P agan-Christian

Burial Practices
of the Fourth Century:
Shared Tombs?
MARK
J. JOHNSON
This study examines one of the problems of fourth-century burial customs:
whether or not Christians and pagans shared tombs. An examination of
Roman law and church decrees concerning funerary practices shows no legal
basis for the forced separation of pagan and Christian burials. Nor is there
any concrete evidence from patristic writers that such an action was
universally banned in the early Church. In the last section, archaeological
evidenced is adduced to demonstrate the development of Christian cemeteries
from pagan burial grounds and the fact that in the fourth century such
mingling of Christians and pagans in the tomb still occurred. Therefore,
paintings with pagan themes such as those in the Via Latina Catacomb in
Rome may be taken at f.ace value, without the need to find some underlying
Christian meaning.
Much has been written about the "pagan-Christian conflict" of fourth-
century Rome and the gradual christianization of the largely pagan
society.l One aspect of this religiously polarized society which remains
somewhat unclear is whether or not this conflict extended into the grave.
That is, was it permissible in the fourth century for Christians and
pagans to be buried side by side in the same tomb? That this question has
remained unresolved at present is highlighted by the continuing debate
A short version of this study was presented at the Nineteenth Annual Byzantine
Studies Conference, held at Princeton in' 1993, for which, see the conference's
Abstracts of Papers, 52-53.I wish to thank Professor Peter Brown for his comments
on an earlier draft of this paper and for his continued encouragement and enthusiasm.
1. P. Brown, Tbe World of Late Antiquity AD L50-750 (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1,971,); A. Momigliano, ed., The Conflict Betuteen Paganisrn and Christian-
ity in the Fourth Century
(Oxford: Claredon Press, 19631.
Journal
of Early Christian Studies 521,37-59 @ 7997 The
Johns
Hopkins University Press
38
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
over the interpretation of the frescoes of the Via Latina catacomb in
Rome, discovered in 1955.2 Do some of the scenes have a pagan content
or are the figures such as Hercules merely Christian interpretations of
pagan mythological figures? Rather than continue the iconographical
debate over these images, this study proposes to examine an area which
has not received consideration in the debate. If the evidence shows that
Christians and pagans were not buried in the same tomb, then the
Christian interpretation of the Via Latina ensemble must be accepted. If,
on the other hand, it can be shown that "mi*ed" burials were not
banned by the Church and indeed, took place, then the pagan interpre-
tation of certain scenes in the Via Latina catacomb must be entertained
as a real possibility. Such a conclusion would also speak to the larger
issue of religion and society in late antique Rome and whether or not the
distinctions between pagans and Christians were as sharply defined then
as they often are in modern scholarship.
There are two basic questions to be answered: first, was it legally
permissible for pagans and Christians to share a tomb? and, second,
what evidence is there that such co-burials might have taken place
elsewhere? The answers may be found by examining the following: law,
both Roman and canon as expressed in the pronouncements of Church
councils; the writings of contemporary Christian authors; and the
archaeological finds which have bearing on the issue. As a cautionary
note it should be recognized that, as with any other historical problem of
this period, the sources are quite limited, while in the case of the
2. Among the recent literature the following should be cited: A. Ferrua, Catacombe
sconosciute:
(Jna
pinacoteca del IV secolo sotto la uia Latina (Florence: Nardini,
1990), which is a revised edition of his original publication on the catacomb, Le
pitture della nuoua catacomba di Via Latina, Monumenti di antichiti cristiana, 2nd
ser.,8 (Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 19601;
'W.
Tronzo,
The Via Latina Catacomb: Imitation and Discontinuity in Fourth-Century Roman
Painting (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1,985); F. P. Bargebuhr,
The Paintings of the 'New' Catacomb of tbe Via Latina and the Struggle of
Christianity against Paganism, ed.
J.
Utz, Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie
der'Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 1991, No. 2 (Heidelberg: Carl
'Winter
Universititsverlag, 1991.).
This study had its genesis at the Byzantine Studies Conference held at Duke
University in 1983 where a paper arguing for a pagan interpretation of some of the
paintings was read by David \Tright (cited below). The debate that followed was very
lively and left quite an impression on me, then a young graduate student. Those who
disagreed with Professor Wright essentially argued that all of the paintings must be
Christian since "pagans and Christians would not have shared the same tomb in the
fourth century." My questioning of the veracity of that argument led (after several
years) to the present study.
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIANBURIALPRACTICES
39
archaeological evidence, the scarcity of physical evidence has often been
worsened by poor scientific techniques and reporting.3
Under Roman law, the tomb was considered a sacred place, a res
religiosa.a The monument itself was not saired until a body had been
placed in it and then only that part which contained the corpse: "non qui
sepulturae destinatus est locus religiosus fit, sed quatenus corpus humatum
est."S Because of the religious nature of the tombs, they fell under the
jurisdiction
of the pontiffs who oversaw the regulations concerning their
construction and use.6 Even after the advent of the Christian emperors,
the pontiffs continued to exercise
jurisdiction.
An edict of Constantius II,
dated 349, states that tombs may be dismantled for repairs provided that
permission had been obtained from the pontiffs.T A letter of Symmachus
documents their role at Rome as late as 385.8
Due to the religious nature of burial places, they were protected from
violation by several laws.e An inscription from the time of Augustus and
purportedly from Nazareth prohibits the destruction of tombs or the
removal of bodies since it was "obligatory to honor the buried."l0 The
Theodosian Code has several injunctions against the destruction of
tombs.ll The rise of Christianity gave cause to renewed legislation
against tomb violation. In 386 yet another edict was issued denouncing
3. As noted by P.-A. F6vrier, "Le culte des morts dans les communaut6es
chr6tiennes durant le IIIe siBcle," Atti del lX congresso internazionale di arcbeologia
cristiana, Roma . . . 1975 (Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana,
1. 9 7 8),'1.. .2'1.'1.-7 4, especia lly 21. 4-1. 8 .
4. On Roman sepulchral law, see F. De Visscher, Le Droit des tombeaux romains
(Milan: Giuffrd, 19631; R. Diill, "Studien zum romischen Sepulkralrecht," Festschrift
Fritz Schulz
('Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus, 1951), 1.191,-208; E. Albertario, Studi di
diritto romdno (Milan: GiuffrE, 1.941,1; M. Kaser, "Zum romischen Grabrecht,"
Zeitschrift der Sauigny-Stiftung
fiir
Rechtsgescltichte: Romische Abteilung 59 (1,978):
15-92. For Roman burial customs,
J.
M. C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in tbe Roman
.World
(London: Thames and Hudson, 1.971);
J.
Prieur, La mort dans I'antiquitd
romaine (n.p.: Ouest France, 1986). On the tomb as res religiosa,De Visscher, Droit,
43-63; Diill, "Studien,"'1.94-99.
5. Dig. 1,1..7.2.5; trs. C. H. Monro,The Digest of
Justinian,2
vols. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1909),2.244. See also Diill, 'Studien," L93.
5. Cicero, De legibus 2.55; A. Bouch6-Leclerq, Les Pontifes de I'ancienne Rome
(Paris: Franck, 1871.; reprint New York: Arno, 1.9751,146-58.
7. C.-Tb.9.1,7.2.
8. Symmachus epist.2.36 (ed. O. Seeck, MGH AA, 6.541.
9. A. Parrot, Mal1dictions et uiolations de tombes (Paris: Geuthner, 1,939).
1.0. F. De Zuluetta, "Violation of Sepulture in Palestine at the Beginning of the
Christian Era,"
,lRS
22 (1,931,):184-97.
1,1. c.-Th. 9.1.7.1.-5.
40
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
the violators of tombs who in this case were traffickers in relics.r2 That
this was considered a heinous crime in the fourth century is evidenced by
the fact that tomb violators were placed in the same rank as murderers
and sorcerers.l3
From the earliest period, Roman law had provided that burials should
take place outside of the city walls. "Hominem mortuum in urbe ne
sepelito neve urito" states the Twelve Tables of the fifth century 8.c.E.14
The law was reiterated in an edict issued by Gratian, Valentinian and
Theodosius in 381:
"All bodies that are contained in urns or sarcophagi
and are kept above ground shall be carried and placed outside the city."15
There are two aspects of the law which are particularly relevant for the
question at hand. The first is the distinction made of two types of tombs,
namely, sepulchra
familiaria
and sepulchra hereditaria, the type often
being designated on the tomb by an inscription.l6 The former was for a
man and his household, including his servants and slaves, if desired, as
well as family members. The latter was for a man and his heirs, whether
or not they were members of the family. \ilith either type it remained the
prerogative of the head of the household to determine who would be
buried in the tomb of his foundation. At times, persons who would
normally have right to burial could be excluded by the founder as
appears to be the case in a third-century inscription found in the
cemetery of Domitilla: "M. Antonius Restutus fecit ypogeum sibi et suis
fidentibus in Domino."17 In a similar vein is another inscription which
may or may not be Christian: "Monumentum Valeri Mercuri et Iulittes
Iuliani et
Quintilles
verecundes libertis libertabusque poterisque ad
religionem pertinentes meam."r8 These inscriptions that prohibit burial
to family members are quite exceptional. The more important point
which is to be made about them and the law itself is that the founder
himself, and not some outside authoriry, determined who would be
allowed burial in the tomb. A family member could not be excluded
1,2. C.-Th.9.17.7; similar ideas and injunctions in the Nou. Val.23.'1., dated 443.
1,3. C.-Th. 3.1,5.1, (of 331); 9.38.3 (of 3671;9.38.7
(of 38a).
14. Cicero, De legibus 2.58 (= Twelue Tables 10.1); also in Ancient Roman
Statutes, trs. A.
Johnson,
et al. (Austin: University of Texas, 196l), 12. The law is
repeated in the Charter of Urso of 44 B.c.E., c. 73, in
Johnson ,
Statutes, 99.
15. c.-Th.9.17.6.
1,6. Dig. 11.7.5 (Monro, 2.2541; Albertario, Studi,2.1.-21.; De Visscher, Droit,93-
L02; Kaser, "Grabrecht," 37-60.
1,7. E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres (Berlin:
'Weidmann,
"1.961),
'J..307,
no. 1597.
L8. Diehl, Inscriptiones,2.286, no. 3824
=
CIL 6.1,0412.
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN
BURIAL PRACTICES 41
from burial in the private family tomb on the basis of his or her beliefs
unless the founder so dictated as was the case in these two examples.
The second aspect of Roman funerary law that is especially relevant to
this study is that dealing with tombs having fwo or more owners. Several
owners could share a single monument or burial ground and were often
banded together in collegia
funeratica
to provide funerals and burials for
each other.le There is an important law concerning this type of burial
arrangement in the Digesr of
Justinian:
"If the place where a body is
brought for burial belongs to several co-owners, all will have to consent
to the burial if the deceased is a stranger; as to such owners themselves,
there is no doubt that any one of them may be properly buried there,
even though the others should not agree The lesson here is that,
as in the case of family or hereditary tombs, a person could not be
excluded from burial on the basis of his religious beliefs, provided he
were a co-owner. Such an exclusion had to occur before the person
became a co-owner. Therefore, the owners of a tomb or catacomb could
sell burial spaces to anyone, irrespective of the buyer's religious beliefs.
Under Roman law then, there was no reason why pagans and
Christians could not share the same tomb. This is significant because the
burials of the Christians were, of course, subject to the same laws and it
was only over a long period of time that church rules regarding burial
practices were developed and obtained the force of law.
It is hardly necess ary to state that in the first two centuries of the
Christian church its members continued to follow the general burial
practices of society. There were not enough members to warrant separate
burial grounds nor does there seem to have been any need felt for
separate burials. Members were buried in family monumenta or areae
and it was from these private burial places that the great Christian
cemeteries developed.2l Tertullian speaks of a Christian area at Carthage
19. Albertario, Studi,2.39-60;
J.
P. Valtzing, "Etude historique sur les corpora-
tions professionnelles chez les Romains depuis les origines
jusq'i
la chute de I'Empire
d'occident," Mdmoires
publi|s par I'Acaddmie royale des sciences, des lettres et des
beaux-arts de Belgique 50, No. 1 (1895); see especially 256-300; reprinted as a book
(Bologna: Forni,
'I..96811,
with the same pagination; relevant inscriptions are gathered
in 4.203-"1.3;484-545. Also, G. B. De Rossi, "I collegii funeraticii famigliari e privati
e le loro denominazioni," Commentationes
philologae in honoremTheodori Mommseni
(Berlin:
'Weidmann,
1877), 705-1,1,; A. Cafissi, "Contributo alla storia dei collegi
romani - i collegia
funeratica,"
Studi e ricerche dell'lstituto di storia, Facohd di lettere
e
filosofia
dell'Uniuersiti degli studi di Firenze 2 (1,9831: 89-1.11.
20. Dig. 1.1,.7.41 (trs. Monro,2.257).
2L. See G. Bovini, La
proprietd ecclesiastica e Ia condizione giuridica della Chiesa
in etd
precostdntiniana (Milan: Giuffrb, 1,9491; F. De Visscher, "Le r6gime
juridique
42
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
in203,while at Rome the organization of the cemeteries apparently took
place slightly later.22 From this period are several sources that indicate
that some cemeteries around Rome came under direct control of the
Church. Callixtus was assigned by Pope Zephyrinus (L98/9-2t7) to
organize the cemetery on the Via Appia that bears his name.23 Pope
Fabian (226-50) "multas fabricas per cimeteria fieri iussit,"2a while Pope
Dionysius (259-58) ". . . cymeteria et parrocias diocesis constituit."25 It
is worth repeating that the Christians were operating the cemeteries
under Roman law. The large cemeteria were most likely organized as
collegia
funeratica
which would give the Christians the right to exclude
pagans and heretics.26 However, burial in these cemeteries was not
required of Christians at this time. Members could chose to be buried in
their own private tombs as was Pope Zephyrinus who was buried "in
cymiterio suo."27 Even if the Church did control its own cemeteries, the
distribution of burial sites in this period seems to have had more of a
business character than a religious one. As Guyon has shown from
epigraphical evidence, tombs were sold in the period from ca.337 to 465
by the
fossores,
with only rare intervention by the clergy who did not
directly sell burial spaces until 489.28
Although the Church was able to exercise control over its own
cemeteries from at least the third century on, there is no reason to believe
that in the fourth century it exercised any control whatsoever over
private or non-Church collegia burials. This is evident from a review of
church canons promulgated in the numerous synods and from the
writings of contemporaries.2e
des plus anciens cimetidres chr6tiens i Rome," AnBoll 69 (1.9511:39-54; reprinted in
his Droit, 261-76; P. Testini, Le catacombe e gli antichi cimiteri uistiani in Roma
(Bologna: Cappelli, 19661, 47-81.
22. Tertullian scap. 3.
23. Hipp. haer. 9."1,2; the Liber Pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne (reprint Paris: De
Boccard, 1955), 1,.14L, referring to Callixtus, states, "quid fecit alium cymeteriam Via
Appia."
24. Chronographus anni 354, ed. T. Mommsen (MGH, AA,9.75l'.
25. Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, L.157.
25. Bovini, Proprietd, 95-164, with further bibliography.
27. Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, L.L39.
28.
J.Guyon,
"La vente des tombes i travers l'6pigraphie de la Rome chr6tienne
(IIIe-VIIe siEcles): Le r6le des fossores,mansionarii,praepositi et prEtres," MEFRA
86 (l974lz 549-96. On the
fossores,
see also Testini, Catacombe,22'l'-25; E. Conde
Guerri, Los 'fossores' de Roma paleocristiana: Estudio iconografico, epigrafico y
social
(Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1'9791.
29. On the development of ecclesiastical rules concerning burial, see A. Bernard,
La s4puhure en droit canonique du Ddcret de Gratien au Councile de Trente (Paris:
JO
HNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN BURIAL PRACTICES
It is surprising how rarely the synods dealt with burial customs. The
Apostolic Constitutions, which were believed to have come from a synod
of the original Apostles but were actually a late fourth-century compila-
tion of various sources, has little to say about Christian burials. It only
supplies a prayer for the deceased and bids that the third, ninth and
thirtieth days after the death should be commemorated.30 This practice
of commemoration, and particularly of celebrating the nouemdial is
closely related to pagan usage as were other customs practiced by many
of the Christians of this period.3r
The Synod of Elvira, held in 305, issued two canons dealing with
funerary practices. One forbade the lighting of candles during the day in
cemeteries as it "disturbed the spirits," while the other enjoined women
from spending the night in cemeteries.32 The First Council of Nicaea in
325 instructed that dying members were to receive the uiaticuffi,33 a point
which was further clarified in the Council of Hippo of 393 which
directed that the uiaticum should not be given to those already de-
ceased.3a
It is in the canons of the Synod of Laodicea, held sometime between
343 and 38L, that some antagonism first is expressed towards non-
Domat-Montchrestien, 1933); E. Marantonio Sguerzo, Euoluzione storico-giuridica
della sepoltura ecclesiastica
(Milan: Giuffrd, 1.976).
30. Const. Apost.8.42.
31. F, Cumont, "La triple comm6moration des morts," CRAIBL (1918): 278-97;
E. Freistedt, Abchristliche Totengediichtnistage und ihre Beziehung zum
Jenseitglauben
und Totenkuhus des Antike (Miinster: Aschendorffschen Verlagsbuchhandlung,
1,928);
J.-P.
Sodini, "T6moignages arch6ologiques sur la persistance i l'6poque
pal6ochrtienne et byzantine de rites fun6raires paiens," La mort au moyen 6ge:
Colloque de I'Association des Historiens mddi1uistes
frangais
. . .1975, Publications
de la Soci6t6 Savante d'Alsace et des r6gions de I'Est: Collection "recherches et
documents," 25 (Strasbourg: Soci6t6 Savante d'Alsace et des r6gions de I'Est,
'1.977),
1.1.-21,.
32. c.34: "Cereos per diem placuit in cometeria non incendis inquietandi enim
sanctorum spirits non sunt.
Qui
haec non observaverint arceantur ab Ecclesiae
communione." c. 35: "Placuit prohiberi ne foeminae in coemeterio pervigilent, eo
quod saepe sub obtenu orationis latentur scelera committunt." See C. Hefele, A
History of the Christian Councils
from
tbe Original Documents to the Close of the
Council of Nicaea, A.D. 325,2nd ed., trs. W Clark
(Edinburgh: Clark, 18941,1.150-
51.
33. c. 13, in Hefele, History,1,.41,9.
34. Tbe Seuen Ecumenical Councils of the Undiuided Church, ed. H. Percival,
NPNF, L4 (reprint Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1,978),401; reiterated at the Council of
Carthage in 419, c. L8, ibid., 451; see also F. Paxton, Christianizing Death: The
Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieual Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 19901,32-34.
43
44
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
Christian cemeteries. Canon 9 states that "the members of the Church
are not allowed to meet in the cemeteries, nor attend the so-called
martyria of any of the heretics."35 This is, however, an injunction against
associating with heretical services and shrines and has nothing to do with
burial policy.
The Council of Braga held in 553 renewed the ancient law of
prohibiting burials within the city and added that there should be no
burials within churches either.36 A few years later, however, Pope
Gregory I seems to accept church burial as normal as he recounts stories
about unworthy Christians buried in churches and thereafter being
miraculously removed because of their sinful pollution of sacred space.37
That specific, universal regulations concerning burial were lacking is
evidenced by the fact that later, the Synod of Nantes of 658 allowed
burials in the atrium and porticoes of the churches though not "infra
ecclesiam vero."38 Furthermore, it was not until the Council of Paderborn,
held in 785, that a rule was issued directing members of the Church to be
buried in the cemeteries of the churches and not in "pagan mounds."3e
As Bailey Young notes, this lack of injunctions against burials with
pagans before this time is even more interesting when one considers the
numerous denunciations by the councils of pagan practices such as magic
and idolatry.4o
Christian writings of the first few centuries of the Church do not
change the picture of non-interference by the Church in private burials.
Once again, there are only occasional references to contemporary
funerary practices and no clear, universal injunctions against burial with
pagans. From the second century Minucius Felix informs us that
Christians were against the practice of cremation.al This custom was
gradually abandoned by the pagans and by the time of Macrobius at the
35. Hefele, History, 2.304; Percival, Seuen Ecumenical Councils,
"1,29.
36. c.18: "Si firmissimum hoc privilegium usque nunc retinent civitates Galliae, ut
nullo modo inters ambitum murorum civitatis cuius libet defuncti corpus sit
humatum. . . . Placuit ut corpora defunctorum nullo modo in basilica sanctorum
sepeliantur. . . ." Hefele, History,4.385; Marantonio Sguerzo, Euoluzione,66.
37. Gregory I dial.4.54-55.
38. c. 6, Hefele, History,4.477; Marantonio Sguerzo, Euoluzione, 66-67.
39. c. 22, for which, see C. Hefele, Histoire des Counciles d'aprds les documents
originaux, trs. H. Leclerq (Paris: Letouzey, 191.0),3.994 (this passage is not found in
the English edition).
40. B. Young, "Paganisme, christianisation
Archdologie mddi4uale 7 (1.9771: 6.
41. Minuc. Octauius 1"1,.4.
et rites fun6raires m6rovingiens,"
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIANBURIALPRACTICES
45
turn of the fifth century, it had become a thing of the past.42 Minucius
Felix also noted that the Christians did not crown their dead as did the
pagans and that in general, Christian funeral rites were very quiet.a3
There are three sources which are often cited as proof that Christians
always avoided burial with pagans.aa The first is found in Hilary of
Poitiers' commentary on Matthew 8.22 in which he states that the bodies
of the unbelievers should not be placed in memoria of the saints.as The
notion that nonbelievers should not be buried in the sanctified tombs of
the saints is not a surprising one and certainly the Church had the legal
right to exclude such burials from cemeteries under its control, where
most suchmemoriawere located. However, this statement has nothing to
do with private burials and should be seen not as a general injunction of
mixed burials but as a prohibition of pagan burials within Christian
shrines.
The second source is Theodoret, writing in the first half of the fifth
century, who stated that pagans claimed to be contaminated
just
by
being close to Christian tombs, with the inference drawn that pagans and
Christians demanded separate burials.a6 Once again, there is a need to
look more closely at the context of the letter. Theodoret was not
referring to Christian tombs in general but specifically to the tombs of
the martyrs which he compares to the tombs of pagan heroes. Pagans
would of course make light of such a comparison and would have
wanted to avoid the tombs of those whom they saw as executed
criminals.aT Since this passage refers to this specific type of tomb it
actually has no bearing on the question under consideration.
The third passage to be examined is, on first appearance' proof that
42. Saturnalia7.7.5. On the change from cremation to inhumation in the Roman
world, see A. D. Nock, "Cremation and Burial in the Roman Empire," HTR 25
(1,932):32L-59; R. Turcan, "Origines et sens de l'inhumation i I'epoque imp6riale,"
REA 60
(1958): 323-47.
43. Octauius 28.3-4. On Early Christian burial customs in general, see F6vrier,
"Cult des morts"; idem, "La mort chr6tienne," Segni e riti nella chiesa abomedieuale
occidentale, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 33
(Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1'9871, 881'-942; A. C. Rush,
Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity (\Tashington, D.C.: Catholic University of
America Press, l94lh Paxton, Christianizing Death,1946.
44. See for example, Bovini, Proprietd, S4-86.
45. Hilar. Mat. 7. LL; ed. and French trs.
J.
Doignon, Hilare de Poitiers: Sur
Matthieu, SC 254 (Paris: du Cerf, 1978),1.192.
46. Graec. affect. curatio,8.29;ed. and French trs. P. Canivet, Th4oderet de Cyr:
Thdrapeutique des maladies helliniques, SC 57
(Paris: du Cerf, 1958), 2. 319-21'.
47. On this point F. Cumont, Lux
perpetud (Paris: Geuthner, 19491,339.
46
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
Christians and pagans were not to be buried together even in private
tombs. It is found in a letter of Cyprian dated 251 which discusses the
deposition of two Spanish bishops, Basilides and Martial. Among the
alleged wrongs: "Martialis (has) long been a frequenter of the banquets
of some pagan social club
(collegium). . . his own sons he had buried in
the manner of pagans as members of that same solidity, interred in the
company of strangers among heathen graves."48'While this passage has
been given much importance by those who argue that pagans and
Christians were not permitted to share the same tomb, there are other
aspects about the event which need to be understood. First of all, the
primary charge against the two bishops had nothing to do with burials.
Rather, it was that they had accepted letters of idolatry during the
persecution of Decius, though they were probably not actually guilry of
idolatry. Both had sought, and obtained, reinstatement to their office
from the bishop of Rome, Stephen, who was at this time engaged in a
dispute with Cyprian.ae In the letter, Stephen is accused of having been
deceived in this case, while in another letter Stephen is said to have called
Cyprian a "pseudochristum et pseudoapostolum et dolosum operarium."50
Basilides and Martial were therefore part of a larger ecclesiastical conflict
and one wonders how much of the letter and the subsidiary charges were
part of the hyperbole of the debate. Certainly Stephen did not believe
Martial had committed a sin too grievous as to prevent him from
returning to his see. Furthermore, the specific circumstances of Martial's
actions are left unclear.
'Was
the attendance at a funerary banquet in
honor of a deceased friend or non-Christian relative?
'Were
his sons
Christian? More importantlS the fact that Martial did what he did while
he was bishop seems to suggest that there was no specific church-wide
policy against such actions, though it may have been customary in some
areas of the Christian world to avoid them. This would appear to be the
case among Cyprian and his followers.'Sfhat he is expressing in the letter
is his own non-ecumenical opinion and perhaps, the accepted practice in
Carthage and North Africa. Nothing more should be read into the letter,
especially as Stephen was not supPortive of Cyprian's actions and
Cyprian had no authority to enforce his opinion outside of his own see.
48. Cypr. epist.67.6.2 (CSEL 3.740J; tr. G. Clarke,Tbe Letters of St. Cyprian of
Carthage, ACW 47 (New York: Newman,
"1.9891,4.25.
See also the comments of V.
Saxer, Morts, Martyrs, Reliques en Afrique chrdtienne aux
premiers siicles
(Paris:
Beauchesne, 1 980), 93-94.
49. P. Hinchliff, Cyprian of Carthage and the IJnity of the Christian Church
(London: Chapman, 1,97 41, 92-117.
50. Cyprian epist.75.25.4 (CSEL 3.8271.
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN
BURIAL PRACTICES 47
Perhaps the most important source of early Christian funerary cus-
toms and attitudes towards death is the writings of Augustine. From an
episode concerning his mother, Monica, we learn that the age-old custom
of bringing offerings of food and wine to the dead continued among the
Christians. Monica was about to make such an offering in Milan when
she learned that Bishop Ambrose "had forbidden such ceremonies .
both for fear that to some they might be occasions for drunkenness and
also because they bore so close a resemblance to the superstitious rites
which pagans held in honor of their dead."51 It is remarkable that it was
at such a relatively late date that Christian authorities were attempting to
differentiate their funerary practices from those of the pagans. This
process included the banning of the great funerary banquets, of which
the offerings were a part. Augustine had much to say about the
drunkenness and riotous behavior which often accompanied these events
and which were instrumental in having them banned in North Africa.s2
\fhat is most significant for the present study is Augustine's expression
of his attitudes towards burial. For him, funerals and burials were not
absolutely necessary for the good of the deceased. Rather, as he states,
"Therefore, all such offices, that is, the care taken with funerals, the
embalming for burial, the procession of the mourners, are more for the
comfort of the survivors than to assist the dead."s3 This did not mean
that nothing was to be done for the deceased; there were good reasons to
see to the burial of deceased family and friends. God is pleased with such
"pietatis officia" states Augustine, and it also buttresses one's faith in the
resurrection.54
51. Augustine conf. 5.2, trs. R. Pine-Coffin (Harmondsworth: Penguin, l95l),
1,1,2-13. On the Christian continuation of the practice of libations to the dead, see
H. I. Marrou, "survivances paiennes dans les rites fun6raires des donastistes,"
Hommage d
Joseph
Bidez et d Franz Cumont, Collection Latomus, 2 (Bruxelles:
Latomus, n.d.), 193-203; reprinted in his Christiana tempora, Collection de l'6cole
frangaise de Rome, 35 (Rome: Ecole FranEaise de Rome, 1,978),225-37.
52. Augustine, epist. 22; De moral. eccl. 34; Saxer, Morts, 13349;
J. Quasten,
"'Vetus superstitio et nova religio': The Problem of referigium in the Ancient Church
of North Africa," HTR 33 (1940): 253-66; F, van der Meer, Augustinethe Bishop:
The Life and'Work of a Father of the Christian Church (London: Sheed, 1.961.1,498-
526; P. Brown, The Cub of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, l98L),26. For the same practice at Rome with
reference to the archaeological evidence, see R. Krautheimer, "Men52-Coemeterium-
Martyrium," Cahiers archAologiques
"l.l
(1950): 15-50.
53. De ciu. Dei 1..L3; ed. and trs. G. McCracken, LCL (Cambridge, Mass., 1'957),
1,.50-61,. Contrast this with the pagan view that the unburied dead were unhappy:
Cumont, Lux perpetua, 24.
54. De ciu. Dei l.'1,3.
48
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
Augustine returned to these concepts in a letter written to Paulinus of
Nola as a response to the latter's question about whether or not there
was any value in being buried next to the grave of a martyr.tt In his
response, Augustine quoted from his De ciuitate Dei and built upon
these ideas:
And if this is true, a place provided for burying bodies among the
memorials of the saints is surely a matter of good human affection in
attending to the funeral of one's own relatives. Indeed, if there is some
religious requirement that they be buried, there can be some when the
question is considered as to where they shall be buried. But, when such
comforts are sought for the living by which their pious intentions toward
their own loved ones are evident, I do not see what aids there are for the
dead except for this purpose, that, while the living are worshipping in the
place where the bodies of those whom they love are buried, they may
commend to the same saints, as if to patrons, those whom they have
undertaken before the Lord to aid by prayer. Actually, they could do this
even if they had not been able to bury them in such places.56
Furthermore, what is important is not the place of burial but that the
prayers for the soul of the deceased should be made: "Indeed, if some
necessity permits bodies to be buried, or does not give any opportunity
for them to be buried in special places, those supplications in behalf of
the dead are not to be passed over."57 Augustine concluded his remarks
with the following: "Since this is so, we should not think that any aid
comes to the dead for whom we are providing care, except what we
solemnly pray for in their behalf at the altars, either by sacrifices of
prayers or of alms. . . . Regardless of what is spent for burying the body,
it is not an aid to salvation, but a duty of our humanity according to that
love by which no one ever hated his own flesh."s8
These views are significant because they run contrary to commonly
held perceptions about how and where Christians were to be buried
during this period. To Augustine, the lack of burial would not affect the
salvation of the soul nor would the place of burial have any bearing so
55. This was something highly valued by many Christians. See Brown, Cub,32 ff .;
Y. Duval, Aupris des Saints corps et 6mes: u'inhumation 'ad sanctos' dans la
chrdtientd d'Orient et d'Occident du lIIe au VIle siicle (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes,
1988).
56. De cura pro mortuis gerenda 4 (CSEL 41,. 629-30); trs.
J.
A. Lacy in Saint
Augustine: Treatises on Marriage and Other Subiects, ed. R. Deferrari, FC 27
('Washington, D.C.: Catholic Universiry of America Press, 1955), 358.
57. cur.4 (CSEL 41.631,; trs. Lacy, 359).
58. cur.18; (CSEL 41,.658; trs. Lacy, 383).
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIANBURIALPRACTICES
49
long as the deceased had lived a good life and prayers were made on his
or her behalf. Although he does not say anything specific about
Christians and pagans being buried in the same tomb, the inference from
the tone of his statements is that it really would not matter and there
would be no condemnation.
The conclusion which results from this overview of synodical canons
and contemporary writings is that church regulations and practices
concerning burials in the third to sixth or even later centuries were by no
means standard but in a state of evolution. It is extremely significant that
in these sources there is not even the mention of a need to bless or
sanctify the place of burial. The earliest reference to what was to become
the standard practice in this regard is found in the writings of Gregory of
Tours concerning the death of St. Radegunde, abbess of Poitiers, which
occurred in 587. Gregory had arrived before the funeral had taken place
and urged the nuns to take care of the preparations immediately. To this
the new abbess replied: "But what will we do if the bishop of the city has
not come? For the place where she ought to be buried has not been
sanctified with the blessing of a bishop."se This passage demonstrates
that the practice of blessing the tomb had been established by 587, but
there is no indication of when it first came into use. The evolution of this
and other practices took place over a long period of time.
Another conclusion which may be drawn is that several of the
regulations were of a local nature. \fhile burials in churches were
banned in Galicia at the Council of Braga, they were taking place in
other areas of Christendom. While Cyprian may have been shocked by
the actions of Martial, other Christians in different areas may have seen
such actions as commonplace. There is very little in the sources to
suggest, and nothing to confirm, that Christians and pagans could not
have been buried together in the Via Latina catacomb or anywhere else.
It is necessary, however, to reiterate the fact that the sources are limited
in number and do not permit a complete view of early Christian attitudes
towards death and burial. For this reason, an examination of the
archaeological evidence is required to complete the picture.
59. Greg. Tur. De gloria beatorum confessorum c. 106 (PL 71..906); trs. R. van
Dam (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988), 107; see also the comments of
Marantonio Sguerzo, Euoluzione, 86. According to B. Biondi, Il diritto rotnano
cristiano (Milano: GiuffrB,
'1.952!',
2.25'1., the practice of consecrating tombs began
only in the sixth century. In England the earliest reference to such a consecration of
the burial site comes from the eighth century, inThe Pontificial of Egbert, Archbishop
of York, A.D. 732-66, ed.'V(. Greenwell, Publications of the Sortees Society, 27
(Durham: Andrews, 1853), 54.
50
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
There are some precautions to be taken in the study of archaeology of
this period. Attitudes are changing among scholars and many previously
held notions and interpretations are now being abandoned. No longer is
the representation of a fish automatically assumed to be Christian. The
presence of the date of death in a funerary inscription is no longer
thought to be an exclusively Christian practice while the dedication
"Dies Manibus Sacrum" is no longer assumed to be pagan.60 Archaeolo-
gists are no longer surprised when they find obviously pagan or even
obscene representations in tombs thought to be Christian.
As noted above, Christian cemeteries developed from pagan burial
areas. The evidence for this is both ample and widespread. In North
Africa, the entrance to the Christian catacomb at Hadrumentum is next
to a pagan necropolis, while the west necropolis of Tipasa shows a
continuity of use from the pagan into the Christian period.6r In North
Britain, Christian cemeteries "are imposed upon, and are often spatially
coterminous with pre-Christian burial grounds."62 ln ancient Sulcis on
the island of Sardegna, Christians reused centuries-old Carthaginian
hypogaea for their own burials.63 In Naples, the early third-century
hypogaeum of a pagan family soon became one of the vestibules of the
catacomb of San Gennaro.6a In the catacomb of Santa Lucia in Syracuse,
Sicily, Christians remodelled a pagan sacellum for use as a tomb, even
leaving the painted decoration intact except for scratching off the heads
and "viral parts" of the figures.65
In Rome there are numerous examples of this process. Christian family
hypogaea and private drele coexisted with pagan necropoleis through
the third century.56 The Hypogaeum of the Flavii began as a private
60. F6vrier, "Cult des morts," 249-50; Parrot, Mal1dictions,"L54. For other issues
concerning Christian inscriptions, see C. Galvao-sobrinho, "Funerary Epigraphy and
the Spread of Christianity in the
'West,"
Athenaeum 83 (1995): 431-62.
61. M. Carton and A. Leynaud, Les catacombes d'Hadrumite: Premi'|re catnpagne
des
fouilles
(Sousse: Imprimerie Franqaise, L905), 80; M. Bouchenaki, Fouilles de la
ndcropole occidentale de Tipasa (Mataris) (1968-1972) (Aleer: Soci6t6 nationale
d'6dition et de diffusion,'1975).
62. C. Thomas, The Early Christian Archaeology of North Britain (London:
Oxford University Press, 1,971), 53.
53. L. Porru, et al., Sant'Antioco. Le Catacombe. La Chiesa Martyrium: I
frammenti
scuborei (Cagliari: Stef, L989), 17-83.
64.U. Fasola, Le catacombe di S. Gennaro a Capodimonte (Rome: Editalia,
"1.9751,
18.
55. S. L. Agnello, "Paganesimo e cristianesimo nelle catacombe di S. Lucia a
Siracusa," Actes du Ve congr?:s international d'archdologie chrdtienne . . . L954
(Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1,957l',235-43, on 238.
65. Testini, Catacombe, 80.
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN
BURIAL PRACTICES 51
pagan tomb at the end of the second century before becoming part of the
catacomb of Domitilla.6T A pagan cemetery on the Via Appia underwent
the transformation to Christian during the second and third centuries,
with many pagan tombs containing distinctively Christian burials.6s A
similar transformation occurred in the Hypogaeum of the Acilii which
became part of the Catacomb of Priscilla. There is nothing in its
decoration to indicate that it became "Christian" until the end of the
third century and several pagan inscriptions were found in it.5e The
Christian cemetery and catacomb of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus occupied
the same ground as the cemetery of the Equites singulares, the imperial
horseguard.T0 A small pagan hypogaeum nearby may have even been
contemporary with the basilica and the Mausoleum of Helena.7l
An interesting example is provided by the catacomb of Sant'Agnese on
the Via Nomentana. In part of the catacomb galleries run by and to
pagan hypogaea. Except for one mausoleum that was damaged to make
way for an access stairway, the hypogaea were left intact and from the
plan of the catacomb, it appears that an effort was made to provide
access to them. However, in his report on the most recent excavations,
Fasola states that there was a "sistematica soppressione" of all the
hypogaea.T2 If this is true, then why was access provided to the mausolea
and why were they permitted to retain their pagan character? These are
questions which are not addressed in the report and merit further
investigation.
Just
as the evidence for the pagan origin of Christian cemeteries is
57.L. Pani Ermini, "IJipogeo detto dei Flavi in Domitilla," Riuista di archeologia
cristiana 45 (1,9691: 11,9-73; P. Pergola, "La r6gion dite des 'Flavi Aurelli' dans la
catacombe de Domitille," MEFR A 95 (1,983): 183-248.
58. U. M. Fasola, "Un tardo cimitero cristiano inserito in una necropoli pagana
della via Appia: L-area 'sub divo': La catacomba," Riuista di archeologia cristiana 60
(19841:7-42.
69. P. F6vrier, "Etudes sur les catacombes romaines," Cahiers arch1ologiques
'1,0
(1959): l-26; A. Ferrua, "Iscrizioni pagane della Catacomba di Priscilla," Archiuio
della societd romana di storia patria 110 (1987): 5-L9.
70.
J.
Guyon, Le cimetiire dux deux lauriers: Rechercbes sur les catacombes
romaines, Roma sotterranea cristiana, T; Bibliothdque des l'6coles Franqaises d'AthEnes
et de Rome,264 (Rome: Ecole Franqaise de Rome, 19871,30-33.
71,. P. Romanelli, "Roma-Via Labicana (oggi via Casilina): Tor Pignattara,"
Notizie degli scaui, 6th ser., 2 (1,9251: 70-72, dates it to "no earlier than the third
century." P. Styger, "Heidnische und christliche Katakomben," Pisciculi: Studien zur
Religion und Kultur des Altertums: Franz
Joseph
Dolger zuttt sechzigsten Geburtstage
(Miinster: Aschendorff,lg3g),266-75, on 274, gives it a fourth-century date.
72. U. Fasola, "La 'Regio IV' del cimitero di S. Agnese," Riuista di archeologia
cristiana 50
(197 4l 17 5-205
,
on 202-3 .
52
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
strong, so likewise is that of actual burials of pagans,
Jews,
and
Christians side by side. Numerous pagan objects were found in the
catacomb at Hadrumentum. Included among these were a lamp with the
head of Medusa and another with the figure of Serapis. Here roo was
found the tomb of the "Epicurean" Eustorgius next to that of his
Christian wife.73 Also found in one of the galleries was a large cinerary
vase containing incinerated bone fragments.Ta
\Uflhat
would Cyprian have
said about that?
The numerous catacombs and hypogaea around Syracuse have pro-
vided ample evidence of mixed burials. The catacomb of Vigna Cassia
has yielded several lamps with pagan and sexual representations as well
as pagan epitaphs and thysiai offering
jars
in generally Christian sur-
roundings.Ts The Branciamore Hypogaeum, which had remained intact
from antiquity until its excavation, contained various lamps of the third
and fourth centuries, some with Christian representations, some with
neutral scenes and others with
Jupiter,
Serapis and Isis, as well as sexual
designs.T5 A tomb in the Christian cemetery near Modica contained two
rings, one with a cruciform monogram, the other with a pagan deity.77
This would seem to indicate syncretistic beliefs held by this person and
perhaps many of these findings could be interpreted in a similar vein. On
the other hand, the fact that some of the lamps were attached to specific
tombs as well as the epigraphical evidence indicate that a good part of
the Sicilian hypogaea and catacombs contained a syncretistic group of
people rather than a group of people with syncretistic beliefs.
Also in Sicily are several examples of
Jewish
and Christians tombs
placed side by side at Agrigento and Noto Antica. In addition some
catacombs near Syracuse have yielded lamps with
Jewish
symbols
together with Christian lamps.78
73. L. Foucher, Hadrumentum (Paris Presses Universitaires de France, 1,9641,329-
31;
J.
Stevenson, The Catacombs Rediscouered: Monuments of Early Cbristianity
(London: Thames and Hudson, 1978), 142.
74. Carton and Leynaud, Catacombes, T5-80.
75. S. L. Agnello, "Siracusa-Nuovi ipogei scoperti nel cimitero di Vigna Cassia,"
Notizie degli scaui,8th ser., 9
(1955): 221-58; idem, "Scavi recenti nelle catacombe di
Vigna Cassia a Siracusa," Riuista di archeologia cristiana 32 (19561:7-27.
76.P. Orsi, "La catacomba di Fi.ihrer," RO 9 (1895): 463-88.
77.P. Orsi, "Cimitero cristiano del IV secolo in contrada Michelica presso Modica
(Sicilia)," Nuouo bullettino di arclteologia cristiana 12 (1,906):1,72-75.
78. L. V. Rutgers, "Archaeological Evidence for the Interaction of
Jews
and Non-
Jews
in Late Antiquity," AJA 96 (1,9921: L0L-L8, especially 1.12-14; for an example
of
Jewish
burials in a pagan tomb in Rome, see the same author's The
Jeus
in Late
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN
BURIAL PRACTICES 53
There are several examples of pagan and Christian burials in the same
tombs in Rome. These include the rather surprising pagan burials at the
memoria apostolorum under San Sebastiano on the Via Appia. The last
such burial to be documented by an inscription dates to 249.7e
Perhaps the most famous examples of co-existence in the grave are
found in the tombs excavated under the church of St. Peter in the
Vatican.so This necropolis grew next to the Circus of Nero and contained
the supposed grave of Saint Peter. Most of the excavated mausolea are
completely pagan with only one, designated M, exclusively Christian.
There are three pagan mausolea that also contain Christian burials. The
Mausoleum of the Caetennii (F) is decorated with representations of the
birth of Venus and of hunting scenes but among the cremations and
burials was found a modest grave with an inscription naming Aemilia
Gorgonia, a Christian. The style of the epigraphy shows the grave to date
to the middle of the second century.8l
The so-called "Mausoleum of the Egyptians" (Z) is one of the later
structures of the necropolis and contained no cremations.
'Within
it was
found a most eclectic collection of divinities. One wall holds a painting
of the Egyptian god Horus, while two sarcophagi, dating to the late
second or early third century, are decorated with scenes of Dionysius and
his entourage.In a small recess in the west was found a simple terracotta
sarcophagus containing the remains of a woman which was marked by a
fragmentary inscription using a Christian formula. In this tomb, then,
were
joined
"Horus, Dionysius (and) Christ-each offering to their
Ancient Rome: Euidence of Cubural Interaction in the Roman Diaspora, Religions in
the Graeco-Roman
'World,
725 (Leiden: Brill, 1995),55. Rutgers also stresses the
similarities shared by Christian and
Jewish
tomb architecture and decoration.
79. R. Krautheimer, et al., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae, English
edition (Vatican Ciry: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 19701, 4.113-14,
with bibliography; C. Carletti, "Pagani e cristiani nel sepolcro della 'Piazzola'sotto la
Basilica Apostolorum a Roma," Vetera christianorum 18 (1981): 287-307; E.
Jastrzebowska,Untersuchungen
zum christlichenTotenmahl aufgrund der Monumente
des 3. und 4.
Jahrhunderts
unter der Basilika des HI. Sebastian in Rom (Frankfurt:
Lang, 1981); F. Tolotti, "Sguardo d'insieme al monumento sotto S. Sebastiano e
nuovo tentativo di interpretarlo," Riuista di archeologia cristiana 50 (1,984): L23-61.
80.
J.
Toynbee and
J.
B. Vard-Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter and the Vatican
Excauations (London: Longmans, 1955); E. Kirschbaum, Die Griiber der Apostel-
fursten:
St. Peter und St. Paul in Rom,3rd ed. (Frankfurt: Societdts-Verlag, 1974);
H. Mielsch and H. von Hesberg, Die heidnische Nehropole unter St. Peter, Memorie
della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, L6 (Rome: Pontificio Istituto di
Archeologia Cristiana, 1986).
81. Toynbee and \7ard-Perkins, Shrine,32, 44-5'1,; Kirschbaum, Griiber,29.
54
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
followers, if in and on very different terms, salvation and life abundant
in the unseen world."82
There are in Rome a few hypogaea whose exact religious affiliation is
uncertain. The largest of these is that of the Aurelii on the Male
Manzoni.s3 Located within the Aurelian'Wall, it was apparently built in
the first decades of the third century as the style of its painted decoration
is datable to ca. 220. Divided among the hypogaeum's two cellae, the
decoration contains biblical scenes as well as several subjects of a neutral
character, and two scene from the Odyssey. The combination of these
topics and their particular iconographic details has led to various
interpretations. Cecchelli believed the hypogaeum to have belonged to
members of the Montanist set, while \Tilpert argued that the tomb was
the work of Gnostics. Stevenson calls the tomb "certainly Christian" but
Himmelmann has emphasized the pagan character of the decoration and
concludes that at best, it can be called "kryptochristlich."8a
The small Hypogaeum "dei Cacciatori" on the Via Appia has also
presented problems of interpretation.ss The difficulty here is that the
painted decoration, datable to the late third or early fourth century,
contains nothing of an overtly religious nature, only hunting scenes and
putti. An inscription found here does not help much either as it contains
both the dedication to the Manes, usually found on pagan tombs, and
the word depositus with the date of death, usually a Christian formula.
Also interesting is the Constantinian-era Hypogaeum of Trebius
Giustus located on the Via Latina.86 The decoration is generally of a
profane or neutral character with various scenes from daily life. The
82. Toynbee and'Ward-Perkrns, Shrine,56; the third mausoleum containing mixed
burials is that of the Marcii.
83. See G. Bendinelli,
*Il
monumento sepolcrale degli Aureli al Viale Manzoni in
Roma," MonAL 28 (1922): 289-520; G. Wilpert, "Le pitture dell'ipogeo di Aurelio
Felicissimo presso il viale Manzoni in Roma," MPAA 1, parte 2 (1.924): l-43; C.
Cecchelli, Monumenti cristiano-eretici di Roma (Rome: Palombi, 1,944), l-"1.19,235-
50; M. Petrassi, "Cristiani eretici e pagani nella Roma dei primi secoli," Capitolium
46, no.4 (aprile 19711:48-59; N. Himmelmann, Das Hypogiium der Aurelier am
Viale Manzoni. Ikonographiscbe Beobachtungen, Akademie der Wissenschaften und
Literatur, Mainz: Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse,
Jahrgang
1975,7 (\Tiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1,975l'.
84. Stevens on, Catacomb s, ILL
;
Himmelma nn, Hyp ogiium, 26.
85. Cecchelli, Monumenti,"l,80-84; K.
'Wurmbrand-Stuppach,
"Die
Jagerkatakombe
an der Via Appia," Beluedere 9-'1,0
(1,9261:289-94.
86. C. Casalone, "Note sulle pitture dell'ipogeo di Trebio Giusto a Roma," Cahiers
arch1ologiques
"1.2
(7962): 53-64; M. Petrassi, "Torna alla luce I'ipogeo di Trebio
Giusto," Capitoliutn 5l (19761: 1.7-22.
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN
BURIAL PRACTICES
most significant painting is that above the arcosolium of the tomb's
namesake. Trebius Giustus is shown seated on a cathedra and is flanked
by his parents who are presenting their deceased son with offerings in a
decidedly pagan manner. The tomb would have to be designated a pagan
monument if it were not for a medallion on the vault containing a
representation of the Good Shepherd. This has led to uncertainty in the
interpretation of the whole program.
'Were
Trebius and the others buried
here Gnostics?87 Perhaps they were syncretistic in their beliefs, Christians
who retained some pagan ideas.88 Or perhaps the owners of the tomb
were divided between pagans and Christians.
\7hile the available evidence does not permit us to determine with
certainty whether or not pagans and Christians shared these hypogaea,
there is a fourth burial area in Rome where such an arrangement was
definitely the case. This is the catacomb of Vibia located near that of
Praetextatus on the Via Appia.se The pagan paintings that decorate the
few arcosolia have long been known to scholars. In the lunette of one
arcosolium is the painted inscription which reads "M. Aurelius Scacerdos>
Dcei> S<olis> I<nvicti> M<ithrae>."e0 Another arcosolium contains the
following inscription: "D<is> M<anibus> sanctae adquae peraenni bone
memoriae viris Aurelii Faustiniano patri, et Castricio fratri, sacerdotibus
Dei Solis Invicti Mitrae. . . ."e1 In addition to the paintings, some of
which represented these priests, other pagan inscriptions were found in
the catacomb, and in fact, it appears that most of the burials were indeed
pagan. Yet, explorations undertaken at different times in the catacomb
show there were a good number of Christian burials here as well.e2
\07hat
is particularly significant about this remarkable catacomb is that
this intermingling of pagan and Christian burials occurred at a fairly late
date. The style of the paintings, the epigraphy and use of certain words
in the inscriptions all indicate that the catacomb was in the height of its
use from about 350 to 400.e3 The location of the tomb is also
noteworthn being very close to the Church-run Cemetery of Callixtus.
Thus the intermingling of Christians and pagans in the grave was not
87. As O. Marruchi, "IJipogeo di Trebio Giusto recentemente scoperto sulla via
Latina," Nuouo bullettino di archeologia cristiana 17 (1911):209-35.
88. So Cecchelli, Monumenti,1.46; and Casalone, "Note," 54.
89. Cecchelli, Monumenti,16T-80; A. Ferrua, "La catacomba di Vibia," Riuista di
archeologia cristiana 47 (1971,): 7-62.
90. Ferrua, "Catacombar" 37.
91. Ferrua, "Catacombar" 44.
92. Ferrua, " Catacomb ar" 33, 56-62.
93. Ferrua, "Catacomba," 58-51.
55
56
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
only occurring at this time in remote provincial areas or even in an out-
of-the-way part of the city's environs. This fact strengthens the position
that at this time there was no official church regulation banning the
burial of Christians and pagans in a private cemetery.
This brings us to the controversial Via Latina catacomb. Much has
been written about its decoration and its interpretation since its discov-
ery. The catacomb is formed by
"
series of cubicles opening off and
connected by corridors. These chambers are decorated with paintings:
those designated A-D, F-H, L-M contain Christian scenes. Cubicle E has
a reclining, partially nude woman holding an asp, originally identified as
Cleopatra, and later as Tellus but more recently and convincingly
recognized as Isis, the goddess of resurrection.e4 Whichever goddess is
represented, this is definitely a pagan image with no Christian meaning.
Cubicle I has a depiction of a philosopher, perhaps Aristotle, and his
followers who examine a cadaver.es Cubicles N and O are decorated with
some of the deeds of Hercules, including the slaying of the Hydra, the
apples of Hesperides and a depiction of the hero with his divine patron,
Minerva. Above the arcosolium is the scene with the most obvious
funerary connection, the story of his bringing Alcestis back to the
underworld. Several aspects of the catacomb are controversial.
rDThile
it
is universally agreed that the catacomb dates from the fourth century, its
proposed dating has ranged from ca.315 to as late as the 380's.e5 It was
clearly a private, not a church-owned catacomb, there being no mention
of it in any of the sources. Ferrua and others have thought it to be a
private family burial place while some scholars, noting that there were as
many as 400 burials here, argue that it was more likely the possession of
a collegium.eT
94. M. Maas, "Isis in the Via Latina Catacomb," Byzantine Studies Conference:
Abstracts of Papers 3 (1977): 9-1,0. M. Guarducci, "La 'morte di Cleopatra' nella
catacomba della via Latina," RPAA 37 (1.964-651:259-81, argued that the figure
represented Tellus; followed by Ferrua, Catacomb e, 7 6-77
;
Bargebuhr, P aintings, 38-
45, suggested a conflated "Tellus-Ceres-Isis" image, noting that Ceres is linked to Isis.
95. P. Boyanc6, "Aristode sur une peinture de la via Latina," M4langes Eugdne
Tisserant (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vatic ana, 1.9 641, 1.07
-24.
96. Fenua, Catacombe, 138, argued for a period for the decoration of ca. 315-60.
For the later dating, D. Wright, "Pagan Theology in the Via Latina Catacomb,"
Byzantine Studies Conference: Abstracts of Papers 9 (1983): 69-71.. A brief outline of
the chronology of the catacomb is given by Tronzo, Via Latina, l0-\7, who notes
four phases in the construction and decoration and argues that most decoration was
done in the periods ca. 315-25 and 340-50.
97 . Ferrua, Catacombe, 136-39; in favor of a collegium:
J.
Fnk, Bildfrommigkeit
und Bekenntnis: Das Alte Testament, Herahles und die Herrlichheit Christi an der Via
Latina in Rom (Ktiln: Btihlau,
"1,97611,31;
F. Deichmann, "ZurFrage der Gesamtschau
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIAN
BURIAL PRACTICES s7
The most controversial aspect of the catacomb is the iconographical
interpretation of its paintings. \fhile Ferrua and others are content to
read the pagan scenes at face value, some have sought to give them a
Christian interpretation, based on the assumption that pagans and
Christians did not share the same tomb. Most of the discussion has
centered around the representations of Hercules, with Fink arguing that
this mythological figure had been assimilated by the Christians and was
seen as a parallel to Christ.es Another recently expressed view is that the
Hercules scenes are "neutralr" the patron, presumably the wife of the
man buried in the arcosolium, choosing the Alcestis scene to express her
devotion to her own husband.ee
This raises the problem of the general assimilation of pagan mytho-
logical figures into Christian iconography during this period. Orpheus is
a good example of a pagan figure who soon came to be identified with
Christ and several depictions of a "Christianized" Orpheus are found in
Roman catacombs.loo Other pagan figures have been found in Christian
surroundings such as Ulysses, as mentioned above in the Hypogaeum of
the Aurelii, and Bellerophon, adopted as a symbol of good over evil.lOr
Perhaps the most surprising assimilation is the identification of Christ
with Sol Invictus as seen in the vault mosaic in Mausoleum M of the
Vatican necropolis.lo2 At times, pagan figures could be used in a purely
neutral context, as in the case of the fourth-century Projecta casket from
the Esquiline Treasure. The lid is decorated with the Toilet of Venus and
der friihchristlichen und friihbyzantinischen Kunst," Byzantinische Zeitschrift 63
(1970): 43-68, on 51-52.
98. Fink, Bildfr\mmigkeit; idem, "Herakles als Christusbild an der Via Latina,"
Riuista di archeologia cristiana 55 (1.980): 1.33-46. On the place of Hercules in
Roman funerary beliefs, see M.
Jaczynowska,
"Le culte de I'Hercule romain au temps
du Haut-Empire," ANRW 2.1.7.2 (Berlin, 1.981.), 631-61.
99. B. Berg, "Alcestis and Hercules in the Catacomb of Via Latina," Vigiliae
Cbristianae 48 (1,9941: 21,9-34.
100. C. Murran "The Christian Orpheus," Cahiers arcl'tiologiques 26 (1977):1,9-
28;
J.Huskinson,
"Some Pagan Mythological Figures and Their Significance in Early
Christian Art," PBSR 42 (19741;68-97, especially 69-73.
1.0L. Huskinson, "Figures," 73-78.
102. Toynbee and
'Ward-Perkins,
Shrine, 72-73; O. Perler, Die Mosaiken der
Juliergruft
im Vatihan, Freiburger Universititsreden, NS 16 (Freiburg in der Schweiz:
Universitdtsverlag, 1953h
J.
tValker,
"Solar Imagery and Early Christian Iconogra-
phy," Athanor 1 (1981): 5-72. The assimilation has been questioned by G. \7.
Bowersock, "The Imperial Cult: Perceptions and Persistence,"
Jeutish
and Christian
Self-Definition, ed. B. F. Meyer and E. P. Sanders (Philadelphia: Fortress,
'1.982),
3.'1,79, who argues that the figure of the mosaic was simply Sol lnvictus, but ignores
the evidence of the Christian wall paintings in the tomb.
58
JOURNAL
OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
various putti, nereids and centaurotritons, as well as other figures, and
has a dedicatory inscription reading "Secunde et Proiecta vivatis in
Chri<sto>." Rather than having a pagan religious meaning, the appear-
ance of Venus is to be seen as a flattering analogy to Projecta.l03
In all known Christian usages of pagan figures of this period, however,
Hercules does not appear. As Huskinson notes, there are a few represen-
tations of the hero on glass medallions now in the British Museum which
are supposedly from Roman catacombs, though this is highly uncer-
tain.lOa The only certain example of the
juxtaposition
of Hercules with
Christian imagery in a decorative program is found in the Via Latina
catacombs. In this case there are good reasons why Hercules should not
be seen as a Christian allegory. As noted by
\$Tright
and Simon, the
representations of Hercules are confined to only two cubicles, both of
which are void of any Christian symbols, that may be interpreted as
providing a pagan response to Christian expressions of belief in salva-
tion.105 Furthermore, if Hercules is to be seen as having a Christian
character, one would also need to find a Christian explanation for the
philosopher and Isis. A depiction of a philosopher would not be
uncommon in Christian art, though there are some details of this scene,
particularly the cadaver, which detract from a Christian interpretation.106
As far as Isis is concerned, there are no Christian parallels with this
particular fype. In short, the interpretation of these scenes as represent-
ing the beliefs of their pagan patrons is more convincing.
One of the conclusions which can be drawn from this brief overview
of Christian burial places is that the decoration and furnishing of private
tombs belonging to individual families or collegia was exclusively the
domain of the owners. The pagan lamps in Sicily, the Sol Invictus in the
mausoleum under the church of St. Peter, the Ulysses scenes in the Aurelii
103. K. Shelton, The Esquiline Treasure (London: British Museum Publications,
L981]/,27.
1.04. Huskinson, "Figures," 81,-82. A possibly related monument is the small
fourth-century hypogaeum near Iznik which contained a reused second-century
sarcophagus with scenes of the life of Hercules. The decoration of the walls and vault
is Christian. See N. Firatli, "An Early Byzantine Hypogaeum Discovered at lznik,"
Mansel'e Armagan: Mdlanges Mansel (Ankara: Ti.irk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 19741,
91,9-32 and pls. 32748.
105. \fright, "Pagan Theology"; M. Simon, "Remarques sur le Catacombe de la
Via Latina," Mullus: FestschriftTheodor Klauser,Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum,
Ergdnzungsband, L (Miinster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1964),327-
35, on 333.
L06. See
\Wright,
"Pagan Theology."
JOHNSON/PAGAN-CHRISTIANBURIALPRACTICES
59
Hypogaeum, the offering scene in that of Trebius Giustus and the mixing
of Christian and pagan scenes in the Via Latina catacomb, all give ample
proof that the church did not exercise any control whatsoever over
private tombs. The other conclusion to be drawn from the archaeological
evidence is that the numerous examples of pagan and Christian burials in
the same tombs demonstrates the same lack of ecclesiastical control.1o7
These points can also serve as the general conclusion of this study.
Roman law, still in effect throughout the fourth century, provided the
legal basis for the
joint
burials of people of differing religious beliefs,
with no injunction against such burials. Ecclesiastical regulations were
still in a state of development at this time, and from available sources it
appears that centuries were to pass before firm control over burial
practices of members was established. The writings of contemporary
authors lead to the same conclusion, with the qualification that some
regulations against pagan-Christian co-burials may have existed in
certain localized areas. The irrefutable conclusion of the archaeological
evidence is that Christians and pagans were indeed buried in the same
tomb on occasion throughout the fourth century, if not beyond.
The reason such burials would occur are easy enough to explain. The
process of Christianization was not instantaneous. Families in the fourth
century were often divided among pagan and Christian.l08 The family
tomb was deeply rooted in the tradition of Roman society and differing
beliefs among family members would usually not be a reason to divide
the family. In the case of the collegia, once a person had gained
membership, his right to burial could not be denied, no matter what his
religious beliefs were or how they may have changed in the meantime.
The evidence leads to the conclusion that in the fourth century the
private collegia and the family tomb remained under the control of their
owners, with no Church interference. The "conflict" of. pagans and
Christians ended at the grave.
Mark
J. Johnson
teaches in the Department of Visual Arts at
Brigh am Young Uniuersity.
107. Similar conclusions, based on archaeological evidence, have been drawn by
Simon, "Remarques," 3331 Ferrua, Catacombe,'1,36; idem, "Catacomba," 62; and B.
Kiitting, Die
friihchristliche
Reliquienhub und die Bestiittung im Kirchengebiiude
(Koln: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1965), 12.
108. P. Brown, "Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman AristocracS"
/RS
51
(L961.1: l-ll.