.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Oxford University Press and American Historical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review.
http://www.jstor.org
or
Mythistory,
Truth, Myth,History,and Historians
WILLIAM
H. McNEILL
Mythand historyare close kin inasmuchas both explain how thingsgot to be the
waytheyare bytellingsome sortof story.But our common parlance reckonsmyth
to be false while historyis, or aspires to be, true. Accordingly,a historianwho
rejectssomeone else's conclusionscalls themmythical,whileclaimingthathis own
viewsare true. But whatseems true to one historianwillseem falseto another,so
one historian'struthbecomes another'smyth,even at the momentof utterance.
A centuryand more ago, when historywas firstestablished as an academic
discipline,our predecessors recognized this dilemma and believed they had a
remedy. Scientificsource criticismwould get the facts straight,whereupon a
conscientiousand carefulhistorianneeded onlyto arrangethefactsintoa readable
narrativeto produce genuinelyscientifichistory.And science,of course, like the
starsabove, was trueand eternal,as Newtonand Laplace had demonstratedto the
satisfactionof all reasonable persons everywhere.
Yet, in practice,revisionismcontinued to prevail withinthe newlyconstituted
historicalprofession,as it had since the timeof Herodotus. For a generationor
could be attributedto scholarlysuccessin discovering
two,thiscontinuedvolatility
new factsby diligentwork in the archives; but early in this centurythoughtful
historiansbegan to realize thatthearrangementof factsto make a historyinvolved
subjectivejudgments and intellectualchoices thathad littleor nothingto do with
source criticism,scientificor otherwise.
In reactingagainstan almostmechanicalvisionof scientificmethod,itis easy to
underestimateactual achievements.For theideal of scientific
historydid allow our
predecessors to put some formsof bias behind them. In particular,academic
historiansof the nineteenthcenturycame close to transcendingolder religious
controversies.Protestantand Catholic histories of post-ReformationEurope
ceased to be separate and distincttraditionsof learning-a transformation
nicely
of
a
Roman
illustratedin the Anglo-Americanworld by the career Lord Acton,
Catholic who became Regius Professorof Historyat Cambridge and editorof the
firstCambridgeModernHistory.This was a great accomplishment.So was the
accumulationof an enormous fundof exact and reliabledata throughpainstaking
FromMythistory
and OtherEssaysbyWilliamH. McNeill. Reprintedbyarrangementwiththe University
of Chicago Press. C)1986 by The Universityof Chicago. All rightsreserved.
1,
WilliamH. McNeill
Mythistory
WilliamH. McNeill
had not accepted the truthsof "modern science." Like other true believers,they
were thereforespared thetaskof takingothers'viewpointsseriouslyor wondering
about the limitsof theirown visionof historicaltruth.
But we are denied the luxury of such parochialism. We must reckon with
multiplex,competing faiths-secular as well as transcendental,revolutionaryas
well as traditional-that resound amongst us. In addition, partiallyautonomous
professionalidea-systemshave proliferatedin the past centuryor so. Those most
importantto historiansare the so-calledsocial sciences-anthropology,sociology,
politicalscience,psychology,and economics-together withthe newer disciplines
of ecology and semeiology.But law, theology,and philosophyalso pervade the
fieldof knowledge withwhich historiansmay be expected to deal. On top of all
this,innumerableindividualauthors,each withhis own assortmentof ideas and
assumptions, compete for attention.Choice is everywhere;dissent turns into
cacaphonous confusion;mytruthdissolvesinto your mytheven before I can put
words on paper.
The liberalfaith,of course, holds thatin a freemarketplaceof ideas, Truth will
eventuallyprevail. I am not ready to abandon thatfaith,howeverdismayingour
present confusion may be. The liberal experiment,after all, is only about two
timescale that
hundred and fifty
yearsold, and on theappropriateworld-historical
is too soon to be sure. Still, confusion is undoubted. Whether the resulting
uncertaintywillbe bearable forlarge numbersof people in difficulttimesahead
is a question worthasking. Iranian Muslims,Russian communists,and American
sectarians(religiousand otherwise)all exhibitsymptomsof acute distressin face
of moral uncertainties,generated by exposure to competingtruths.Clearly,the
willto believe is as strongtodayas at any timein the past; and truebelieversnearly
always wish to create a communityof the faithful,so as to be able to live more
comfortably,insulated fromtroublesomedissent.
The prevailingresponse to an increasinglycosmopolitan confusion has been
intensifiedpersonal attachment,firstto national and then to subnationalgroups,
each withitsown distinctideals and practices.As one would expect,the historical
professionfaithfullyreflectedand helped to forwardthese shiftsof sentiment.
Thus, the founding fathersof the American Historical Association and their
immediate successors were intent on facilitatingthe consolidation of a new
American nation by writingnational historyin a WASPish mold, while also
claimingaffiliationwitha traditionof Westerncivilizationthatran back through
modern and medieval Europe to the ancientGreeks and Hebrews. This version
of our past was verywidelyrepudiated in the 1960s, but iconoclasticrevisionists
feltno need to replace what theyattackedwithany architectonicvision of their
own. Instead, scholarlyenergyconcentratedon discoveringthe historyof various
segmentsof the population thathad been leftout or ill-treatedbyolder historians:
mostnotablywomen,blacks,and otherethnicminoritieswithinthe United States
and the ex-colonial peoples of the world beyond the national borders.
Such activityconformedto our traditionalprofessionalrole of helpingto define
collectiveidentitiesin ambiguoussituations.Consciousnessof a common past,after
all, is a powerful supplement to other ways of definingwho "we" are. An oral
Mythistoay
fromthe practicalwisdomembodied
tradition,sometimesalmostundifferentiated
in language itself,is all people need in a stable social universe where in-group
boundaries are self-evident.But with civilization,ambiguities multipled, and
formalwrittenhistorybecame useful in defining"us" versus"them."At first,the
centralambiguityran between rulers and ruled. Alien conquerors who lived on
taxescollectedfromtheirsubjectswereat besta necessaryevilwhenlooked at from
the bottomof civilizedsociety.Yet in some situations,especiallywhen confronting
natural disasteror external attack,a case could be made for commonality,even
between taxpayersand tax consumers.At any rate, historiesbegan as king lists,
royalgenealogies,and boastsofdivinefavor-obvious waysofconsolidatingrulers'
morale and assertingtheirlegitimacyvis-a-vistheirsubjects.
Jewishhistoryemphasized God's power over human affairs,narrowingthe gap
between rulers and ruled by subjecting everybodyto divine Providence. The
Greeks declared all free men equal, subject to no one, but bound by a common
obedience to law. The survivalvalue of both thesevisionsof the human condition
is fairlyobvious. A people united by their fear and love of God have an
ever-presenthelp in timeof trouble,as Jewishhistorysurelyproves. Morale can
survive disaster, time and again; internal disputes and differencesdiminish
beneath the weightof a shared subjectionto God. The Greek ideal of freedom
under law is no less practicalin the sense thatwillingcooperation is likelyto elicit
maximal collectiveeffort,whetherin war or peace.
Interplay between these two ideals runs throughoutthe historyof Western
civilization,but this is not the place to enter into a detailed historiographical
analysis.Let me merelyremarkthatour professionalheritagefromtheliberaland
nationalisthistoriographyof the nineteenthcenturydrew mainlyon the Greek,
Herodotean model, emphasizingthe supreme value of politicalfreedomwithina
defined state.
territorially
World War I constituteda catastropheforthatliberaland nationalistvisionof
human affairs,since freedom that permittedsuch costlyand lethal combat no
longer seemed a plausible culminationof all historicexperience. Boom, bust,and
WorldWar II did nothingto clarifytheissue,and themultiplicationof subnational
historiographiessince the 1950s merelyincreased our professionalconfusion.
What about truthamidstall thisweakeningof old certainties,florescenceof new
themes,and wideningof sensibilites?What reallyand trulymatters?What should
we pay attentionto? What must we neglect?
All human groups like to be flattered.Historiansare thereforeunder perpetual
temptationto conformto expectationby portrayingthe people theywriteabout
as they wish to be. A minglingof truthand falsehood, blending historywith
ideology,results.Historiansare likelyto selectfactsto showthatwe-whoever "we"
may be-conform to our cherished principles:thatwe are free withHerodotus,
or saved with Augustine,or oppressed with Marx, as the case may be. Grubby
detailsindicatingthatthegroup fellshortof itsideals can be skatedover or omitted
entirely.The resultis mythical:the past as we want it to be, safelysimplifiedinto
a contestbetweengood guysand bad guys,"us" and "them."Most nationalhistory
and most group historyis of thiskind,though the intensityof chiaroscurovaries
WilliamH. McNeill
Mythistory
pastssimplyserveto intensify
theircapacityforconflict.Withthe recentquantum
jump in the destructivepower of weaponry,hardeningof group cohesion at the
sovereign state level clearly threatensthe survival of humanity;while, within
nationalborders,thecivicorder experiencesnew strainswhensubnationalgroups
acquire a historiographyrepletewithoppressorslivingnextdoor and, perchance,
stillenjoyingthe fruitsof past injustices.
The great historianshave alwaysresponded to these difficulties
by expanding
theirsympathiesbeyondnarrowin-groupboundaries. Herodotus setout to award
a due meed of gloryboth to Hellenes and to the barbarians; Ranke inquired into
whatreallyhappened to Protestantand Catholic,Latin and German nationsalike.
And other pioneers of our professionhave likewiseexpanded the range of their
sympathiesand sensibilitiesbeyond previouslyrecognized limitswithoutever
entirelyescaping,or even wishingto escape, fromthesortof partisanshipinvolved
in accepting the general assumptionsand beliefsof a particulartime and place.
Where to fix one's loyalties is the supreme question of human life and is
especiallyacute in a cosmopolitanage like ours when choices abound. Belonging
to a tightlyknit group makes life worthlivingby givingindividuals something
beyondtheselfto serveand to relyon forpersonalguidance,companionship,and
aid. But the strongersuch bonds, the sharperthe break withthe restof humanity.
Group solidarityis alwaysmaintained,at leastpartly,byexportingpsychicfrictions
across the frontiers,
projectinganimositiesonto an outside foe in order to enhance
collectivecohesion withinthe group itself.Indeed, somethingto fear, hate, and
attackis probablynecessaryforthe fullexpressionof human emotions;and ever
since animal predatorsceased to threaten,human beings have feared,hated, and
foughtone another.
Historians,by helping to define "us" and "them,"play a considerable part in
focusinglove and hate, the two principalcementsof collectivebehavior knownto
humanity.But mythmakingforrivalgroups has become a dangerous game in the
atomic age, and we may well ask whetherthere is any alternativeopen to us.
In principle the answer is obvious. Humanityentire possesses a commonality
whichhistoriansmay hope to understandjust as firmlyas theycan comprehend
what unites any lesser group. Instead of enhancing conflicts,as parochial
historiographyinevitablydoes, an intelligibleworld historymightbe expected to
diminish the lethalityof group encounters by cultivatinga sense of individual
identificationwith the triumphsand tribulationsof humanityas a whole. This,
indeed, strikesme as the moral dutyof the historicalprofessionin our time.We
need to develop an ecumenical history,withplentyof room for human diversity
in all its complexity.
Yet a wise historianwillnot denigrateintenseattachmentto small groups. That
is essentialto personal happiness. In all civilizedsocieties,a tangleof overlapping
social groupingslaysclaim to human loyalties.Any one person may thereforebe
expected to have multiplecommitmentsand plural public identities,up to and
includingmembershipin the human race and the wider DNA communityof life
on planet Earth. What we need to do as historiansand as human beings is to
recognize thiscomplexityand balance our loyaltiesso that no one group will be
WilliamH. McNeill
Mythistory
10
WilliamH. McNeill