y
inciting one class against of living and higher
'improvement' is annulled by a different - a determmatwn to
Social policy means something very . .
solve the social problem. . ki classes believe that thelr JUSt
The out-of-luck, is being withheld from them
wages, their proper posttlon m the socr . . .
bence c 1 a s s w ar. . . . suffering from deep mJurtes,
It is clear to ali that our economiC. ly Marxism with its

expropriator' .and social policy, whose lughest aw
the true requrrements of g
the general welfare.
1
ll.n allusion to the Pe 1 . d pper of Hameln.
45
Tl11 hutllu!J prludph of class war - as a principle of policy - fi
frutrcd. 'J:xpropdutlon of the expropriator' makes of envy a principle
cconomirs, and 'socialisation' means striking down personality in lea.
dershlp, and setting up materialism, the mass, in the place of intellect and efficiency.
Nothlng further is needed to prove the utter break-down of the
.Marxist doctrines, seeing the complete bankruptcy of the Commurust system
of economies and the miserable failure of the German Revolution of 1918,
I Would cali my readers' particular attention to the fact that this
pseudo-socialism, born of M.arxism, is not founded on common sense
nor on any 'social' idea, is not constructive, but remains sunk in the
depths of political thought, that it rests on the same general
principle of crass and chaotic individualism as we bave always known
it to do. It is believed merely by a number of individuals, united by
feelings of hatred and envy - not by any constructive purpose - against
the other half of the nation. Can we be surprised that the social
question is not, and cannat be, solved by this means, and that their sole
solution is hatred and the desire for loot; that a living State could not
result from the M.arxist Stock Exchange revoit, but only a heap of ruins.
Once agan National Socialism finds the right ward: Stock Exchange
revoit. M.arxism is an expression of capitalistic treason. Capitalistic,
because when a society founded on individualism has fallen into chaos,
it of necessity falls under the sway of the great financial magnate.
The social-political theories, Which pretend to be 'anti-capitalistic'
(M.arxism, the war between classes) - Social policy as understood to-day
- are necessarily capitalistic, for they share the same intellectual prin-
ciple. They have not the wish to construct organically member by member,
to interlock with painful care the different classes working under the high
conception of national unity, but their aspirations are purely selfish, tbeir
wish is to better their own position without regard to others.
Capitalism and M.arxism are one and the same! They grow on the
same intellectual stem. There is a whole world of difference between them
and us, tbeir bitterest opponents. Our whole conception of the con-
struction of society differs Widely from theirs. It is neither a class-
struggle nor class-selfishness, but - our chief law is the general welfare.
22. G r e a t d e v e 1 o p m e n t s i n 0 1 d A g e I n s u r a n c e b y
nation a 1 i sin g 1 ife- an nuit i es. Eve r y m e m ber of the Ger-
man nation shall be assured of enough to live upon on at-
taining a certain age, and before that age if perma-
n e n t 1 y d i s a b 1 e d.
That is the solution of the social problem.
It is not so much direct discontent With wages, salaries and incarnes
which causes social tension, as uncertainty, a man's anxiety about his
later years, lest he may be flung on the slreets. It is this knaWing
anXiety which drives the various occupations to join together in sham-
social organisations of the M.arxist and capitalist types and embitters the
animosity between employer and employ. It releases the basest in-
stincts on both sides, and mutual animosity is the result. The worker's
46
-
IIIOllll' lllmu inrrease of
. . des awau ln lill' ' " uqqlt
11
"
11
, ,
1
. odnl pollrtJ should
l
l ll ur aim In hfe fa l' . whllt tiH Il'' nt ,,lill ,,
d he never rea1ses
1\ 1 ll' 'i, an . . r r Cl 1 d ,) If,. d
r
0
p er pro v 1 s 1 on . oo<l utd rom men -
' . how titi' Stlll\' olhnlvl'rl'cl a . 'ror them aftcr
We n.ote .once of the offldlll du ..... h!J ideal of
ti lh solutwn tf: proper and happ!J t 1 of provislou, based
1. 1 nment. lt lS e rt 't 'nto the lrtll' Stut l s t ea
1 me namely to conve . 1
1::: ';lcr;onal labour and efflClency. . of National Socialism to r ealise
lt will be the highest and noblest aun
d d Of general welfare. thh stan ar
h
g for ali. 1
23 p r o f i t - s a r 1 n . d It is in fact a pure !:l
Th
. N S D JI. p identifies itself .. nevertheless it cames
e . r sense o ali
;;; ;':' ! .::::: ,::., ud tho
Sharing of profits .arising sharp1y attackekd. bya
h earned mcome 's own wor lS
hud of t e un. of the profits from a man b d anced against it as a
\Ollalism. Shanng_ Il o J'ust that nothing can e a v
.o natural and sacra !:l s , . .
le 'ff'cult arises that 1s, rn
pnncrp . . 't that the dt 1 y 'kl d in-
It is in the due to the in-
thniting the and of that due to the other circum-
ol ustry of the wo; t the merchant, the managemen
vcntor, the accoun ' h business. h
;tances connected wtth t e arties who increase t e
lt is of course highly importar;\ttha\ Even
f
P
roduct should not be e bout which capital hop es to ge value o a art of the oo Y
the present system some P o ered for the worker.
out of a business could be rec v t' of how later on the NationaL
here the ques lOn
We shall not discuss blem
Socialist State will solve the pro . 1 lowering of priees, at the
. dered that a genera Id be the better an
1 personally cons! at the present leve!, wo? t the profits of
ti me waf;s fulfil the demand for sharmg ou
more prachcal way al oduction. 1
the whole of our natwn pr N t' na! Socialist State will sod ve
ssible that the a
10
h is conceived to- ay
lt is po ore manner t ru;,he present demand
the :nha and capitalishc tend.encyfor profits (essentially
by brams wlt a . 'ther from a desire
for profit-sharing sprmgs Marxist). . .
'talistic) or from envy . 't s it justifJed, because,
capt we concetve 1 1 . . thod of
In the ideal State 1 must avoid the is to
when we come to in the business,. the sole lJividends, and also
granting a shaieholders their nght thpersonal factor and in-
secure for t e a f y for that debases
the Marxist idea o
jures the general publtc. 4 7
w,. !Jivc a few examples for the sake of clarity.
IL does no good Lo the 'profit-sharing' workers in a shoe factory to
a few shares in the business or a small bonus or a pair of shoes at
priee, if they have to pay just as dear for their shirts, suits, socks, food
drink, because the tailors, bakers and brewers caver the greed of t
clothiers, bakeries and breweries by their own 'profit-sharing'.
Lowering of priees is the charm Which must g i v
every member of the nation a share in the prof i ts o
n a ti o n a 1 p r o d u ct i o n.
lt wl!l not satisfy the feeli ng of social justice of a genuine Nationa
Socialist it fhe street-sweepers, day-labourers, railway-men, postmen
transport-workers, hospital-workers - to name only a few -, agricultura
labourers, miners, builders' labourers, are to be excluded from profit
sharing, simply because these classes do not contribute to increase value
ll.lso of agriculture, (in which not merely the details of farmin_g have to b
considered, but also the millions engaged in other businesses connecte
with it) it must be said that it 'pays' in years when the harvest is good
in the heavy industries also, the mines only yield a bare profit owing th
pressure of world competition.
Can we assert that these millions of workers and employs, who ar
often engaged in most important branches of industry, but who, owing t
the circumstances, cannat hope for a direct share in the profits, are to ge
Jess consideration than the numerous class, who work perhaps a.
washers-up or porters in a nightc:lub or a Turkish bath, or in an optica
or chemical factory enjoying a monopoly and supplying the wh ole world?
Are the latter to share the profits and dividends on luxury production
are they to make lt more and more impossible for the majority of th
nation to attain to these advantages?
We like to contemplate a shower of dividends, bonuses, Christmas
presents of money poured out upon workers and officiais, who have dom
splendid work for a business for years. Such aspirations of a social
political nature need not be discussed and argued in this treatise on
general principles. The demand, as things are now, is an important demand,
and one which should attract adherents. 'Profits' depend mainly on the
general business situation and on the technical skill and salesmanship of
the management; failure may come through faulty construction or a
mistake in calculations. However skilled the workers may be, however
industrious, they can have little or no influence on the results of
the year's work, or on the gains or !osses. Their efficiency justifies them
in demancling a proper and sufficient wage, but there are no moral or
economie grounds for their claiming a share in the profits. They would
quite rightly resis t the suggestion that they should cover any !osses of the
business year out of their savings; they would rightly resist being
expected to mal1e up, by a lowering of wages, for bad management or
extravagant living on the part of the directors. But 'profit-sharing' is
only justifiable if there is ability and readiness to share risks and !osses,
or if special effcency merits it.
Here is one aspect of general profit-sharing.
48
. ul tlu 1''"111. "' r,,rnlllll!J, wUh
Why for \houlrl liu !Ill . lo "'' hui u tupllahsiJc
tlulr predominaul positio11 of




1
' "c':
1
'':
1
::
1
lll'nlruluo,lrk, uud al
llklng
cow for the slwr<>holch-1 . " 1 1 Ill lo thclr workers an(
Ill 1 Il hill,. Il (lill
by raising pn ces, !1 vc
ullicials? N
1 111
\odulisl Slale to see that
lt will be the task ol lllu 1 '.' liu ql'neral disposai by a most
huge monopolist profits s.hull w Jl lll'' .
'lnerous lowering of pnct>s. n uestion of Social pohcy,
1 lt is obvious that the prohlPtll 1.,_ capitalistic social order
but is closely bound up with IIJC pll st>u
(shareholders's claims). d rinciples and to be guided
We wish to apply these shortly p as as possible in
by them in our aim of realising profit-s into the pockets of
ali businesses in which the proftls go e
professional financiers. . t a d e b y h o n est
. . f ali prof1ts no m d
24 E x p r o p r 1 a t 1 o n o t h e R e v o 1 u t i o n - a n
r k b u t th r o u g h t h e ar, r e - v a l ua t i o n o f the
f
w uor t h' e r - t h e s t a b i 1 i s a t 1 o n a n d 1 e n d e r s a n d g r a b b e rs.
rty of money- .
mar k ; a 1 s o the pro p e . and ustice, requiring no explanatwn
This is a measure of pumshment J
und er any principle. b y e x t e n s iv e
d rth of hous1ng .
25. R e m o v a 1 o f t h e e a . c h w i t h t h e m e a n s p r o v 1 -
b u i 1 d i n g th r o u g h o u t t h e e 1 d e v e 1 o Pme n t). This closes the
de d und er No. 2 0 (the ban k ho financtal question not n;tuch
list of social-poli ti cal demands. Onf t e 1 . a very large special
can be said in this pamphlet, r minds understand and WhlCh
and one which, it would seem, yd 1 t by them. Pamphlet 8 of the
ali will have to be came . ou
Jfbrary deals fully with the subJect.
Religion and Art
his sub'ect moN! than a very rew
lt is not possible to state on t ro That has been
leading princip! es in . the spac: of a not to drag questwns of
done. For the rest Jt must e o'f olitics . although we may weil
religion into statements on doct;ines of Judaism as an ob)ect
the corrupting influence of t e se
for public statements and attacks. t . d attacks on Christianity. Ex-
Tne same applies . the s uri done harm" merely t hat
pressions su ch as nor political intelligence.
the man who says them as net h for meddling in politics, and ali
One may weil the Churc lties racticed in the name of the
good Christians wil_l t wit!-craft, but it . is wrong
Cross by the lnqutsttwn, an fi h omenon in human htstory for. t e
abuse in general terms the The Christian religion bas rats:d
mistakes and u and brought them to God by t e
and edified millions an mt
way of suffering.
4 49
Tin c ulturp of !111 Middle Ages stood up in the sign of the Cross;
achil'vPnll'Jit, sarrificc, courageous faith have their roots in Christianity.
Thus wc must be careful to distinguish the inner spiritual kernel of
Christianity from the various forms of excrescence which have appeared
upon it in its passage through history.
Our Party stands upon th e basis of po s itive Chri- s tian i t y.
This is not the place to discuss ali the problems, hopes and desires
as to whether the German nation may at sorne time discover sorne new
form for its religious beliefs and experiences; these are matters qui te
beyond the limits of a Programme such as that of National Socialism.
1t is of urgent importance to set our face against ali the disruptive
influences whiCh are doing harm to our nation in the domain of art, lite-
rature, science, the stage, the moving pictures, and above ali throughout
the entire Press. Our Programme of principles - the 25 Points - goes
far enough into detail for it to be unnecessary to say any more on this
subject.
Military and other Reforms
The national Jl.rmy, the Chambers of trades and professions, reform
of the franchise and the law, are such vast questions affecting public
that they cannat be dismissed in a few sentences. The leading ideas
are set out in the Programme itself, but the task of thinking and working
them out and, above ali, of grafting them on to the historical past will be
the great problem of the coming years, when we hope that political power
will be ours, and when we shaH have be equipped with the force and
knowledge necessary for taking over the business of the State.
Here we have a rich field for research under National Socialism.
The significance of National Socialism is shawn by the fact that it
leaves no domain of the national li fe untouched; for it provides an
entirely new foundation on which we shall have to build up that life.
5. What we do not desire
Tn order to strengthen the positive side of our Programme it will
be weil to state shortly what we do n o t desire.
We do not desire the wheels of history to turn backwards nor to
restore to !ife dynasties which faded away, leaving hardly a trace of
themselves - through their own fault. Nor do we desire to set the
classes that have been dethroned up again in thei1 former privileged
positions. The officer class and the officiais are r eally no higher or
better than any other professional class, in so far as they genuinely worlc
in with our idea of serving the nation first of ali.
It is not uniform or gold lace, but performance, which make a man.
We do not desire one-sided preference or artificial elevation for the
working class, nor any kind of proletarian dictatorship. No man may talk
himself into believing that any class mau. simpi!J from having been
oppressed in the past, assume a daim to hr qi v(?u power. Such aspi-
50
1 tlhh Ill h 1111 ln J Il Jhk 11111
when translated utlo 111111 1 "" tl ' ' "l h 1 '' '""'" n vull
such as th ose wllldo Ill' ollll'll,llh d tiH d ,., "'''' "' IIH po pu
'quences,b r 1918 So for il h ""' ''" "'''" ' ' 1 ""'' . wlvt"

1
e t but u "' 1'"
111
" " IH
1
. . 1 111 of !111
1 ton whtch are on op,
1
lt llv qol l'" " ,,
1
u' profiteers, jabberers Ulld luul w, ;" on li dwtut o of lill'
lllrers, . d the odmhw.llullun " l"
political machme an .
roletariat has turned mto .
1
,
1 11
1 1 1 11 1 1 u 1'.
li The dictatorslllp ol 1111 .
. . tllul<l Nuiloll nl could havr
Even a new ordering ?f th<, s:ul,;. lt ,, V<' l H trained
f cces unless tt hac u . 1 . 1 tite princtples of our
llo hope o t en complel tht lllllull'd wll . E en with us too
taff of reso u rn of emrmJ 111111 I'XJH' rtl' l!(<?. v advantage
Programme, serwus men Id elhow lhPir IV:t!J tn and reap
many pure demagogues wou . n
under the new Tcise the faulls of a collapsing soctal arder tha
lt is much easter to en 1. . .
lo do constructive work on tt. ew Party, slowly a
We require not. a n hen erhaps acceptmg a post r
and its back in

in
Democracy is ftmshed as p Nationalists., who have already g
The same applies. to. the to get seats in the Government. of
on their main pnnctples .m. o ho take office purely for sake a
We do not want Mtmsters w hall consider any such postion ahs
f power but we s
1
and the rest t ere the position or or 'b' ctive Between ourse ves
towards our great
0
Je f world theory. .
is always the flaming sword o our ather the sham State, of the
. On the one side the State, or r d b necessity to mask the tyrann
democratic-parliamentary .star!t mob of }ew camp-followers
of the financiers, and tts ke a living out of the system.
and f:;;.a the


On our st ' . the true State of socta JUS 1
people, till we achJeve
6 Conclusion
e N. S. Library is to teach the
The task of this first of the Party Programme. We
National sfnog% main principle
have se en agam an . rlet thread: N at
1 0
n n
through ali our andin g n s ha Z tosp fs t
i s a the ory o rld of capitaltsm an
t o the present-day w?
d b o u r g e o i s s a t e 1 1 1 t e s. . f this mighty idea, a struggle
a n Our !ife is a struggle in the servtce o
f a new Germany. -banner before the world. Ever
or We National Socialists ouhr storm rises the Hooked Croos, the
. . d glittermg m t e sun,
Y
oung shmmg an -
b ,1 f re-awakening Itfe.
sym o
0
51