200510

NC October Cover
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Page 2
Numismatic
Circular
OCTOBER
2005
Volume CXIII
Number 5
Contents
Published
since 1892
C. Numonius Vaala (41 B.C.), Denarius

Item RM2635 2,000
A Few Unusual Coins of the Anarchy

M. Faintich, Ph.D
A New Silver Ceremonial Coin of
Constans II (A.D. 641-668) S. Bendall
Portraits of Greek Coinage R. J. Eaglen
Two Henry I Type XV Notes D. A. Walker
The Uncharitable Monopolizer D. W. Dykes
Freya Woolf M. Sharp
A Comment on the Coinage of John Comnenus-Ducas
(1237-1244) in the Light of a New Discovery
S. Bendall
305
306
307
308
309
312
312
Two Misstruck Henry I Pennies

P. P. Gaspar and M. Lessen
A Token of the London Baker whose Oven Sparked
the Great Fire R. H. Thompson
Book Reviews
B.A.N.S. Weekend (2-4 September 2005)
I.A.P.N. Book Prize for 2005
An Interesting and Important Self-Portrait That
Recently Passed Through Our Hands
Important New Books
314
315
316
317
317
318
318
NC October Cover
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MG1530
MG1525
MG1520
MG1531
MG1533
MG1522
MG1537
MD0175
MS6701
MS6739
MS6767
MG1540
MD0166
MG1541
MD0183
MD0184
MS6705
MS6711
MS6742
MS6745
MD0185
MS6714
MS6746
MS6688
MS6721
MS6748
MS6690
MS6726
MS6753
MS6775
MS6769
TT3425
I0170
I0159
MD0167
MD0162
I0179
TT3429
I0187
TT3441
I0196
I0198
NC October Editorial
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Page 305
The Numismatic Circular

October 2005
Volume CXIII
Number 5
Contents
M. Faintich, Ph.D
Constans II (A.D. 641-668) S. Bendall
Portraits of Greek Coinage R. J. Eaglen
Two Henry I Type XV Notes D. A. Walker
The Uncharitable Monopolizer D. W. Dykes
Freya Woolf M. Sharp
A Comment on the Coinage of John Comnenus-Ducas
(1237-1244) in the Light of a New Discovery
S. Bendall
P. P. Gaspar and M. Lessen
A Token of the London Baker whose Oven Sparked
the Great Fire R. H. Thompson
Book Reviews
B.A.N.S. Weekend (2-4 September 2005)
I.A.P.N. Book Prize for 2005
An Interesting and Important Self-Portrait That
Recently Passed Through Our Hands
Important New Books
305
306
307
308
309
312
312
314
315
316
317
317
Published since 1892
It is interesting to note that Richard of Ilchester was

mentioned several times as scriptor curie in the pipe roll of
Henry II in the second year of his reign, indicating a close
association to the new king soon after the end of the anarchy.
Richard of Ilchester served the new king in several aspects, and
was baron of the exchequer from at least 1165. If this unique
penny is indeed from Ilchester, then perhaps it was a baronial
piece struck by Richard as a supporter of the Angevin cause
during the anarchy.
Blundered legends on irregular coins of the anarchy were
usually a sign of a moneyer who did not want to show loyalty to
either cause for fear of choosing incorrectly, and/or a moneyer
who debased his coinage during the anarchy, and did not want
the sub-standard coins to be traceable. The coin shown in figure
2, with blundered legends on both the obverse and the reverse, is
one of a parcel of coins sold privately from the Beauvais hoard,
and was most likely struck in northern England, or perhaps
Scotland. Of particular interest is the modification of the sceptre
with an annulet enclosing a pellet that replaces the royal fleur-delis. In addition, the lis on the crown are replaced by pellets. The
annulet and pellets may suggest a bishopric origin. One other coin
of this type is said to be known, and it was found in northern
England.
318
318
Our list of numismatic items and books offered for sale

follows on page 319

(1138-1153)
Marshall Faintich, Ph.D.
The irregular coins struck in England during 1138-1153, when
the country was in a state of anarchy as a result of the civil war
between the factions supporting either Stephen or Matilda, are
interesting and often difficult to attribute. A few of them are
discussed in this article. The first two are coins that were found in
the Beauvais hoard.
Figure 1
Obverse: [+...]; Reverse: AE.. WA.. ON IVEL
The irregular and unique coin shown in figure 1 is most likely
a baronial issue, with a crude bust left and cross on the obverse,
and a cross moline reverse. It is of good silver, but extremely light,
weighing only 0.63g. This coin is listed in North (see N.884,
footnote 414). A partial reverse legend suggests that the coin may
have been struck at Ilchester. North states only ON IVEL in his
footnote, but close inspection suggests additional partial letters as
shown in the caption.
Figure 2
Pelleted annulet on sceptre
Perhaps this penny (figure 2) was struck during the same
period as other coins bearing a pelleted annulet. Some of the
phase B pennies of David of Scotland have a crescent or annulet
enclosing a pellet in each quadrant of the reverse cross, and these
coins are thought to have been struck in the middle or late
1140s. An extremely rare Watford variety of Stephen has an
annulet on the kings shoulder, and the lis in the reverse
quadrants are replaced with annulets enclosing pellets.
Figure 3
Obverse: + STIE[FNE]; Reverse: +PVL[NOD: ON:] NOh:
The cut half penny shown in figure 3 was struck by Wulnod in
Northampton, and is from the same dies as another cut half
penny listed in the Fitzwilliam Museum Early Medieval Corpus
OCTOBER 2005 305
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(#1996.0300). By combining images of the two coins, with 50%

transparency from each coin in the overlap areas, an almost
complete coin can be visualized (figure 4), and the complete
legend can be determined.
Figure 4
Composite Image
Figure 6. shows an unusual cut half penny with a trefoil of

annulets in each quadrant of the reverse cross. North lists this
coin as a variation of the cross and piles type of Stephen (N. 880,
Mack #206, Lockett #1138) with an unintelligible obverse
legend and a reverse legend of + S []NE O[]ER. North suggests
York as a possible mint. The cut half penny, which weighs 0.51g,
fills in most of the reverse letters of the moneyers name:
SIM[V]N, although the die of the example shown here is slightly
different from that shown as Mack #206. The cut half penny has
+TO (Thomas?) at the beginning of the obverse legend, and
therefore, the coin does not read any form of Stephens name,
suggesting that it is a baronial piece and not a variety of Stephens
coinage. Simun is a known moneyer of Stephen pennies struck in
Leicester, but the ER ending of the mint name on the Mack
example does not match any of the known abbreviations for that
mint. Simun is also known for striking irregular coinage (BMC
type v). Until the complete obverse and reverse legends are known
for this coin and most of those shown above, their full attribution
will remain a mystery.

Constans II (A.D. 641-668)
S. Bendall
Figure 5
Henry of Anjou?
Upon Matilda's arrival at Bristol in 1139, pennies were struck
in her name, and beginning in 1142, in the name of her son,
Henry of Anjou, who would later become Henry II of England.
The penny in figure 5 was struck by the moneyer Jordan
(IORDAN), and features a bust right with sceptre and a cross
in front of the sceptre. The most probable obverse legend is
H: ENRICVS. +, which would attribute this penny to Henry of
Anjou, but Prince Henry of Scotland is also a possibility. The
moneyer IORDAN is unknown for both Prince Henry and Henry
of Anjou, and is only known as a moneyer from the mints at
Bristol (for Matilda) and Norwich (for Stephen) for this type of
coin. The mint name is difficult to read, but most probable
reverse legends are IORDANVS ON MELMS.. (Malmesbury) or
IORDANVS ON WELLIG.. (or WELIG.. or VELIG.. - Wallingford).
The relationship to either mint may be problematic for a coin of
Prince Henry. However, coins were struck for Henry of Anjou at
Malmesbury, and at Wallingford, a baronial coin of Brian Fitz
Count was struck, demonstrating limited activity during the
period.
Figure 6
Trefoil of Annulets
306 NUMISMATIC CIRCULAR
(x2)
The coin published here was recently brought to the writers
attention.
Obverse dNCONSTAN-TINUSPPAV. Constans with long beard,
standing wearing crown and chlamys, holding globus
cruciger in right hand, left hand across waist1.
Reverse Cross potent on three steps flanked by palm branches.
Wt. 1.90 gm.; Diam. 18 mm.
According to Hahn, the coinage of Constans which depicts
him alone and with a long beard dates to the period 651/2 - 654.
The hexagrams of this period (MIB 147/8; DO 52/3; S. 993/4)
are amongst the rarest in the whole series, rarer possibly even
than those of Justinian II and later rulers. However, there is
already a comparable Ceremonial silver coin for these rare
hexagrams of Constans (MIB 139; S. 986A). This new coin is
unusual in two respects - firstly, the standing figure of the
emperor but, in some ways more important, the cross on the
reverse is a simple cross potent resting on three steps, omitting the
usual globe.
It seems unlikely that this coin is a trial piece. It has every sign
of being a regular issue struck between 651 and 654. The
hexagrams of this period are extremely rare and it would be
interesting to know if a coin of this denomination with this
obverse will appear in due course.
Footnote.
1. At first the writer wondered whether the emperor was holding an akakia
or a short sword across his body with his left hand but this seems unlikely.
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Portraits of Greek Coinage

R. J. Eaglen
6 - Celenderis
Obverse
Reverse
Stater, c.410 400 BC.

Obverse: Naked rider, with whip in right hand, dismounting from
horse frisking r., framed by border of fine dots.
Reverse: Goat l., kneeling on left foreleg, with head turned back.
above, with between hind legs. T (?) in exergue. All
within an incuse circle.
be eaten on or after such occasions21. Although there are some

differences of view22, it is believed that milk of cows, goats and
ewes were not important to the Greek diet, partly owing to the
climate and partly because lactose was indigestible to many
people23. It was nevertheless valued for medicinal and cosmetic
purposes24. Hides also had their uses, including an alternative to
papyrus for writings25, but fur was spurned as a characteristic of
northern barbarian dress26.
The goat also enjoyed an important, if not greatly
distinguished place in Greek mythology. Pan was half man, half
goat, as befitted his role as the guardian of flocks, and shepherds
would sacrifice kids, goats or sheep to him. This cult spread from
Arcadia to the rest of Greece in the fourth century BC27. Satyrs,
the boon companions of Dionysus, god of wine, fertility and
rebirth, were often portrayed with goat-like characteristics28. The
mythical beast slain by the hero Bellerophon, the chimaera,
comprised the forepart of a lion, a goat in the middle and a snake
at the rear29. The Greek words for a she-goat () and
chimaera were the same30. The goat of Celenderis, however,
appears to have been a mundane creature.
The omnipresent and omnivorous goat has often been blamed
for the bleak mountainsides of modern Greece, but it is hard to
imagine them as predominant culprits in the loss of vegetation.
10.70g (22mm diameter).

Authors collection. Ex David Miller, 2004.
The coins of Celenderis whisper faintly across the millennia.
Celenderis, on the south-eastern coast of Turkey about fifty-five
miles north of Cyprus, is said to have been founded by Sandokos,
father of Kinyras1. It was later colonised from Samos, possibly
before 700 BC2. It became an important city and harbour3 on the
northerly Mediterranean sea route, reflected in the quantity of
coinage struck there, initially to the Persian standard, from the
fifth century BC onwards4.
The obverse of a naked, dismounting horseman was
introduced at the outset and continued until the last third of the
fourth century5. The scene, with the horse facing left or right, has
been identified with the kalpe, a horse race in which the rider
jumped down to finish the race running alongside his mount6. A
trotting race ( ) was one of the events of the
Olympic games7. It may be observed that if the race had already
ended the scene would have depicted the horse standing still
rather than moving. Various representations of a horse and
naked rider were popular themes on Greek coinage, most notably
at Tarentum over the same period8. However, the horsemen
shown dismounting all carry a shield9, whereas some have a
lance10, some wear a helmet11 or have both additional trappings12,
suggesting that a warrior rather than competitor is being
depicted.
The reverse of a kneeling goat, with its head turned back to
face either left or right, enjoyed a long currency at Celenderis,
stretching from the mid-fifth to the first century BC13.
Accompanied by an abbreviation of the city name, like the owls of
Athens it must have been the citys emblem. Kraay saw it as a
punning allusion to the city name, as some goats were known as

14. Its precursor appears on coins from eastern
Macedonia at the beginning of the fifth century BC15. Given the
importance of the goat in the ancient world, it is perhaps
surprising that it does not figure more frequently on Greek
coinage. Archelaus, king of Macedon (413 399 BC) issued a
reverse depicting the forepart of a kneeling goat16 and Ainos, in
Thrace, provides good examples of the animal standing upright17.
At a practical level, goats were major contributors to basic diet
in the form of cheese, alongside stone-ground bread, olives, figs,
wine diluted with water, honey, eggs and fish18. Goat cheese also
appears to have been an important constituent of military
rations19. Goat meat was much less consumed and, if so, more
probably as kid20, killed for sacrificial or other festive purposes to
Footnotes.
1. Barclay V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1911), p.718.
2. G.Shipley, A History of Samos, 800 - 188BC (Oxford, 1987), pp.41-42. N.
G. L. Hammond, A History of Greece to 322 BC, 3rd edition, (Oxford,
1986), pp.121, 660, dates the Samian foundation as probably in the
sixth century BC.
3. Strabo, Geographia, 14.5.3.
4. Head, Historia Numorum, p.718. The Persian standard was of a double
siglos of 11.0g (C. M. Kraay and Max Hirmer, Greek Coins (New York),
p.17.
5. David R. Sear, Greek Coins and their Values, II (London, 1979), pp.502-03.
6. George C. Brauer, The Kalpe an Agonistic Reference on several Greek
Coins?, SAN 6, no. 1 (fall 1974), pp.6-7.
7. H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition with a
revised Supplement (Oxford, 1996), p.870.
8. Arthur J. Evans, The Horsemen of Tarentum, NC (1889), pp.1-228.
9. Ibid., Plates II. 7, III. 9 and 10.
10. Ibid., Plate VII. 10.
11. Ibid., Plate VII. 9.
12. Ibid., Plate II. 6.
13. Sear, Greek Coins and their Values, pp.502-03.
14. Colin M. Kraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins (London, 1976), p.279.
The word is not listed in the Greek-English Lexicon and the further
suggestion, that the obverse - showing a race-horse () is also
punning, stretches credibility.
15. These coins were until recently attributed to Aigai (see, for example,
Kraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins, p.141) but are now considered as
tribal issues from Bisaltia or Mygdonia, further to the east (see, for
example, C. Lorber, The Goats of Aigai, in pour Denyse: Divertissements
Numismatiques, edited by S. M. Hurter and C. Arnold Biucci (Bern,
2000), pp.113-135).
16. Sear, Greek Coins and their Values, I (London, 1978), 1494, p.151.
17. Ibid., p.158.
18. Peter Green, Ancient Greece, a Concise History, (London, 1973), p.20.
19. A Dictionary of Ancient Greek Civilisation, (London, 1966), p.203.
20. C. M. Bowra, The Greek Experience, (London, 1957), p.5.
21. The Oxford Classical Dictionary, edited by Simon Hornblower and Anthony
Spawforth, revised 3rd edition (Oxford, 2003), p.603; Dictionary of
Ancient Greek Civilisation, p.203.
22. Bowra, The Greek Experience, p.4; Dictionary of Ancient Greek Civilisation,
p.203.
23. Oxford Classical Dictionary, p.981.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., p.250.
26. Ibid., p.497.
27. Ibid., p.1103.
28. Catherine Jones, Sex or Symbol? Erotic Images of Greece and Rome,
(London, 1989), pp.78, 82.
29. Oxford Classical Dictionary, p.322.
30. Greek-English Lexicon, p.1192.
31. Bowra, The Greek Experience, p.4.
OCTOBER 2005 307
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Page 308
Two Henry I Type XV Notes

David A. Walker
1. Alvric of Norwich or Canterbury
In Spinks Numismatic Circular February 2005 two type XV coins
of Henry I were offered for sale, both attributed to the Norwich
mint and the moneyers Alvric? The cataloguers rendering of the
reverse legend being as follows:HS1969 ALV[ ]DP:
HS1970 ALVRI[ ]P:
In the description to HS1970 it was stated that The fourth
letter of the moneyers name is clear but badly formed, it might be
an E. It was also stated that the two coins were from the same
reverse die. A comparison of the two illustrations confirms this.
In SCBI 48(Northern Museums), coin 1154 in The Harris
Museum and Art Gallery Preston and ex Prestwich Hoard 1972,
is recorded as one of Aelfred of Norwich, the cataloguer reading
the moneyers name as ALV--- and the mint name as (-----C).
In the Pre-Saint-Evroult Hoard 19101 coin 156 is described
under Norwich as having the reverse inscription as:ALWI[
No reason is given for the Norwich mint attribution. The
illustration shows the W is a V with a diagonal downstroke within
the V parallel to the first diagonal downstroke of the V. There is no
evidence of double striking on the coin which would produce this
curious letter. There is little doubt, however, that a V was
intended.
Identifying coins from the same dies of poorly struck coins is
difficult and on all four coins described above little more than half
the reverse is legible. Fortunately and curiously, approximately
the same part of the coin is legible on all four coins. The strong
probability is the four coins are from the same reverse die,
however only HS1969 and SCBI 48 #1154 seem to share the
same obverse die and that is by no means certain.
Looking at the illustration of the reverse of SCBI 48 #1154 it
is possible to see how the cataloguer may have mistook the poorly
struck P for a C, whilst on Pre-Saint-Evroult #156 the additional
mark on the V must be damage to the die after the other coins
were struck.
Accepting that all four coins are struck from the same reverse
die and combining the visible letters gives the following reverse
reading:+ALVRI[]DP:
In the description to HS1969 it is pointed out that Alvric is
unrecorded as a moneyer under Henry I and is not known until
Stephen type VI. The description continues The other possible
reading is Canterbury (CANDP), where the moneyer Aelfred is
tentatively identified in type XV (PCB1946).
Looking at the Norwich mint signature during the reign of
Henry I, two basic forms are found:1. NORDPIC
2. NORPIC
The length of the moneyers name is obviously a factor in how
much of the mint name is visible and to differentiate between the
two readings at least four letters of the mint name need to be
visible on the coin.
An extensive search of coins with the Norwich mint signature
showed that NORD[PIC] was recorded in the first three BMC types
but no others. The form NORP[IC] appears in BMC types V, VII, IX,
XI, XII, XIII, XIV, and XV. The small number of surviving coins
from before BMC type X means that some future modifications
may have to be made to these findings but it can be seen that
NORD[PIC] is a signature used in the early part of the reign and
NORP[IC] is most likely found from BMC type V at least and
certainly towards the end of the reign. Students of the coinage of
Henry I maybe somewhat disappointed that the change in mint
signature didnt occur somewhat later when it could have helped
resolve some of the problems associated with the order of the
issues in the middle part of the reign.
It can be seen therefore that NORDPIC is an early form of the

Norwich mint signature and was not used at the end of the reign
and the four coins cannot have been struck at Norwich. It can be
assumed therefore that the coins were struck at Canterbury
where the signature, CANDP, is found in type XV.
Examination of HS1970 strongly suggests that the final letter
visible is an I rather than an E and thus the moneyers name is
Alvri(c.). As far as Im aware this moneyer is otherwise unknown
for Canterbury during of the reign of Henry I. However Beauvais
Hoard lot 902 records the legend on the two coins in the lot,
both given to Winchester, as:[AL]VRICVS: ON: PIN:
ALVRIC[-]
Unfortunately the cataloguer misread the first coin because it
clearly reads [AL]FRICVS: ON: PIN: but the reading for the second
is correct. This coin however is from a different reverse die to the
four coins described above, but it remains a distinct possibility
that this coin was struck by Alvric of Canterbury rather than by
Alfric/Alvric of Winchester.
2. Aelfred of Canterbury or Lincoln
Referring back to the description of HS1969 and its reference
to Alfred (PCB 1946). Fortunately PCB 1946 is illustrated in the
sale3 and the reverse legend reads:+ AILRED:ON[ ]
Comparison with SCBI-27 # 9264 shows the two coins are
likely to be from the same dies, both obverse and reverse. SCBI-27
#926 is also Mossop Pl. LXXXVI-15 despite the lack of
acknowledgement in SCBI-27 and the difference in recorded
weights. The reverse legend of SCBI-27 #926, which in the
description is given to [Uthr]ed of Lincoln, reads:[ ]ED[ ]ICOL
Showing its clearly a coin of Lincoln.
It is also likely that these two coins use the same reverse die as
SCBI-24 #8566. The description for SCBI-24 #856 give the coin
to Ailred of Lincoln and refers to the coin being a die duplicate of
a coin in the Lincoln Hoard 1972. The reading of SCBI-24 #856
is:AILRED[ ]
It can be seen therefore that PCB 1946 and SCBI-27 #926
were struck by Ailred of Lincoln. PCB 1946 is the only reference I
can find for Aelfred of Canterbury so the re-attribution of this
coin to Lincoln means that Aelfred should be removed from the
list of Canterbury type XV moneyers.
To summarise therefore:1 Alvri(c )? needs to be added to the list of Canterbury type XV
moneyers
2 A(e)lfred needs to be removed from the list of Canterbury type
XV moneyers
3 The attribution of SNC 2004 (Feb) HS1969 and HS1970,
SCBI-48 #1154 and Pre-Saint-Evroult 156 should be
changed to Alvri(c) of Canterbury and any reference to
Alfric/Alfred of Norwich deleted.
4 The attribution of Carlyon-Britton 1946, Mossop Pl.
LXXXVI-1, SCBI-27 #926 and SCBI-24 #856 needs to be
changed to Ailred of Lincoln and any reference of Aelfred at
Canterbury and Uthred of Lincoln needs to deleted.
5 SCBI-27 #926 needs to be referenced to Mossop Pl. LXXXVI1 and the weights to both references need to be queried.
Footnotes
1. Tresors Monetaires III 1981 p.88-102 & Pl. XV-XX
2. Glendining sale 4 November 1987
3. Sotheby Wilkinson & Hodge sale 11-13 Nov 1918 (P.W.P. Carlyon-Britton
part 3) p.357 lot 1946.
4. SCBI 27 Lincolnshire Collections
5. H.R. Mossop Lincoln Mint
6. SCBI 24 Ancient British, Anglo-Saxon and Norman coins in the West
Country Museums
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Page 309
The Uncharitable Monopolizer

D. W. Dykes
The essential source for any serious student or collector of the
eighteenth-century British token is Richard Daltons and Samuel
Henry Hamers Provincial Token-Coinage of the 18th Century,
described by the late Charles Wilson Peck as one of the finest
numismatic books ever published. In its original edition it is
splendidly illustrated with collotype reproductions of virtually
every token known to the authors at the time of publication and
it says much for their application that, apart from minor varieties,
very little of importance has been added to their catalogue over
the years1. Nevertheless, while Dalton and Hamer [D&H] is a
magisterial work its very compass and inclusivity belie its title for
it embraces a range of material including private collectors
pieces, shop tickets, and political, social and architectural
medalets - that cannot strictly be regarded as monetary although
much of it did easily slip into the circulatory medium on account
of its module and some of it Thomas Spences pieces
immediately spring to mind - was deliberately intended to pass
from hand to hand as political promotional propaganda. Most of
the specimens listed in the Middlesex National and Political and
Social series, for example, are medalets, and seem to have been
admitted to the catalogue purely for having been struck to what
was assumed to be a penny size and weight.
One of the more fascinating pieces in this group is
The Uncharitable Monopolizer medal (D&H: Middlesex 239;
BHM: 497; Figure 1). Apart from the eccentric output of Thomas
Spence this is one of the few examples of satirical art in this
medium a surprising lacuna in an age of vigorous political and
social caricature. The crowded obverse shows a man attempting
to swallow the world; around his head is a band inscribed
POSSESSION and worked into the crown a devil embracing a sheaf
of corn. The legends THE UNCHARITABLE MONOPOLIZER and, in a
label, WILL STARVE THE POOR are inscribed around the outer rim,
TAKE NOT WHAT WAS MADE FOR ALL around the globe and in
the field of the medal MORE WAREHOUSE ROOM / WHEAT IS BUT 22 /
SHILLINGS A / BUSHEL above the image with 1800 / IN DISTRESS
below. The reverse shows an open hand, the wrist ornamented
with a band with rays extending to stars to resemble a celestial
crown, dropping coins to outstretched child-like hands, one of
which holds a hat, while a grasping attenuated adult hand tries
unsuccessfully to stem the flow. Above is engraved an all-seeing
eye, radiate, with the legend WELL DONE. Overall is the legend
THE CHARITABLE HAND and below, in a label, the words COME ALL
YE DISTRESSED *.
Although Dalton and Hamer listed the medal in three varieties

(D&H: Middlesex 239, 240 and 241) only one, D&H: 239 (struck
en medaille and plain edged in a collar, and known in silver, copper
and white metal versions), can be accepted as a substantive issue.
The other two varieties, D&H: 240 (in lead and white metal) and
D&H: 241 (apparently only found in white metal) first recorded,
as far as I am aware, in the 1901 sale of W. J. Daviss collection but
unfortunately not illustrated in the catalogues excellent plates2 are struck from the same obverse die as D&H: 239 but their
reverses differ and the pieces have all the characteristics of being
trials struck prior to the completion of the reverse die for D&H:
239. The Davis catalogue, unsurprisingly, records its example of
D&H: 241 (lot 637) as not being stuck in a collar.
The reverse of D&H: 241 (Figure 2) lacks the radiation under
WELL DONE in D&H: 239, the hand supporting the hat and the
stops in the inscription in the label. Otherwise it conforms, in

every respect, to the substantive issue in the treatment of its
imagery, its spatial structure and the letter punches used. The
conclusion must thus be that it is a late trial prior to the addition
of the missing elements of the design.
D&H: 240 (Figure 3) is more problematic for although the

theme of its reverse type is the same as D&H: 239 its detailed
handling is quite distinct.
The disposition of the adult hands, the grouping of the falling

coins and the extent of the radiation under WELL DONE vary
materially from D&H: 239, the hat is smaller (and again lacks a
supporting hand), the supplicating childs hands have longer
arms and the eye is missing. Altogether the imagery is not so
adroitly executed although the lettering is more evenly spaced
than on D&H: 239. It has been suggested that the medalet is a
later fabrication. However, the facts that it shares the same
obverse die and, stylistically, its reverse matches the workmanship
of the engraver of the reverses of D&H: 239 and 241 and uses the
same set of reverse letter punches imply that it is a contemporary
product of the same die-sinkers workshop, presumably predating
D&H: 241 as the artists first essay in striving to create a visually
powerful effect.
The true order of the varieties would thus seem to be:
D&H: 240 (an essay using a subsequently discarded reverse die)
D&H: 241 (a final trial piece) D&H: 239 (the substantive
issue). D&H: 240 and 241 are both extremely rare, D&H: 241
perhaps excessively so since I have been unable to trace any
specimen other than that recorded in the Davis Sale (lot 637) and
by Dalton and Hamer. This could well be the same specimen and,
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as Davis thought, may be unique. Three specimens of D&H: 240

have been listed in sale catalogues over the past half century:
(1) Noble, lot 400, ex Farnell, Part 1, lot 125 (part);
(2) Longman, lot 149 (part); and
(3) Gerson, Part 1, lot 196, ex P. C. Deane Collection
(bt. 1975).
In a note to the Gerson specimen the cataloguer [Peter PrestonMorley] suggested that the Longman piece was perhaps the
D&H plate coin, p. 120, and that one of the three might formerly
have belonged to Davis (lot 636)3.
One eccentricity of Dalton and Hamer was their anxiety to list
every token under a specific county even when such a geographic
association was extremely tenuous and to use Middlesex as a
catch-all for tokens of unknown location that earlier writers
from Conder to Atkins - had classified as non-local. The
Uncharitable Monopolizer was thus attributed to Middlesex. It
was presumably this geographical definition coupled with an
assumption that some of the symbolism of the reverse was
Masonic that persuaded R. C. Bell to give hesitant credence to
J. R. Farnells suggestion that the piece had been struck for a
Freemason who was a member of Copenhagen House, an
euphemism for the London Corresponding Society, at a time when
the LCS was an illegal organisation. There is, however, no
evidence to support such a specific attribution and, little more
should necessarily be read into the benevolent symbolism of the
eye of providence and the celestial crown with its pentagrams
than Gods vigilant judgement of mankind and the heavenly
reward due to the generous benefactor. Moreover, while
Copenhagen House with its adjacent Fields, a popular
recreational resort in Islington and a favoured place for mass
rallies, was the setting for the London Corresponding Societys
great open-air meetings in October and November 1795, it was
never a cabalistic periphrasis for the Society, although its landlord
in 1795 was said to be a member of the LCS4.
What is odd in all this is that neither Dalton and Hamer nor
Bell took account of the fact that Thomas Sharp, who was well
placed as a contemporary authority, had a century earlier
identified John Gregory Hancock as the engraver of the medalet5.
This is the more surprising in the case of Bell since Samuel, on
whom he so assiduously relied, had reiterated Sharps
attribution6.
The implication of Sharps testimony is, of course, that the
medal was a Birmingham production. That this is a virtual
certainty is borne out by the existence of a contemporary
descriptive label, perhaps now the only surviving example, that
was included in the W. J. Noble sale in 1998 (Figure 4)7.
The importance of the label is that it is subscribed with the

name of the printers responsible, [Charles] Grafton (1770-1837)
and [Edward] Reddell (17651839), a respected firm of printers,
publishers, stationers and second-hand book dealers established

at 10 High Street, Birmingham from the mid-1790s until Edward
Reddells withdrawal from the partnership in 18048. It was not,
however, their only numismatic label for they printed a similar slip
(Figure 5) to accompany a medal celebrating George IIIs escape
from assassination by the millenarian madman, James Hadfield,
at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane on 15 May 1800 (BHM: 486).
This medal (Figure 6) was published by Peter Kempson - the

initials P.K are boldly inscribed on the obverse - on 2 June 1800,
designed and engraved, so Ariss Birmingham Gazette tells us, by
two eminent Artists of this Town9. While the artists are not
identified in the press announcement it seems reasonable to
assume from the letter H under the kings bust on the plaque held
by Providence that one of them was John Gregory Hancock. This is
not surprising since after the closure of the Hancock/Westwood
coinery in 1795 he seems to have concentrated on quality
medallic work and between 1796 and 1803 is known to have
been working in this medium for Kempson.
Thus, if one accepts Sharps conviction that Hancock was the

engraver of The Uncharitable Monopolizer medalet - and no
reason has been advanced to cast doubt on this attribution then
it is likely that the medalet was a product of Kempsons workshop
too. The coincidence of Grafton and Reddells labels for both the
medalet and the Escape from Assassination medal lends some
credence to such a conjecture. All that one can legitimately argue
from the labels in themselves, though, is a Birmingham origin for
the pieces they describe and that in Dalton and Hamers
straitjacketed geographic terms, The Uncharitable Monopolizer
should be assigned to Warwickshire rather than to Middlesex.
It has been traditionally assumed that the 1800 of the
medalets obverse - ambiguous though it is in its association with
the words IN DISTRESS below it - refers to its date of issue. There is
little reason to doubt this for 1800 was a terrible year of great
dearth when corn prices reached a level unknown in living
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memory. The harvest of 1799, badly affected by adverse weather

conditions in the early part of the year, had been devastated by an
atrocious autumn and winter. In many places almost half the
yield had been lost and, overall, there was little or no surplus to
carry forward into 1800, a year which once again was marked by
a deficient crop. The price of wheat increasingly the main
constituent of bread in the working familys diet in the Midlands
and the south of England rose dramatically from a stable
average of 50s. a quarter at the beginning of 1799 to over 93s.
by its end. But worse was to come: by May 1800 it had soared
to 120s. and by July had reached an unprecedented 134s. In
Birmingham the situation was even more dire, the price reaching
141s. in May. And, while it eased off somewhat in August in
expectation of a good harvest the respite was only temporary for
it began to shoot up again when such hopes proved to be
misplaced, finishing the year at an average high of over 157s10.
While most observers recognised that these escalating prices
were the direct result of the weather, some people, as in the
previous dearth of 1795, saw in them the demands of a rapidly
growing population or blamed the French war with its vastly
increased requirement of grain for the army and navy and its
assumed if not wholly real - disruption of corn imports11.
Others, as Malthus observed, joined in the universal cry of the
common people, that there must be roguery somewhere12. Over
many years the corn trade had been shifting from localised
face-to-face arrangements between producers and consumers to
large-scale commercial undertakings operated by entrepreneurial
dealers and middlemen. Recognition of the new marketing
conditions and their underlying laissez-faire principles had led to
the long outdated Tudor statutes against forestalling, regrating
and engrossing being repealed in 1772 although, as it was to
emerge, the offences remained indictable under common law13.
Yet however much commercial enterprise might now dominate
the market place centuries of public prejudice could not be
dissipated. In times of scarcity which especially affected the new
urban manufacturing centres with their large non-agricultural
populations commonly dependent on food supplies from other
areas14 - scapegoats were thus quickly found among the growing
band of substantial mealmen, millers and large farmers,
sometimes justifiably perceived as breaching what was seen as the
traditional morality of the market place and creating an artificial
dearth for profit.
Not infrequently such hostility was fuelled by the attitude of
persons in high authority who proclaimed their view that the
shortages were due not to natural causesbut to the frauds and
rapaciousness of the dealers in provisions15. In large measure
such an attitude resulted from a genuine concern for the
sufferings of the poor but underpinning it was also a desire to
calm disquiet and divert popular antipathy from local tradesmen
to more remote and often anonymous targets. Judges and
magistrates, encouraged by the example of the Lord Chief Justice,
Lord Kenyon, an acknowledged guardian of public morals and a
scourge of commercial speculators, embarked on a campaign of
exemplary prosecutions. But such judicial vigilance, though
intended to protect the majority against the extortions of a selfinterested few, served not to placate unrest but to excite disorder.
Birmingham had been the scene of rioting in 1795 when
James Pickards massive steam mill in Snow Hill had been
attacked. In 1800 the disorders were graver16. In February
women rioted in the market over the price of potatoes and in May
the shops of the towns bakers and smaller millers were stoned
and, perversely, an arson attempt was made on the ricks of a
neighbouring farm. The prices of wheat, barley, and potatoes
were lowered by order of the magistrates and, in August, in a
further effort to pacify the mob and deflect its attention away from
local businesses, they promised the payment of rewards for
information about instances of forestalling, engrossing and
regrating that would lead to the conviction of offenders. They did
this in the wake of the celebrated conviction of John Rusby, a
London corn factor, on 4 July 180017.
It is in this context that The Uncharitable Monopolizer

medalet has to be understood for, like some of the satirical
engravings that celebrated the Rusby trial (published in London
between the 12th and 21st August)18, it was not intended to be
subversive but rather to support the actions of the judges and
magistracy and to popularise a campaign against monopolists
that, despite government free-market detachment19, was in many
respects establishment driven20. While such a suggestion can only
be speculative it is likely that the medalet was issued sometime in
August 1800. Unhappily, like the London prints, it may
especially in its white metal versions - have been a contributory,
albeit unintended, factor in helping to boost a further rash of
rioting that swept the country in early September as grain prices
rose rapidly again after their pre-harvest lull21. The Midlands were
especially affected and Birmingham, between the 8th and the
13th of the month, was yet again the scene of violence. Pickards
mill was once more assaulted and the premises of the towns
bakers, corn dealers, and mealmen ransacked. It was a wave of
mayhem and destruction that was to subside only after the
intervention of the military and the promised take-over of
Pickards mill by the civic authorities22. Nevertheless a volatile
situation remained until the autumn of 1801 and only then
could it be said that the dearth was truly over.
Acknowledgements.
I am indebted to Michael Dickinson for his perceptive comments on the
chronology of the three varieties of The Uncharitable Monopolizer and his
kindness in drawing my attention to aspects of their saleroom history. I am
grateful also to Allan Davisson for his readiness in allowing me to copy and
reproduce the label then in his possession and illustrated in figure 4.
Footnotes.
1. The Provincial Token-Coinage of the 18th Century ([Bristol], privately
printed in 14 parts 1910-18). There have been a number of reprints since
1967, the most serviceable being the editions published by Allan
Davisson (Davissons Ltd., Cold Spring, Minnesota) in 1990, 1996 and
2004 which admirably reproduce the original illustrations and contain
full lists of varieties discovered since the publication of Dalton and
Hamers Addenda and Corrigenda in 1918.
2. Catalogue of a Collection of rare Tradesmens Tokens, the property of W.J.
Davis, Esq., Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge (London, 1901), p. 67 (lots
636 and 637, listed as struck in tin). Only D&H: 239 is listed by Thomas
Sharp, A Catalogue of Provincial Copper Coins, Tokens, Tickets and Medalets
issued in Great Britain, Ireland, and the Colonies, during the Eighteenth and
Nineteenth Centuries in the Collection of Sir George Chetwynd (London,
1834), p. 279; D. T. Batty, Catalogue of the Copper Coinage of Great Britain,
Ireland, British Isles, and Colonies, local and private tokens, jettons, &c.
(Manchester, 1868-98), I, p. 77, no. 1039 and plate 4; Richard Thomas
Samuel, The Bazaar, The Exchange and Mart (London, 14 October 1885),
pp. 404-405, no. 1028; and James Atkins, The Tradesmens Tokens of the
Eighteenth Century (London, 1892), p. 364, no. 41 (Not Local).
3. W. J. Noble Collection of British Tokens, Noble Numismatics Pty. Ltd.
(Melbourne, 7 July 1998), p. 61; Ancient and Modern World Coins: The John
R. Farnell, Sr. Collection, Part I, Sotheby Parke Bernet Inc. (New York, 8
December 1981); Provincial Tokens of the Eighteenth Century [William
Longman], Glendining & Co. (London, 12 March 1958), p.20; The
Collection of 18th and 19th century Tokens formed by Myles Z. Gerson (Part
1), Spink & Son, Ltd. (London, 19 June 1986), p. 10; Davis, as in n. 2.
4. R. C. Bell, Political and Commemorative Pieces simulating Tradesmens Tokens
1770-1802 (Felixstowe, 1987), p. 191. The landlord of Copenhagen
House in 1795 was one Robert Orchard: E Beresford Chancellor, The
Pleasure Haunts of London (London, 1925), pp. 379-80. The LCS meetings
conflated into one scene - were captured in James Gillrays spirited and
hostile - caricature Copenhagen House (Mary Dorothy George, British
Museum Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, VII, 1793-1800
(London, 1942), p. 199, no. 8685; illustrated in Draper Hill (ed.), The
Satirical Etchings of James Gillray (New York, 1976), pl. 37). The title of
Gillrays etching may have served to confuse Farnell. The site of
Copenhagen House is marked today by the clock tower of the former
Metropolitan Cattle Market (now the Caledonian Park, Islington).
5. Sharp, as in n. 2.
6. [Samuel], as in n. 2, p. 405.
7. W. J. Noble Collection, as in n.3. The label was acquired by Allan Davisson
and subsequently sold by him at auction: Auction Twenty-Two:
Exceptional, Unusual, Important Coins, Tokens, Medals, Davissons Ltd. (Cold
Spring, Minnesota, 28 April 2005), lot 303.
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8. In 1797 Grafton and Reddell published the first Birmingham Guide Book
or Brief History of Birmingham and, as Wilkes, Grafton and Reddell,
began the Birmingham Commercial Herald and Advertiser in January 1804.
A later view (1811) of their shop premises in High Street they also had
a paper warehouse in New Street - appears in a topographical drawing of
the Bull Ring by William Hollins.
9. Ariss Birmingham Gazette, 2 June 1800, quoted in John Alfred Langford,
A Century of Birmingham Life, II, p.100
10. By March 1801 prices had broken through the 180s. mark but thereafter
they gradually decreased as large grain imports succeeded in containing
the internal market. The wheat prices quoted are taken from the returns
published in the Gentlemans Magazine. They are monthly averages and
thus to an extent mask actual weekly market prices.
11. The country had been increasingly dependent on grain imports since the
1760s, as population growth had steadily eroded the capacity of the
domestic supply. They were not materially affected during the
Revolutionary War until the closure of the Baltic ports to British
commerce in November/December 1800 and then only for a short
period.
12. Quoted in Mancur Olson, The Economics of Wartime Shortage (Durham,
NC, 1963), p. 53.
13. Briefly, forestalling was the buying of food before it reached the public
market in order to enhance its price; regrating, the buying of goods in a
market in order to sell them in the same market at a higher price;
engrossing, the wholesale purchasing of growing crops to create a
monopoly and thus enable higher prices to be charged. See Donald Grove
Barnes, A History of the English Corn Laws from 1660-1846 (London,
1930), p. 2.
14. For example Leeds, Sheffield, Manchester, Nottingham and Birmingham.
Even for skilled workers, able to afford a wider range of foodstuffs, bread
took up a considerable proportion of their weekly budget and movements
in grain prices had important consequences for popular living standards.
Not unnaturally therefore these towns were focal points of food riots in
1800.
15. Sir Samuel Romilly, quoted in J Stevenson, Food Riots in England, 17921818 in R. Quinault and J. Stevenson (eds.), Popular Protest and Public
Order (London, 1974), p. 54.
16. The historical details that follow are taken from Langford, as in n. 9, II,
pp. 96-110.
17. A trial presided over by Lord Kenyon who famously congratulated the
jury on its verdict as almost the greatest benefit on your country that
was ever conferred by a jury. Quoted in Roger Wells, Wretched Faces,
Famine in Wartime England, 1793-1801 (Gloucester, 1988), p. 86. Wells
book is a valuable and thorough account of the countrys food riots in
1795-6 and 1800-1801 and their causes.
18. By such noted caricaturists as Isaac Cruikshank and Thomas
Rowlandson (see George, as in n. 4, pp. 624-26, nos. 9545-9547).
19. The only member of the government to oppose its laissez-faire attitude
was Lord Liverpool, the President of the Board of Trade and author of the
Treatise on the Coins of the Realm (Oxford, 1805).
20. Hancock was an essentially conservative character witness his
Sedition medalet of 1791 (D&H: Warwickshire 34; BHM: 360) as was
Kempson, in townsmens terms, and it would have been untypical of
them to have contemplated a rabble-rousing emblem.
21. The Uncharitable Monopolizer should not, however, be seen in the same
light as the gruesome and inflammatory print produced by one Purcell or
Pearsall, a Snow Hill print-seller, arrested for his part in fomenting the
Birmingham riots in September 1800 and confined in the towns
dungeon.
22. For the Birmingham riots of September 1800 see Langford, as in n. 9, II,
pp. 103-105 and Wells, as in n. 17, pp. 124-5.
Freya Woolf
It is with sadness that I report the recent death of Mrs. Freya
Woolf, widow of the late Nol Woolf, author of The Medallic Record
of the Jacobite Movement. Although always supportive of Nols
work, she was a numismatist in her own right and specialised in
the Parthian series, I well remember her entertaining and
informative talk entitled Parthian Shots, a title derived from the
prowess of the Parthian mounted bowmen. A Fellow of the Royal
Numismatic Society, a former member of the Worthing and
District Numismatic Society and a member of The 1745
Association, she attended a number of the weekend meetings and
made many friends in their course. She will, therefore, be much
missed in both numismatic and Jacobite circles.
MICHAEL SHARP
A Comment on the Coinage of

John Comnenus-Ducas (1237-1244)
in the Light of a New Discovery
S. Bendall
Brockages, coins depicting the
design of a single side twice,
in both relief and incuse, are
not uncommon especially in
the Roman period but tend to
be generally confined to the
smaller coins, those less than
c. 22 mm in diameter1.
Figure 1 indicates the process.
A blank was inserted between
the two dies and a perfect
example struck but it then
adhered to the surface of the
upper die. When the next
blank was placed on the lower
die it would have received the
design of the lower die in relief
but the same design in incuse
on the other side since the first
flan adhering to upper die comprised to all extent and purpose,
the design of the lower die in relief 2.
Strangely, there are few brockages of the Byzantine period
until the reign of John C-D of Thessalonica and these only appear
on the smaller coins of Series III which are far commoner as
brockages than the coins of this series which are struck up on
both sides, the reason for which will be touched upon below.
Figure 2
Apart from the brockages on these small coins, the writer
knows of none that occur on the larger scyphates of John C-Ds
Series I and II and this is surely due to the fact that on these larger
coins, or at least those of Series I, the upper obverse design was
struck by two blows of the die at an angle of about 25 degrees
from the vertical, sometimes with a single die but sometimes with
two different dies. This process can be seen in figure 2 and is
described in fuller detail in the article published by the writer and
David Sellwood in 1978 3 At this period the use of one obverse die
used twice or two dies used once each would certainly have made
it much more apparent if a flan had adhered to the upper die and,
if it did and was not noticed, a brockage should be produced on
only half the obverse of the coin only, that made by the first strike,
usually on the left side, a feature the writer has never observed. It
is unlikely that brockages were produced with the first flan
remaining on the lower die.
However, the series III scyphates of John C-D are so small that,
from an examination of these coins, it is obvious that they were
only struck with a single vertical blow of the obverse die and not
two angled blows. In addition, for their size, these small coins tend
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to be quite deeply scyphate with the consequence that flans would

have adhered more easily to the concave upper die and this might
account for the fact that so many of the Series III coins - indeed
the majority - are brockages which are so common that it is
possible that a flan did not become detatched from the upper die
until it had struck several brockages which might account for the
fact that the incuse strikes of these brockages are often much
more weakly struck than the relief strikes on their reverses 4.
Although John C-D reigned for only seven years 5, there are
almost 30 different types in his name in the small Series III
coinage and in the last article the writer published on this
subject 6, where he considered that the types were changed
annually, he postulated that these small coins, which are basically
only found in Bulgaria, were produced as a form of trade coinage
into the reign of Michael VIII, possibly ceasing in the mid-1260s.
Figure 3 (c. x2)

Published here by kind permission of its owner is a coin which
might throw some doubt upon this theory. It is a brockage
depicting, as usual, a reverse design both in relief and in incuse
but, most strangely, with a different design on each side (fig. 3).
The reverse in relief on the concave side of the coin depicts busts
of John and St. Demetrius holding a patriarchal cross between
them (DOC IV, 20) while the design on the convex side depicts
John and St. Demetrius holding between them a staff surmounted
by a large fleur de lis (DOC IV, 37). These two types have
completely different obverses, that of DO 20 being an eagle with
spread wings and that of DO 37 a cross within four stars 6.
What is the explanation for this strange phenomenon? It is
possible that this brockage was struck at the time of a change of
types but this would mean that, by mistake, one upper die of DO
20, instead of being destroyed, had been put away overnight presumably the change of types did not occur within a working
day - and used again in combination with the reverse die of the
next issue of DO 37 the next day by mistake, having had all the
time a coin of DO 20 adhering to it.
We do not know the exact working practises of the mint at this
time but it seems possible that these two types might have been
struck concurrently in the same workshop and that, by mistake,
an obverse die of one type was used with the reverse of the other
type, both types being produced in tandem. This error obviously
occurred extremely rarely otherwise other comparable brockages
should have been discovered before now. It is unlikely that there
was much quality control at the mint and it seems likely that
those workers producing DO 20 noticed one of their obverse dies
missing and was being used by those workers producing DO 37 in
the same workshop - the obverse die since it was moveable while
the reverse die was fixed in an anvil. If this mistake did occur from
time to time and that by chance, every other coin produced in this
way was struck up on both sides (since no other brockages are
known combining two different reverses), this should have
produced a number mules which will have hitherto been
considered as substantive issues although one type should be
comparatively common (the substantive issue) and one (the mule)
extremely rare if not unique as this coin appears to be.
We can see from an examination of the coins of Johns Series

III that there are only three pairs of coins that share the same
obverse design and even so they are slightly different. The first
pair comprises a Series III coin of a type published by Dotchev 8
which was only known to Hendy in Series I (DO 4) and Series III
(DO 23) both of which depict a bust of Christ on the obverse. The
second pair has obverses of a six-pointed star or flower and are
represented by DO 33 and Bendall 27 9 while the third pair depict
a winged cross (DO 18 and 26). With regard to the reverses there
are only two types with the same design which depict John under
an embattled arch (DO 36 and Bendall 27). However, we can see
from the coin published here that the production of a mule under
the circumstances suggested above does not mean that it should
necessarily be formed by the combination of two pairs of dies that
shared a design on one side or the other. Coins have been coming
out of Bulgaria over the last ten years and those of John C-Ds
Series III are considerably commoner than they used to be. Most
types are common enough to be substantive while, on the other
hand, others are extremely rare (Bendall 27, for example, appears
to be unique) but this fact is not sufficient to consider them mules.
The uniqueness of the coin published here indicates its extremely
unusual nature and since brockages are much commoner than
fully struck coins, if mules occured we should only be able to
recognise them from brockages.
If the writers second explanation is correct and two types of
Series III were struck concurrently then John C-Ds types in this
series might only have been struck over a period of the 15 years
from 1237 to 1252. However, new types of Series III have
appeared in recent years and one or two may still appear in which
case the series might end in 1254 on the accession of Theodore II
of Nicaea who only issued a single rare Thessalonican copper
trachy during his four year reign. On the other hand, if the types
were changed more frequently, say three or possibly four times a
year as the sigla appear to have been on the Palaeologan
hyperpyra, then the Series III coins might have lasted until only
about 1246, the time that John III finally incorporated
Thessalonica into his empire 10.
Figure 4
On the other hand the sheer number of Johns types in three
different sizes surely indicates that they can hardly have been
struck entirely within his short reign or even in his reign and that
of his brother Demetrius and recent discoveries indicate that
Johns coinage is more extensive than originally envisaged. In the
summer of 2003 the writer acquired yet another previously
unrecorded coin of John C-D (fig. 4), not a new type but a coin of
Series I of a type previously only known in Series II (DO 9) and
Series III (DO 21) 11, while in September of the same year he
attended the XIII International Numismatic Congress in Madrid
where there was given a paper regarding the late Byzantine coins
found in excavations in the citadel at Ochrid in the Republic of
Macedonia. These ongoing excavations have produced several
hitherto unpublished coins of John C-D, again not new types, but
other coins of Series I hitherto only recorded in Series II or III 12. It
is obvious that there is little point in reassessing John C-Ds
coinage until these prolific excavations have been completed and
the material published.
Footnotes.
1. S. Bendall and D. Sellwood, Mis-strikes from an Eastern Hoard of Folles,
Proceedings of the 8th International Numismatic Congress, New York
and Washington. Congress held in 1973 and Proceedings published
1975.
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2. It seems extremely unlikely that brockages were produced with the first
flan remaining on the lower die.
3. S. Bendall and D. Sellwood, The Method of Striking Scyphate Coins using
Two Obverse Dies, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. 138, 1978.
4. That the incuse impressions tend to be weak is certainly also due to the
fact that the coin adhering to the upper die was of copper and not the
harder iron or bronze of the actual die. There were 133 coins of 17 types
of Series III coins found at Turnovo of which possibly as many as 70%
were brockages since Dotchev was unable to describe the design of the
obverses of 10 types (68 coins) while of the 65 coins of the seven types
whose obverses he could describe, at least 50% or more will have been
brockages.
5. John C-D was only emperor between 1237 and 1242 when he was
relegated to Despot by John III of Nicaea, dying in 1244. His brother
Demetrius was Despot from 1244-46 but issued no coins in his own
name. Hendy has attributed a single anonymous issue to Demetrius but
this type is too large (larger even than the Series I coins of John C-D) and
of too good a style to be of such a late date. It possibly dates to 1230 and
was issued by John Asen II when he occupied the city after he had
defeated Theodore C-D but before he placed Manuel C-D on the throne.
6. S. Bendall, Notes on the Coinage in the name of John Comnenus-Ducas of
Thessalonica (AD 1237-44), Numismatic Chronicle, vol. 162, 2002,
pp. 253-63.
7. S. Bendall, 2002, table, no. 19. The specimen illustrated in DO is a
brockage. The muled brockage published here weighs 0.92 gm.
8. K. Dotchev, Monetii Parichno obrshcenic v Turnovo XII - XIV V, Veliki
Turnovo, 1992, p. 224, table XXIII, no. 4.
9. S. Bendall, 2002, table, no. 27.
10. It should be noted that the earliest two Thessalonican issues of of John III
are of a much finer style than any of the coins of John C-D.
11. This coin was found in Thessaly. Series I coins are seldom found in
Bulgaria which is where the smallest Series III coins are generally found.
In the coins from the excavations of the old Bulgarian capital of Turnovo
published by Dotchev (op. cit.) there were 11 coins of Series I (more than
would be suspected from casual finds from Bulgaria reaching Munich and
London), 12 coins of Series II and 133 of Series III of which a large part
were brockages (see footnote 4).
12. It is the writers recollection that few if any Series III were found in the
excavations in Ochrid which might confirm the fact that these small coins
only circulated in what is now Bulgaria.

Peter P. Gaspar and Marvin Lessen
It is not surprising, given the large increase in the number of
known specimens of the coinage of Henry I, that misstrikes, some
quite dramatic, should come to light.
Two are recorded here, and illustrated at 2:1 size.
On the side illustrated in Fig. 1a, no doubling or overstriking is

apparent. The other side, Fig. 1b, does show signs of overstriking.
The undertype may be the expected obverse, but this is pure
speculation without comparison with a normal coin from the
same dies.
Sa(e)pold is the only Gloucester moneyer of the Norman period
whose name ends in wold known to Harris, who recorded
pennies of William II BMC types 2 and 3, and Henry I, types 2 and
a type10/11 mule 1.
BMC XI of London, double struck from same dies.

+hEN
[+]P VL [GA] RO / [+] N LVND
20 mm diameter, 1.31937 g = 20.36 gr, die axes of individual
strikes 87, 77
Other than the blank areas, coincident on the obverse and
reverse, both sides are unusually fully-struck. The obverse and
reverse impressions are off-center in differing degrees in both
strikes, indicating that the dies were not coaxial during either
strike. Also, the die axes differ in the two strikes.
Wulfgar is a common London moneyer for Henry I (e.g., Spink
Numismatic Circular, July 1998, no. 4579). Dr. Conte has
recorded two Wulfgar pennies of type XI, but neither is a die
duplicate of the present coin 2.
Acknowledgement
We are grateful to C. J. Denton for calling our attention to the coin of
Figure 1, to the late Patrick Finn for the coin of Figure 2, and to Dr. William
Conte for commenting on the coin of Figure 2.
Footnotes
1. Harris, E. J. The moneyers of the Norman Kings and the types they are
known to have struck Part 8, Seaby Coin and Medal Bulletin, October,
1984, pp. 246-248.
2. Private communication, W. J. Conte to P. P. Gaspar, 22 Nov. 1995. Dr.
Conte concurs in the reverse reading given above.
ROMAN COINS AND THEIR VALUES

Volume III The Third Century Crisis
and Recovery, A.D. 235-285
by David Sear
BMC V, of Gloucester, both sides from the same reverse die.
It is likely that this is a flipped over double strike, but, if so, the
obverse die has left little trace.
+[SA?]POLD ON GLEPI
+[SA?]POLD ON GLEPI
Saewold on Gloucester
20 mm diameter, 1.30245 g = 20.10 gr, die axis 89
NOW AVAILABLE 45
528 pages, fully illustrated with new
photographs throughout the text.
Valuations in three grades of preservation
30/9/2005
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Page 315
A Token of the London Baker whose Oven

Sparked the Great Fire
R. H. Thompson
As is well known, the Great Fire of London in 1666 broke out in
Pudding Lane, at the house of the Kings baker. Akerman in 1849
commented We have never met with a Token of this tradesman,
whose name was Faryner1. Nothing has been published in the
next century and a half to alter this judgement, but the long
sought-for token can now be identified.
In the analysis of place-names on seventeenth-century tokens
one was faced with the reading REDRIF(FE) LANE on the tokens
numbered 256-7 in Williamsons Surrey chapter under
ROTHERHITHE2. Given that Redriff was the usual pronunciation
of Rotherhithe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, this
seemed a reasonable attribution3. Therefore the Norweb
specimens of these tokens were published in Part V at numbers
5034-5, even though the actual name Redriff Lane could not be
found earlier than a street-naming Order of 8 August 18734. Its
locality was Rotherhithe Street, and it was assumed that the
seventeenth-century Redriff Lane was an old name for (part of?)
Rotherhithe Street. The Norweb tokens were, though, separated
from Rotherhithe under the heading ROTHERHITHE STREET
(Rotherhithe parish)5.
Subsequent work on the City of London has included a search
for token-issuers in the City Chamberlains Posting Book, where
receipts of money were recorded for the staking out of
foundations in the burned-out ruins of the City. Being in roughly
alphabetical order, it resembles a street directory6. On page 60 of
the publication is the heading PUDDING LANE ALIAS REDERIFFE
LANE, a totally unexpected occurrence of this latter name, which
has no heading or reference in Harbens standard dictionary. His
entry for Pudding Lane, Eastcheap, does mention the occurrence
of Retherhethe Lane alias Podding Lane in 1552, and Raderiff Lane
alias Pudding Lane in 1571, but nothing to suggest that a name
like Rederiffe Lane was used thereafter. Stow in 1603 referred to
Pudding Lane as Rother lane, of olde time so called, but nothing
closer in spelling or more recent. Ekwall simply stated that
Pudding Lane has been alternatively known as Rother Lane and
the like, without dated examples7. One would not have been
aware of a seventeenth-century Rederiffe Lane without
publication of the Posting Book by the London Topographical
Society.
Space permits a fuller description of the tokens mentioned
than was possible in the Norweb catalogue:
Fig. 1 (x1.5)
5034
Obv. THOMASFARENERBAKER around the Bakers arms.
Rev. INREDRIFFELANEI668
around HIS | HALF | PENY | F|TH
BW Surrey 257.
5035
Obv. ATTHEDARKEHOVSE around MF
Rev. INREDRIFLANE around | I653 |
BW Surrey 256.
This second token requires further investigation, but greater

interest attaches to the token of Thomas FARENER, who has an
entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography under another
spelling of this rare name, Farriner.
Thomas Farriner (1615/16?-1670) was apprenticed in March
1629 to the London baker Thomas Dodson, becoming a member
of the Bakers Company on 30 March 1637. On the following
9 July, when described as Thomas Farriner of St Giles in the Fields,
he married Hannah Mathewes (died 1665) at St Helens,
Bishopsgate. By 1649 they were living in the parish of St
Margaret, New Fish Street, already perhaps in the house on the
east side of Pudding Lane, ten doors from Thames Street, which in
1666 contained five hearths and one oven. By that year also he
held the post of Conduct of the Kings Bake-house. Early in the
morning of Sunday 2 September 1666 the baker and his family
were awakened by smoke, and hurried over the rooftops to safety.
Their maid, too timid to follow, was burned to death, as were half
a dozen others in the City, while more than four fifths of the
buildings of London were destroyed.
Fig. 2
Farriner insisted that he had not been negligent, and the
placing of a plaque in Pudding Lane by the Worshipful Company
of Bakers (Fig. 2) supports the official conclusion that the fire
was an accident. Although a stock of fuel had been placed near
(or even in) the oven, a flash fire across flour dust now seems a
possibility. Resuming his trade after the Fire, Farriner made his
will on 4 December 1670, leaving 100 each, payable over four
years, to his daughters Hannah, wife of the baker Nicholas Day,
and Mary, wife of the baker Thomas Halford, with 40 shillings to
Robert Berry, cooper, 20 shillings to Daniel Harris, cooper, and the
remainder to his son Thomas, his sole executor. Thomas Farriner
had died by 5 December, when his son was admitted to the
freedom8.
The ODNB considers it uncertain whether the baker returned
to the Pudding Lane area after rebuilding. However, Thomas
Farriner did pay for a foundation to be staked out in Pudding Lane
on 20 January 1668[-9]9, and his token dated 1668 also suggests
that he intended to return to what evidently he preferred to call
Redriffe Lane, and that he had no other trading address.
Remarkably, the presence of an initial H for his wife appears to
indicate that, three years after Hannahs death, and in a house
which had to be rebuilt and presumably re-furnished, Thomas
considered their household to be continuing. The site was covered
with bricks and rubbish when the Keeper of the White Lion Gaol
had it pointed out by Robert Hubert (c.1640-1666), who claimed
to have fired the house, and so was hanged at Tyburn10.
Both of the newly-attributed tokens have been catalogued
already, but a reference at least can be made in Pudding Lane,
where many have looked in vain for tokens of the Kings Bakehouse. For example, a British Museum postcard on The Great Fire
of London (CM 34) illustrated medals and tokens, but amongst
OCTOBER 2005 315
30/9/2005
9:42 am
Page 316
those of the seventeenth century only John Hands and B&WA at

the Maidenhead, BW London 2283-4. The existence of a token
issued by the very baker on whose premises the Great Fire began
has not been suspected hitherto.
Footnotes.
1. J. Y. Akerman, Tradesmens Tokens current in London (London, 1849),
p. 162.
2. G. C. Williamson, Trade Tokens issued in the Seventeenth Century (London,
1889-91), p. 1149.
3. English Place-Name Society, The Place-Names of Surrey, by J. E. B. Gover
[et al.] (Cambridge, 1934), p. 29.
4. London County Council, Names of Streets and Places in the Administrative
County of London, 4th edn. (London, 1955), p. 626.
5. SCBI 46: The Norweb Tokens Part V, by R. H. Thompson and M. J.
Dickinson (London, 1996).
6. Peter Mills and John Oliver, The Survey of Building Sites in the City of
London after the Great Fire of 1666 (London, 1962-7), i. 2-84.
7. H. A. Harben, A Dictionary of London (London, 1918), pp. 488-9; John
Stow, A Survey of London, reprinted from the text of 1603 (Oxford, 1971),
i. 206, 210-11; Eilert Ekwall, Street-names of the City of London (Oxford,
1954), p. 103.
8. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004) s.v. Farriner,
Thomas (1615/16?-1670), baker; PROB 11/334, f. 362, proved 23
December 1670.
9. Mills and Oliver (as ref. 6), i. 61.
10. Walter George Bell, The Great Fire of London (London, 1994), pp. 193-4.
See also Samuel Pepys, The Diary, ed. Robert Latham and William
Matthews (London, 1970-83), vii. 268, viii. 81-2, x. 138-40.
Book Reviews
The Indian Coinage Tradition: origins, continuity and change.
By Joe Cribb.
IIRNS Publications, a division of the Indian Institute of Research
in Numismatic Studies, P.O. Anjaneri, Dist. Nashik, 422 213,
India. 2005. Card covers; 24 x 18 cm., 72 pages, including
9 plates. ISBN 81-86786-22-8. Available from Spink 13
The IIRNS has a programme of publishing monographs and short
books for collectors. These cover a range of Indian coin series and
some related subjects. The aim of this book, like the others in the
series, is to provide collectors and students with a short and
readable survey of the material under consideration.
The body of Joe Cribbs book bears the title The Origins of the
Indian Coinage Tradition. His survey is based on a paper to the
Society for South Asian Studies first published in 1999. He traces
several artistic and monetary influences, which have shaped
Indian coinage tradition, or traditions, from the earliest period of
Indian coinage down to the modern period. He illustrates his
discussion with pictures of eighty-seven coins minted in many
regions of the Indian sub-continent. He presents a concise survey
that should prove useful to students and collectors who wish to
know the broad characteristics of the Indian coinage tradition,
without entering into the details of individual coin series.
The main body of the book is preceded by a short introduction
in which the author discusses several studies on the earliest
period of Indian coinage, which were published after Cribbs
paper of 1999.
The theme of the origin of Indian coinage is continued in two
appendices. These are based closely on two papers he wrote in
1983. The dating of Indias earliest coinage, like the inter-related
dating of the Buddhas nirvana and the dating of Indias history
for the first millennium BC, has been a controversial subject ever
since Alexander Cunningham espoused the early chronology for
Buddhas nirvana (c. 486 BC, earlier in the case of some writers)
when he was writing in the nineteenth century. Most histories
(including numismatic histories) written during the twentieth
century accepted this early chronology. Recent research is
increasingly showing that the early chronology is wrong by a
margin of at least one century. The Buddhas nirvana was later
(perhaps close to 360 BC), history has to be down-dated and the

origin of Indian coinage has to be down-dated. Cribbs two papers
are significant for arguing in favour of the necessary down-dating
in the numismatic field.
Cribb discusses the evidence for dating Indias earliest coin
series, mainly on the basis of numismatic and literary evidence.
Although many scholars will agree that down-dating is
warranted, few will agree with the extent to which he downdates. The pendulum has swung too far and the evidence he
cites does not warrant a date as late as the early 4th century BC
(p. 69) for the introduction of the earliest Indian coinage. Part of
the excessive down-dating stems from linking Indian coins with
local coins in the Chaman Hazouri (Kabul) hoard, while failing to
take account of links between the Chaman Hazouri local coins
and archaic Greek coins. Having drawn attention to this point,
much of what Joe Cribb wrote in 1983 is as true today as it was
when he was writing. His view conforms more closely to current
views than much that has been written more recently.
Considered overall, this is a useful small book that fulfils its
purpose in presenting a concise, well written and accurate survey
of Indian coinage traditions, with a well reasoned analysis
covering the controversial field of the origin of Indian coinage. I
am pleased to recommend the book.
MICHAEL MITCHINER
History and Coin Finds in Georgia. Late Roman and Byzantine

Hoards (4th - 13th c.), Izolda Tsukhishvili and Georges Depeyrot,
Collecta Moneta 34, Wetteren 2003. 107 pp and 10 plates.
This book is based on the doctoral thesis of the first author and
publishes 19 hoards of late Roman and Byzantine coins found in
Georgia although the second and most important chapter, which
follows a short chapter giving a general historical survey of
Georgia, also mentions a number of earlier hoards as well as
single coins, both from casual finds and excavations which give a
much better over-view of the circulation of coinage at the time
than can be gauged from the 19 hoards published here in full.
Although not the subject of this work, there is a certain amount
of information on the Georgian coinage from the ninth century
onwards since they occasionally appear in the later hoards of
Byzantine coins. There have, of course, been many more than the
19 hoards published here found in Georgia but they tend to have
been found so long ago that details are sparse although what is
known about them is mentioned in this second chapter.
There are three very simple maps, mere outlines of present day
Georgia, without scale or any place names but with the sites of
the hoards and official excavations identified by numbers. This
leaves a lot to be desired since both the historical survey and the
second chapter on finds in general mention the names of many
places which the reader will not be able to discover without a
modern map which will, presumably, have to be of a large enough
scale to depict even the smallest village.
The Roman hoards are predominantly comprised of copper
coins of the Constantinian dynasty deposited during the troubles
in Georgia in the 350s. The Byzantine hoards also contain only
the commonest coins, (the writer is not competent to comment on
the Georgian coins), and their composition is of interest. The
largest hoards date to the beginning of the seventh century while
the next group of hoards date to the eleventh and twelfth
centuries, both of which groups mirror the major byzantine
campaigns in Georgia, the former against the Sassanians and the
latter against the Georgians themselves as the Byzantines
attempted to expand their empire.
The seventh century hoards, apart from a hoard of 23 light
weight solidi of Maurice Tiberius with much die duplication, fall
into two categories; those containing solidi, always in extremely
good condition which end with solidi of Heraclius sole reign
(613). In the Chibati hoard there are many coins of Phocas struck
from the same dies - of the die duplicates there are 69 coins struck
from 10 obverse dies while of the 11 sole reign solidi of Heraclius,
30/9/2005
9:42 am
Page 317
10 are struck from the same obverse die which should indicate
that all these coins arrived together officially in Georgia and that
Heraclius earliest gold supply comprised not only his own new
coinage but also coins of Focas that were still in the mint or
treasury when he became emperor.
The second group of seventh century hoards are slightly later
and belong to the joint reign of Heraclius and Heraclius
Constantine and contain no gold but only silver. Two hoards
comprise only Byzantine coins, one entirely of hexagrams and
another of hexagrams and two siliquae of Maurice Tiberius while
there are two other hoards containing a few hexagrams of
Heraclius and Heraclius Constantine but large numbers of
Sassanian dirhams/drachms. (For those interested, Moneta 31,
2003, catalogues the Sassanian coins found in Georgia). The
eleventh and twelfth century hoards, apart from some minor finds
of anonymous folles, comprise gold coins of various emperors
between Constantine VIII and John II and their composition is
quite standard.
English is not the first language of either author and the text is
occasionally slightly strange but the meaning is always quite clear
from the context. All in all this is a work of great interest, not only
for those interested in the circulation of Byzantine coins in
Georgia but also in Georgian coins although this might not be
obvious from the books title and none of them are illustrated in
the plates.
S.B.
History and Coin Finds in Armenia. Inventory of coins and

hoards (7th - 19th c.), Khatchatur Mousheghian, Anahit
Mousheghian, Cecile Bresc, Georges Depeyrot and Francois
Gurnet, Collection Moneta 35, Wetteren 2003.
There is no introductory text, merely four extremely
rudimentary maps bearing the names of a number of sites. The
entire work comprises a catalogue of 108 hoards. Generally, the
earlier the date of the discovery of the hoard the less information
appears especially for those found in the nineteenth century. A
certain number of single finds are listed.
Most of the material is Islamic but there is a certain amount of
Sassanian coinage as well as half drachms of Tabaristan. There is
little Byzantine coinage and what there is basically dates from the
early to mid-11th century - several small finds of anonymous
folles and a hoard of 60 gold histamena of Constantine X, all from
Yerevan (which is not marked on any of the maps) or its general
area. There is a hoard of 62 aspers of Alexius IV of Trebizond so
badly struck that it was apparently impossible to discover the die
axes which the experts considered to be 15th or 16th century
forgeries. This seems unlikely since the regular coins are so poor
that it would be hard to distinguish them from forgeries although,
since none of the coins are illustrated, this is merely a suggestion.
There is little evidence here for earlier Byzantine coinage
except for a tantalizing entry in the Addendum which reads in its
entirety, Armenia, 1997?, 668?. About 600 hexagrams,
Heraclius (610-641); Constans II (641-668) with silver objects.
There is a bibliography listing 120 works although the
relevance of some is uncertain since three of the reviewers
articles are listed which appear to have no relevance to any of the
coins in these hoards. There are six plates which illustrate a
selection of mainly islamic coins from 11 of the 108 hoards. This

catalogue should surely be of interest to the student of Islamic
and Ottoman coins and their circulation in Armenia.
S.B
B.A.N.S. Weekend
2-4 September 2005
University College Worcester
For the second year running the B.A.N.S. weekend, with
around thirty participants, took place at University College
Worcester, excellently organised by Joe Bispham and
generously supported by the Royal Mint and the Royal
Numismatic Society, with comfortable en suite
accommodation, great food, fantastic weather, and once again
our own common room with bar manned by Bob Thomas.
The weekend opened on Friday evening with an illustrated
talk by Angie Bolton, finds officer for Worcestershire, on
portable antiquities in Worcestershire. We saw photographs of
a wide range of small objects including axe heads, pot sherds
and dress hooks, whilst an antelope antoninianus of Gallienus
provoked a lively discussion among the audience, and a round
short cross farthing provided a treat for the mediaevalists.
Saturday morning we were treated to two unscheduled talks,
Kevin Clancy on a wooden block recently obtained by the Mint
museum containing some 1893 patterns by Edward Onslow
Ford, and Edward Besly on civil gallantry medals in the
National Museum of Wales. Back on the advertised
programme we had Derek Noakes talking about passes for
proprietors of the London Institution, with particular
reference to Robert Bingley, Kings Assay Master at the Royal
Mint from 1798 to 1837, and then the Royal Mint lecture,
where Patrick Mackenzie gave us the results of sorting through
vast quantities of circulating British coinage, with the
proportion of forgeries, particularly in the one pound coins,
and rare varieties among genuine mint productions. Saturday
afternoon was left free to explore Worcester and its environs,
and in the evening Graham Dyer spoke about Martin Coles
Harman and the 1929 puffin coinage for Lundy Island.
Sunday morning began with Henry Kim of the Ashmolean
Museum on medals of Oxford University, followed by Keith
Sugden on Roman contorniates, and the climax was the Royal
Numismatic Societys Howard Linecar Memorial Lecture,
given by Stewart Lyon on the ninth century coinage of
Northumbria to mark the half centenary of his paper in BNJ
XXVIII, showing both by die links and by orthographical
developments not only that Elizabeth Piries division of coinage
between the first and second reigns of Aethelred II was difficult
to sustain, but also that the actual sequence of reigns as
derived from historical sources was open to question. After
votes of thanks to the speakers and to Joe Bispham for having
organised such an excellent weekend, Michael Kenny of the
Numismatic Society of Ireland announced arrangements for
next years Congress in Dublin from 7 to 9 April 2006, and
following lunch participants dispersed, fully satisfied and very
much looking forward to coming again next year.
MICHAEL ANDERSON
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF PROFESSIONAL NUMISMATISTS

BOOK PRIZE FOR 2005
At the Annual Congress of the IAPN, held this year in San Diego during May the Book Prize was
awarded to Sergio Cudazzo for his book Monete Italiane Regionali, Casa Savoia. Pavia, 2005.
This important and well-produced new work was published by Numismatica Varesi.
We would like to extend our congratulations to the author and to the publisher.
OCTOBER 2005 317
30/9/2005
9:43 am
Page 318
An Interesting and Important Self-Portrait

That Recently Passed Through Our Hands
Important New Books
B238 Las Monedas Espaolas, del

tremis al euro, del 411 a nuestros
das by Adolfo, Clemente & Juan
Cayon. Madrid, 2005. 1466
pages in two volumes. Laminated
boards.
50
Classifies Spanish coins from the year 411 to
date, close to 19,000 listings, thousands of
illustrations, valuations in euro.
B240 Coinage and Identity in the

Roman Provinces by C.J. Howgego,
V. Heuchert & A. Burnett. Oxford,
2005. xvi, 228 pages, 32 plates.
80
A late 17th century portrait of Nicolas Chevalier (1661-1720)

aged 27, ink and wash on vellum, dated 1688. 215 x 138 mm. In
a later gilt carved frame. With a short poem below the portrait,
written in the first person:
"Mon unique souhait est de pouvoir apprendre / ce que lantiquit a de
plus inconut / Jay choisi les medailles pour venir a mon but / Esperant
quavec soin je pourray les comprendre / Je veux bien avouer que je nay
point d'Etude / Aussy ceste entreprise n'est que pour mon plaisir /
Quoyque je scache bien quil sera un peu rude / Je seray satisfait sy je
peux reussir".
Note
Almost certainly a self-portrait, of exceptional quality and extreme rarity, by
this important numismatist (born Sedan 1st June 1661, died Amsterdam 10
October 1720), who wrote several texts of importance, notably Histoire de
Guillaume III (Amsterdam 1692), Remarques sur la piece antique de
bronze (Amsterdam 1694), Dissertation sur la mdaille et bote que le
vnrable magistrat de la ville d'Amsterdam a fait frapper au sujet de la paix
de Ryswik (Amsterdam 1700), Dissertation sur trois mdailles que l'on a
frape l'honneur du roi trs chrestien, sur la paix de Savoye et de Ryswik
(Amsterdam 1700), Lettre crite de... un ami d'Amsterdam (par Nicolas
Chevalier), sur la question, dont on dispute aujourd'hui, savoir si l'an 1700 est
le commencement du XVIIIe sicle... (Amsterdam 1700), Le Jubil de l'an M D
CC, publi par la bulle d'Innocent XII du 28 mars 1699 (Amsterdam 1701),
Explication des mdailles et des inscriptions qui sont autour du portrait de
mylord Jean Churchil (Utrecht 1704), Recherche curieuse d'antiquits
venues d'Italie, de la Grce, d'Egypte (Utrecht 1709, Utrecht 1722), Relation
des campagnes de 1708 et 1709 avec une explication de toutes les mdailles
frappes sur ce sujet (Utrecht 1711). Two very rare catalogues were also
published: Catalogue des medailles doubles qui sont dans le cabinet de Nicolas
Chevalier Amsterdam (Amsterdam 1695) and Catalogue des medailles qui
sont dans le cabinet de Nicolas Chevalier Amsterdam (Amsterdam 1697).
B242 The Tribes and Coins of Celtic

Britain by R. Pudill & C. Eyre.
Witham, 2005. 82 pages,
illustrated in colour throughout,
valuation guide. Card covers 15
REPRINTED BY SPINK
B239 Greek Imperial Countermarks.
Studies in the Provincial Coinage of
the Roman Empire by C.J.
Howgego. London, 2005. xii, 318
pages, 36 maps, 33 plates.
Casebound, jacket.
80
First published by the Royal Numismatic
Society in 1985
B241 Cast Chinese Coins, A Historical

Catalogue by David Hartill.
Victoria, 2005. xx, 454 pages.
Card covers.
27
A comprehensive new catalogue destined to
become the standard reference for this
complex and fascinating series. Covering the
period from 650 BC to AD 1912, over 5,000
coins illustrated and described, guide to rarity
and value.
B243 ERIC The Encyclopedia of

Roman Imperial Coins by Rasiel
Suarez. Asheville, 2005. xx, 622
pages. Superbly illustrated in
colour throughout. Casebound,
jacket.
45
This beautifully produced, single volume
handbook endeavours to offer the collector a
comprehensive and concise listing of coins
minted under the Roman Empire.
NEW SPECIAL PUBLICATION OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

B244 Wilfred Seaby and Stanley Ireland, A Catalogue of Ancient Coins in the
Cabinet of Sir Roger Newdigate of Arbury Hall, Warwickshire: a Grand Tour
Collection in the Warwickshire Museum. RNS Special Publication 41, London
2005. ISBN 0901405 9 30. ISNN 0080 4487. Pp. 116 with 74 plates. 60
DISTRIBUTED BY SPINK
In popular imagination Grand Tour collections are usually characterised by imposing statuary and
paintings assembled by leading members of the aristocracy and housed today either in stately homes or in
national museums. The eighteenth century, however, also saw countries like Italy as popular destinations
for members of the country gentry, their collections inevitably less spectacular but no less useful as
indicators of contemporary taste and supply. Many of these have been dispersed over the years, but
occasionally a specific collection has been preserved. One of these consists of the ancient coins assembled
by Sir Roger Newdigate of Arbury Hall in north Warwickshire during his second Italian tour (July 1774 to
December 1775) and now in the Warwickshire Museum. The collection of 1912 items is largely made up
of Roman material, spanning the period from the 3rd century BC to the very end of the western empire,
and was clearly designed to illustrate as widely as possible the products of the intervening period. Its
interest comes not simply from the breadth of the collection (with its additional sprinkling of Greek and
Byzantine products) but also from the picture it gives of what was on offer on the Italian market at the
time: genuine specimens, some ancient forgeries and some Renaissance fabrications.
NC October Cover
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NC October Cover

C. Numonius Vaala (41 B.C.), Denarius

A Few Unusual Coins of the Anarchy

Two Misstruck Henry I Pennies

The Numismatic Circular

Published since 1892

It is interesting to note that Richard of Ilchester was

Our list of numismatic items and books offered for sale

A Few Unusual Coins of the Anarchy

(#1996.0300). By combining images of the two coins, with 50%

Figure 6. shows an unusual cut half penny with a trefoil of

A New Silver Ceremonial Coin of

Portraits of Greek Coinage

Stater, c.410 400 BC.

be eaten on or after such occasions21. Although there are some

10.70g (22mm diameter).

Two Henry I Type XV Notes

It can be seen therefore that NORDPIC is an early form of the

The Uncharitable Monopolizer

Although Dalton and Hamer listed the medal in three varieties

stops in the inscription in the label. Otherwise it conforms, in

D&H: 240 (Figure 3) is more problematic for although the

The disposition of the adult hands, the grouping of the falling

as Davis thought, may be unique. Three specimens of D&H: 240

The importance of the label is that it is subscribed with the

publishers, stationers and second-hand book dealers established

This medal (Figure 6) was published by Peter Kempson - the

Thus, if one accepts Sharps conviction that Hancock was the

memory. The harvest of 1799, badly affected by adverse weather

It is in this context that The Uncharitable Monopolizer

A Comment on the Coinage of

to be quite deeply scyphate with the consequence that flans would

Figure 3 (c. x2)

We can see from an examination of the coins of Johns Series

Two Misstruck Henry I Pennies

On the side illustrated in Fig. 1a, no doubling or overstriking is

BMC XI of London, double struck from same dies.

ROMAN COINS AND THEIR VALUES

A Token of the London Baker whose Oven

This second token requires further investigation, but greater

those of the seventeenth century only John Hands and B&WA at

(perhaps close to 360 BC), history has to be down-dated and the

History and Coin Finds in Georgia. Late Roman and Byzantine

History and Coin Finds in Armenia. Inventory of coins and

selection of mainly islamic coins from 11 of the 108 hoards. This

INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF PROFESSIONAL NUMISMATISTS

An Interesting and Important Self-Portrait

Important New Books

B238 Las Monedas Espaolas, del

B240 Coinage and Identity in the

A late 17th century portrait of Nicolas Chevalier (1661-1720)

B242 The Tribes and Coins of Celtic

B241 Cast Chinese Coins, A Historical

B243 ERIC The Encyclopedia of

NEW SPECIAL PUBLICATION OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

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