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URBANIZATION PROCESSES IN THE EXPANSION
AREAS OF LUANDA, MAPUTO AND JOHANNESBURG:
URBAN PLANNING AND EVERYDAY PRACTICES
VANESSA DE PACHECO MELO
Address: Av. Almirante J oo de Azevedo Coutinho, n222 Murtal, 2750-101 Parede, Portugal
e-mail: vanessa.p.melo@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
Southern Africa cities present strong socio-spatial disparities, whose emergence,
intensity and conformation are influenced by the particularities of their own historical,
political and socio-economic contexts and of the countries to which they belong.
According to these, various urban planning approaches and everyday practices
occur, giving rise to different tensions and convergences, which result from the ability
or not to overcome such socio-spatial disparities. The expansion areas of Luanda,
Maputo and J ohannesburg reflect the urbanization process specificity of each city.
Through their analysis the paper seeks to identify different urban planning and
everyday practices and to understand how these contribute or not to overcome the
existing socio-spatial disparities and to the arise of tensions and convergences,
focusing on the uneven capitalist production of space and on the performance of the
state and its institutions.

INTRODUCTION
At regional level, Southern Africa cities are generally characterized by a dual urban
structure, inherited from the colonial or apartheid system s, in w hich areas w ith
proper living conditions coexist w ith sem i-urbanized areas
1
, m arked by different
levels of precarious housing, insufficient infrastructures and basic facilities, usually
lacking security of tenure, am ong other socio-econom ic and environm ental
problem s, w here the m ajority of low incom e population lives. N ow adays, these
areas continue to develop and consolidate, in a rapid urbanization process, w hich
takes place in a dom inant neoliberal context.
At national level, Southern Africa cities and their urbanization processes differ and
are closely linked to their ow n historical, political and socio-econom ic contexts and
to the ones of their countries, as Angola/Luanda, M ozam bique/M aputo and South

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These areas m ay be w ord w ide designated as slum s, but m ay also be largely denom inated
as inform al (as in M ozam bique and South Africa, by academ ics, technicians and politicians,
but not so m uch in Angola, w here illegal or anarchic is m ore used). In Angola and
M ozam bique these areas are also called, respectively, m usseques (red earth) and canio
(reed), in opposition to the centre, the asphalt city and the cem ent city. The diversity of
designations, m eanings and connotations is subject of a broader debate, w hich is not w ithin
the scope of this analysis. As such, the term sem i-urbanized w ill be used, since it is a kind of
com m on characteristic of these areas, though w ith different levels of intensity.
C i t i e s , n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y
Africa/Johannesburg exem plify. In the expansion areas of these three cities, w here
land is m ore available and affordable, rapid urbanization dynam ics and urban
trends are m ore evident, reflecting the urbanization process specificity of each city
and entailing a variety of actors and interventions.
The different contexts influence the actorsperceptions of the cities and their ability
to intervene, inform ing differently urban planning and everyday practices. H ow do
these urban planning and everyday practices contribute or not to overcom e the
socio-spatial disparities present in the three cities? W hich tensions and
convergences em erge as a consequence? These are the questions the paper aim s
to address, looking at the expansion areas of Luanda, M aputo and Johannesburg.
G iven the m ultitude and com plexity of the intertw ined factors and actors involved,
the reflection focus on the uneven capitalist production of space, com m on to all,
and on the perform ance of the state and its institutions, as key elem ents that
m ediate private and public interests, regulate urban planning and have a
preponderant role in everyday practices.
BRIEF CONTEXTUALIZATION: COUNTRIES AND CITIES
If South Africa is the richest of the three countries, M ozam bique is one of the w orlds
poorest countries, despite its progressive econom ic recovery, since 1992. Angola,
in the m iddle, started a significant econom ic grow th since 2002, m ostly based on oil
exports. H ow ever, the three present great socio-econom ic inequalities, also present
in Luanda, M aputo and Johannesburg, preponderant cities in their countries.
Countries
Angola Mozambique South Africa
H D I | out of 187 countries (2011)*
2
148 184 123
G D P per capita | PPP U S$ (2009)* 5278 804 9333
Incom e G ini coefficient (2000)*
3
- - 57,8
Incom e G ini coefficient (2009; 2008)* 58,6 45,6 -
Population living in sem i-urbanized
areas | % (2005)**
86 79 28
* U nited N ations D evelopm ent Program m e (U N D P)
** U N -H abitat (2010, p.181; 248)
Angola and M ozam bique, Portuguese colonies until 1975, have sim ilar post
independence situations, m arked by: a dram atic econom ic decline; a prolonged
civil w ar, w hich ended in 1992 in M ozam bique and in 2002 in Angola; the adoption
of a planned econom y and the im plem entation of a socialist centralized single-party

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The H D I (H um an D evelopm ent Index) synthesizes three indicators: longevity (life expectancy
at birth), education (com bines adult literacy and schooling rates in prim ary, secondary and
higher education) and standard of living (real G D P per capita in Purchasing Pow er Parity (PPP)
for exam ple, one PPP U S$ has the sam e purchasing pow er in a particular countrys
econom y as one U S$ in the U nited States of Am ericas econom y).
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The Incom e G ini coefficient m easures the deviation of the distribution of incom e (or
consum ption) am ong individuals or households w ithin a country, from a perfectly equal
distribution. A value of 0 represents absolute equality, a value of 100 absolute inequality.
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governm ent. In the 1980s and early 1990s, both countries began to open to the
m arked econom y, giving the first steps to the liberalization of econom ic activities,
w hich prom oted an irregular and uneven econom ic grow th, aggravating social
stratification and exclusion and increasing poverty levels (Lopes et.al.,2007, p.72-
75; O ppenheim er and R aposo, 2002, p.99-100). In M ozam bique the process
involved the International M onetary Found (IM F) and the W orld Bank (W B), but not
in Angola, partly due to the possibility of obtaining oil-backed loans from
international financial institutions, specially C hinese and Brazilian (C roese,[2011?],
p.10-12). In the sam e period, both countries also adopted a m ulti-party political
system , starting a process of political and adm inistrative decentralization. This
process w as m ore effective in M ozam bique, w here relevant legislation cam e out in
the 1990s (leading to the first m unicipal elections in M aputo in 1996) and
program m es involving the W B w ere adopted the Reform Program m e of the Local
O rgans and the M aputos M unicipal D evelopm ent Program m e (PR O M APU TO )
(R aposo,2007, p.228-230). In Angola centralization persists, m unicipalization is
alm ost inexistent and local organs are still not elected, despite som e m easures
introduced, such as the program m e approved in 1997 by the C ouncil of M inisters,
w hich aim ed to decentralize activities, services and resources, by clarifying areas of
com petence for each institutional level of governm ent (ibidem ).
South Africa cessed to be a British colony in the 1930s and w as under the
apartheid system since 1948. After a long social struggle, international pressure and
four years of negotiations, the system cam e to an end in 1994 w ith the first universal
election. The transition occurred w ithout m ajor violence and political fragm entation
a sm all m iracle, in M andelas w ords (1995), given the deep division of race,
w ealth and culture (Beinart, 2001, p.270-271) keeping intact a relatively strong
private-sector and social institutions (idem ., p.289). Econom y also rem ained quite
stable, despite the intensive process of econom ic restructuring, w hich resulted from
South Africa re-integration into global m arkets, w ith the end of international
sanctions that kept the country isolated for about thirty years. Political and
adm inistrative reform s w ere also required and at local level m unicipal and
m etropolitan elections follow ed the national one. In Johannesburg this occurred in
1995 and w as follow ed by an adm inistrative restructure that lasted until 2000.
Cities
Luanda Maputo Johannesburg
Area (km ) ~ 350
4
167
5
1644
Population (2010)*
4.772.000 1.655.000 3.670.000
Local
Adm inistration
Provincial
G overnm ent of
Luanda (PG L),
not elected
M unicipal C ouncil
of M aputo (M C M ),
elected
Johannesburg
M etropolitan
M unicipality (JM M ),
elected
* U N -H abitat (2010, p.244-246)

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Bettencourt (2011, p.35) m entions that Luandas boundaries are not clear and the city is
intertw ined w ith the province of the sam e nam e.
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This area does not include Inhaca island and C atem be (a region across the bay) that also
belong to the M unicipal C ouncil of M aputo (M C M ), because currently they have a sm all im pact
regarding population and a reduced contribution to the urban issues in analysis.
C i t i e s , n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y
In Luanda and M aputo, essentially founded w ith a trading function, the m ajority of
econom ic activities and services (adm inistrative and others) take place in one
centre, planned and/or recognised by the Portuguese public authorities during the
colonial tim e, w hich didnt change m uch after independence. The centres of the tw o
cities developed differently in Luanda it expanded in a branched w ay or through
new built pockets, partly because of the territorys configuration, and in M aputo it
developed w ith an oil slick configuration, m ore com pact and controlled (R aposo
and Salvador, 2007, p.108) but have in com m on: adequate infra-structures and
housing standards, despite deteriorated and m alfunctioning in som e areas, due to
lack of m aintenance and progressive overload; and being surrounded by extensive
sem i-urbanized areas, larger in Luanda and, contrary to M aputo, interpenetrating
the central area.
The sem i-urbanized areas em erged in the colonial period as Africansresidential
areas (the centre w as m ainly reserved to the settlers), generally unplanned and
unrecognized by public authorities, w hich w ere never able to control or qualify them .
In the 1940s (Luanda) and in the 1950s (M aputo) began a rapid urbanization
process, prom oted by policies adopted before and after independence, civil w ar,
unfavourable rural living conditions and natural grow th, am ong others. Such
process w as done m ainly through consolidation, densification and continuous
expansion of sem i-urbanized areas, that currently m ay be officially planned or not
and are m ainly inhabited by low incom e population. Approxim ately 70% of M aputos
population lives in these areas (U N -H abitat, cop. 2008, p.6) and in Luanda,
according to fieldw ork interview s (2011), consistent w ith U N -H abitat estim ates (see
the countriestable), the num ber rises to about 80% .
In turn, Johannesburg em erged w ith the discovery of gold, as a patchw ork of
unrelated tow nships
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, divided by class and race (D P& U M D epartm ent, 2009)
7
. Such
urban structure w as kept and prom oted, until late 1970s, by apartheid policies and
the citys m odernization. In the 1980s, a series of events that anticipated the end of
apartheid prom oted a grow ing entry of m igrants and, although land w as released
for black housing, public response w as insufficient and led to uncontrolled:
appearance of sem i-urbanized areas, densification of old tow nship properties and
subletting and overcrow ding of inner-city flats. This situation w as aggravated by the
abolition of discrim inatory legislation in the early 1990s and the continuous
population grow th, increasingly based on class, penalizing the poorest ones.
C urrently Johannesburg has 180 or so inform al settlem ents(idem ., p.26), w here
m ore than 25% of citys population lives (D avie, 2008), spread in pockets over the
territory, but m ore significant in the south and on the edges of the m etropolitan area.
This polycentric city is divided by the m ining belt, w hich separates the m ost
im poverishes areas in the south from the richest areas and city centres in the north,
and reflects D ew ar (2000, p.210-211) description of South African cities: structure
and form shaped by tw o ideologies, apartheid and m odernism ; low -density
spraw ling developm ent; fragm entation and social and functional separation.


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The term tow nship has tw o m eanings in South Africa: a popular one - a black residential
area created in colonial and apartheid tim es; and a technical one - any land officially converted
from agricultural to non-agricultural, dem arcated and parcelled out as such (interview , 2010).
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M ost of the statem ents contained in this paragraph are based in this source of inform ation.
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Figure 1- Author. Location of the three countries and cities, [Ac. May 2012] on Google Earth and
Bing maps
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.
EXPANSION AREAS: PLANNING AND EVERYDAY PRACTICES
U N -H abitat (2010, p.209) refers that currently, in urban Southern Africa, w orld-city-
inspired and aspirant cultures w ith m arket-driven investm entsexpressed in urban
glam our zones and gated residential com m unities for m iddle- and upper-class,
am ong others coexist w ith overcrow ded, resources- and services-deprived
settlem ents and that this uneven developm ent becom es increasingly based on a
socio-econom ic class dim ension. Such phenom enon is expressed in the expansion
areas of Luanda, M aputo and Johannesburg, w ith different levels of intensity and of
predom inance of these tw o kinds of urbanization.
In Luandas expansion area new types of urban interventions occur, inducing
significant changes in the citys configuration, w ith the attem pt to m odernize it and
to im prove living conditions. These developm ents started in the m id-1990s, but only
becom e effective w ith the end of civil w ar, in 2002, and the countys significant
econom ic grow th since then. They em erge in the m iddle of the extensive sem i-
urbanized areas or like islands in agricultural or vacant land, fragm entary linked by
road infrastructures, w hich becam e one of the m ain priorities, standing out: (1) the
city first ring road (Express R oad), partly created to restrain sem i-urbanized areas
expansion and to connect projects farther aw ay from the centre, like the new
centralities of Kilam ba C ity and Zango; and (2) the upgrading of Sam ba R oad that
im proved accessibility betw een the centre and new projects, as Luanda South, Lar
do Patriota and N ova Vida. These large-scale projects (m ainly of public or public-
private initiative, but also including m arket-driven investm ents) are m ainly oriented
to m iddle- and upper-class (through sets of apartm ent buildings, areas of detached
housing and high-end com pounds, usually gated com m unities), though they initially
intended to include housing for low incom e population as w ell.
O ther projects, like Sap and Zango, of public initiative (though private entities m ay
also take part), are created m ainly to resettle low incom e population
9
, involving: the
PopulationsResettlem ent Program m e, w hen fam ilies com e from areas affected by

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C ontrary to the adm inistrative boundaries of the M unicipal C ouncil of M aputo and of the
M etropolitan M unicipality of Johannesburg, the adm inistrative boundaries of Luanda Province
include a vast rural area, m uch larger than the urban one. In the absence of a clear urban
boundary in Luanda, the line draw n represents an approxim ation that already includes som e
em pty areas around new developm ents in the expansion area.
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Zango also includes residential m iddle-class com pounds.
C i t i e s , n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y
new urban interventions; or the Social H ousing Program m e of Luanda, w hen
population is rem oved from areas unsuitable for construction or vulnerable to
disasters. In the resettlem ents, plots w ith a house, fully constructed or requiring
som e self-help construction, m ay be allocated, but population can also be housed
in tends or shacks for years. Besides, resettlem ents are related to recurrent forced
evictions, som etim es m isleadingly justified w ith the above situations, w hich have
been reported by international agencies (H um an Rights W atch, 2007; Am nesty
International, 2007) and civil society organizations.
A few not binding urban plans are m ade to Luanda during this period, none fully
im plem ented, w ithout a proper institutional coordination, giving rise to dysfunctions
and overlaps and com plicating the m anagem ent of the em ergent patchw ork of
individual urban projects (R aposo, 2007, p.227; interview s, 2011). R egarding the
citys developm ent, the N ational Program m e for U rban D evelopm ent and H ousing,
of 2009, is particularly relevant. It includes the public plan to built one m illion houses
by 2012, announced in 2008, w hich aim s to reduce the existing housing shortage in
the country, targeting m iddle- and low er-class. In Luanda, the m ajority of
interventions began before 2008 and so far it is not clear w hich criteria w ill be used
to evaluate the program m es goal, but it is pointed that low er-class housing
continues to be insufficiently and inefficiently addressed (C roese, [2011?];
interview s, 2011).
As such, sem i-urbanized areas continue to prevail, developing extensively w ith low -
density, in the continuity of the older ones or em erging in areas now crossed by new
road infrastructures and near new urban projects. This occupation, not officially
planned, usually begins w ith the construction of a shack m ade of zinc sheets, w hich
m ay be progressively replaced by cem ent blocks, depending on security of tenure.
In M aputos expansion area sem i-urbanized areas also prevail, especially in the
north edge of the city, developing extensively and continuously. This area began to
be occupied in the first decade after independence, but greater changes in land
use occur from m id 1990s (H enriques, 2008, p.165), w hen it becom es a
resettlem ent location for population affected by: road infrastructures upgrading;
urban qualification of sem i-urbanized areas closer to the centre and floods (of 1996
and especially of 2000). The resettlem ents are planned by the M C M , involving the
allocation of plots and som etim es include: housing, building m aterials for self-help
construction or financial aid. Som e of the resettlem ents are also supported by
international agencies and civil society organizations (as in M agoanine C
neighbourhood, due to the floods of 2000) and by private investors (in M agoanine B
neighbourhood, due to road N 4 upgrading).
The expansion area is also occupied by population from other areas of the city
(including the centre), w illingly or due to gentrification processes (usually prom oted
by private investors), m ainly through unofficial processes, even if local authorities
and m unicipal technicians can be involved (Tique et.al., 2011). These areas m ay
present an orthogonal grid, follow ing the patterns of the planned areas (N ielsen,
2010, p.163-166), or present an organic configuration, w hen land is parcelled out by
local fam ilies that already occupied the area (Jenkins and Andersen, 2011, p.10-11)
or associated to m ore spontaneous occupations.
In w hole this expansion area it is com m on to find housing im provem ents and
extensions carried out by residents (the percentage of houses built w ith precarious
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building m aterials is reduced) and a significant num ber of houses m irror prosperity.
O ver tim e, other urban qualifications have been carried out usually public initiative,
but that m ay also rely on private investors, international agencies and civil society
organizations focusing on infrastructures im provem ent (m ain roadspaving and
w ater and electricity supply) and on the provision of facilities. In Zim peto, new
investm ents in housing and in services, econom ic, education and sports facilities,
began to m aterialize a new centrality, already present in the U rban Structure Plan of
M aputo M unicipality (PEU M M ), approved in 2008. In 2010, are also approved the
Partial Plans of U rbanization (PPU ) of the neighbourhoods of this expansion area,
w hich, based on a detailed territorial survey and com m unity consultations, identify
priorities and delim itate areas of intervention, respecting m ost of the existing urban
structure and built environm ent. These neighbourhoods now gather the necessary
requirem ents to regularize land property and the M C M has scheduled a m assive
intervention for this purpose, w ithin the PRO M AU TO program m e, as the PPU s
execution and approval (interview , 2011).
Beside these sem i-urbanized areas located in the north edge of the city, residential
areas for m iddle- and upper-class, gated or not, w ith m ore or less luxury, are also
represented in M aputos expansion area. In C osta do Sol neighbourhood, w ith a
privileged location along the cost, private investm ents in such real-estate are m ade,
especially in the south, closer to the centre. But M aputo is also expanding in a
sim ilar w ay to its neighbouring areas, w hich increasingly attract and house its
population: alike sem i-urbanized areas prevail (eventually w ith less urban
qualification) and private investm ents as in C osta do Sol occur (like in Belo
H orizonte neighbourhood, in Boane district, or in som e areas of M atola city).
The set of Johannesburgs grow th pressure areas form a belt in the N orth W estern
part of the city, consisting of disperse pockets of densification/expansion areas and
new tow nships. These areas develop m ainly by m arket-driven investm ents to
m iddle- and upper-class housing, in econom ically dynam ic areas, w here the
m ajority of retail centres are located
10
. Such developm ent represents a disjunction
from the developm ent pattern desired by the citys Spatial D evelopm ent Fram ew ork,
according to w hich urban grow th should occur closely linked to public transport
netw orks (D P& U M D epartm ent, 2009, p.44-25). The G row th M anagem ent Strategy
stresses that such netw orks and infrastructures upgrading should give priority to the
M arginalised Areas of the city
11
. Efforts in this direction have been m ade, for
exam ple by the im plem entation of the R apid Transit System (R ea Vaya), but its
coverage is still insufficient.
This developm ent strategy is part of the w ider G row th and D evelopm ent Strategy,
2006 G D S and G D S 2040
12
. The latter, aim ing for a w orld-class city, equitable and
spatially integrated, also includes sem i-urbanized areas upgrade, through an
increm ental tenure approach
13
. Besides, the Sustainable H ousing Strategy for the
C ity of Johannesburg (SH SC J) creates in 2001 various strategic program m es for
settlem ents and housing developm ent, w hich include sem i-urbanized areas

10
See http://w w w .joburg-archive.co.za/2008/sdf/gm s/gm s08_m aps.pdf.
11
See http://w w w .joburg-archive.co.za/2011/gm s/chapters2.pdf.
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See draft version of August 2011 in http://w w w .joburg.org.za/gds2040/pdfs/2040_gds.pdf.
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See also http://w w w .joburg.org.za/gds2040/m yheritage.php for m ore details about the Land
Regularization Program m e.
C i t i e s , n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y
upgrade
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. The national housing policy Breaking N ew G round (2004), w hich
replaces the R econstruction and D evelopm ent Program m e (1994), also plays an
im portant role. Through a system of land, infrastructure and housing subsidies to
low incom e population, this housing policy allow s its m assive distribution, although
locations are usually far from econom ically dynam ic areas (C harlton, 2010, p.7), the
distribution process is slow , w aiting lists do not dim inish and distortions in housing
m arkets and in peoples expectations are introduced (interview , 2011). In the
expansion area, the C osm o C ity D evelopm ent Project, a JM M initiative, em erges to
resettle com m unities of tw o close by sem i-urbanized areas and then becom es a
w ider m ixed-class and m ixeduse project, w ith fully or partially subsidised, rental
and open m arket houses (D P& U M D epartm ent, 2009, p.48-51).
H ow ever, pockets of sem i-urbanized areas continue to develop in the expansion
area, m ore or less isolated in bordering M arginalised Areas (predom inantly in the
south, like O range Farm , but also in significant spots in the north, like D iepsloot and
Ivory Park). These sem i-urbanized areas, w here prevails self-help housing that do
not conform to existing regulations, generally built w ith precarious m aterials, m ay
cover different situations, like: (1) areas unofficially occupied by fam ilies that cannot
apply to housing subsidies (im m igrants from rural areas or from other countries)
(Landm an and N apier, 2009, p.7); (2) transit cam ps site-and-service areas for
provisional resettlem ents until definitive housing is provided, but that eventually
becom e perm anent; (3) previous toilet tow ns planned site-and-service areas
initially provided only w ith toilets; and (4) farm s and back yards occupation, w hich
the ow ners m ay explore by rental (interview s, 2011).
SOCIO-SPATIAL DISPARITIES: TENSIONS AND CONVERGENCES
Tensions em erge from the existing socio-spatial disparities, em bedded in a
capitalist production of space, w hich m irrors the unequal distribution of pow er and
resources inherent to the system . According to H arvey (2008, p.2), cities have
arisen through geographical and social concentration of a surplus productand
under capitalism this is closely related to the possibility of providing surplus value
(profit), w hich is then reinvested in lucrative urban goods, such as housing and
infrastructures, in order to obtain further surplus. In this continuous capitalist
urbanization, areas w here profit is reduced or inexistent tend to be neglected. The
process is m ore evident in cities w here capital is m ore available and encourages
the developm ent of m arket-driven investm ents, usually led by the private sector: in
Luanda, Angolas oil-driven econom y prom otes the attraction of foreign investm ent
and the em ergence of lucrative urban projects, that ignore and/or are incapable to
address the urban problem s of the sem i-urbanized areas; and in the prosperous
Johannesburg, the predom inant fragm ented spraw l of residential developm ents for
m iddle- and upper-class, coexist w ith pockets of sem i-urbanized areas that
continue to develop.
The capitalist production of space is also related to state perform ance. Santos
(1982, p.19) refers that under capitalism , the state has a contradictory and conflict
prone role, since it ensures both the reproduction of uneven capitalist m odes of
production [based on private interests] and citizens freedom and equality [bases of

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See http://w w w .joburg-archive.co.za/2003/budget/idp/annex6.pdf.
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the public interest]. W hen state actions, or of its institutions, in this case through
urban planning and interventions, m eet the public interest of low incom e
populations living in sem i-urbanized areas, convergences occur. Such actions also
depend on econom ic capacity, but H arvey (2008, p.13) states that capital m ay only
favour the reduction of socio-spatial disparities if the state itself is under dem ocratic
control. N evertheless, in the current neoliberal context individual rights to property
are strengthened, state surplus value share dim inishes, its role as a m ediator
betw een private and public interests reduces and there is a tendency to privilege
private interests socio-spatial disparities tend to aggravate, as observed by
authors such as H arvey (2008), Jenkins and W ilkinson (2002) and R aposo (2007).
Angola/Luanda represents the case in w hich dem ocracy and state institutions are
m ore fragile, partly due to an excessive centralization of pow er, resources and
inform ation, w hich serves a sm all elite and lacks transparency in the m anagem ent
of oil revenues and financial funds (C roese, [2011?], p.10; 21). At institutional and
urban planning levels this prom otes: (1) dependent local adm inistrations, largely
centralized in the PG L, w ith few capable hum an and financial resources, recurring
frequently to corruption and to bureaucratic, abusive and authoritarian practices
(R aposo, 2007, p.226-228); (2) lack of coordination and overlap of com petences;
and (3) incapacity (or w ill) to address and m anage efficiently the urban problem s of
the m ajority of low -incom e population som e social housing projects are still
deprived of basic services (C roese, [2011?], p.24), several resettlem ent areas lack
proper living conditions, som e state subsidized projects end up benefiting m iddle-
and upper-class and the N ational Program m e for U rban D evelopm ent and H ousing
does not m ainly concern the low er-class. State actions, and of its institutions,
converge insignificantly to the reduction of socio-spatial disparities and tend to
favour private interest over public interest, prom oting severe tensions.
In M ozam bique/M aputo, dem ocracy and state institutions are also fragile,
presenting sim ilar situations to Angola/Luanda, but R aposo (2007, p.243) refers that
these are less extrem e, since: (1) a greater know -how w as accum ulated over the
last three decades, subject to local reflections on urban issues, resulting in m ore
suitable intervention strategies to sem i-urbanized areas and in planning and
m anagem ent practices that tend to a greater social equity; and (2) the
decentralization and m unicipalization processes, in w hich the W B has an active
participation, constitute decisive steps tow ards the dem ocratization of urban
m anagem ent, the strategic coordination betw een actors, the effectiveness of their
interventions and the defence of the public interest. M agoanine C resettlem ent is
considered paradigm atic, given the dem ocratic coordination led by the M C M of the
various actors involved, w ith the support the N on G overnm ental O rganization C ARE
(R aposo and R ibeiro, 2007, p.203). The approval of PEU M M and of the various PPU
and how these w ere conducted and executed is also an exam ple of som e
institutional and planning capacity, although it is still uncertain if or w hen these
m ight contribute to socio-spatial disparities reduction.
O f the three cases, South Africa/Johannesburg is institutionally stronger and w ith
m ore capable hum an and financial resources to intervene, evident in m easures like
the housing policy, the public transportation im provem ent, the sem i-urbanized
areas upgrade and the C osm o C ity initiative, taken w ith the attem pt to dissolve the
apartheid legacy of socio-spatial segregation. According to a fieldw ork interview
(2011), budgets reveal that public resources are m ainly spent in less favoured areas
C i t i e s , n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y
(public policies cannot only be oriented to capital accum ulation, since poorer
groups represent the m ajority of voting population) existing signs of a relative
desegregation. Although such actions converge to the dissolution of existing socio-
spatial disparities, these rem ain, as w ell as the tensions. R eferring to the first
Johannesburgs urban instrum ents after the apartheid, Friedm ann (2005, p.197-
198) m entions the em brace of a neoliberal trickle-dow n agenda to achieve a
desired w orld class city, leaving little scope to address the needs of the low er-class.
Besides, H uchzerm eyer (2004, p.339-341) points a technocratic approach to sem i-
urbanized areas, focussed on the contravention of law s rather than on the lack of
rights of their inhabitants, w hich serves a delivery-driven political agenda that
sidelines social m ovem ents. Som e of these rem arks have been differently
addressed in subsequent urban instrum ents, like de G D S 2040, but rem ains to see
how such changes w ill convert into practice.
R esettlem ents have an unavoidable presence in the expansion areas of the three
cities and are closely related to rem ovals and dem olitions, legitim ate or not, forced
or negotiated. Such processes have direct im plications in the lives of the affected
population and in the living conditions of the sem i-urbanized areas from w here
com m unities are, and m ight be rem oved from , and w here they are resettled (w hen
they are) assum ing a particular role in the creation of tensions or convergences.
They are associated to different levels of security of tenure, land m anagem ent and
attitudes tow ards sem i-urbanized areas of the state and its institutions, according to
their perception of these areas.
Land in Angola and M ozam bique is state property and the Land Law s of both
countries
15
foresee the concession of titles that recognise the right to occupy and
use the land. Yet, in M ozam bique, the lack of title does not prevent its use, w hen
occupation is carried out in good faith for over ten years or according to the
com m unity custom ary norm s and practices, but such is not possible in Angola. In
M aputos expansion area, the PPU plus the scheduled m assive regularization
process recognize the legitim acy of the areas unofficially occupied and exem plify a
different public approach tow ards them . Instead, in Luanda, higher levels of
governm ent view these areas as illegal and open to dem olition and, although
low er levels of adm inistration m ay recognize their legitim acy, the m ajority does not
think of land regularization w ithout significant upgrading and/or relocation (D W
et.al., 2005, p.136-137). These different law approaches and public attitude tow ards
sem i-urbanized areas m ay partly explain the recurrence to forced evictions in
Luanda and the absence of such practices in M aputo, w here resettlem ents are
generally negotiated and som e sort of com pensation is assigned, even if not a
proper one. Instead, land is private property in South Africa and, according to
H uchzerm eyer (2004, p.337), sem i-urbanizes areas are regarded as a threat to
property rights, law , order and to the security, health and w ell being of the privileged
classes. Although a Land R egularization Program m e is being im plem ented in
Johannesburg, such attitude m akes it coexist w ith a zero tolerance policy tow ards
new sem i-urbanized areas and the densification/expansion of existing ones (idem .,
p.338), as expressed in SH SC J, leading to rem ovals and dem olitions, som etim es by
force.

15
Law 9/04 of 9 N ovem ber (Angola) and Law D ecree n.19/1997 of 1 O ctober (M ozam bique).
1 5 t h I N T E R N A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G H I S T O R Y S O C I E T Y C O N F E R E N C E
11
The reinforcem ent of security of tenure by regularization processes as a w ay to
reduce socio-spatial disparities and prom ote the upgrade of sem i-urbanized areas
is a controversial issue see for exam ple D e Soto (2000) and D avis (2006).
H ow ever, a relation can be established betw een the relative security of tenure in
M ozam bique, plus the public attitude tow ards sem i-urbanized areas of M aputos
expansion area, and its progressive upgrade (through housing im provem ents and
extensions carried out by residents and urban qualification). In turn, in the
expansion areas of Luanda and Johannesburg, housing conditions are usually m ore
precarious in sem i-urbanized areas (for exam ple, the use of zinc sheets and other
precarious building m aterials is m ore recurrent) and their residents tend to be m ore
reluctant to im prove them .
This situation m ay also be related to different housing approaches. In M ozam bique,
delivery of houses occurred after independence, though not base on a housing
policy as such
16
, but in the face of the countrys reduced resources, self-help
housing is an encouraged solution since 1979, w ith the 1
st
N ational M eeting on
C ities and C om m unal N eighbourhoods. In South Africa, the delivery-driven housing
policy introduced a certain inertia and usually the first expectation is to be given a
house (interview , 2011). This situation is also verified by Landm an and N apier (2009,
p.5-6), w ho state that:
Ironically [] the efficiency of state delivery of housing in South Africa has less space for
aided self-help housing where in other countries less state intervention allows self-help to be
the main source of formal low-income housing productions" (idem ., p.6).
In Luanda, the expectation to be given a house w as also expressed by som e
victim s of forced evictions and not so successful cases w ith self-help housing w ere
m entioned (interview s, 2011), rem aining to know if this situation m ight also be
related to expectations raised by the one m illion houses plan, to how resettlem ents
are conducted or to how self-help housing is prom oted.
CONCLUSION
Luanda, M aputo and Johannesburg expansion areas show different characteristics.
In the first tw o, the social-spatial disparities are m ore severe, as extensive and
continuous sem i-urbanized areas prevail (grater in scale and m ore populous in
Luanda), w hile in Johannesburg they are less preponderant, em erging in m ore
controlled and isolated pockets (though such configuration can also prom ote a
greater sense of segregation). If in Luanda considerable fragm ented urban projects
to m iddle- and upper-class began to em erge, partly resem bling Johannesburg,
w here such developm ents predom inate, in M aputo they are less significant.
Especially in Johannesburg, but also in Luanda, financial resources are m ore
abundant, prom oting: on the one hand, tensions, driven by a m ore pronounced
capitalist production of space, w here m arket-driven interventions prevail, tending to
neglect non profitable sem i-urbanized areas and; on the other hand, convergences,
by enabling public interventions w hich m ay reduce socio-spatial disparities.
H ow ever, the effectiveness of these last interventions is also partly related to

16
In 2011 w as approved the first H ousing Policy and Strategy (R esolution n.19/2011, of 8
June), not directed to a particular m ode of intervention and w ith a very broad approach, still
depending on the organization of the due institutional structure to be im plem ented.
C i t i e s , n a t i o n s a n d r e g i o n s i n p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y
dem ocracy levels and to the capacity of the hum an resources of the state and of its
institutions to intervene, being thus m ore relevant in Johannesburg and in M aputo
(in spite of the M C M reduced financial resources and although such effectiveness is
still insufficient in this capital), but alm ost insignificant in Luanda. The perception
and consequent attitude of public institutions tow ards sem i-urbanized areas also
influence policies and w ays to intervene, particularly regarding forced evictions,
m ore recurrent in Luanda, less in Johannesburg and inexistent in M aputo. Such
perception and attitude also tends to be m ore convergent to the reduction of socio-
spatial disparities in M aputo, since here these areas are m ore recognized and low -
incom e population has m ore opportunity to becom e an active and legitim ate actor
in the urbanization process.
The reduction of the socio-spatial disparities existing in the three cities entails an
adequate conjunction of factors, depending on their specific contexts, w here
econom ic prosperity, dem ocracy, public institutional capacity and attitude tow ards
sem i-urbanized areas, here in analysis, play an im portant role. N evertheless, such
disparities are related to m ore com plex and intertw ined factors, from local to global
scale, involving an increasing variety of actors that operate in the context of the
dom inant neoliberal capitalist system , in w hich:
The bundle of rights and freedoms now available to us, and the social process in which they
are embedded, need to be challenged at all levels[, since t]hey produce cities marked and
marred by inequality, alienation and injustice" (H arvey and Potter, 2009, p.45).
For the som e authors, follow ing Lefebvre (2003, apud H arvey and Potter, 2009,
p.45), such challenge can only be accom plished through social m obilization and
collective political/social struggle, acknow ledging that:
the kind of city we desire becomes inseparable from what kind of people we want to
become" (H arvey and Potter, 2009, p.45).
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