Employment Work Conditions PDF

Journal of Family Issues
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Employment, Work Conditions, and the Home Environment in

Single-Mother Families
Christy Lleras
Journal of Family Issues 2008; 29; 1268 originally published online Jun 13,
2008;
DOI: 10.1177/0192513X08318842
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Employment, Work
Conditions, and the Home
Environment in
Single-Mother Families

Volume 29 Number 10
October 2008 1268-1297
2008 Sage Publications
10.1177/0192513X08318842
http://jfi.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
Christy Lleras
University of Illinois, UrbanaChampaign
This study investigates the impact of employment status and work conditions
on the quality of the home environment provided by single mothers of
preschool-age children. Multivariate analyses were conducted using data
from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. The results indicate that
employment status is not a significant predictor of the quality of the home
environment among single mothers of young children when family size and
welfare use are controlled. Among single working mothers, several job conditions were related to the quality of the home environment. Single mothers
who were employed part-time and in low-wage jobs had significantly poorer
home environments. Single mothers who work nonstandard hours generally
have poorer home environments, with the exception of rotating shifts. These
findings highlight the importance of examining the effects of employment
status and job conditions on within-group differences in the quality of the
home environment among single-mother families.
Keywords: maternal employment; shift work; work hours; cognitive stimulation; emotional support
ver the past several decades, the proportion of single-parent families

has increased substantially, as has the number of mothers who have
entered the workforce. Today, single mothers with children under the age of
5 years constitute the fastest growing segment of the female labor force population (U.S. Department of Labor, 2000). In light of recent changes in welfare policy, including the passage and reauthorization of the Personal
Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996,
Authors Note: Please address correspondence to Christy Lleras, Department of Human and
Community Development, University of Illinois, Urbana, IL 61801; e-mail: clleras@uiuc.edu.
1268
Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers
1269
low-income single mothers, in particular, are facing increasing pressures to

work outside the home. As the number of children living in families headed
by single mothers grows and maternal employment increases, particularly
among low-income single mothers with young children, the impacts of
family structure and maternal employment on the well-being of children
have become central issues in social science research. Numerous studies
have documented the impact of family structure, along with adult economic
activity and parental characteristics, on a variety of cognitive and behavioral
outcomes in children (Amato, 1993; Cooksey, Menaghan, & Jekielek, 1997;
Parcel, Nickoll, & Dufur, 1996; Rogers, Parcel, & Menaghan, 1991).
Researchers have also become increasingly interested in understanding the
mechanisms whereby the experiences of parents influence the experiences
and opportunities of their children. A substantial focus of this research has
been on the quality of the home environment, including maternal responsiveness and the provision of stimulating activities, as potentially mediating
and moderating the relationship between family economic circumstances
and childrens outcomes (Bahrudin & Luster, 1998; Bradley, 1985; Bradley,
Caldwell, & Rock, 1988; Menaghan, Kowaleski-Jones, & Mott, 1997).
The majority of research on the home environment focuses on the
impact of marital status, maternal resources such as age and education,
employment status, and wages (Baharudin & Luster, 1998; Brooks-Gunn,
Han, & Waldfogel, 2002; Menaghan et al., 1997; Menaghan & Parcel,
1991). However, little attention has been paid to the impact other kinds of
job characteristics, including job satisfaction and nonstandard work hours,
may have on the quality of the home environment provided, particularly by
single working mothers (Brooks-Gunn et al., 2002). Furthermore, much of
the prior work on the effects of maternal employment has focused on
families with adolescents and middle-class, two-parent families. As a
result, we do not know if there are significant associations between single
mothers employment status, employment conditions (e.g., work schedules,
job satisfaction), and economic and family circumstances, and the home
environment among single mothers with preschool-age children.
This study addresses these shortcomings by examining the contributions
of several factors in explaining within-group differences in the quality of
the home environment provided by single mothers of preschool-age
children. More specifically, this study estimates the impact of maternal and
economic resources as well as occupational conditions on the home environment single working and nonworking mothers provide their preschoolage children. One of the main goals of this study is to determine what role
employment status, as well as family, economic, and maternal resources,
1270
plays in explaining differences among single mothers in the quality of the

home environment. An equally important goal is to assess whether differences in employment conditions (i.e., hours, shifts worked, wages) are
associated with variations in the home environment among single working
mothers of preschool-age children.
The Home Environment and Preschool-Age Children

A large body of research has examined how family circumstances, economic resources, and parental characteristics directly affect various cognitive and behavioral outcomes in children (Amato, 1993; Cooksey et al.,
1997; Parcel et al., 1996). An equally extensive literature, rooted in child
development and family systems theory, has emphasized the importance of
parentchild interaction, the provision of stimulating experiences, and an
emotionally supportive environment for healthy child development
(Bradley, 1985; Bradley et al., 1988; Menaghan et al., 1997). In recent
years, these research efforts have merged in an effort to examine how
parents economic, familial, and personal circumstances affect the quality
of the home environment and, in turn, influence childrens outcomes
(Bahrudin & Luster, 1998; Menaghan & Parcel, 1995).
Research on parentchild interaction has often relied on the Home
Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME) to assess the quality of the home learning environment and maternal parenting behavior. The
HOME was designed to measure the safeness of the physical environment, the
provision of learning experiences and cognitive stimulation, and the warmth
and verbal responsiveness of the mother, and the punitiveness of the disciplinary style used by the mother (Bradley, 1985; Bradley et al., 1988). This instrument has proved successful in detecting which home environments are
associated with a range of outcomes, including language development, cognitive ability, and academic achievement (Bradley, 1985; Brooks-Gunn, Duncan,
Klebanov, & Sealan, 1993; Michael, Desai, & Chase-Landale, 1989; Yeates,
MacPhee, Campbell, & Ramey, 1983) and will be used to assess the quality of
the home environment provided by single mothers in this study.
The home environment of preschool age children in single-mother
families is the focus of this study for several reasons. First, although
children in this age group may begin to explore relationships outside of the
home (i.e., playing in the neighborhood), the majority of socialization
activities still occur within the home. Single mothers, as the primary and
often sole caretakers of their children, are mainly responsible for meeting
1271
the emotional, cognitive, and physical needs of their children during this
age period. However, little research has specifically examined the determinants of the quality of care and parenting behavior of single mothers of
preschool-age children. Second, the preschool period is a particularly
important time in the lives of children because the cognitive and emotional
skills they develop will influence their ability to make a successful transition into and master the demands of elementary school (Farkas, 1996).
Third, numerous studies have shown that the economic circumstances
experienced during early childhood are linked to several developmental
outcomes during middle and late childhood (Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, &
Klebanov, 1994; Miller & Korenman, 1994). Finally, because many
preschool-age children are not yet in formal schooling, employment conditions such as working nonstandard hours or shifts may create particular difficulties and heighten stress among single mothers trying to find reliable,
affordable, quality day care for their child while they are at work. As states
move toward full implementation of the work requirements, time limits,
and changes in funding of support services encompassed in welfare reform,
the questions addressed in this study are particularly relevant and hope to
inform future studies of how these new initiatives will affect the quality of
care single mothers are able to provide for their young children as they
move from welfare to work.
Maternal and Economic Resources and

the Home Environment
According to social stress theory, various adult social stressors affect family
interaction, which in turn affect various emotional and cognitive outcomes in
children. There are several sources of potential stress and support among single mothers that may affect the quality of their parenting behavior. Personal
resources (e.g., education), childrens characteristics (e.g., age, health, and
sex), and contextual factors (e.g., work-related stress, family size, and household income) are all significant predictors of the home environment parents
provide their children (Belsky, 1984; Jackson, Brooks-Gunn, Huang, &
Glassman 2000; Menaghan & Parcel, 1991; Raver, 2003).
A single mothers ability to provide a better home environment for her
children may be directly affected by the quality of her personal and economic resources. Economic resources not only allow parents to meet their
childrens physical needs (i.e., housing, food, and clothing) but also provide
more opportunities to nurture their cognitive and emotional development
1272
through experiences (Thomson, Hanson, & McLanahan, 1994). Conversely,

a lack of economic resources may function as a constant distraction and
drain on parents emotional energy and negatively influence their ability to
provide a supportive and stimulating home environment (Elder, Conger,
Foster, & Ardelt, 1992; Whitbeck et al., 1992). Additional resources such as
maternal age and educational level may also affect the quality of the home
environment single mothers provide their children. Older mothers may
have more experience with various social stressors and as a result demonstrate better coping skills and provide a better home environment than
younger mothers (Parcel et al., 1996). Mothers with higher levels of education may be more likely to value learning and have the skills (i.e., reading)
needed to foster cognitive development in their children, and they may have
a better sense of self and display more maternal warmth than mothers with
lower levels of education. In addition, a mothers age and education may
indirectly affect the quality of care she is able to provide by influencing her
access to economic resources through employment.
Maternal Employment and the Home Environment

Work socialization theory and prior research indicate both maternal
employment status and occupational conditions affect parental and child
well-being, and are important predictors of the quality of motherchild
interaction and the home environment (Menaghan et al., 1997; Moore &
Driscoll, 1997; Parcel & Menaghan, 1994). Working may directly affect
parental well-being and indirectly affect parenting behavior in two ways.
First, being employed may increase household income, alleviate economic
pressures, and positively affect a parents sense of well-being, improving
parentchild interaction. Second, being employed may provide persons
with a heightened sense of well-being and control, which may lead to better
home environments (Ross & Mirowsky, 1992). Recent studies have shown,
however, that employment status may have different effects on mothers
psychological functioning depending on her marital status. Ali and Avison
(1997) found that single mothers who took a job for pay did not experience
a significant reduction in their levels of distress compared to married working mothers, despite increases in income. One possible explanation is that
single mothers are responsible for being both the primary caretaker of their
children and the main source of family income. Given the demands of the
workplace, single mothers may experience greater levels of distress because
of these dual caregiver roles. Consequently, the benefits often associated
1273
with paid employment, principally raising income, enhancing self-esteem,

and in turn improving parenting behavior, may be offset for single mothers
by the additional strain of increasing demands, reduced time spent with
their children, and working out of necessity to provide for their family.
The association between maternal employment and the quality of the
home environment may depend on a single mothers ability to find a job
that pays higher wages and on other occupational conditions, which may
contribute to or offset the consequences of increased role strain. Work theories suggest that work experience (i.e., hours, complexity, and wages) can
affect parents cognitive functioning and emotional well-being and in turn
influence their ability to provide a higher quality home environment
(Menaghan & Parcel, 1991). Most research on maternal occupational conditions such as wages and hours worked has examined their impact on developmental outcomes (Dunifon, Kalil, & Bajracharya, 2005; Hill, Waldfogel,
Brooks-Gunn, & Han 2005). For instance, Parcel and Menaghan (1994)
examined both married and nonmarried working mothers of preschool
children and found current occupational conditions had a significant effect
on verbal facility. Children of mothers working part-time compared to fulltime and children whose mothers were working in more complex jobs had
significantly higher verbal scores, regardless of their mothers marital
status. More recently, Dunifon et al. (2005) examined the effect of mothers
working long hours, non-day shifts, and at jobs that require a lengthy commute time on behavioral problems among a sample of 5- to 15-year-olds
whose mothers recently left welfare for work. Their results show that
lengthy commute times are associated with a higher likelihood of the child
experiencing internalizing problem behaviors.
Of the few studies that have looked at whether parental occupational
conditions affect the home environments of preschool-age children,
Menaghan and Parcel (1995) examined the home environment provided by
married and single mothers by interacting marital status with several factors. The results suggest that the adverse association between single motherhood and the home environment is more positive if the mother is
employed at a high-wage job and more negative if the mother remained
unemployed. Unlike the current study, this study did not specifically investigate the variation within single-mother households and did not examine
occupational conditions beyond hours worked, wages, and occupational
complexity (i.e., job shift and job satisfaction).
In addition to wages, the number of hours and shifts a mother works may
affect the quality of the home environment by reducing the time she can
spend with and monitor her children and by serving as an additional drain
1274
on her energy. Some research has shown that preschool-age children whose
mothers work between 21 and 35 hr per week have significantly higher verbal scores than those of children whose mothers work 35 to 40 hr per week,
and children whose mothers work overtime have the lowest verbal scores
(Parcel & Menaghan, 1990). However, other studies have found that the
hours a mother works have no significant effect on the quality of the home
environment of young children (Menaghan & Parcel, 1991, 1995). It is
important to note that none of these studies examined the relationship
between maternal work hours and the home environment specifically
within single-mother families. Indeed, the effects of working longer hours
may be different for single working mothers. For example, for single mothers who have entered the workforce and are the primary breadwinner for
their families, the economic benefits (higher incomes and benefits) associated with working more than 35 hr per week may offset the costs of being
away from the home.
Prior studies on maternal employment have often focused on the number
of hours mothers worked, paying less attention to which hours they work
(Presser, 2003). Single mothers and parents of young children are more
likely to work nonstandard hours including evenings, nights, and rotating
shifts compared to other types of families (Presser, 1995, 2003). Thus, it
may be particularly important to examine how the regularity and flexibility
of a mothers employment as well as the time of day she works is associated with the quality of the home environment among single mothers.
Because most children ages 3 through 5 years are not yet in formal schooling, single mothers who are able to find jobs that allow them to stay at home
during the day may be particularly important for positive motherchild
interaction. Working at a job that provides more stable work hours or more
standard shifts (i.e., day shift) may make it easier to find and keep their
children in a regular day care facility. On the other hand, flexible hours or
shifts may be helpful for single mothers with young children who cannot
afford a day care facility and have to rely on family or friends to watch their
children while they are working.
Recent work by Presser (2003) shows that there are differences in the
effects of working nonstandard hours on the quality of parentchild interaction between married and single mothers of children between ages 5 and
13. For example, single mothers were more likely to eat breakfast with their
children if they were working rotating shifts, compared to married mothers.
Furthermore, single mothers who worked evening or night shifts had a
higher incidence of private talks with their children compared to similar
mothers who worked regular day shifts. Although the Presser study does
1275
not examine the impact of nonstandard work schedules on the quality of the
home environment for single working mothers of young children specifically, the results do suggest that hours worked may have differential effects
on the quality of parentchild interaction compared to similar working
mothers who are married.
How satisfied a mother is with her current employment may also be
indicative of her emotional well-being and may capture unmeasured costs
or benefits associated with employment. A mother who is dissatisfied with
her job may be experiencing increased stress due to role strain, economic
difficulties, or other circumstances that may translate into poorer
parentchild interaction. If nonstandard work schedules are associated with
lower job satisfaction, this may partially account for the effects of these
schedules on the quality of the home environment.
Current Study
An extensive literature has linked family structure to emotional and
behavioral problems in children (Amato, 1993; Cooksey et al., 1997;
McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994) and the quality of the home environment
(Menaghan & Parcel, 1995). However, little attention has been paid to how
economic, parental, and social resources available to single mothers
uniquely and collectively contribute to differences in the quality of the
home environments they provide their preschool-age children. In addition,
few studies have examined to what extent these factors account for the differences in the quality of the home environment between working and nonworking mothers. Furthermore, research has generally ignored the potential
role of employment shifts and job satisfaction in predicting maternal childdirected behavior and the home environment. This study examines the
home environment as one of the mechanisms by which a mother influences
the development of her children during this age period. Using social stress
and work socialization theories as a guide, this study moves beyond previous research to analyze the impact of maternal employment status, occupational characteristics, job satisfaction, and maternal and economic
resources on the ability of single mothers to provide a higher quality home
environment for their preschool-age children.
Specifically, this study examines whether employment status has a
unique impact on the quality of the home environment provided by single
mothers of preschool-age children, even after controlling for economic,
family, and maternal characteristics and resources. In addition, this study
analyzes the extent to which economic resources, family circumstances,
1276
and maternal resources available to single mothers uniquely and collectively explain differences in the home environment. Finally, it examines the
kinds of work conditions associated with the quality of the home environment provided by single working mothers of young children.
According to the social stress theoretical model, the economic, parental,
and social resources available to single mothers can affect both the extent
and quality of interaction with their children (McLanahan & Sandefur,
1994). Therefore, mothers with greater personal resources (older, more educated) are expected to provide more supportive, stimulating, and safe home
environments for their children, independent of economic resources.
Economic sources of stress and support may also affect parenting behavior
and the quality of the home environment. Specifically, mothers who have
lower incomes and more children in the household may presumably have
poorer home environment scores. According to Ali and Avison (1997) the
positive impact of maternal employment on a mothers emotional well-being
varies by marital status, with single mothers not experiencing significant
reductions in their levels of stress upon employment. Single mothers who
work may experience increased stress because of role strain, and work theories suggest that the influence of employment is, in part, mediated by economic circumstances. It is also possible that single mothers who work differ
significantly from those who do not in terms of personal resources, being
older, having more education, and having fewer children in their household.
Consequently, it is expected that the effect of being currently employed will
cease to be a significant predictor of the home environment when economic
and maternal resources and family circumstances are controlled.
Work socialization theories and past research suggest that various occupational conditions may act as a source of either stress or support for single working mothers and, in turn, affect their well-being and, ultimately, the
quality of the home environment. Therefore, it is expected the home environment scores will be lower if the wages at the mothers current job are
extremely low (insufficient to raise her household income above the
poverty line working 40 hr a week). Mothers who work the day shift may
have an easier time finding and keeping regular day care but mothers relying on family and friends to provide child care may find flexible hours or
shifts a source of support. Prior work by Presser (2003) shows that single
mothers who work rotating shifts are more likely to spend quality time with
their children in the form of eating breakfast together and that mothers who
work evening or night shifts are more likely to have private talks with their
children compared to mothers who work the day shift. These findings
suggest that the shift worked may have differential effects on the quality of
the home environment provided by single mothers, specifically, that working
1277
the day shift may not be as beneficial for parentchild interaction as other
shifts. Finally, mothers who report being very satisfied with their job are
likely to provide a more nurturing and cognitively stimulating home environment for their children than are those who are less satisfied with their
employment situations.
Data and Method

Data
This study uses data from the matched mother and child files of the
National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) from 1990, 1992, and
1994. The original NLSY sample included 6,300 women aged 14 to 21
years old in 1979; half of these women had borne children by 1986 when
the first biannual assessments on the children of the female respondents
were administered. These assessments included the HOME, which is one of
the most widely used measures to assess the quality of the home learning
environment and motherchild interaction (Caldwell & Bradley, 1984). The
NLSY also includes detailed measures of maternal characteristics, household composition and income, and maternal employment conditions.
The sample selected for this analysis was constructed by pooling three
age cohorts observed in different years: children ages 3 years through 5
years 11 months in 1990, 1992, or 1994. If the mother had more than one
child between the ages of 3 through 5 years, the younger child was included
in the sample so as not to overrepresent mothers with high fertility. In addition, children who were not living in their mothers household at the time
of the survey and children with extremely low birth weight (less than 1,500
gm) were also excluded. These criteria yielded a final sample of 737 single
mothers (subsample of 417 employed) of preschool-age children (ages 3
years to 5 years 11 months) who had no missing data on the home environment items. In the final sample, the percentage of missing cases on the
independent variables used in the analysis constituted less than 2% of the
sample, except the family income variable in which 16% of the cases were
missing. To retain the sample size needed to perform adequate significance
tests and interactions, all missing values were imputed using multiple
imputation commands available in Stata 9.0.
There are several advantages to pooling identical age cohorts across several years using the NLSY data. First, it allows construction of a larger and
more diverse sample with regard to maternal characteristics, employment
conditions, and economic circumstances. Second, the larger pooled sample
provides more statistical power, making it feasible to test for a variety of
1278
interactions. Finally, it addresses the problem of having a sample of relatively

young mothers (Cooksey et al., 1997). Because the original sample of women
was disproportionately young in 1979 (14-21), and thus 25 to 32 years old in
1990, using a sample of 3- through 5-year-olds in 1990 would consist of
children born to somewhat disproportionately young mothers, all giving birth
before the age of 29. Taking a sample of 3- through 5-year-olds over three
periods in 1990, 1992, and 1994 provides a more representative sample of
children whose mothers gave birth at a range of ages, from 20 to 33 years old.
It is also important to note that the sample of single mothers and young
children used in this study were selected before the passage of welfare reform.
This is advantageous because although the PRWORA was passed in 1996,
there was substantial variation within states and across states in the implementation of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families plans, including the time
clocks associated with the work requirements. In addition, within states
there was variation in the work requirements of single mothers based on the
age of the youngest child. As a result, in the years after the PRWORA was
passed single mothers who lived in the same state or in different states were
often subjected to different work requirements. Thus, using a sample of single
mothers with young children before welfare reform avoids the problem of
being unable to distinguish between women who are working as a result of
welfare work requirements and those who are working for other reasons.
However, this sample may include fewer single working mothers compared to
a sample selected after the implementation of welfare reform.
Variables
Home environment (ages 3 to 6). Table 1 presents the means, standard
deviations, and descriptions of all of the variables used in the analysis. To
measure the quality of parenting and the physical environment of the home
single mothers provide their children, items from the Home Observation for
Measurement of the EnvironmentShort Form (HOME-SF) included in the
NLSY mother supplement were used. The Home Environment index was
constructed by summing items from three subsets of items in the age-appropriate (3 years to 5 years 11 months) HOME-SF provided in the NLSY: (a)
cognitive stimulation, (b) maternal warmth and responsiveness, and (c) safeness of the physical environment. The cognitive stimulation component is
composed of eight items including whether the mother helps the child learn
numbers, shapes, colors, and the alphabet and whether the mother reads to the
child at least three times a week. This component also includes items that
(text continues on page 1282)
1279
Partner presence
Relatives present
Family circumstances
Family size
Welfare status
Independent variable
Employment status
Economic resources
Household income
Dependent variable
Home environment (ages 3 to 6)
Variable
Number of mothers own children living

in household
1 = partner currently living in mothers household
1 = other relatives living in mothers household
1 = received AFDC all 12

months of previous year
Total income received during previous year
1 = currently working for pay
16-item index; derived from HOME-SF;

measures maternal cognitive stimulation,
warmth/responsiveness, physical
conditions of home
Description
2.29
(1.13)
0.20
0.22
20,139.41
(36,821.61)
0.31
0.57
12.58
(2.56)
M (SD)
.68
Cronbachs
All Mothers
2.00
(0.94)
0.19
0.24
35,267.31
(58,655.96)
0.09
13.10
(2.26)
M (SD)
(continued)
.64
Cronbachs
Employed Mothers
Table 1
Descriptive Statistics for All Variables Used in the Analysis of All Single Mothers (n = 737)
and Subsample of Employed Mothers (n = 417) of Preschool-Age Children
1280
Preschool/school status
Childs age
Employment conditions
Hours worked (per week)
Low part-time
Part-time
Full-time (reference)
Overtime
Child sex
Childs poor health
Maternal education
Control variable
Maternal race/ethnicity
Maternal age
Variable
<21 hr
21-35 hr
36-40 hr
>40 hr
1 = African American
1 = Hispanic
(reference category = Caucasian)
1 = male
1 = child has condition that limits
usual childhood activities
1 = child currently enrolled in preschool/school
Total age (in months)
Years of education completed
Total age (in years)
Description
Table 1 (continued)
0.44
53.84
(10.17)
0.50
0.02
30.83
(2.68)
12.25
(1.93)
0.51
0.18
M (SD)
Cronbachs
All Mothers
0.07
0.16
0.66
0.11
0.50
54.50
(10.16)
0.50
0.01
30.87
(2.80)
12.72
(1.91)
0.50
0.17
(continued)
M (SD) Cronbachs
Employed Mothers
1281
1 = $7.00 an hour or less

1 = like job very much, 0 = otherwise
Changes periodically from days

to evenings/nights
Two distinct periods each day
Description
737
M (SD)
Cronbachs
All Mothers
0.02
0.06
0.38
0.39
417
0.74
0.08
0.05
0.06
M (SD) Cronbachs
Employed Mothers
Note: HOME-SF = Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment InventoryShort Form; AFDC = Aid to Families With Dependent
Children.
Split shift
Irregular shift/hours
Low wages
High job satisfaction
Shift worked
Regular day shift (reference)
Regular evening shift
Regular night shift
Rotating shift
Variable
Table 1 (continued)
1282
measure whether the child has 10 or more books, whether the family gets at
least one magazine regularly, and whether there is a record or tape player in
the home. The maternal warmth and responsiveness component contains four
observational items: whether the mother talks to the child, kisses/hugs the
child, answers the childs questions verbally, and voices positive feelings
about the child. The subset tapping into the condition of the physical environment has four items: whether the play environment appears safe, and whether
the rooms were reasonably clean, dark, or cluttered.
The Home Environment index is a summation of these 16 items, each
item coded 1 = yes and 0 = no, with higher scores indicating better home
environments. Because all the mothers in the subsample are single, the
Home Environment index excludes all items from the separate indices
referring to a father or father figure. In addition, the punitiveness of the
mothers disciplinary style is excluded because other studies have found
this item to be problematic across racial and ethnic groups (Mariner,
Zaslow, & Sugland, 1998). The mean score on the preschool Home
Environment index for the total sample is 12.58 (SD = 2.56) and the mean
score for children of employed mothers is slightly higher at 13.10 (SD =
2.26). The reliability coefficients of the Home Environment index for the
total sample ( = .68) were similar to that of employed mothers ( = .64).
Maternal employment status. A mother is classified as currently
employed if she was working for wages during the week preceding the survey or if she was not working but had a job or business from which she was
temporarily absent.
Economic resources. Two measures of economic resources are included:
net family income and a dummy variable indicating whether the mother
received welfare in the form of Aid to Families with Dependent Children
(AFDC) every month during the previous year. Family income (and the hourly
rate of pay) was standardized to 1994 dollars using the Consumer Price Index
for All Urban Consumers inflators (U.S. Census Bureau, 1996). Partner
income and earnings are not included in the net family income variable.
Family circumstances. The addition of children may pose a further strain
on a parents social and economic resources; therefore, a measure of the
number of the mothers own children under the age of 18 years living in the
mothers household is included in the analysis. Cohabitation and living with
other relatives may be a source of additional support or strain for a single
mother depending on whether the individual provides economic resources (i.e.,
free child care, extra income). Two variables tap into the living arrangements of
1283
the mother: whether the mothers partner lives in the home and whether the
mother lives with any adult relative besides her own children.
Maternal resources. Maternal age and education are included in the
analysis because they have been shown to be associated with the quality of
the home environment and may act as a buffer between poor economic and
family circumstances and the home environment, or occupational conditions and the home environment.
Control variables. To better isolate the effects of the main constructs,
maternal race and ethnicity, childs sex and age, whether the child has significant health problems, and whether the child is enrolled in preschool are
controlled in the analyses.
Employment conditions. According to work theories and prior research, the
number of hours a mother works and the wages she receives may affect her
ability to provide a better home environment for her young children
(Menaghan & Parcel, 1995). To capture the amount of time a mother was able
to spend with her child, the usual number of hours worked per week and the
shift worked by the mother are included. Usual number of hours worked is
measured as a series of dummy variables to account for any nonlinear effects,
distinguishing among low part-time, part-time, full-time (reference category),
and overtime. The usual shift worked by the mother is measured by a series of
dummy variables capturing both the regularity of her work and the portion of
the day in which she usually works: regular day (reference), regular evening,
regular night, rotating shift, split shift, or irregular hours. Finally, a dummy
variable distinguishing mothers who worked at jobs paying low wages is
included. How satisfied a mother is with her current employment may be
indicative of unmeasured benefits or consequences of her employment situation and, ultimately, her overall well-being. The NLSY includes a measure of
job satisfaction that asks respondents to rate how they feel about their current
jobs on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from like it very much to dislike it very
much. The distribution of responses of the job satisfaction variable was highly
skewed. Therefore, the responses were recoded into a dummy variable where
1 = like it very much and 0 = otherwise.
Method
To answer the questions posed in this study, separate analyses were conducted on the full sample of single mothers (N = 737) as well as on a subsample of employed single mothers (n = 417). To estimate the effect of
1284
employment status on the home environment among single mothers of

preschool-age children, multiple hierarchical regression analyses, using
ordinary least squares (OLS) methods, were performed using Stata 9.0. In
hierarchical regression analysis, variables are entered into the model in a
specific order in accordance with theoretical criteria to test hypotheses. In
the first analysis, employment status is included in Model 1 as a predictor
of the home environment along with several control variables including
maternal race and ethnicity, childs age, childs health status, childs sex,
and a dummy variable indicating whether the child is enrolled in preschool
or school. Because the employment coefficient is a dummy variable (1 =
currently employed and 0 = not employed), it represents the gap or difference between employed and nonemployed mothers in the quality of the
home environment provided to their young children. To determine whether
economic circumstances or resources account for any of the difference in
the home environment between employed and nonemployed mothers,
Model 2 adds a continuous variable for family income and Model 3 adds a
dummy variable indicating whether the mother received welfare continuously during the previous year. Model 4 adds three variables describing
family resourcesa continuous measure of the number of mothers own
children, a measure of whether the mothers partner is present, and a measure of whether other adult relatives are living in the householdto determine whether the relationship between employment status and the home
environment remains after controlling for family characteristics. Finally, to
determine whether any of the effects of employment status, economic
resources, or family circumstances on the home environment are in part due
to differences in maternal resources, mothers age and education are added
to the final model (Model 5).
The second analysis examines the role of employment conditions
number of hours worked per week, shift worked, wages, and job satisfaction
in predicting the quality of the home environment among employed single
mothers of preschool-age children. Model 1 represents the baseline model
and includes maternal race and ethnicity, economic circumstances, maternal education and age, and family characteristics, as well as childs age,
sex, poor health, and preschool or school status in predicting the home environment. Model 2 adds three dummy variables representing the number of
hours worked per week by the mother: low part-time, part-time, and overtime, with full-time employment as the reference category. To determine
whether the relationship between hours worked and the home environment
might be due in part to differences in the shift worked, Model 3 adds five
dummy variables indicating which shift the mother works, with regular day
1285
shift as the reference group. Model 4 adds a dummy variable indicating

whether the mother works at a low-paying job to examine whether any of
the effects of hours worked or shift worked on the home environment are
reduced when wages are taken into account. Finally, job satisfaction is
added to the final model (Model 5).
Results
Descriptives
A little more than half of the single mothers of preschool-age children in
the sample are employed (see Table 1). On average, employed single mothers have slightly higher home environment scores compared to the full sample. As expected, working mothers have higher incomes and are much less
likely to have been on welfare continuously during the previous year.
Employed single mothers also have fewer children but are as likely to have
a partner or other relative in the home compared to the full sample. Among
employed single mothers, more than half report working full-time jobs and
most work the regular day shift. However, more than one fourth of
employed mothers report working nonstandard schedules and almost half
earn less than $7.00 an hour.
Predictors of Home Environment Among Single Mothers

The first set of models in Table 2 examines the impact of current employment status, economic and family circumstances, and maternal resources on
the quality of the home environment provided by single mothers of
preschool-age children. To test whether the effect of employment on the
home environment scores is unique or accounted for by other factors and to
test for the collective effect of the predictors on the quality of the home environment provided by single mothers, a series of OLS regression equations
were estimated in which additional predictors were added to each model.
The current employment status variable is a dummy variable (1 = employed,
0 = not employed) and thus the coefficient represents the gap in the home
environment scores between working and nonworking single mothers.
The results in Model 1 suggest that single mothers who work have significantly better home environment scores compared to single mothers who
do not work, controlling for mothers race/ethnicity; childs sex, age, and
health status; and whether the child is currently enrolled in preschool or
school. Economic circumstances during the previous year were added to
1286
p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
1.03***
Current employment status

Economic resources
Household income (in thousands)
Welfare status
Family circumstances
Family size
Partner presence
Relatives present
Maternal resources
Maternal education
Maternal age
Control variables
African American mother
Hispanic mother
Child sex (1 = male)
Child age
Childs poor health
Preschool/school status
R2
1.30***
1.15***
0.32
0.01
0.48
0.71***
.13
Model 1
Variable
1.29***
1.14***
0.31
0.01
0.56
0.72***
.14
0.02*
0.98***
Model 2
1.22***
1.14***
0.30
0.01
0.63
0.70***
.16
0.02*
0.91***
0.51*
Model 3
Home Environment
0.93***
0.95***
0.31
0.01
0.48
0.60**
.20
0.48***
0.08
0.33
0.51***
0.08
0.32
0.97***
0.77**
0.32
0.01
0.47
0.47*
.25
0.24***
0.10**
0.01*
0.55*
0.15
Model 5
0.02*
0.72**
0.29
Model 4
Table 2
Regression of the Home Environment Among All Single Mothers of Preschool Children
1287
Models 2 and 3. As expected, mothers with lower family incomes and who
have received welfare during the previous year have significantly lower
home environment scores compared to mothers with higher incomes who
did not receive welfare. When economic circumstances are added to
Models 2 and 3, the positive relationship between maternal employment
status and the home environment decreases by about 50%, with a significant portion of the reduction due to the addition of AFDC (welfare) receipt
in the previous year (added in Model 3).
Model 4 adds family circumstances and shows that single mothers with
more children have poorer home environment scores compared to mothers
with fewer children in the household. Whether a partner is present has
essentially no effect on the home environment, but having adult relatives in
the household seems to lower the quality of the home environment provided
by single mothers of preschool-age children, although the coefficient fails
to reach significance. After adding family circumstances to Model 4, the
employment coefficient is further reduced by about 40% and becomes nonsignificant. The changes in the employment coefficient in Models 2 through
4 represent the difference in the quality of the home environment between
employed and nonemployed mothers indicate that the higher home environment scores among employed compared to nonemployed single mothers is
partly accounted for by prior welfare status and family size. In other words,
taking into account the number of children and whether the single mother
received welfare during the previous year reduces the home environment
gap between employed and nonemployed mothers substantially (more than
70%). This suggests that it may be these factors that are driving some of the
differences in the home environment scores between employed and nonemployed mothers.
The results in the final model (Model 5) indicate that mothers who have
higher incomes provide slightly better home environments for their young
children, even after controlling for family circumstances, maternal age, and
education. The negative relationship between mothers who received welfare during the preceding year and the home environment is substantially
reduced after adding family circumstances and maternal age and education
to the equation, but it remains a significant predictor of the quality of the
home environment provided by single mothers of preschool-age children.
These results suggest that lower education levels and being younger
explains some of the lower home environment scores among single mothers who were on welfare during the previous year compared to nonwelfare
mothers. Single mothers who have more children and live with other adult
relatives have poorer home environments, although the coefficient for other
1288
relatives fails to reach significance. African American and Hispanic mothers also have significantly lower home environment scores compared to
Caucasian mothers even though the addition of family and maternal
resources reduces the racial gap by almost one third. In examining the
impact of maternal resources on the home, mothers who have more years
of schooling and who are older have significantly better home environment
scores, even after controlling for income and employment status.
According to stress-buffering theories, greater personal or social
resources may diminish the effects of poorer family or economic circumstances. A series of interactions were tested to see if the age and education
of the mother buffered any of the negative relationships between prior welfare receipt and family size and the home environment. Three of the interactions were significant and in the expected direction and increased slightly
the amount of variation explained in the full model. The relationship
between family size and the home environment varies by the mothers age
and education. The negative impact of having more children on the home
environment is less negative if the mother is older (B = .057, p < .05) and
has more education (B = .067, p < .10). The relationship between being on
welfare during the previous year and the home environment is also less negative when the mother has completed more years of schooling (B = .197,
p < .10). In the next analyses the effect of the predictors on the home
environment provided by employed single mothers is assessed.
Predictors of the Home Environment

Among Employed Single Mothers
Table 3 presents the results from an OLS regression analysis that examines the impact of economic, maternal, and family circumstances, as well
as occupational conditions on the home environment provided by employed
single mothers of preschool-age children. Because the effect of some occupational conditions on the home environment may be due to other conditions, Models 1-5 control for child and maternal characteristics, race/
ethnicity, and economic and family characteristics while adding hours
worked, shift, hourly wages, and job satisfaction sequentially to the models
predicting the home environment.
Consistent with prior research, the baseline model indicates that working
mothers with more years of completed schooling and fewer children have significantly higher home environment scores (Model 1). Model 2 adds a series of
dummy variables depicting hours worked per week, with the reference category
being full-time employment. The results show mothers who work part-time
1289
1.15***
1.06***
0.00
0.70
0.18**
0.06
0.53***
0.33
0.07
African American mother

Hispanic mother
Household income
Prior welfare status
Maternal education
Maternal age
Family size
Partner presence
Relatives present
Hours worked (per week)a
Low part-time (<21 hr)
Part-time (21-35 hr)
Overtime (>40 hr)
Shift workedb
Regular evening shift
Regular night
Rotating shift
Split shift
Irregular shift/hours
Low wages
Job satisfaction
R2
.24
.26
0.52
0.22
0.86*
0.44
0.39
0.68**
0.46
0.13
0.83*
0.16
0.42
.23
0.08
0.45
0.33
0.01
0.59*
0.34
0.09
0.60*
0.28
1.13***
1.07***
0.00
0.41
0.16**
0.05
0.45**
0.33
0.01
Model 4
1.17***
1.22***
0.00
0.60
0.18**
0.07
0.49***
0.33
0.07
Model 3
1.14***
1.10***
0.00
0.63
0.18**
0.06
0.50***
0.33
0.06
Model 2
Note: All models control for childs age, sex, poor health, and preschool/school status.
a. Full-time is the reference category.
b. Regular day shift is the reference category.
p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
.21
Model 1
Variable
Home Environment
Table 3
Regression of the Home Environment Among Single Working Mothers of Preschool Children
0.52
0.23
0.88*
0.44
0.42
0.67**
0.22
.26
0.06
0.43
0.34
-1.11***
1.08**
0.00
0.40
0.15*
0.05
0.46**
0.35
0.01
Model 5
1290
have significantly lower home environment scores compared to mothers who

work full-time, controlling for child and maternal characteristics and family
circumstances. Mothers who work more than 40 hr per week have higher
home environment scores compared to full-time working mothers, but this
effect fails to reach significance. In results not shown, the mothers who
worked very few hours (low part-time) had much poorer home environments
compared to full-time mothers without controlling for prior welfare status.
This suggests that women who were on welfare continuously during the previous year were much more likely to be working fewer than 21 hr per week
and to have lower home environment scores compared to working mothers
who had not been on welfare. The negative effect of working fewer hours on
the home environment could be due to the fact that mothers who work fewer
than 36 hr per week may also work irregular or split shifts or have lower
wages. The next two models test whether the negative association between
low part-time and part-time work versus full-time work on the home environment is due to the shift worked or wages earned by the mother.
Model 3 adds a series of dichotomous variables representing the shift
worked by the mother, with regular day shift as the reference category. The
addition of shift worked does not lessen the negative relationship between
mothers who work part-time compared to full-time and the home environment. The results indicate that mothers who work rotating shifts versus a
regular shift during the day are associated with significantly better home
environments for preschool-age children. Rotating shifts may be particularly
beneficial for single mothers with preschool-age children because they may
permit greater flexibility in the mothers work schedule, allowing them more
time to be with and monitor their children during the day. Given the small
sample size, many of the shifts worked fail to reach significance. However,
it is important to note the size and direction of the coefficients. Working the
evening shift is associated with better home environment scores, whereas
working regular night shifts, split shifts, or irregular shifts or hours is associated with poorer home environments for preschool-age children.
Model 4 adds a dummy variable indicating whether the mother works
for very low wages. As expected, mothers who earn low wages have significantly poorer home environments compared to working mothers who earn
more than $7.00 an hour. Controlling for low wages reduces the relationship between working fewer hours and the home environment substantially.
The negative impact of working part-time on the home environment is
reduced by almost one fourth when low wages are added to the model.
However, adding low wages to the model does not change the positive relationship between working a rotating shift and the home environment scores.
1291
The final results in Model 5 add job satisfaction to the model predicting
the home environment. Single working mothers of young children who
report higher job satisfaction also have better home environments, but the
coefficient fails to reach significance. The addition of job satisfaction does
little to change the relationships between hours or shift worked and the
home environment. The negative relationship between working at a lowwage job and the home environment remains substantial and significant.
The sample of working mothers includes mothers who reported being currently employed, regardless of weeks worked. Thus, it is possible that some
of the effects observed in the final model predicting the home environment
may be due to an unobserved correlation between the kinds of job conditions reported and the number of weeks the mother has been working. In
light of this possibility, the final model in Table 3 was reestimated to take
into account whether the mother was recently employed. The results (available from the author on request) showed that the pattern of results does not
vary depending on whether the sample is restricted to mothers who are
employed more than 2 weeks or more than 2 months, or when the model
includes a control for tenure (weeks worked). The exception is that when
the sample is restricted to mothers who are employed for at least 2 months,
the magnitude of the positive effect of working a rotating shift on the home
environment increases as does the negative effect of working a split shift.
The results in the final model also suggest that many of the factors,
including maternal education, wages, job satisfaction, and shift worked
(i.e., rotating shift compared to day shift), have a unique impact on the quality of the home environment provided by single working mothers of
preschool-age children. Mothers with more education have better home
environments, regardless of the conditions of their employment. Single
mothers working fewer hours, at jobs that pay lower wages, and who are
less satisfied with their employment have lower home environment scores,
controlling for economic characteristics, maternal resources, and family
circumstances.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between
employment status, work conditions, and the home environment of single
mothers with at least one preschool-age child living in the home. According
to social stress and work socialization theories, personal, family, economic,
and occupational circumstances act as potential sources of stress and
1292
support for parents and, in turn, affect parental well-being and behavior
(Belsky, 1984; Menaghan & Parcel, 1991). The findings from this study are
consistent with both of these theories. Maternal resources and family circumstances proved to be consistent, strong predictors of the home environment after controlling for employment status. Among single mothers, those
who have more education and fewer children provide significantly better
home environments for their young children than those who have less education or larger families, regardless of whether they were working. The
results from the analyses of all single mothers also support the stressbuffering model that suggests that some difficult family or economic circumstances may be offset or less detrimental for mothers who have access
to greater economic or personal resources (House, Umberson, & Landis,
1988). The effect of having more children on the quality of the home environment is less negative for single mothers who are older and have more
education. Additionally, more education lessens the negative effect of having received AFDC during the previous year on the home environment.
Some work theories and research suggest that employment is beneficial
because it increases income and has unmeasured benefits that contribute to
the overall well-being of the worker, thus translating into better home environments. However, there is no evidence that this is in fact the case for single mothers with preschool-age children. The addition of economic
circumstances does not reduce the significance of being employed and
therefore does not seem to account for the differences in the quality of the
home environment observed between single working and nonworking
mothers of preschool-age children. There is also little evidence to suggest
that employment translates into improved home environments when other
factors, such as family size and prior welfare status, are controlled. If
employment had a unique positive effect on maternal well-being, and in
turn the home environment, employment status would remain a significant
predictor when controlling for economic and family circumstances and
maternal resources. However, after adding prior welfare use and the number
of children to the model, employment status becomes a nonsignificant predictor of the home environment. This suggests that the higher home environment scores among working versus nonworking mothers are partly due
to the fact that these mothers were less likely to have received welfare during the previous year and have fewer children, both of which are associated
with poorer home environments. Thus, the results seem to indicate that
working is not necessarily indicative of better parenting, but the same factors that are associated with improved home environments also influence
whether the mother is employed.
1293
Taken together these results suggest that the effects of maternal employment are confounded by other processes, mainly family size and welfare
use. Although mothers who are employed have significantly better home
environments than those who are not employed, it seems to be because they
are less likely to have received welfare and have fewer children rather than
because of unmeasured benefits due to working. The same factors that
selected these mothers into employment have also contributed to improved
home environments for their preschool-age children.
The results from the analysis on single working mothers reveal that
occupational conditions do play a significant and unique role in determining the quality of the home environment these mothers provide their
children, controlling for maternal and economic resources and family circumstances. Single mothers who work fewer hours per week have poorer
home environments compared to mothers who work more than full-time.
This is partly due to the lower wages experienced by mothers working
fewer hours per week. The shift worked by the mother also seems to be particularly important. Mothers who work a shift that changes periodically
from days to evenings or nights have better home environments than mothers who work a regular day shift. Working a regular day shift may offer single mothers the benefit of being able to have a predictable routine, which
also may aid them in finding a stable day care situation, as it is more difficult to find facilities that offer evening or night day care. However, given
that the majority of children ages 3 through 5 years are not attending formal
schooling, these findings may suggest that it is important for mothers to be
able to spend some time with their children during the day and go to work
during the evening or after their children fall asleep at night. Rotating schedules may also provide mothers greater flexibility in terms of the days of the
week and times of day they work. For example, if a child is sick or the day
care provider is unable to keep the child on a certain day, the mother may be
able to negotiate with a fellow employee and arrange to work his or her shift
in exchange for the employee working the mothers shift for that day.
As expected, working at a low-paying job is associated with significantly lower home environment scores, even after controlling for maternal
resources, family circumstances, and other occupational conditions.
Furthermore, mothers who report liking their job very much have higher
home environment scores. In addition, comparing the baseline model in
Table 3, which includes economic, maternal, and family circumstances,
with the final model (Model 5), which includes all of the employment conditions, shows that the addition of the employment conditions increases the
amount of variation in the home environment that is explained by 23%. All
1294
of these findings suggest that employment conditions may be as important

as maternal resources and family circumstances in influencing the quality
of care and parenting single working mothers provide to their children.
In summary, the results of this study shed light on the factors that contribute to the parenting behavior and quality of the home environment provided by single mothers of young children. The findings from the
multivariate analyses support several important conclusions. First, education is a consistent and important predictor of the quality of care and parenting single mothers provide to their children across both samples, even
after controlling for family and economic circumstances, employment
status, and, in the case of employed mothers, occupational conditions.
Although the number of years of schooling a mother has may influence
other predictors, such as employment status and family size, education
remains a significant predictor of the quality of the home environment even
after these variables are controlled.
Second, the positive relationship between working and the home environment seems to be a proxy for other factors, principally, prior welfare
status and family size. Because employment becomes nonsignificant after
controlling for welfare use and family size, there does not seem to be any
intrinsic benefits to working that would translate into improved home environments. Finally, occupational conditions matter for single working mothers. Unlike prior studies, these results indicate that hours worked, low
wages received, and shift worked all play an important role in determining
the quality of the home environment single working mothers provide to
their preschool-age children. These findings suggest that single mothers
who find jobs that pay higher wages, allow them to work more hours, and
have rotating shifts may translate into improved home environments for
their young children.
Past research on the determinants of the home environment of young
children has failed to examine how various economic, social, and personal
resources, as well as employment activity such as nonstandard work schedules, may uniquely influence the ability of single mothers to care for their
young children. The results of this study emphasize the need to examine
variation within single-mother households instead of comparing married
and single mothers. The economic situation many single mothers face is
usually different from that of married mothers; consequently, their decision
to enter the labor force is more than likely for vastly different reasons.
Occupational conditions, such as low wages and weekly hours, may be particularly important for single mothers because they are the primary breadwinners and caretakers for their families. What may be more important to
1295
examine is how education may affect not only whether a mother is

employed but also what type of employment she is able to obtain. Mothers
with higher levels of schooling may be much more likely to find a job that
pays higher wages and allows them greater flexibility in terms of work
hours and time of day they work.
Given the current context of welfare reform, the results of this study
highlight the importance of examining how conditions of work, along with
maternal resources, may influence the quality of the home environment
low-income single mothers provide their young children as they transition
from welfare to work. The passage of the PRWORA in 1996 and its recent
reauthorization has significant implications for single mothers, particularly
of young children. Although the data for this study were collected before
the work mandates of welfare reform, the findings stress the importance of
considering other aspects of employment such as shift worked and job satisfaction in assessing the effects of working on single mothers ability to
provide a nurturing and stimulating home environment for their children.
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Journal of Family Issues

Employment, Work Conditions, and the Home Environment in

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Journal of Family Issues

ver the past several decades, the proportion of single-parent families

Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers

low-income single mothers, in particular, are facing increasing pressures to

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Journal of Family Issues

plays in explaining differences among single mothers in the quality of the

The Home Environment and Preschool-Age Children

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Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers

Maternal and Economic Resources and

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Journal of Family Issues

through experiences (Thomson, Hanson, & McLanahan, 1994). Conversely,

Maternal Employment and the Home Environment

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Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers

with paid employment, principally raising income, enhancing self-esteem,

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Journal of Family Issues

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Journal of Family Issues

Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers

Data and Method

Journal of Family Issues

interactions. Finally, it addresses the problem of having a sample of relatively

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Number of mothers own children living

1 = received AFDC all 12

Total income received during previous year

1 = currently working for pay

16-item index; derived from HOME-SF;

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Years of education completed

Total age (in years)

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1 = $7.00 an hour or less

Changes periodically from days

Journal of Family Issues

Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers

Journal of Family Issues

employment status on the home environment among single mothers of

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shift as the reference group. Model 4 adds a dummy variable indicating

Predictors of Home Environment Among Single Mothers

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Current employment status

Lleras / Employment and Single Mothers

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Predictors of the Home Environment

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African American mother

Journal of Family Issues

have significantly lower home environment scores compared to mothers who