Plan
Plan: The United States federal government should end its
embargo on Cuba
if you want to see what tomorrows fossil-fuel-free, climatechange-resilient, high-tech farming looks like, there are few places on
earth like the Republic of Cuba. Under the Warsaw Pact, Cuba sent rum and sugar to the red side of the Iron
innovation. But
Curtai/n. In exchange, it received food, oil, machinery, and as many petrochemicals as it could shake a stick at.
From the Missile Crisis to the twilight of the Soviet Union, Cuba was one of the largest importers of agricultural
chemicals in Latin America. But when the Iron Curtain fell, the supply lines were cut, and tractors rusted in the
rest of the world will soon face many of the same problems : In the coming
decade, according to the OECD, well see higher fuel and fertilizer costs, more
variable climate patterns, and limits to arable land that will drive cereal
prices 20 percent higher and hike meat prices by 30 percentand thats just the beginning.
Policymakers can find inspirational and salutary ideas about how to
confront this crisis in Cuba, the reluctant laboratory for 21st-century
agriculture . Cuban officials faced the crisis clumsily. They didnt know how to transform an economy geared toward sweetening Eastern
Europe into one that could feed folk at home. Agronomists had been schooled in the virtues of large-scale industrial collective agriculture. When the
industrial part became impossible, they insisted on yet more collectivization. The dramatic decline in crop production between 1990 and 1994, during
which the average Cuban lost 20 pounds, was known as the Special Period. Cubans have a line in comedy as dark as their rum. Cuban peasants proved
more enterprising than the government and demanded change. First, they wanted control over land. The state had owned 79 percent of arable land, and
most was run in state cooperatives. Initially the government refused to listen, but the depth of the crisis and the demands of organized farmers created
some space for change. Through reform, the government decentralized farm management. The land remains in government hands, but now it is also
available with usufruct rights to tenants, who can invest in the soil and pass the land onto their children. But that took the farmers only so far. So some
of the countrys agronomists, plant breeders, soil scientists, and hydrologists (Cuba has 2 percent of Latin Americas population but 11 percent of its
scientists) found themselves being put to use by Cuban peasants in the fields. Their task: figure out how to farm without the fossil-fuel products upon
which the countrys agricultural systems had become dependent .
agro-ecology. To understand what agro-ecology is, it helps first to understand why todays agriculture is
called industrial. Modern farming turns fields into factories . Inorganic fertilizer
adds nitrogen, potassium, and phosphorous to the soil; pesticides kill
anything that crawls; herbicides nuke anything green and unwantedall
to create an assembly line that spits out a single crop. This is modern
monoculture. Agro-ecology uses natures far more complex systems to do
the same thing more efficiently and without the chemistry set . Nitrogen-fixing
beans are grown instead of inorganic fertilizer; flowers are used to attract beneficial insects to manage pests;
weeds are crowded out with more intensive planting. The result is a sophisticated polyculture
that is, it produces many crops simultaneously, instead of just one. In Cuba, peasants encouraged scientists to adopt this approach. One of their most
important ideas, borrowed from elsewhere in Central America, was a model of knowledge diffusion called Campesino a Campesinopeasant to peasant.
Farmers share their results and ideas with one another and with scientists, which has helped agro-ecological systems spread. So has it worked? Thats up
for debate. The Cuban vice minister of the economy and planning ministry reportedly said in February 2007 that 84 percent of the countrys food was
importednot terribly encouraging, if we are looking at Cuba to foretell our agricultural future. But a recent paper by UC-Berkeleys Miguel A. Altieri and
the University of Matanzas Fernando R. Funes-Monzote suggests that while the country still imports almost all its wheat (a crop that doesnt do well in the
Caribbean), it now produces the majority of its fresh fruit and vegetableseven much of its meat. In 2007, Cubans produced more food while using onequarter of the chemicals as they did in 1988. Agro-ecology is particularly valuable in years when disaster strikes the island. After Hurricane Ike flattened
Cuba in 2008, a research team found that both traditional plantain monocultures and agro-ecological farms were devastated. But there were striking
differences: Monocultures lost about 75 percent of tree cover, where agro-ecological farms lost 60 percent. On agro-ecological farms, tall plantainsa
staple of the Caribbean dietwere often righted by the families working the land. By contrast, on conventional farms, the seasonal labor force arrived on
the scene too late to save the plants. When trees were beyond salvage in the polyculture farms, crops lower down in the canopy thrived. By contrast, in
the monoculture, the only things that flourished in the gaps between trees were weeds. About four months after the storm, strongly integrated agro-
wasnt a red-blooded Communist decision. It was a practical one. They are quite ready for an industrial-agricultural
In exchange for
doctors who are treating Venezuelans, Cuba receives 100,000 barrels of
oil a day, plus a great deal of chemical fertilizer. As a result , the parts of the
country untouched by agro-ecology are starting to spray and sow like its the 1980s
relapse if the occasion arises. Recently, they have had an unlikely enabler: Hugo Chvez.
the 31,000 Cuban
again . At odds arent just two different farming systems, but two
different social approaches. On one hand, in Cuba and around the world, is industrial
agriculture. In this top-down, command-and-control model, knowledge, fertilizers, seed, and land are all fed
into the black box that is the farm. Wait long enough, and food comes out the other end. On the other
hand, theres agro-ecology, in which farmers are innovators and
educators, soil can be built over generations, and the natural environment
can be bent with, rather than broken. Climate change has already reduced
global wheat harvests by 5 percent, and food prices are predicted to
double by 2030. Cubas example is both instructive and frustrating. Technical
innovations in Cuban agriculture point to the kinds of thinking needed to
address the future: moving away from monoculture and understanding
the value of complex, integrated systems. The trouble is that this also means a change in the
mindset of governments and scientists schooled in last centurys agriculture. If thats a lesson the rest of the world
is ready for,
Cuban peasant organizing could well light the way to the future ,
for individuals and businesses to begin forming the relationships with their Cuban counterparts that will lead to
future trade opportunities. As previously mentioned, recent changes in U.S. policy now allow for any individual in
the United States, not simply relatives, to donate money to Cuban citizens, though not to exceed $ 500 for any
three month consecutive period, with the only restriction being that the recipient is not an official in the Cuban
[*704] government or the Communist Party. n162 Specifically written into these new regulations is the idea that
these remittances may be spent "to support the development of private businesses." n163 A five hundred dollar
infusion of capital to support a fledging business or farm can be enormously beneficial when the average monthly
obvious choice for a growing farm, Medardo Naranjo Valdes of the Organoponico Vivero Alamar, a UBPC just outside
of Havana, indicated that farm animals such as oxen would remain the preferred choice for the foreseeable future
on the small and midsized farms that make up the majority of the newer agricultural cooperatives. n165 Not only do
farm animals not require gasoline or incur maintenance costs beyond perhaps an occasional veterinarian charge,
as introducing plants that serve as natural repellents to insects and the introduction of other insects that feed on
will
likely
policies in both the U nited S tates and Cuba are changed . For a relatively small
sum, American investors will get not only the benefit of a close
relationship with a Cuban farm that will become a new source of both
import and export business in the future, but potentially gain access to
innovative agricultural techniques that could be used in the United States
immediately.
Because the logistical structure needed to transport goods from large rural farms into city
markets remains underdeveloped, urban and suburban agriculture makes up a growing portion of the food produced
and consumed in Cuba. n169 As in other countries, the population trends in Cuba have continued to shift away from
rural areas to more concentrated urban and suburban areas, with about [*705] three-fourths of Cubans living in
cities. n170 With this shift in population has also come a shift in the country's agricultural system. As of 2007, about
15% of all agriculture in Cuba could be classified as urban agriculture. n171 Not only have agricultural practices
changed, but eating habits have as well. Without the Soviet Union to provide a ready source of income and the
machinery needed to engage in large-scale livestock production, vegetable consumption has increased
dramatically. n172 Nearly every urban area has direct access to a wide variety of locally grown, organic produce.
n173 Many of the urban farms in Cuba, including the Vivero Alamar, make use of organoponics, a system where
crops are produced in raised beds of soil on land that would otherwise be incapable of supporting intensive
agricultural production. n174 Many of these raised beds can be constructed in a concentrated area to support a
wide variety of produce, with the typical organoponic garden covering anywhere from one half to several hectares
in size. n175 The rise of the organoponic production method was a shift away from the earlier centralized
production model employed by the state. It has been supported through intensive research and development by a
variety of state agencies, such as the National Institute of Agricultural Science, and continued development has
what Cuba's organoponic system could achieve and have integrated it into their business practices. n180 Rachel
Bailin, a partner in the company, indicated that it was Cuba's organic farming practices that helped inspire them to
start a company devoted to urban agriculture. n181 They have already used Cuba's organoponic farming methods
to produce more than 50,000 pounds of produce since the spring of 2009. n182 The potential for future growth in
this industry is huge, as Farmscape Gardens' current levels of production make it the largest urban agriculture
company in the state of California. n183 Cuba not only offers attractive prospects for trading in the future, but
Cuba needed an alternative agricultural model when foreign oil imports were cut off significantly at the end of the
the partial opening of the Cuban economy, focused on creating more autonomous
in the 1990s helped diversify food crops and set Cuba
along a path of increased food security. The Cuban model was initiated out
of necessity, not because of any sort of Cuban environmental
consciousness, yet better environmental conditions went hand in hand
with the new development strategy. Cuba learned the limits of their
agricultural model under their socialist economic system and it is in need
of further transformation in both the agriculture and energy sectors. A
further opening of the economy to joint ventures could help with
updating the power grid and providing more sources of renewable
1980s, and
agricultural cooperatives,
surge in joint venture investment on expanding domestic oil extraction, petrochemical facilities, and oil refinery
infrastructure reveals a trend toward decreasing environmental sustainability.
worlds most sustainable country by coupling environmental performance indicators with their
human development scores, Cuba is slipping further away from this goal . Perhaps the
most distressing part of this current trend is that it took Cuba decades to create a national identity that embraced
sustainable environmental practices in both the energy and agricultural sector, and it seemingly took only a couple
agreement with Venezuela is bringing in much-needed petroleum for electricity production, but their dependence
on a relatively unstable country for crude is trapping them into the same relationship that crippled their economy in
leap-frog dirty electric production for cleaner renewable forms of energy and the potential to guide development
market . Its products are competitively priced and thus, have the ability to generate a
considerable profit for the island nation. Not only will increased participation in international trade boost revenue,
but it could also promote social reform in the country. Cubas urban centers, once underdeveloped and filthy, are
now encouraging progressive goals, targeting rising living standards and sanitation concerns, while promoting
national initiatives that will support future improvements in the urban landscapes. Agriculture for the Future
Cubas
successful implementation of
for
other developing countries, particularly in Latin America. By embracing more modern and effective methods of
farming, countries theoretically have the opportunity to transform their local markets, augmenting the labor force
and cultivating capital and infrastructure.
survival for most of history. But in the abbreviated reports on the nightly media, and even in the rarefied realms of
government policy, the focus is almost invariably on the playersthe warring national, ethnic, or religious factions
rather than on the play, the deeper subplots building the tensions that ignite conflict. Caught up in these are
groups of ordinary, desperate people fearful that there is no longer sufficient food, land, and water to feed their
childrenand believing that they must fight "the others" to secure them. At the same time, the number of refugees
in the world doubled, many of them escaping from conflicts and famines precipitated by food and re- source
human beings , no matter who they are or where they live. It is an emergency
because unless it is solved, billions will experience great hardship , and not only in the poorer
regions. Mike Murphy, one of the world's most progressive dairy farmers, with operations in Ireland, New Zealand,
and North and South America, succinctly summed it all up: "Global
what is left. Plainly, this is one of the major factors in species extinctions
and in ecosystem stress .
is
facing what the UKs Chief Scientific Advisor John Beddington called a perfect storm of environmental problems
[5]. The most serious of these problems show signs of rapidly escalating severity, especially climate disruption. But
accelerating extinction of
animal and plant populations and species, which could lead to a loss of
ecosystem services essential for human survival; land degradation and land-use change; a
other elements could potentially also contribute to a collapse: an
pole-to-pole spread of toxic compounds; ocean acidification and eutrophication (dead zones); worsening of some
aspects of the epidemiological environment (factors that make human populations susceptible to infectious
diseases); depletion of increasingly scarce resources [6,7], including especially groundwater, which is being
overexploited in many key agricultural areas [8]; and resource wars [9]. These are not separate problems; rather
they interact in two gigantic complex adaptive systems: the biosphere system and the human socio-economic
system. The negative manifestations of these interactions are often referred to as the human predicament [10],
and determining how to prevent it from generating a global collapse is perhaps the foremost challenge confronting
Homo sapiens aggregate consumption [1117]. How far the human population size now is above the planets longterm carrying capacity is suggested (conservatively) by ecological footprint analysis [1820]. It shows that to
support todays population of seven billion sustainably (i.e. with business as usual, including current technologies
and standards of living) would require roughly half an additional planet; to do so, if all citizens of Earth consumed
resources at the US level would take four to five more Earths. Adding the projected 2.5 billion more people by 2050
would make the human assault on civilizations life-support systems disproportionately worse, because almost
everywhere people face systems with nonlinear responses [11,2123], in which environmental damage increases at
a rate that becomes faster with each additional person. Of course, the claim is often made that humanity will
expand Earths carrying capacity dramatically with technological innovation [24], but it is widely recognized that
technologies can both add and subtract from carrying capacity. The plough evidently first expanded it and now
appears to be reducing it [3]. Overall, careful analysis of the prospects does not provide much confidence that
technology will save us [25] or that gross domestic product can be disengaged from resource use [26]
open to unrestricted bilateral trade with all Cuban enterprises , both private and
state-owned.
impact the United States and neighboring countries. It certainly did during the Mariel
Boatlift of 1980, precipitated by a downturn in the Cuban economy which led to tensions on the
island. Over 125,000 Cuban refugees landed in the Miami area, including 31,000 criminals and mental patients.
Today, the United States defines its national security interests regarding Cuba as follows: Avoid one or more mass
migrations; Prevent Cuba from becoming another porous border that allows continuous large-scale migration to
the hemisphere; Prevent Cuba from becoming a major source or transshipment point for the illegal drug trade;
Avoid Cuba becoming a state with ungoverned spaces that could provide a
platform for terrorists and others wishing to harm the United States. [2] All of these
national security threats are directly related to economic and social conditions
within Cuba. U.S. policy specifically supports a market-oriented economic system [3] toward Cuba, yet
regulations prohibit the importation of any goods of Cuban origin, whether from the islands potentially booming
private sectorincluding 300,000 agricultural producersor State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). [4] Such a policy is
counterproductive to U.S. interests. Regardless of over 400,000 entrepreneurs, including agricultural cultivators, it
could be many years, if ever, when Cubas private sector would be ready to serve as the engine of economic
growth. SOEs employ 72 percent of Cuban workers. [5] A rational commercial rapprochement towards Cuba would
therefore require a change in current laws and in the system of regulations prohibiting the importation of Cuban
are essential for the foundation of democratic institutions. Two-way trade must include both Cubas private sector
as well as SOEs.
for example, that Iran and Cuba, in cooperation with each other, could bring America to its knees in asserting that
we had weak leadership in this country. I am deeply troubled by the fact that several rogue states have received
technical assistance from Cuba, potentiallyagain potentiallyacquiring the technology and expertise to build
biological weapons. Cuba must adhere to its commitment under the Biological Weapons Convention. Moreover, it
Extinction
John Steinbruner, Senior Fellow at Brooking, 98
(Biological weapons: A plague upon all houses, Foreign Policy,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/1149464.pdf?acceptTC=true)
It is a considerable comfort and undoubtedly a key to our survival that, so far, the main lines of defense against this
threat have not depended on explicit policies or organized efforts. In the long course of evolution, the human body
has developed physical barriers and a biochemical immune system whose sophistication and effectiveness exceed
anything we could design or as yet even fully understand. But evolution is a sword that cuts both ways: New
diseases emerge, while old diseases mutate and adapt. Throughout history, there have been epidemics during
which human immunity has broken down on an epic scale. An infectious agent believed to have been the plague
bacterium killed an estimated 20 mil- lion people over a four-year period in the fourteenth century, including nearly
one-quarter of Western Europe's population at the time. Since its recognized appearance in 1981, some 20
variations of the Hiv virus have infected an estimated 29.4 million worldwide, with 1.5 million people currently dying
of AIDS each year. Malaria, tuberculosis, and cholera once thought to be under controlare now making a
the Islamic
Republic is now dangerously close to a nuclear capability . Because Iran has
Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, recently told CBS News's Face the Nation,
stockpiled about 190 pounds of 20% enriched uranium, Iran is just 60 kilograms -- potentially just weeks -- short of
crossing the nuclear "red line" that Netanyahu set in his speech before the UN last September. Unfortunately,
Obama has signaled no urgency over Iranian nukes. Perhaps he hopes for a negotiated settlement to the issue, now
that Hassan Rouhani, a so-called "moderate," was elected to assume Iran's presidency next month. But hope is not
a strategy with the Iranian regime. Rouhani has been linked to the 1994 terrorist bombing of an Argentine Jewish
community center that killed 85 people, and has boasted about how he manipulated nuclear talks with the West
about a decade ago to expand Iran's nuclear program. More importantly, Iran's foreign policy is set by Ayatollah Ali
Khamenei, who has banned concessions to the West. Indeed, Fereydoun Abbasi-Davani, the head of Iran's atomic
energy agency, made it clear last Friday that Rouhani's election will have no impact on Iran's nuclear enrichment
instances of Iran violating sanctions, including attempts to acquire materials for its atomic program. Reuters
published an expose outlining how Iran exploits sanctions loopholes to import ore from Germany and France that
could be used for making armor and missiles. More importantly, the Iranian nuclear weapons program has never
once stopped because of sanctions. The only time that Iran ever suspended its nuclear program was after the U.S.
invasion of Iraq, when Iran briefly feared that a U.S. attack was imminent. Obama's Iran policy has thus far failed to
produce any credible deterrent. It's time for Obama to build on the lead of Canadian Foreign Minister John Baird,
who warned last month that Iran only has only a few months to demonstrate to the West that it is serious about a
negotiated solution to the standoff. Israel doesn't have the luxury of treating its red lines the way Obama has
by the strength of the military force that it projects. Critical to that deterrent is making good on its threats, as Israel
did with its destruction of the Iraqi and Syrian nuclear programs, in 1981 and 2007, respectively, and its ongoing
surgical airstrikes to prevent Syria from transferring game-changing weapons to Hezbollah. Given such exploits,
isolationists might wonder why the U.S. should bother; let Israel bear all of the costs and risks of eliminating the
Iranian nuclear threat for us, goes the thinking. But the nuclear program in Iran is far more dispersed, hardened,
and distant than what Israel neutralized in Iraq and Syria. Iranian nukes are truly vulnerable only to U.S. military
capabilities. Expecting Israel to do the job is like a heavyweight-boxing champion asking his featherweight friend to
defend him against the approaching middleweight champion. Such cowardly tactics needlessly endanger the
featherweight ally, but -- more importantly -- there is a good chance that the middleweight won't be fully
neutralized and will feel far more emboldened to attack the heavyweight after he concludes (alongside the rest of
the world) that the heavyweight is just a paper tiger. Iran can already attack U.S. interests across the Middle East
and Europe. And as early as 2015, Iran could develop and test ballistic missiles that could strike the continental
U.S., according to a Pentagon report released last week ("2013 Ballistic and Cruise Missile Threat Assessment").
Obama can wait for the U.S. to be drawn into war with a nuclear-armed
Iran, or he can proactively address the threat before Iran acquires nukes.
But he cannot hide from the threat or hope it away. Obama must lead -- before Iran's nuclear
recalcitrance forces Israel's hand, with potentially apocalyptic consequences .
suggestion that some political leader might be prepared to think about the supposedly unthinkable. In the late
1950s, Mao Zedong shocked even the hard-bitten former Stalinists of the Soviet Union when, on a trip to Moscow,
he suggested that nuclear war might not be so bad after all, telling his startled hosts: If the worst came to the
worst and half of mankind died, the other half would remain. Imperialism would be destroyed, and the whole world
would become socialist. In many respects, North Korea has replicated some of the very worst features of Maoist
China: the isolation from the outside world, the labour camps, the cult of personality and the willingness to tolerate
mass starvation at home. The latter is particularly chilling, when one remembers that nuclear deterrence is meant
to rely on an unwillingness to accept the death of millions of your compatriots. There is still an unfortunate
tendency in the west to treat North Korea as a bit of a joke. The internet is full of hilarious photo-shopped pictures
of the podgy young leader of North Korea, Kim Jong-eun. In reality, the Pyongyang regime is about as unfunny as it
gets. It is a totalitarian nightmare that has ruined the lives of millions of people and that now openly threatens the
outside world with nuclear weapons. Trying to guess what the North Koreans are really thinking is a difficult, but
crucial, task. At times, there have been suggestions that the leadership may understand the outside world better
than is sometimes supposed. I once asked a senior Chinese diplomat who had frequent dealings with Kim Jong-il,
the father of the current leader, whether the North Korean dictator had any real knowledge of the west. Of course,
came the reply, he spends all night on the internet. There was some hope that his son would open an even wider
window to the outside world. Surely his time at a Swiss finishing school must have had some impact? At present,
from the classic MAD playbook. By sending nuclear-capable bombers on a trial run over South Korea, the Americans
are responding as the theorists of nuclear deterrence would advise: Dont blink. Dont show weakness. The other
side will back off, rather than risk nuclear annihilation. Seoul has also said that its military should respond
immediately to any provocation, without considering the wider political implications. The danger is that such
policies assume a rational adversary. Indeed Americas foremost experts on North Korea, such as former
ambassador Chris Hill, continue to argue that North Korea has no real intention of provoking a conflict with the US.
The real danger, they say, is that
provoke a conflict by accident . Even then, the assumption is that any exchange of fire is likely to
be brief and to stop well short of anything involving nukes. That is probably right. But the unsettling reality is that
That may require fewer, rather than more, military exercises between the US and South Korea.
Extinction
Hamel-Green, Executive Dean at Victoria, 1/5/10
(The Path Not Taken, the Way Still Open: Denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula and
Northeast Asia, www.nautilus.org/fora/security/10001HayesHamalGreen.pdf)
The international community is increasingly aware that cooperative diplomacy is the most productive way to tackle
the multiple, interconnected global challenges facing humanity, not least of which is the increasing proliferation of
part of a general program of coercive diplomacy in this region, North Koreas nuclear weapons programme, the
breakdown in the Chinese-hosted Six Party Talks towards the end of the Bush Administration, regional concerns over
Chinas increasing military power, and concerns within some quarters in regional states (Japan, South Korea,
Taiwan) about whether US extended deterrence (nuclear umbrella) afforded under bilateral security treaties can
be relied upon for protection. The consequences of failing to address the proliferation threat posed by the North
Korea developments, and related political and economic issues, are serious, not only for the Northeast Asian region
well within short or medium range missiles. The whole of Japan is likely to come within North Korean missile range.
Pyongyang has a population of over 2 million, Seoul (close to the North Korean border) 11 million, and Tokyo over
new studies modelling the effects of even a limited nuclear exchange involving approximately 100 Hiroshima-sized
15 kt bombs2 (by comparison it should be noted that the United States currently deploys warheads in the range
100 to 477 kt, that is, individual warheads equivalent in yield to a range of 6 to 32 Hiroshimas).The studies indicate
that the soot from the fires produced would lead to a decrease in global temperature by 1.25 degrees Celsius for a
decrease in rainfall over the continents would also followThe period of nuclear darkness will cause much greater
decrease in grain production than 5% and it will continue for many years...hundreds of millions of people will die
from hungerTo make matters even worse, such amounts of smoke injected into the stratosphere would cause a
huge reduction in the Earths protective
Today, 20 years have passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall its time to chip away at the diplomatic wall that still
remains between U.S. and Cuba. As we seek a new foreign policy with Cuba it is imperative that we take into
consideration that distrust will characterize negotiations with the Cuban government. On the other hand, consider
that loosening or lifting the embargo could also be mutually beneficial. Cubas need and
Americas surplus capability to provide goods and services could be profitable and eventually addictive to Cuba.
Under these conditions, diplomacy has a better chance to flourish. If the Cuban model succeeds President
States will return in kind . The United States should not wait for extensive democratization before
further engaging Cuba, however. One legacy of the Cold War is that Communism has succeeded only where it grew
out of its own, often nationalistic, revolutions. As it has with China and Vietnam, the United States should look
closely at the high payoffs stemming from engagement. By improving relations, America can enhance its own
influence on the islands political structure and human rights policies. At home, with the trade deficit and national
debt rising, the economic costs of the embargo are amplified. Recent studies estimate that the US economy
foregoes up to $4.84 billion a year and the Cuban economy up to $685 million a year.50 While US-Cuban economic
interests align, political considerations inside America have shifted, as commerce seems to be trumping antiCommunism and Florida ideologues.51 Clearly, public opinion also favors a new Cuba policy, with 65 percent of
Americans now ready for a shift in the countrys approach to its neighboring island.52 At this particular moment in
the history of US-Cuban relations, there is tremendous promise for a breakthrough in relations. In a post-Cold War
world, Cuba no longer presents a security threat to the united States, but instead provides it with economic
potential. American leaders cannot forget the fact that an economic embargo, combined with diplomatic isolation,
expand the Salvadoran military, which was dominated by uniformed assassins. We armed them, trained them and covered up their crimes. After our
counterrevolutionary efforts failed to end the Salvadoran conflict, the Defense Department asked its research institute, the RAND Corporation, what had
gone wrong. RAND analysts found that United States policy makers had refused to accept the obvious truth that the insurgents were rebelling against
social injustice and state terror. As a result, we pursued a policy unsettling to ourselves, for ends humiliating to the Salvadorans and at a cost
disproportionate to any conventional conception of the national interest. Over the subsequent quarter-century, a series of profound political, social and
economic changes have undermined the traditional power bases in Latin America and, with them, longstanding regional institutions like the Organization
of American States. The organization, which is headquartered in Washington and which excluded Cuba in 1962, was seen as irrelevant by Mr. Chvez. He
promoted the creation of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States which excludes the United States and Canada as an alternative. At
a regional meeting that included Cuba and excluded the United States, Mr. Chvez said that the most positive thing for the independence of our continent
is that we meet alone without the hegemony of empire. Mr. Chvez was masterful at manipulating Americas antagonism toward Fidel Castro as a
rhetorical stick with which to attack the United States as an imperialist aggressor, an enemy of progressive change, interested mainly in treating Latin
America as a vassal continent, a source of cheap commodities and labor. Like its predecessors, the Obama administration has given few signs that it has
grasped the magnitude of these changes or cares about their consequences. After President Obama took office in 2009, Latin Americas leading statesman
stumbling block to renewed ties with Latin America, as it had been since the very early years of
the Castro regime. After the failure of the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, Washington set out to accomplish by stealth and economic strangulation what it had
failed to do by frontal attack. But the clumsy mix of covert action and porous boycott succeeded primarily in bringing shame on the United States and
turning Mr. Castro into a folk hero. And even now, despite the relaxing of travel restrictions and Ral Castros announcement that he will retire in 2018, the
implacable hatred of many within the Cuban exile community continues. The fact that two of the three Cuban-American members of the Senate Marco
Rubio of Florida and Ted Cruz of Texas are rising stars in the Republican Party complicates further the potential for a recalibration of Cuban-American
relations. (The third member, Senator Robert Menendez, Democrat of New Jersey, is the new chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, but his
power has been weakened by a continuing ethics controversy.) Are there any other examples in the history of diplomacy where the leaders of a small,
weak nation can prevent a great power from acting in its own best interest merely by staying alive? The re-election of President Obama, and the death of
Mr. Chvez, give America a chance to reassess the irrational hold on our imaginations that Fidel Castro has exerted for five decades. The president and his
new secretary of state, John Kerry, should quietly reach out to Latin American leaders like President Juan Manuel Santos of Colombia and Jos Miguel
Insulza, secretary general of the Organization of American States. The message should be simple: The president is prepared to show some flexibility on
Cuba and asks your help. Such a simple request could transform the Cuban issue from a bilateral problem into a multilateral challenge. It would then be up
to Latin Americans to devise a policy that would help Cuba achieve a sufficient measure of democratic change to justify its reintegration into a hemisphere
Latin America . While Washington would continue to enjoy friendly relations with individual countries like
the vision of Roosevelt and Kennedy of a hemisphere of partners
cooperating in matters of common concern would be reduced to a
historical footnote.
Brazil, Mexico and Colombia,
Taiwan, a move heavily courted by Chinese officials. In 2008, President Hu rewarded Costa Rica's new policy by
a new
policy paper on Sino-Latin American relations to coincide with President Hu's most recent
trip to the region. It charts China's growing relationship with Latin America and
promises increased cooperation in scientific and technological research,
cross-cultural educational exchanges, as well as political and economic
visiting San Jose and signing a free trade agreement in 2010. n119 China also timed the release of
countries
began switching their diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing . The economics of
world opinion, and gradually as the durability and permanence of the PRC regime became ingrained,
international recognition In the Americas, the PRC had international recognition and longstanding support from
ideological allies such as Cuba. However,
is pre occupied with terrorism and the Middle East. Li notes that the regions leaders have turned to Asia for help to
promote trade and financial assistance, and consequently played the PRC and Taiwan against each other. [53]
Despite its smaller size, Taiwan has fared remarkably well in this bidding war ; focusing
its aid investments on infrastructure such as stadiums in St Kitts & Nevis for the Cricket World Cup in 2007.
However, even Taiwans economy can be put under strain by the seemingly relentless stream of foreign aid which
has brought only debateable and mild gains to the Taiwanese cause. This has contributed to the PRC picking off the
few remaining supporters of the ROC take for example, the Dominican case. In early 2004, Commonwealth of
Dominica asked Taipei for a $58 million aid, which is unrelated to public welfare. The Caribbean nation had relied on
Taiwan to develop its agriculture-based economy since 1983. Diplomatic relationship was soon broken after Taipei
turned down the request. [54] This incident showcased the fact that in economic terms, the PRC is winning the
battle for Latin America. Political strategies of the PRC In political terms too; the PRC is in an advantageous position,
thanks in part again to its position within the UN. While it can be argued that China provides incentives but does
the use of
force and direct harm are not the only means available to an economic
entity as powerful as China. It refuses to maintain official relations with
any state that recognises the ROC; an action which can be quite prohibitive to
not threaten harm to induce countries to defect from recognizing Taiwan, [55] the reality is that
the country being able to take advantage of the growing Chinese market. Although Domnguez suggests that the
PRC has not been punitive toward those states that still recognize the Republic of China (Taiwan), [56] the
legitimacy of this claim has to be brought into question for example in June 1996, China fought the extension of
the UN mission in Haiti, to punish the Caribbean nation for its appeal for UN acceptance of Taiwan. [57] This
incident showed that China is prepared to use its global clout to play spoiler and apply indirect pressure on
countries to adopt its position. Similarly, Chinas experience with one-party rule has taught it the importance of
party-to-party relations in addition to state-to-state relations, further cementing the PRC by establishing a
relationship based on goodwill and common understanding. Indeed by the start of 1998 the CCP had established
relations with almost all major political parties in the countries that were Taiwans diplomatic allies in Latin
America, [58] further isolating the ROC. The effect on American interests Were
the ROC to be
deserted by its remaining allies in Latin America, the USA would be
disadvantaged in attempting to maintain the status quo across the Taiwan
Strait. A Taiwan that was not recognised by any state from the Americas,
or Europe (with the exception of the Vatican) would not be seen as a genuine sovereign
entity whose defence would be more important than the upkeep of good
relations between China and the West. As Chinas economic and political
position in the world improves vis--vis both America and Taiwan, so might its
ambitions. The U.S.A might find itself in a position where it could no
longer withstand the diplomatic pressure to allow the PRC to conclude a
settlement on Taiwan, perhaps by force.
the situation remains combustible, complicated by rapidly diverging crossstrait military capabilities and persistent political disagreements, the report
says. In a footnote, it quotes senior fellow at the US Council on Foreign Relations Richard Betts describing Taiwan as
the main potential flashpoint for the US in East Asia. The report also quotes Betts as saying that neither Beijing
nor Washington can fully control developments that might ignite a Taiwan crisis. This
is a classic recipe
for surprise, miscalculation and uncontrolled escalation, Betts wrote in a separate
study of his own. The CSIS study says: For the foreseeable future Taiwan is the contingency in which nuclear
weapons would most likely become a major factor, because the fate of the island is intertwined both with the
legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and the reliability of US defense commitments in the Asia-Pacific
region. Titled Nuclear Weapons and US-China Relations, the study says disputes in the East and South China seas
appear unlikely to lead to major conflict between China and the US, but they do provide kindling for potential
conflict between the two nations because the disputes implicate a number of important regional interests, including
the interests of treaty allies of the US. The danger posed by flashpoints such as Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula and
maritime demarcation disputes is magnified by the potential for mistakes, the study says. Although
miscommunication and
misunderstanding remain and draw on deep historical reservoirs of suspicion, the report
says. For example, it says, it is unclear whether either side understands what kinds of
actions would result in a military or even nuclear response by the other party. To make
Pentagon and the Ministry of Defense, the bases for
things worse, neither side seems to believe the others declared policies and intentions, suggesting that escalation
management, already a very uncertain endeavor, could be especially difficult in any conflict, it says. Although
conflict mercifully seems unlikely at this point, the report concludes that it cannot be ruled out and may become
increasingly likely if we are unwise or unlucky. The report says: With
Agriculture Advantage
But the water problem of Havana is not just about the embargo. It is also about capital accumulation. And if there is
one overarching historical failure of leadership, it is the lack of clarity and success in this nearly fifty-year-old,
erratic, planned economy. For it is one thing to defend the Revolution, to stave off the hostile U.S. giant, and it is
another to become a client state of the contending giant -- the USSR -- with its terrible history of bureaucracy,
stagnation, and failure to anticipate and thrive, not to mention its failure to create better, democratic, and more fun
lives for its citizens. And that dependency is not an excuse for not building an independent economy, as if states
and conditions were permanent and not in constant flux. If you take foreign money, at least struggle for your own
conditions and your own economic needs, for self-sufficiency in vital industries such as agriculture. Don't let your
cement plants disintegrate. Don't let your agriculture decline in favor of foreign imports. Build up what you have as
resources -- use labor and horticulture, tap the sun, grow plants, irrigate, grow soy and nuts and stuff that feeds -so that when change occurs you have some resilience. Please! Although sugar no longer serves as the main engine
of the Cuban economy (sugar production is down to 1.5 million tons or so from its Soviet era levels of 7 million to 8
million tons, so Cuba is no longer a factor in the global sugar economy and has little to export), special trade
relations that are predictably fragile and subject to political winds still grease the vulnerable economy. For example,
Cuba maintains a special relationship with Venezuela in which the Chavez government provides oil at bargain prices
in exchange for doctors and health care workers and, no doubt, political support. Another case in point involves the
billion-plus dollars that flow from relatives in the United States to relatives in Cuba. This remittance economy
creates harsh inequities -- one needs to have a relative to buy the good stuff -- and moreover the United States
Cuba
imports 50 percent of its foodstuffs from abroad, and 50 percent of these
imports, including soy, wheat, rice, and poultry, come from the United States. With Cuba not
allowed to sell anything to the United States -- the embargo again -- the trade
imbalance is deliberately profitable to the U.S. agricultural industry . Wow!
could cut this revenue stream off at any time, forcing Cuba to suffer. Less well known is the fact that
pointed out, sooner or later all countries will have to make the transition to a more environmentally sustainable
economy. The revolution and the U S. embargo freed us from having to follow the U 8. model of development,
says Raoul Guiterrez, who works for a tour agency. Unfortunately, we ended up following the Soviet model, which
didnt work either. Now, we have been forced to do what we should have done from the beginning - find a Cuban
model, sensitive to our countrys cultural, economic, and environmental needs. Environmental education is taught
in every grade at every level of education There are prime-time radio and television shows on environmental
themes. There is a major cleanup of Havana Harbor, thanks to a grant from Scandinavian countries. There is a
major recycling program focusing on glass, aluminum, card-- board, and paper collected from every urban
neighborhood and many smaller towns as well. High school students are recruited, with the incentive of cash
donations for their schools, to collect recyclable materials. There is a growing emphasis on natural medical
practices, including homeopathy, Eastern traditions, and traditional Cuban medicines. Green pharmacies are in
most towns and neighborhoods, and alternative medicine is a recognized specialization in Cuban medical schools.
The greening of Cuba would allow for an unprecedented degree of opportunities for environmental architects,
appropriate-technology specialists, organic farming consultants, and others from the United States, yet such
assistance is deemed illegal by the Clinton Administration, which has threatened those willing to provide such aid
with fines and jail terms. It is ironic that pressure against Cuba has increased as it has moved away from the old
rigid Communist development strategies to embracing Green development strategies. Yet perhaps a Green Cuba
a
Green model actually serves as a viable alternative to the foreign-investment
driven, capital-intensive model promoted by the United States, the World Bank,
actually is a bigger threat than a Red Cuba. The Communist model was clearly unsustainable on many levels. Yet
the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization. Indeed, Cuba may constitute the threat of a
good example, which is perhaps the biggest threat of all.
something Cuba does not want and cannot afford. With global sugar prices on the rise, partially due to an increase
in world demand for sugarcane ethanol, Cuba can use what it learned in the special period to produce more
sustainable sugarcane. Nicholas Elledge (2009) from the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, argues that by using state
of the art technology, a sugar mill can generate over 10 times the electricity needed for its own operationroughly
equivalent to adding 4 power plants to the island and that an action as simple as modernizing the existing mills
would represent more than a 50% increaseto the systems power capacity. Given Cubas dire need for capital
If
McDonald's and U.S.-produced corn, peas, and carrots in a can are eventually
allowed into Cuba, it will still be up to the Cubans whether they prefer the
foreign food to their own backyard-grown papayas, yucca, and lettuce.
the landscape or pepper the national concept of food, largely because advertising does not exist.
Revolutionary Culture in Cuba, and as that happens, "Cuba will evolve , embrace the market in
some way, begin to produce and buy and sell normally." General farming will "most likely" move away from organic
methods says Wilkinson. Farming on a large scale after all, he says, has seen a reduction in pesticide and fertiliser
says no. "Yes, there are people who believe some of the gardeners will revert to the
old practices, but many people will still farm organically. Even when the
embargo lifts, the small farmer will make more money organically because
he spends so little. He's not going to start buying chemicals. He won't
have to. He has the knowledge now.
Modeling
Cuba agricultural is a global model for sustainable farming
practices
Christina Ergas, Graduate Student in Sociology at the Univesrity of Oregon, March
2013
(Cuban Urban Agriculture as a Strategy for Food Sovereignty,
monthlyreview.org/2013/03/01/cuban-urban-agriculture-as-a-strategy-for-foodsovereignty
The agricultural revolution in Cuba has ignited the imaginations of people
all over the world. Cubas model serves as a foundation for self-sufficiency,
resistance to neocolonialist development projects, innovations in
agroecology, alternatives to monoculture, and a more environmentally
sustainable society. Instead of turning towards austerity measures and making concessions to large
international powers during a severe economic downturn, Cubans reorganized food production
and worked to gain food sovereignty as a means of subsistence,
environmental protection, and national security.1 While these efforts may have been
born of economic necessity, they are impressive as they have been developed in
opposition to a corporate global food regime.
adequate food production for the growing global population . The stark reality,
according to the International Food Policy Research Institute, is that the world needs to
produce more food with fewer resources. Agroecology, a farming approach
that mimics natural ecosystems, is an alternative method that can
produce more food using fewer resources . Small-scale farmers in Africa
have used agroecology to more than double crop yields within 3 to 10
years of implementation, according to the UN special rapporteur on the
right to food. Farmers also use agroecology to improve soil fertility, adapt
to climate change, and reduce farming input costs. In contrast, conventional
farming systems. In practice, permaculture farms are organic, low-input, and biodiverse, and use
techniques like intercropping trees, planting perennials, water harvesting, and resource recycling.
There are numerous permaculture projects globally. However, they are largely disparate, small-scale
projects.
and farming problems, permaculture is not widely known , and has failed
to draw broader funding and policy support. Permaculture programmes
are more multifunctional than typical agricultural development programs.
This is important given the growing call for "triple-win solutions" for agriculture, health, and
environmental sustainability. For example, Partners in Health ran a model permaculture farmer
programme in Malawi which helped HIV/Aids patients get the additional caloric and micronutrient
intake that they need. Elsewhere, in Malawi and South Africa, permaculture is used "as a sustainable,
non-donor dependent tool for improving the health, food and nutrition security, and livelihoods," of
orphans and vulnerable children, according to a recent USAid report. Indonesia, Oxfam funded a
permaculture school that taught ex-combatants and tsunami survivors how to improve their food
security and livelihoods, while protecting the environment. As a recent article highlighted,
Cuba has developed one of the most efficient organic agriculture systems in the
world, and organic farmers from other countries are visiting the island to
learn the methods .
Due to the U.S. embargo , and the collapse of the Soviet Union, Cuba was unable to import
chemicals or modern farming machines to uphold a high-tech corporate farming culture .
Cuba needed to find another way to feed its people. The lost buying power for agricultural imports led to a general
diversification within farming on the island.
densely populated urban areas has also played a crucial role in feeding citizens. State food rations were not
enough for Cuban families, so farms began to spring up all over the country. Havana, home to nearly 20 percent of
Cubas population, is now also home to more than 8,000 officially recognized gardens, which are in turn cultivated
by more than 30,000 people and cover nearly 30 percent of the available land. The growing number of gardens
might seem to bring up the problem of space and price of land. However, the local governments allocate land,
which is handed over at no cost as long as it is used for cultivation, says S. Chaplowe in the Newsletter of the
World Sustainable Agriculture Association.
The removal of the chemical crutch has been the most important factor to
come out of the Soviet collapse, trade embargo , and subsequent organic revolution. Though
Cuba is organic by default because it has no means of acquiring pesticides and
herbicides, the quality and quantity of crop yields have increased. This increase is
occurring at a lower cost and with fewer health and environmental side effects than ever. There are 173
established vermicompost centers across Cuba, which produce 93,000 tons of natural
compost a year. The agricultural abundance that Cuba is beginning to experience is
disproving the myth that organic farming on a grand scale is inefficient or
impractical.
So far Cuba has been successful with its transformation from conventional, high
input, mono-crop intensive agriculture to a more diverse and localized farming
system that continues to grow. The country is rapidly moving away from a
monoculture of tobacco and sugar. It now needs much more diversity of food crops as well as
regular crop rotation and soil conservation efforts to continue to properly nourish millions of Cuban citizens.
In June 2000, a group of Iowa farmers, professors, and students traveled to Cuba to view that countrys approach
between farming in the United States and Cuba, but in many ways theyre ahead of us, say Richard Wrage, of
Boone County Iowa Extension Office. Lorna Michael Butler, Chair of Iowa State Universitys sustainable
agriculture department said, more students should study Cubas growing system. (AP 6/5/00)
The news of Cuba's success has been slowly leaking out since the early 1990s, and the
country is beginning to take on legendary status as a model for sustainable
agriculture and local food production in the eyes of environmental advocates,
farmers, and development specialists. Already lauded for years by the steady stream of
sustainable farming gurus from around the world who have made the pilgrimage to observe the
success of organic and local food production, Cuba's experiment with sustainable agriculture
has succeeded beyond its trial period.
American farmers have been shuttled to Cuba in "fact-finding missions" and "reality
tours" by crafty NGOs who have obtained the highly coveted U.S. Department of Treasury Office of Foreign
Assets Control (OFAC) licenses allowing them to sponsor travel to Cuba for educational purposes. Whether many
of these trips will be allowed to continue is unclear; in March 2003, OFAC announced the end of people-to-people
exchanges. Most groups who have had the appropriate licenses are scheduled to lose them by December 2003.
But
serious
Earthworms play an integral component in agriculture . Where when earthworms built up the
soil naturally, the use of modern farming practices has greatly decreased their
numbers. Some will say that via chemical means, like fertilizers and pesticides, we have elevated crop
production. This is true, but every year our soil is becoming much more and much more
barren. It takes much more and more chemicals to grow the same crops. The soil microorganisms that
aid produce humus and give soils their growing capacity are dwindling. Points
have to alter, and an example of forced change may be the modest country of Cuba.
In 1986, the Cuban government began a vermicomposting program to style secure and efficient soil
management tactics. Cuba was caught in a vise of economic sanctions, political pressures, and lowered crop
Cuba was faced with no choice but to locate alternatives to its past
dependency on imported fossil fuels, fertilizers, pesticides, and animal feed.
Cuban scientists developed a full technological package for the production of humus
from earthworms, a process recognized as vermicomposting or vermiculture. They found
production.
the ideal application rate was 4 tons per hectare of earthworm humus for most crops. Because the implementation
of this program, imported agricultural products have been cut by as much as 80 percent.
Cuba's vermicomposting program began with two smaller boxes of redworms, Eisenia fetida and Lumbricus
rubellus. Today you will discover 172 vermicompost centers throughout the country. In
1992, these centers produced 93,000 tons of worm vermicompost. A number of different institutions and
companies are involved in vermiculture operations, but most of the study is conducted by the Institute of Soils and
Fertilizers and by the National Institute of Agricultural Sciences..
People worldwide have been affected by these policies and have fought
back. Some nations have taken to task corporations like Monsanto , as in the
case of Indias response to genetically modified eggplant, which involved a boycott of Monsantos products and
based on ecological principles and environmental concerns. Cuba has largely transformed food production in order
to pursue a more sustainable path. These practices are not limited to the countryside.
Cuba is the
recognized leader of urban agriculture .5 As Koont highlights, the Cuban National Group for
Urban Agriculture defines urban agriculture as the production of food within the urban and peri-urban perimeter,
using intensive methods, paying attention to the human-crop-animal-environment interrelationships, and taking
2007, urban agriculture comprised approximately 14.6 percent of agriculture in Cuba. Almost all of urban
agriculture is organic.
The food grown at OVA stays within the country, and is diverse and
completely sustainable . Everything is recycled and organic, unlike other farming
practices around the world that rely on the ability to force crops to grow
when nature would have it another way. As Moore says, farmers in many other parts of
the world do not wait out inopportune weather or push back a growing season. Instead they
spread tons of fertilizers to stay on schedule. Its cheap. And so is fossil
fuel. Moore predicts that farming wont significantly change for the better until
the world is forced to reckon with the diminishing supply of nonrenewable
resources that power the engines that transport food across scores of
time zones before it hits the dinner table. Its cheaper to burn gas using machines to
plow, plant, harvest and haul food than it is to sit down and think about how to more efficiently
National Institute of Agricultural Sciences. At the Soil Institute plans exist for a vermiculture research facility, but
construction has not started. The Institute
worm humus in 40 kg, 1 kg, and 1/2 kg bags under the trade name Midas. A 40 kg bag of Cuban worm humus
can sell for as much as $80-100 (U. S.) on the international market, though humus production has not reached
Carmelo Ruiz-Marrero is a research associate at the Institute for Social Ecology and
director of the Puerto Rico Project on Biosafety
http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/06/07/cubas-other-revolution/
Cuba is the one country in the world that has made the furthest strides,
and in the shortest time, in moving from industrial conventional
agricultural production to organic farming. This achievement has been celebrated and
documented by numerous experts and observers, including land reform scholar Peter Rosset and agroecologist
Miguel Altieri, academic bodies like the Latin American Scientific Society of Agroecology (SOCLA), and NGOs such
as Food First and the Worldwatch Institute, and have been the subject of a 2006 documentary, titled The Power of
Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil (2). The country was in a very unusual and critical situation at the
beginning of the 1990s. With the implosion of the Soviet block, the subsidies that Cuba received in the form of food
and farm inputs ceased overnight, causing an unprecedented crisis. With the Torricelli and Helms-Burton Acts,
passed in 1992 and 1996 respectively, the American embargo tightened its noose around Cubas economy, further
worsening an already dire scenario. But the Caribbean island nation pulled through by way of a successful
transformation of its agricultural model, moving it towards agroecological production largely based on small family
farms. Back in March in the Colombian city of Medelln I had the great pleasure of spending time with Cuban
professors Fernando Funes and Luis Vsquez, both of them scientists of international renown and faculty members
of SOCLAs doctoral program (3). Between long walks through the city center and over beers in the Pilarica
neighborhood, we talked at length about the challenges of agriculture, ecology and socialism. This article is based
on those conversations and on published writings by Funes and other authors. Funes says that following the
withdrawal of Soviet support, the critical situation created in Cuban agriculture propitiated the transformation of
the agrarian structure and the reach of a new technological, economic, ecological and social dimension, with the
end of achieving food security with new methods and strategies. (4) But before seeking to apply the Cuban
experiences to other countries and contexts it is necessary to consider the countrys unique and extraordinary
circumstances. The 1959 revolution and subsequent sweeping land reform were a unique happening in Latin
American history: the landed ruling class was defeated, uprooted and expelled. The countrys wealth and land were
redistributed; and as a result, access to land is not a problem, and all farmers in the country enjoy first-rate free
education and health care. Latin Americas land-owning elites, assisted by the murderous US counterinsurgency,
have not spared any resources, be they financial, ideological or military, to prevent another Cuban-style revolution
in the Western hemisphere. Nevertheless,
sovereignty in Cuba has been the support of the state. The Cuban experience demonstrates that a successful
transition to agroecology requires major involvement by the public sector. The countrys organic revolution
contradicts the common image of the Cuban government as bureaucratized and lacking in creativity or imagination.
If the Cuban state were as inflexible and inefficient as the revolutions derisive critics make it out to be, it would not
have taken the right measures, and in a rapid and decisive manner, to avert a fatal food crisis. Among the
concrete steps taken by the government are the establishment of 276 centers for the reproduction of
entomophages and entomopathogens (organisms that are natural enemies of pests), a National Urban Farming
Program with 26 subprograms that span the production of vegetables, medicinal plants, condiments, grains, fruit,
and animal breeding (hens, rabbits, sheep, goats, pigs, bees and fish) that are developed throughout the country,
and a program for the promotion of ecological agriculture within the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP).
Funes explains the fundamentals of this ecological agrarian revolution: These advances went from the use of
biopesticides and biological controls, to different applications of biofertilizer, compost, earthworm humus, biosoils,
animal traction, etc., on a grand scale and in a rapid manner. The techniques explored and developed also
included polyculture, rotation, intelligent use of nitrogen-fixing legumes, and a great variety of ecological solutions
for pest and weed problems. Along with innovation also came full acknowledgement of ancient traditions of great
relevance and usefulness. Says Funes of the Cuban campesino sectors recovery from the crisis: A mixture of
traditional farming practices and organic fertilization common in the Cuban countryside, brought in from Europe by
Spanish immigrants centuries back, and appropriate strategies for climate management, phases of the moon and
many times even religious beliefs and sayings embedded in peasant wisdom, no doubt permitted this sector to be
the one that showed a most convincing recovery- and in the least amount of time- to the crisis of inputs. But state
action by itself, though necessary, is not enough to carry agroecology forward. This has been proven in Venezuela,
Bolivia and Ecuador, where progressive governments oriented by Bolivariano anti-imperialist ideals fully favor food
sovereignty and ecological agriculture and have made of them official state policy. These governments issued
directives to this effect to the public universities and agriculture ministries, but nothing happened. Bureaucrats,
agronomists and academic scholars raised and formed in the green revolution model of US-style industrial
mechanized chemical-intensive farming, simply ignored the dictates from the higher echelons and continued doing
what they had always done: promote monocultures and pesticides while ignoring the new agricultural practices and
discourses that originated from ecology and grassroots mobilization. Not to say that nothing was achieved there.
The Andes region is one of the worlds hotbeds of peasant-based agroecological innovation, and Venezuela hosts
the Paulo Freire Latin American Institute of Agroecology (IALA). But bureaucratic resistance from the mid-layers of
government has thwarted the potential for a truly profound transformation of agriculture. The achievements of
these three South American countries pale in comparison with Cubas organic revolution. How did Cuba do it?
(UBPC). According to Funes, this has given farmers the liberating feeling of being owners of the land they work by
giving them real protagonism in decision-making processes, which has resulted in increased productivity. The word
he uses is autogestin, a Latin American word that describes processes of self-management and enhanced
discussion, validation and adaptation of new ideas and proposals. These methodologies, which owe much to Paulo
Freires Pedagogy of the Oppressed, are known collectively as campesino a campesino (peasant to peasant). Born
in the Mesoamerican region in the 1970s,
over Latin America and is spreading all over the world . Its remarkable history is told
in Food First director Eric Holt-Gimnezs book Campesino a Campesino: Voices from Latin Americas Farmer to
Farmer Movement for Sustainable Agriculture (5).
If one divides
agriculture into commercial or industrial agriculture and subsistence
agriculture, the latterproducing enough food to meet basic needsis
often equated with hunger and poverty. While the number of people in
The interconnections among hunger, poverty, and agriculture are manifold and complex.
urban areas who live in poverty and are hungry has been on the rise for
several decades , a wide majority of those who are poor and hungry are
trying to get by on subsistence agriculture. Figure 10 is one measure of this prevalence,
showing for example that in countries where more than 35 percent of the population is undernourished, almost 70
percent of the population is employed in agriculture. If agricultural productivity could be improved, it would have
beneficial effects on both hunger and poverty worldwide. There is, of course, a good deal of active research aimed
at improving agricultural productivityespecially in developing countries .
bring the promise of producing more food at less cost for the poorest and
hungriest in the world . According to one report: Evidence consistently shows that agricultural growth
is highly effective in reducing poverty. It has been reported that every 1% increase in per capita agricultural output
led to a 1.6% increase in the incomes of the poorest 20% of the population. Another study concluded from a major
cross-country analysis that, on average, every 1% increase in agricultural yields reduced the number of people
living on less than a dollar a day by 0.83%.18 There is one additional advantage of perennial polycultures over
That is,
annual monocultures work most efficiently on a large scale, but perennial
polycultures work well at any scale , from small family farm to large open
prairie. This factor makes them particularly adaptable to parts of the
world that could most benefit from their other strengths.
annual monocultures in areas of hunger and povertyperennial polycultures are scale neutral.
worms help save the planet ? I think so and, before arguing my case, please let me state my
position from the start: I am an ecologist. Not just the type of trendy person who faithfully recycles
Can
although I am fashionably green and a semi-vegetarian who tries to recycle as many beer bottles as possible. No, I
am also the other, scientific kind.
The science of ecology is generally defined as a study of organisms and their environment, i.e., everything!
However, I would be somewhat more categorical and say that it is The study of organisms, their products
whether alive or dead, and their environment i.e., even more of everything, including fossil fuels and human
endeavour!
An ecologist then, is someone who considers holistic workings of a natural ecosystem in all its complexity and
diversity throughout its time-cycle while breaking it down into its component parts and honing in on its few key,
controlling entities. Simultaneously practicing as a generalist and as a multi-faceted specialist.
Deeds of the dirt
The experience of growing up in rural England alongside my grandfather, the village farrier who
was also a bee keeper and gardener, as well as my weekend work with farmers and gamekeepers,
immersed me in general natural history. This education was formalized by
academic degrees in terrestrial and aquatic biology and, for me the key to life, soil
ecology. The main movers and shakers in the soil are the living organisms, paramount amongst which is the
Thus it is abysmal that scientific knowledge of the oceans is infinitely deeper than for terrestrial ecosystems.
Moreover, Leonardo da Vincis observed 500 years ago that We know more about the movement of celestial
bodies than about the soil underfoot and this still rings true today. The journal Science, realizing that our
knowledge is so scant, produced a special 2004 issue entitled Soils The Final Frontier.
Why waste precious funds and brain resources on the vain discovery of useless planets overhead or new deep-sea
Why are we not concentrating our efforts and valuable resources on protecting and preserving the tangible deeds
of our earthly home patch for current and future generations of Earthlings? Where on earth is our Soil Ecology
Institute?
Global worming
We talk of greenhouse gasses and global warming yet it is the lithosphere, not the
oceans nor trees, that acts as the major global carbon sink . This is especially so
following the discovery just over a decade ago of glomalin, a tightly bound organic molecule accounting for an
extra 30% of stored soil carbon. (The energy crisis too can be cured by simply tapping freely into subterranean
geothermal energy, as recounted in an Our World 2.0 article on this red hot power.)
Proper management of our arable, pastoral and forest soils is the most practically feasible
mechanism to sequester atmospheric carbon without any adverse effects .
Atmospheric carbon is entirely recycled via the soil from plants in around 12-20
years all of this being processed through the intestines of worms .
on the Earth
earthworms. They are key links in food chains (not just for fish and
fowl), they act as hosts and vectors for diverse symbionts and parasites, and they are
the major detritus feeders responsible for soil mineralization and recycling of
organic matter. Can other scientists, outside of medicine, claim such importance for their study subject?
bees, or humans it is the
One of the main predictions, highly optimistic, in the revolutionary move into our post-industrial era
(see Alvin Tofflers The Third Wave for details) was that genetic engineering would provide new
production methods and have profound effects on future development. In many ways this has been
borne out in medical use and microbial manufacture with genetically modified organisms (GMOs)
that provide some potential benefit and serve some purpose, albeit at huge cost.
But there are equally large risks. Rather obviously, the main characteristic of life is to reproduce and
disperse. The architects of the modified corn, cotton, soy, wheat, rice and spuds are often of exactly
the same companies (or at least profit-driven mind-sets) that produced the toxic chemicals that they
are now telling us their new GMO technology will replace just as chemical engineers promised
solutions to all our problems previously.
With biology the reverse is true. Design a plant to be herbicide or insect resistant and it will increase
and spread by its own means, by cross-pollination or genetic drift. Case in point is the illegitimate
escape in Japan of feral oilseed rape ( Brassica napus) genetically modified to resist herbicide that, as
with any similar calamity, will continue in an uncontrollable fashion.
Rather than addressing immediate environmental issues per se, much of scientific resources are
diverted into molecular studies, mostly for industrial agricultural production, that are inordinately
expensive, or into agronomic trials of effective toxic biocide applications. Mostly this is not requested
by informed consumers nor by farmers who must rely on the advice of often industry-funded experts
and extension officers (hopefully not advertisers).
Topsoil is the most valuable resource upon which civilizations depend . Its rapid loss
combined with soil fertility and soil health decline are of greatest immediate concern.
How important is loss of topsoil? Basically without fertile topsoil there is no
plant growth and no life on land . How big an issue is loss of topsoil? The 1991
UN funded Global Survey of Human-Induced Soil Degradation Report showed
significant problems in virtually all parts of the world. Just 11% of the Earths
terrestrial surface is cultivated and of the total available, approximately 40% of
agricultural land is seriously degraded, according to the UNS 2005 Millennium
Ecosystem Assessment (MEA).
Loss of topsoil has been due to the combined effects of desertification, salinization, erosion, pollution and
urban/road or other development activities. In the United States alone it is estimated to cost about $125 billion
ranked
land degradation among the worlds greatest environmental challenges, claiming it
risked destabilizing societies , endangering food security and increasing
per year. The MEA, which despite its scope did not consider Soil Systems separately, nevertheless
poverty . Among the worst affected regions are Central America, where 75% of land is infertile, Africa, where
a fifth of soil is degraded, and Asia, where 11% is now unsuitable for farming.
In addition to those pollutants commonly recognized as originating from biocides and fertilizers, there are many
other sources such as antibiotics associated with intensive animal production, plus a cocktail of humanprocessed pollutants like drugs, solvents and synthetic hormones from birth control pills that all make their way
into the environment in an infinite variety of unforeseeable combinations.
Suggested remediation to soil decline and agricultural production are to use GMO crops and other high-tech
applications, because there is an assumption that topsoil formation is a centuries-old process that is essentially
non-renewable and thus is gone forever. This view is false and there are several examples of methods that can be
applied to restore fertile topsoils to farms, and in a time frame as short as a matter of a few years.
Feed the worm
When the question is
asked, Can I build top-soil? the answer is Yes , and when the first
question is followed by a second question, How? the answer is Feed earthworms, so wrote Eve Balfour
in the introduction to Thomas J. Barretts book, Harnessing the Earthworm.
Indeed there are many instances of organic farms around the world preserving or restoring healthy soils. Organic
farming has many approaches, with Rudolph Steiners biodynamics being one manifestation. All these solutions
comfortably find a home under the wide umbrella of permaculture, as defined by Bill Mollison. This philosophy
and approach to designing our natural environment for efficient and effective production and for comfortable
living under prevailing conditions is well known and widely adopted by national and local communities and
individuals worldwide.
William Blake urged us [t]o see a world in a grain of sand and a heaven in a wildflower. Soil survey of the
abundance and diversity of earthworms in a soil will provide a good measure of natural fertility, as these are the
monitors and mediators of soil health. That some of our honourable predecessors appreciated the worms role is
manifest by one translation of the Chinese characters for earthworms being angels of the earth.
Seeing a worm turned up by the plough and eaten by a bird started Prince Siddhartha (Gautama Buddah) on his
contemplative path to understanding the Cycle-of-Life. In the Classical world, the father of biology, Aristotle,
called earthworms the soils entrails and it is reported that Cleopatra decreed them sacred.
Charles Darwin, British naturalist and father of evolution , also had an interest in earthworms. In
1881, the year before he died, his 40 year study culminated in publication The Formation of Vegetable Mould
Believing his worm work one of his most crucial contributions, Darwin
stated:
It may be doubted whether there are many other animals which have played so important a part in the history of
the world, as have these lowly organized creatures
The vegetable mould [humus] which covers, as with a mantle, the surface of the land, has all passed many times
through their bodies.
Hopefully it will continue thus.
In 1981, as a centennial tribute to Darwins seminal work, I completed a survey on Lady Eve Balfours Haughley
experimental farm that showed organic methods encourage healthy soil and an earthworm abundance.
Significantly higher maintenance of temperature, moisture and organic matter in the soil equated with double the
carbon content. In this way we could readily fix runaway CO2 in the atmosphere. Moreover, crop production was
equable between organic and non-organic management regimes, even without factoring in the cost savings in
chemicals and environmental degradation. (Details are presented here.)
major food crops, for instance, or to develop other needed traits like drought
tolerance or improved flavor, plant breeders constantly require fresh infusions of
genes from the farms, fields and forests of the South. But agricultural biodiversity is
not just a raw material for industrial agriculture; it is also the key to food security
and sustainable agriculture because it enables poor farmers to adapt crops and
animals to their own ecological needs and cultural traditions. Without this diversity,
options for long-term sustainability and agricultural self reliance are lost. Why Are
We Losing Agricultural Biodiversity? The greatest factor contributing to the
loss of crop and livestock genetic diversity is the spread of industrial
agriculture and the displacement of more diverse, traditional agricultural
systems. Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, the Green Revolution introduced highyielding varieties of rice and wheat to the developing world, replacing thousands of
farmers' traditional crop varieties and their wild relatives on a massive scale. The
same process continues today. New, uniform plant varieties are replacing farmer's
traditional varieties - and the traditional ones are becoming extinct. In the United
States, more than 7000 apple varieties were grown in the last century. Today, over
85 percent of those varieties - more than 6000 - are extinct. Just two apple varieties
account for more than 50% of the entire US crop. In the Philippines, where small
farmers once cultivated thousands of traditional rice varieties, just two Green
Revolution varieties occupied 98% of the entire rice growing area in the mid-1980s.
Industrial agriculture requires genetic uniformity. Vast areas are typically
planted to a single, high-yielding variety or a handful of genetically similar cultivars
using capital intensive inputs like irrigation, fertilizer and pesticides to maximize
production. A uniform crop is a breeding ground for disaster because it is more
vulnerable to epidemics of pests and diseases. The same is true with livestock
genetic resources. The introduction of "modern" breeds that are selected solely for
maximizing industrial production has displaced or diluted indigenous livestock
breeds worldwide. The commercial white turkey that is mass-produced on factory
farms in Europe and North America has been bred for such a meaty breast that it is
no longer able to breed on its own! This broad-breasted breed - which accounts for
99% of all turkeys in the United States today - would become extinct in one
generation without human assistance in the form of artificial insemination. The
spread of industrial agriculture in the South places thousands of native breeds at
risk. In India, just 3 decades after the introduction of so-called "modern" livestock
breeds, an estimated 50% of indigenous goat breeds, 20% of indigenous cattle
breeds, and 30% of indigenous sheep breeds are in danger of disappearing. Though
frequently characterized as "resource poor," many of the South's farming
communities are extraordinarily rich in plant and animal genetic diversity and in
traditional knowledge. But these are endangered resources. With the drive for
export monoculture and the spread of Green Revolution technology in the South,
the dominant model for agricultural production has been based on external inputs-imported genetic stock, technology and the ideas of outside "experts." Ironically,
the Green Revolution approach (high-input, high-tech, and high-yielding crop and
livestock breeds) has proved so "successful" that it has very nearly extinguished the
farming communities' most vital "internal" resources - farmers' traditional
knowledge and the rich reservoirs of plant and animal genetic diversity that they
have selected and improved for generations. The erosion of traditional knowledge
and agricultural diversity not only marginalizes the South's food producers and
farming communities, it jeopardizes world food security for all. The "Gene"
freshwater contamination would not tell the story of water contamination by agriculture because of the
contributions from industry and other sources. There is one area, however, in which the agricultural contribution to
A dead zone in
the ocean is created by nitrogen and phosphorus (found in fertilizers) that
wash down rivers and flow into the ocean. The nitrogen and phosphorus
ignite algae and phytoplankton blooms. When these blooms die, they drop to the
ocean floor and decompose, using up the oxygen of the deeper water. This
severe depletion of oxygenknown as hypoxiakills every oxygen-dependent sea
creature in the area. There are now some 146 dead zones in the oceans of the world, and they cover a
water contamination is reasonably clear. That is in the dead zones in the worlds oceans.
total area measured in tens of thousands of square miles. The circles in Figure 9 are the major dead zones (as of
2002). The colors indicate whether the dead zones are annual (red), episodic (blue), periodic (pink), or persistent
(yellow). Most are annual dead zones that appear in the summer and autumn and disappear over the winter. From
the environmental and scientific communities because of its numerous benefits, and the current rate at which we
are losing it is alarming.
natural systems that humans depend upon are degraded or lost, and the
effects may be significant. Given current scientific knowledge, it is unclear at what point current
biodiversity loss rates could lead to natural systems breaking down and critical problems; however, evidence of
causes for concern already exists. For example, in California,
use have degraded natural ecosystems to the extent that few wild bees
are left . California farmers, who have always relied on wild bees for pollination, must now rent bees to
pollinate key agricultural crops.15 Evidence of the global importance of biodiversity can be found in the signing of
the Convention of Biodiversity by over 150 nations at the 1992 United Nations Earth Summit and the attention
given to biodiversity conservation at the summer 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg,
as high as $33 trillion per year.17 In a natural prairie, there can be more than 200 plant species in a given area and
perhaps several times that number of microscopic soil animals that are important to efficient prairie operation.
genetic variability, and each individual plant or animal has slightly different
traits. Furthermore, each population, and the ecosystem as a whole, is constantly
changing, adapting to the changing environmental conditions and the conditions
imposed by the other populations and species in the system . Monoculture smooths out this
variability, destroying the diversity and replacing it with, at best, a single species, and
at worst (as is the norm in the U.S.), a single cultivar - rows and rows of
genetically identical crops, essentially cloned, reproduced through cuttings or genetically engineered seed
stock. Susceptibility to pests: The ecological landscape of monoculture is that there is a massive range of
genetically identical plants, against a backdrop of wild pests, which include
fungi, bacteria, insects, and numerous other organisms. These pests each have a
wild population with its own biodiversity, and their populations are
constantly changing and adapting to being able to eat the crops or benefit from the
presence of whatever crops are being grown. The monoculture crops, however, are not changing,
and are not able to adapt because they have no genetic variability and are not
allowed to reproduce naturally. Plant pests, weeds, also adapt, seeding into the fields of
crops, taking advantage of the extra sunlight, as most monoculture crops let through ample light and are not making full
use of the sun's energy. The only way to control pests in this setup is to expend ever-greater energy and resources on
chemical control, either through the spraying of pesticides, fungicides, or bactericides on crops, or through the genetic
engineering of crops to enable them to produce these chemicals themselves. But without the natural adaptation, pests
will eventually evolve to resist any of these defenses. The setup of monoculture is
inherently doomed, as it is working against the natural ways in which ecosystems work. It is completely
unsustainable in the long-run.
Monoculture use blocks small farmers from developing countries out of their
markets; turns their food security scenarios
Brenner, 12 (Alexander, 1/7/12, The Monopoly of Monocultures, Animal Technician at the Yale University
School of Medicine, JPL)
Why companies like DuPont (DD) and Archer Daniels Midland use monocultures, besides the enormous monetary gain, is
to focus resources in one specific venture in order to yield the highest results. Producing huge amounts of food is a product
plan with which it is hard to argue, until the world begins to understand that what is good for the farmer, ultimately helps
the most people. Shiva wants us to understand the claims giant agricultural companies make are
not based in fact. The world hunger they claim to cure is a result of their very
actions. The common person, the starving third world citizen, often loses
employment and indeed their livelihood when they cannot grow their own
produce or work on farms for reasonable wages. The fact that these companies produce food
gives them the blanket to hide under, free from mass public judgement because of the product they produce. People forget ,
in the pursuit of of what sustains us, who the sustenance is ultimately for. To the developing world, and unlike the greater
area of the western world, food is a focus, far apart from taste, and much more important. For the most of the
developing world the main concern is whether or not food can be obtained;
starvation is a real possibility. Focus must be preventing starvation and
malnourishment for the long term . To properly sustain the global
populations we must then focus on local production .
Monoculture use substantially decreases crop yields turns case
Georgetown TTH, 6/29 (Georgetown TTH, Megan Cahill, Anika Khan, Marie Smigthall, 6/29/12,
Agroterrorism: An Assault on Americas Breadbasket, The Triple Helix Online, JPL)
Cultivar mixtures demonstrate positive benefits in two key areas: disease
control and
overall yield. Studies show that on average, yield increase was found to be
10.1% in cultivar mixtures, compared to monoculture mixtures , in the presence of
stripe rust. In addition, a 2.5% increase occurred in the absence of any type of
disease.17 Under leaf rust conditions, cultivar mixtures with 2 components showed a 37%
disease reduction rate, while mixtures with 5 components produced a rate of
70%. Disease reduction due to mixing improved as the number of cultivars in the mixture increased. Ultimately, the
integration of cultivar mixtures into American farming will create a platform
for risk reduction.
tons of nitrogen fertilizer.20 Using a nominal figure of 1.4 liters of diesel equivalent per kilogram of
nitrogen, this equates to the energy content of 96.2 million barrels of diesel fuel.
[1]. Some, such as those of Egypt and China, have recovered from collapses at
various stages; others, such as that of Easter Island or the Classic Maya, were apparently permanent [1,2]. All
those previous collapses were local or regional; elsewhere, other societies and civilizations persisted unaffected.
Sometimes, as in the Tigris and Euphrates valleys, new civilizations rose in succession.
one proximate or
[3].
But today,
interconnected, highly technological society in which we all are to one degree or another, embedded is
groundwater, which is being overexploited in many key agricultural areas [8]; and resource wars [9].
These are not separate problems; rather they interact in two gigantic complex adaptive systems: the biosphere
system and the human socio-economic system. The negative manifestations of these interactions are often
referred to as the human predicament [10], and determining how to prevent it from generating a global collapse
is perhaps the foremost challenge confronting humanity.
a future global
collapse does not require a careful definition. It could be triggered by anything from a small nuclear
war, whose ecological effects could quickly end civilization [32], to a more gradual breakdown because
famines, epidemics and resource shortages cause a disintegration of central
There have been many definitions and much discussion of past collapses [1,3,2831], but
control within nations, in concert with disruptions of trade and conflicts over
increasingly scarce necessities. In either case, regardless of survivors or replacement
societies, the world familiar to anyone reading this study and the well-being of the vast majority
of people would disappear. pg. 1-2
difficult to extrapolate from these experiences. Yet in almost every other part of the
world, decisions over resources connected to agriculture and the food supply chain
are highly centralized amongst a few corporations. The extent of real, conscious
choice available to both consumers and producers may be very similar. These
apparently different ideologies could in fact be stemming from the same paradigm,
and Finn (1998) suggests that centralization is a practice promoted by old socialism
as well as by competitive market-driven advocates, albeit that one is state-owned
and the other private. One feature of industrial farming and food systems is the
increasing levels of mechanization and homogenization. These systems, with their
long foodsupply chains, play a large role in current patterns of fossil fuel
consumption. By contrast, Cuba has to some extent been moving in the opposite
direction, towards more decentralized, human-scale and bioregional production and
consumption systems, with greater levels of autonomy, diversity and complexity. As
and when the predicted global fuel supply crisis fully materializes, Cubas example
provides lessons as to how it might be addressed. As Snyder, a US citizen reporting
back from Cuba, stated, Few if any advocates for sustainable agriculture in our own
country would wish to swap our government or economic circumstances with those
found in Cuba. But it sure doesnt hurt to see an example of how we might utilize
the principles of sustainability in the United States to avoid our own Special Period
in the future (Snyder, 2003). Cubas achievement in moving from a highly
vulnerable situation to one heading towards stability also stands in comparison with
the experiences of many low- and middle-income countries struggling with longterm food insecurity. In particular, Cubas example indicates that the Millennium
Development Goal of halving the number of food-insecure people by 2015 is not an
overly ambitious target, but is one that can be achieved by a firm political
commitment to prioritize basic food rights and a semi-regulatory market approach.
Non-socialist countries may not be immediately sympathetic with the measures that
Cuba had taken to ensure equity, such as the use of rations or of prioritizing
domestic markets, yet Cubas experience has shown these measures to be viable
and an arguably necessary means of assuring access to food for all during periods
of vulnerability. This, in the face of fossil fuel deficits, is perhaps the biggest lesson
that Cubas experience of the 1990s has for the rest of the world.
Julia Wright, Deputy Director of theCentre for Agroecology and Food Security at
Conventry University, 2009
(Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity Lessons from
Cuba,
http://napa.vn:8080/uris/uploads/1/1844075729.Earthscan.Publications.Ltd.Sustaina
ble.Agriculture.and.Food.Security.in.an.Era.of.Oil.Scarcity.Lessons.from.Cuba.Dec.20
08.pdf)
The challenge of declining oil reserves is one of several to confront humanity in the
21st century. Be it shortages of oil, fresh water or food, ill-health, overpopulation or
environmental degradation, these challenges have long been evident and are
attributed to modernization and the ensuing disconnectedness between the
individual, society and the ecosystems within which we live. In the 21st century
more than ever, society is dependent on a range of relatively basic, manmade
technologies as a substitute for complex human faculties and natural processes.
Using the same economic and industrial structures and technologies that
contributed to these challenges, society attempts to address them yet only
Collapse Advantage
Others in the region were not as happy. Sure Chvez was politically influential in Latin
America, but in many ways his economic influence was even greater especially
with friendly countries like Cuba, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Argentina, Bolivia and a score of Caribbean nations that
benefited from Venezuela's oil-discount program, PetroCaribe. In the name of "economic
solidarity," Chvez was extremely generous with these friends, offering oil
at discounted rates and with flexible lending conditions. Nicaragua, for example, was
known to pay for Venezuelan oil with shipments of beef, sugar, coffee, milk and even 19,000 pairs of pants.
According to figures from the state-owned oil company PDVSA, in 2011 Venezuela sent 243,500 barrels of oil a day
government, however. Rather, Cuba would likely turn to the nearly two million Cubans living in this country. They
are already sending around $2 billion a year back to the island in remittances. Already, Raul Castro seems to have
been preparing to make the Cuban economy a little bit more flexible and open to investment, and the Obama
Which brings us to
Venezuela's financial situation. The truth is the economic state there has
been uncertain and chaotic ever since Chavez got sick, and that is unlikely
to change in the short term. There is supposed to be a new election, and it appears that Maduro
will win. But he will face a tough economic situation. Plus, he lacks the charisma
of Chvez and may not be able to maintain popularity if things get tougher.
administration has made it easier for Cubans in the U.S. to send money back home.
percentage compared with other countries.3 The total value of the energy
consumed in Cuba has been estimated at 14 percent of GDP , compared with a
world average of about 10 percent. In 2007, domestic production of crude oil accounted
for about 40 percent of total consumption and the rest was imported from
Venezuela. About 50 percent of the total supply of fuel oil is applied to
power generation and 50 percent for transportation and other uses; this is consistent
with the usage breakdown seen in other countries.
Collapse Coming
Cuban economic collapse coming Rauls reforms need more
time to take effect
Arturo Lopez-Levy, Lecturer in International Studies at Denver, 2011
The convergence of these three crises makes the current situation in Cuba
particularly fragile. While the government has innumerable possibilities as to
how it will bring change to Cuba, the one completely untenable choice
would be to maintain the status quo.
Collapse Terrorism
Caribbean instability causes bioterrorism
Bryan 1 (Anthony T., Director of the Caribbean Program North/South Center, and
Stephen E. Flynn, Senior Fellow Council on Foreign Relations, Terrorism, Porous
Borders, and Homeland Security: The Case for U.S.-Caribbean Cooperation, 10-21,
http://www.cfr.org/publication/4844/terrorism_porous_borders_and _homeland_
security.html)
Terrorist acts can take place anywhere. The Caribbean is no exception. Already the linkages between drug
trafficking and terrorism are clear in countries like Colombia and Peru, and such connections have
similar potential in the Caribbean . The security of major industrial complexes in some
Caribbean countries is vital. Petroleum refineries and major industrial estates in Trinidad, which host
more than 100 companies that produce the majority of the worlds methanol, ammonium sulphate, and 40
percent of U.S. imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG), are vulnerable targets. Unfortunately, as
experience has shown in Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, terrorists are likely to strike at U.S.
and European interests in Caribbean countries . Security issues become even more
critical when one considers the possible use of Caribbean countries by terrorists as
bases from which to attack the U nited S tates. An airliner hijacked after departure from an airport
in the northern Caribbean or the Bahamas can be flying over South Florida in less than an hour. Terrorists can
sabotage or seize control of a cruise ship after the vessel leaves a Caribbean port. Moreover, terrorists with false
passports and visas issued in the Caribbean may be able to move easily through passport controls in Canada or the
United States. (To help counter this possibility, some countries have suspended "economic citizenship" programs to
ensure that known terrorists have not been inadvertently granted such citizenship.) Again,
countries are
as
vulnerable
as anywhere else
Caribbean
(CUBA AFTER CASTRO; WHAT POLICY BEST SERVES U.S. NATIONAL INTERESTS?,
www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA404404&Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf)
Solely based on Cuba's proximity to the U.S. and its large population, the
problems in
Cuba could be significant. The north coast of Cuba is only 90 miles south of Key
West, Florida. The nation's population is (11 million) and Cuba is the largest country
in the Caribbean. The coming crisis in Cuba is not something the U.S. government
can ignore and hope it goes away. U.S. security and foreign policy considerations
coupled with domestic considerations will cause the U.S. government to face the
"Cuba Problem" sooner or later. And the sooner the U.S. government implements
policies to shape the environment after Castro's departure the less severe the crisis
will be when this inevitable event occurs. A crisis in Cuba and the resulting
requirement for military forces could put the current war against "terrorism
with a global reach" at risk. Due to the down sizing of the U.S. Armed
Forces it is highly unlikely we could control complete chaos in Cuba and
still have sufficient forces to continue a robust war on global terrorism.
Additionally the emergence of a "failed state" only 90 miles from the U.S.
could provide international terrorist with a staging base in close proximity
to the U.S. The U.S. government could not allow this for long and would be forced to
take strong action. This is not only a U.S. problem, the chaos created by a
cataclysmic end of the Castro regime could have repercussions throughout the
Caribbean and Latin America. Cuban migrations, arms smuggling, and
narcotrafficking would hit the less developed and fragile democracies of the region
especially hard.
The former chief of Cuba's military medical services is calling for international
weapons inspections of a secret underground lab near Havana, where he says the
government is creating biological warfare agents like the plague, botulism and
yellow fever. Roberto Ortega, a former army colonel who ran the military's medical
services from 1984 to 1994, defected in 2003 and now lives in South Florida. After
living here quietly for four years, this week Ortega went on the Spanish-language
media circuit to denounce what he claims is an advanced offensive biological
warfare weapons program. He spoke Tuesday night at the University of Miami's
Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies where one angry heckler stormed
out accusing him of deliberately sowing fear among Cuban exiles. ''They can
develop viruses and bacteria and dangerous sicknesses that are currently unknown
and difficult to diagnose,'' Ortega told The Miami Herald. ``They don't need missiles
or troops. They need four agents, like the people from al Qaeda or the Taliban, who
contaminate water, air conditioning or heating systems.'' He said Cuba was ready to
use the biological agents ''to blackmail the United States in case of an international
incident'' such as the threat of a U.S. invasion. The Cuban government has denied
such programs exist, but if Ortega's allegations are true Washington could face the
prospect of an enemy nation 90 miles away with the capability of launching germ
attacks. UNDERGROUND LAB Ortega said he told the CIA nearly two years ago
about an underground Cuban facility southwest of Havana. The maximum security
lab dubbed ''Labor One'' has an above-ground civilian cover and employs dozens of
scientists, he said. But in the underground facility, scientists reproduced and
stockpiled deadly germs and bacterias collected in Africa, he added. He visited the
lab in 1992 when he accompanied a high-level Russian military delegation, he said.
''I saw it,'' Ortega said. ``I lived it.'' Ortega is believed to be the first defector with
details of such an alleged biological warfare facility, said University of Miami
professor Manuel Cereijo, who studies Cuba's biotechnology and terrorism issues.
Ortega said he has come forward now because he did not see the CIA taking public
action on his information. The CIA and the U.S. State Department declined to
comment. ''He talks about a place I never heard about,'' Cereijo said. ``There are
many other places where there exists the capacity to develop bioweapons. That
doesn't mean they are doing that. Only a person like him would know.'' ADVANCES
KNOWN Cuba's advanced biotechnology industry is well-known, having produced
vaccines for hepatitis and meningitis B and exported them to dozens of countries
around the world. In 2002, John Bolton, then a top U.S. State Department official for
arms control, said Cuba ``has at least a limited offensive biological warfare research
and development effort.'' In a report last year, the State Department acknowledged
analysts were divided on the issue of whether Cuba has such a program. Experts
also argue that the U.S. government is unlikely to have high-level spies in Cuba
feeding it
bioweapons are dual-use and readily available . The availability of pathogens for
use as bioweapons is ubiquitous, as effectively demonstrated in a recent study. 3
The US government has limited ability to reduce intent of hostile actors and virtually
no ability to reduce the capability of our enemies to produce such weapons. Th
erefore, our primary defense is the ability to respond. In its final report, the WMD
Commission concluded that the best strategy for biodefense was improving the
ability to respond. Rapid detection and diagnosis, adequate supplies of medical
countermeasur es and the means to rapidly dispense the m, and surge medical
capacity are among the critical elements required for effective response. While
bioattacks cannot be entirely prevented, proper response can prevent an attack
from becoming a catastrophe. The long - range strategy is to develop protective and
response capabilities that would minimize the effect of a bioattack and thus remove
bioweapons from the category of WMD.
Collapse Disease
Cuban collapse ensures mass outbreaks and spread
Sergio Dickerson, Lieutenant Colonel in the US Army, 2010 (UNITED STATES
SECURITY STRATEGY TOWARDS CUBA, www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA518053)
Lets begin by asking this question: can we afford to escort commerce through
Caribbean waters from Cuban pirates? This sounds as farfetched as an attack from
an Afghan-based Al-Qaida using commercial airliners to destroy the World Trade
Center and the Pentagon. This scenario while unexpected is completely contrary to
our policy objectives in Cuba. The greater possibility that something unfavorable
happens in Cuba that threatens U.S. national interests is certainly more relevant.
Although Cuba poses no traditional threats to the U.S., geographically, their 90-mile
proximity should concern us. Our proximity to Cuba assures U.S. involvement,
be it voluntary or involuntary, in a major crisis. Consider a disease outbreak
that begins in Cuba over a break down in hygiene , government pollution
or other misfortune attributable to economic strife. The disease has no
boundaries and quickly reaches the Florida shores via travelling Cuban
American citizens. This scenario could be mitigated or even preventable
under the auspices of better relations. Aside from the obvious medical
benefits a partnership provides, established communications with Cuba
would likely prevent an uncontrolled spread in the U.S . There are definite
advantages to having healthy regional partnerships to deal with regional problems.
Disease Impact
Disease spread causes extinction
Keating 9 (Joshua Foreign Policy Web Editor, The End of the World, 11-13,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/11/13/ the_end_of_the_world?page=full)
The End of The World How it could happen: Throughout history, plagues have
brought civilizations to their knees. The Black Death killed more off more than half
of Europe's population in the Middle Ages. In 1918, a flu pandemic killed an
estimated 50 million people, nearly 3 percent of the world's population, a far
greater impact than the just-concluded World War I. Because of globalization,
diseases today spread even faster - witness the rapid worldwide spread of H1N1
currently unfolding. A global outbreak of a disease such as ebola virus -- which has
had a 90 percent fatality rate during its flare-ups in rural Africa -- or a mutated drugresistant form of the flu virus on a global scale could have a devastating, even
civilization-ending impact.How likely is it? Treatment of deadly diseases has
improved since 1918, but so have the diseases. Modern industrial farming
techniques have been blamed for the outbreak of diseases, such as swine flu, and
as the worlds population grows and humans move into previously unoccupied
areas, the risk of exposure to previously unknown pathogens increases. More than
40 new viruses have emerged since the 1970s, including ebola and HIV. Biological
weapons experimentation has added a new and just as troubling complication.
Collapse US Intervention
The US will militarily intervene in a Cuban crisis
Bernard Aronson, Former Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs,
2001 (U.S.-Cuban Relations in the 21st Century: A Follow-On Chairmans Report,
http://www.cfr.org/latin-america-and-the-caribbean/us-cuban-relations-21stcentury/p3858)
There are many possible future scenarios that could lead to pressures for the United
States to intervene militarily. Thousands of Cubans might seek to flee the island and
a successor regime might use force to try to stop them. Also, civil unrest could
break out for a variety of reasons, and one branch of the armed forces might be
reluctant to use violence against its citizens. If, under any of the above scenarios,
thousands of Cubans set out in rafts and makeshift vessels for the United States,
their relatives and friends in Florida would likely head to sea to rescue them, as
occurred in the Mariel Harbor boatlift of 1980. Fighting on the island could also
break out and involve U.S.-based Cuban citizens or Cuban Americans who would
find it difficult to stand by while their relatives were under attack or they perceived
their homeland might be liberated. We hope none of these scenarios unfolds, but
policymakers must be prepared for the worst case and not merely hope that such
developments will not occur on their watch.
Collapse Refugees
Cuban collapse causes a wave of refugees
Sergio Dickerson, Lieutenant Colonel in the US Army, 2010 (UNITED STATES
SECURITY STRATEGY TOWARDS CUBA, www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA518053)
While dismissing Cubas immediate security threat to the U.S., we cannot ignore
their 90-mile proximity to the U.S. shore. As we struggle to contain the illegal
Mexican exodus into the U.S. and all the security concerns it poses, we neglect to
see the historical similarities in past encounters with the Cuban government that
led to similar incursions. So if we critically reexamine the current U.S. Cuba
embargo, why does the U.S. believe it will only lead to Cuban democratization?
What about government collapse? A Cuban government collapse akin to
Somalia could create a significant refugee situation not to mention an
implied U.S. responsibility to provide humanitarian and even stability
operations in Cuba. If catastrophe does occur, a search for causes would
certainly lead back to our punitive approaches to U.S. diplomacy towards
Cuba.
Influence Advantage
Engagement Credibility
Bill Clinton and George W. Bush recently had a face-to-face debatein Canada to
discuss current affairs. The only Latin American nation mentioned in their
conversation? Cuba. In April the heads of state of the Americas met in Trinidad.
The central theme? Cubathe only country not invited to the summit. Last
week the Organization of American States (OAS) had a summit in Honduras.
What thorny problem dominated the discussions of the foreign-affairs ministers,
including Hillary Clinton, who had to divert her attention from the North
Korean nuclear test and the crises in the Middle East, Afghanistan and
Pakistan to travel to the summit of the OAS? Cuba, of course. A few months ago, the
Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank, convened a meeting to discuss the situation in Cuba. The room was
overflowing. A few days later it held a far-less-attended meeting. The subject? Brazil.
where people are willing to risk their lives and take to the sea in rickety rafts to escape from material
deprivation, brutal repression and political suffocation. It is a country whose economy cannot survive
without the handouts from its allies and where food shortages and hunger are common. It is also the country where,
for more than half a century, power has been in the hands of the same family.
The Soviet support of Cuba lasted right up to the disintegration of the Soviet Union
in 1991. That event shattered the economy of Cuba and many hoped would lead to
normal diplomatic and economic relations between the United States and Cuba. But
22 years later, normal relations are still not in the cards. In fact, with the passage of
the Cuban Democracy Act (the Torricelli Law) in 1992 and the Cuban Liberty and
Democracy Solidarity Act (the Helms-Burton Act) of 1996, relations have become
even more difficult. The result is a patchwork of policies that appear to contradict one another and do not
seem to be a sensible and rational policy for the United States to follow. On the one hand, more than 200,000
Americans are now visiting Cuba on American Treasury Department-approved licenses annually. The sight of
American Airlines planes dropping off and picking up American citizens at the Jos Mart International Airport in
Havana seems at best surprising. My trip, conducted by Insight Cuba, was one such officially approved trip. Further,
there are now more than $2 billion of remittances sent by Americans to their Cuban relatives annually. So there are
Cuban materials are used in the construction of cars (more than 4% nickel for example), these cars cannot be sold
in the United States, a policy which works against the rise of an automobile-based manufacturing segment of the
Cuban economy. The American embargo has had, therefore, very significant impact on different parts of the
economy in Cuba. In fact, such varied political leaders as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce; George P. Shultz, former
Republican secretary of state; and the late former Democratic presidential candidate, George McGovern, have
Even polls
of Americans show a majority in favor of an end to the embargo and re-establishing
of normal relations between the countries. My own trip to Cuba reinforced the call for such actions.
called for the embargo to be lifted and relations to be renewed between Cuba and the United States.
We spent four days visiting with many different kinds of groups in Havana, community projects, senior citizens, a
health clinic, youth programs, artist and recording facilities, musical ensembles, historic sites such as Revolution
Square and the Ernest Hemingway house and an environmental training facility, and not once did we hear anger
toward the United States or the American people. What we heard was puzzlement about the embargo and strong
feelings that it was hurting the people of Cuba. In fact, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the absolute poverty
rate has increased significantly in Cuba. It was also evident that there is visible decline in major infrastructure areas
Iran Impact
Iranian proliferation escalates to global nuclear conflict
Kroenig and McNally 13 Matthew, assistant professor and international
relations field chair in the department of government at Georgetown University,
Stanton Nuclear Security Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations; and Robert,
served as Senior Director for International Energy at the U.S. National Security
Council and Special Assistant to the President at the U.S. National Economic Council,
March 2013 (Matthew and Robert, Iranian Nukes and Global Oil, The American
Interest, Vol. 8, No. 4.)
But the impact of sanctions on future Iranian production pales in comparison to the other geo-economic
implications of nuclear weapons in Iran.
in the Persian Gulf and the broader Middle East. While policy
analysts continue to debate how to deal with Irans nuclear program, most agree a nuclear-armed Iran would have
grave repercussions for the region. In March 2012 President Obama stated that U.S. policy was to preventnot
containa nuclear-armed Iran, and he explained why: The risks of an Iranian nuclear weapon falling into the
world , one that is rife with unstable governments and sectarian tensions. And it would also provide Iran the
additional capability to sponsor and protect its proxies in carrying out terrorist attacks, because they are less fearful
power. Its master national-historical narrative holds that Iran is a glorious nation with a storied past, and that it has
treat it with deference if not kid gloves, even in the face of provocative acts. Iran would achieve a degree of
inverted deterrence against stronger states by inherently raising the stakes of any military conflict against it to
the nuclear level.11 As such, nuclear weapons would provide Iran with a cover under which to implement its
regional ambitions with diminished fear of a U.S. military reprisal. A nuclear-armed Iran would likely step up its
support for terrorist and proxy groups attacking Israeli, Saudi and U.S. interests in the greater Middle East and
around the world; increase the harassment of and attacks against naval and commercial vessels in and near the
brandishing nuclear
weapons in an attempt to intimidate adversaries and harmless, weaker neighbors alike.
In short, a nuclear-armed Iran would exacerbate current conflicts in the
Middle East, and this likely bears jarring consequences for global oil prices. Because of the heightened threat
Persian Gulf; and be more aggressive in its coercive diplomacy, possibly
to global oil supply that a nuclear-armed Iran would pose, market participants would certainly add a large risk
premium to oil prices. Oil prices reflect perceived risk in addition to information on actual events or conditions in
the market. Recent history shows that even without nuclear weapons, Iran-related events in the Middle East have
affected oil prices on fears they could spark a regional war. Traders bid up oil prices in January 2006 when the IAEA
referred Iran to the UN Security Council. In subsequent months, news reports about heated Iranian rhetoric and
military exercises helped to drive crude prices up further. The surprise outbreak of the Israel-Hizballah war in 2006,
not entirely unrelated to concerns about Iran, triggered a $4 per barrel spike on contagion fears. The Iran risk
premium subsided after 2007, but a roughly $10$15 per barrel (10 percent) risk premium returned in early 2012
after the United States and the European Union put in place unusually tough sanctions and hawkish rhetoric on both
sides heated up. A survey of nearly two dozen traders and analysts conducted by the Rapidan Group found that a
protracted conventional conflict between the United States and Iran that resulted in a three-week closure of
shipping through the Strait of Hormuz would lead to a $25 per barrel rise in oil prices, despite the use of strategic
petroleum reserves.12 Were Tehran to acquire nuclear weapons, the risk premium would greatly exceed the $4$15
per barrel (roughly 415 percent at current prices) already caused by a non-nuclear Iran.13 We expect a belligerent,
nuclear-armed Iran would likely embed a risk premium of at least $20$30 per barrel and spikes of $30$100 per
barrel in the event of actual conflict. Such price increases would be extremely harmful to economic growth and
employment. The challenges a nuclear-armed Iran would pose for the oil market are exacerbated by a prospective
diminished U.S. ability to act as guarantor of stability in the Gulf. U.S. military presence and intervention has been
critical to resolving past threats or geopolitical crises in the region. It has also calmed oil markets in the past.
Examples include escorting oil tankers during the Iran-Iraq War, the destruction of much of Irans surface fleet in
response to Irans mining the Gulf in 1988 and leading a coalition to repel Saddam Husseins short-lived invasion of
Kuwait in August 1990. Currently, the United States can use and threaten to use force against Iran without fear that
Iran will retaliate with nuclear weapons. When Iran has threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz in the past, for
example, the United States has announced that it would reopen the Strait if Iran went through with it, confident that
the U.S. military could quickly prevail in any conventional conflict with Iran while running very little risk of
If Iran had nuclear weapons, however, U.S. military options would be constrained by
Iranian threats
to use devastatingly deadly force against U.S. allies, bases or forces in the
region. Such threats might not be entirely credible since the U.S. military would control any imaginable
escalation ladder up to and including the nuclear threshold, but it wouldnt be entirely incredible,
either, given the risk of accident or inadvertent nuclear use in a high-stakes
crisis. If, further, Iran develops ballistic missiles capable of reaching the United Statesand the annual report of
the U.S. Department of Defense estimates this could happen as soon as 2015 Iran could also threaten
retaliation.
inverted deterrence. U.S. threats to use force to reopen the Strait could be countered by
nuclear strikes against the U.S. homeland in retaliation for the use of
conventional forces in the region. Any U.S. President would have to think long and hard about
using force against Iran if it entailed a risk of nuclear war, even a nuclear war that the United States would win.
Most worrisome, an unstable, poly-nuclear Middle East will mean that nuclear weapons will
be ever-present factors in most, if not all, future regional conflicts. As President Obama noted in the remarks
excerpted above, if Iran acquires nuclear weapons, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and other states might follow suit.
Nuclear weapons in these states would further complicate the nuclear balance in the region and potentially
extend the boundaries of any nuclear exchange . Even if Irans leaders are
less reckless and suicidal than their rhetoric would suggest, international
politics, crises and miscalculation do not end when countries acquire
nuclear weapons. Nuclear powers still challenge nuclear-armed adversaries. As the early decades of the
Cold War remind us, nuclear-armed states do sometimes resort to nuclear brinkmanship that can lead to high-
Cuban Missile Crisis alone was as high as 50 percent.14 The reference to the early days of the Cold War is not
Although the United States still leads in the economic arena, steep debt and
recession closes the economic gap between the rising economies on which we have become dependent. Increased energy
independence offers a perfect opportunity to step up our economic game and minimize our stakes in volatile areas. Private sector
By remaining
a global player, we protect our economic interests and alleviate the global
income disparity that often catalyzes paralyzing conflicts. Stabilization in
both regional conflicts and emerging markets works to increase our
economic strength and win the solidarity of domestic constituents and
international partners. Nonengagement risks the loss of crucial markets to
competitors who are willing to capitalize on new opportunities.
actors should primarily lead the way in less threatening situations to lessen the burden on the public sector.
Solely using the bully pulpit to denounce atrocious crimes underscores a lack of deliberate action in accordance with our rhetoric
and values. Especially in a post-9/11 world where internal conflicts impact the regional balance of power, the United States cannot
continue to walk away or ignore issues when diplomatic efforts fail. The Arab Spring exemplifies the domino nature of drastic regime
Our options are not limited to either speeches denouncing violence at one extreme or full-scale war at the other. Rather, we can
innovatively apply tools of last-resort, such as leading a coalition or providing crucial air cover while ensuring that the regional
if the administration
does not act, then the gap in global leadership combined with a loss of
regional trust allow rising US opponents to exploit such an opening to vie
for the role of international hegemon. In the wake of national security
threats that demonstrate the pushback from rising powers, including
cyber attacks and announcements of nuclear capabilities, the U nited States must
increase its leverage to demonstrate that it will not cede any territory. Failure to do so would allow the United
partners we have culled in our diplomatic efforts are the primary line of defense. However,
http://www.nbcnews.com/id/21980961/#.UdyE2vmTj0Y
Defeating terrorism will require the use of more soft power, with civilians
contributing more in communication, economic assistance, political development
and other non-military areas, Defense Secretary Robert Gates said Monday. Gates
called for the creation of new government organizations, including a permanent
group of civilian experts with a wide range of expertise who could be sent abroad on
short notice as a supplement to U.S. military efforts. And he urged more
involvement by university and other private experts. We must focus our
energies beyond the guns and steel of the military, beyond just our brave
soldiers, sailors, Marines and airmen, he said in a speech at Kansas State
University in Manhattan, Kan. We must also focus our energies on the other
elements of national power that will be so crucial in the coming years. He
said the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as U.S. military involvement in the
1990s in the Balkans and in Somalia, have shown that long-term success
requires more than U.S. military power.
technology lab called Cuba America gains a dedicated partner in the search for energy independence. Finally, a key component of
renewing relations is ending illicit emigration. At issue is the 1966 Cuban Adj ustment Act, amended in 1995. It encourages
disaffected Cubans to risk their lives for the reward of an expedited path to US citizenship upon reaching American soil. They also
receive immediate access to a work permit and the ability to acquire residency in one year. A 2002 article from The Miami Herald
reported that 1 in 20 Cubans being smuggled to the shores of the United States dies in the attempt. Meanwhile, smugglers collect
up to $10,000 a person.
Retiring the "wet-foot, dry -foot" policy and normalizing immigration laws could stop the Cuban brain drain, end charges of a US
immigration double standard, and save hundreds of millions of dollars for the US taxpayers who must fund four different agencies to
implement this policy. Supporters of the embargo say it serves as an important symbolic protest of Cuba's deplorable human rights
their punitive reach on potential business and investment with Cuba. After
a five-year freeze, and under the leadership of Spain's prime minister, Jos Luis
Zapatero, the European Union has recently lifted economic sanctions and
commenced a broad ranging dialogue on civil and political as well as social and
cultural rights. A fresh approach to Cuba will send a signal that the era of American
hubris in foreign affairs, at least in its own neck of the woods, may well be coming
to an end. A significant dimension of the collapse of America's standing globally
during the Bush years was that the United States was willing to use its power willynilly without a healthy degree of respect for the views of others, as the Constitution
commends. For more than 15 years, the U.N. General Assembly has voted nearly
unanimously in support of a Cuban resolution condemning the American embargo
against it. Owning up to the failures of this policy and sending a clear signal
of a new approach will gain ready plaudits from our allies, whose help we
will need in confronting real, rather than manufactured and domestically driven,
national security challenges.
political or economic instability on the island. While Cubas alliance with Venezuela
has intentions of influencing regional affairs, the GOC has not been positioned to
ably export its Revolution since the collapse of the Soviet Union forced an end to
Cubas financial support for Latin American guerrilla movements. The GOCs
program of medical diplomacy, which exports doctors to developing countries,
bolsters the islands soft power, but does not represent a significant threat to U.S.
national security. Given current economic challenges, any revenue gained from
economic engagement with the United States would likely be used for internal
economic priorities, not international activism. [] Reform of U.S.-Cuban relations
would also benefit our regional relations. Certain Latin American leaders, whose
political appeal depends on the propagation of an array of anti-Washington
grievances, would lose momentum as a centerpiece of these grievances is removed.
More significantly, Latin Americans would view U.S. engagement with Cuba as a
demonstration that the United States understands their perspectives on the history
of U.S. policy in the region and no longer insists that all of Latin America must share
U.S. hostility to a 50-year-old regime. The resulting improvement to the United
States image in the region would facilitate the advancement of U.S. interests.
Focused on military operations in the Middle East, nuclear threats in Iran and North Korea, and the global threat of
bankrolling an $83-million soccer stadium; backing infrastructure and telecommunications improvements; and pouring millions into a new police academy.
In Colombia, China is planning a massive dry canal to link the countrys Pacific and Atlantic coasts by rail. At either terminus, there will be Chinese ports;
in between, there will be Chinese assembly facilities, logistics operations and distribution plants; and on the Pacific side, there will be dedicated berths to
ship Colombian coal outbound to China. In mid-January, a Chinese-built oil rig arrived in Cuba to begin drilling in Cubas swath of the Gulf of Mexico.
Reuters reports that Spanish, Russian, Malaysian and Norwegian firms will use the rig to extract Cuban oil. For now, China is focusing on onshore oil
extraction in Cuba. New offshore discoveries will soon catapult Brazil into a top-five global oil producer. With some 38 billion barrels of recoverable oil off
its coast, Brazil expects to pump 4.9 million barrels per day by 2020, as the Washington Times reports, and China has used generous loans to position
itself as the prime beneficiary of Brazilian oil. Chinas state-run oil and banking giants have inked technology-transfer, chemical, energy and real-estate
deals with Brazil. Plus, as the Times details, China came to the rescue of Brazils main oil company when it sought financing for its massive drilling plans,
pouring $10 billion into the project. A study in Joint Force Quarterly (JFQ) adds that Beijing plunked down $3.1 billion for a slice of Brazils vast offshore oil
fields. The JFQ study reveals just how deep and wide Beijing is spreading its financial influence in Latin America: $28 billion in loans to Venezuela; a $16.3billion commitment to develop Venezuelan oil reserves; $1 billion for Ecuadoran oil; $4.4 billion to develop Peruvian mines; $10 billion to help Argentina
modernize its rail system; $3.1 billion to purchase Argentinas petroleum company outright. The New York Times adds that Beijing has lent Ecuador $1
billion to build a hydroelectric plant. There is good and bad to Beijings increased interest and investment in the Western Hemisphere. Investment fuels
development, and much of Latin America is happily accelerating development in the economic, trade, technology and infrastructure spheres. But Chinas
riches come with strings. For instance, in exchange for Chinese development funds and loans, Venezuela agreed to increase oil shipments to China from
380,000 barrels per day to one million barrels per day. Its worth noting that the Congressional Research Service has reported concerns in Washington that
Hugo Chavez might try to supplant his U.S. market with China. Given that Venezuela pumps an average of 1.5 million barrels of oil per day for the U.S.or
about 11 percent of net oil importsthe results would be devastating for the U.S. That brings us to the security dimension of Chinas checkbook diplomacy
in the Western Hemisphere. Officials with the U.S. Southern Command conceded as early as 2006 that Beijing had approached every country in our area
of responsibility and provided military exchanges, aid or training to Ecuador, Jamaica, Bolivia, Cuba, Chile and Venezuela. The JFQ study adds that China
has an important and growing presence in the regions military institutions. Most Latin American nations, including Mexico, send officers to professional
military education courses in the PRC. In Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia, Beijing has begun to sell sophisticated hardwaresuch as radars and K-8 and
MA-60 aircraft. The JFQ report concludes, ominously, that Chinese defense firms are likely to leverage their experience and a growing track record for
their goods to expand their market share in the region, with the secondary consequence being that those purchasers will become more reliant on the
the southern
flank of the United States is exposed to a range of new security
challenges. To be sure, much of this is a function of Chinas desire to secure oil markets. But theres more at
work here than Chinas thirst for oil. Like a global chess match, China is probing Latin
America and sending a message that just as Washington has trade and military ties in Chinas
neighborhood, China is developing trade and military ties in Americas neighborhood. This is a direct
challenge to U.S. primacy in the regiona challenge that must be answered. First, Washington needs to relearn
associated Chinese logistics, maintenance, and training infrastructures that support those products. Put it all together, and
an obvious truththat Chinas rulers do not share Americas valuesand needs to shape and conduct its China policy in that context. Beijing has no
respect for human rights. Recall that in China, an estimated 3-5 million people are rotting away in laogai slave-labor camps, many of them guilty of
political dissent or religious activity; democracy activists are rounded up and imprisoned; freedom of speech and religion and assembly do not exist; and
internal security forces are given shoot-to-kill orders in dealing with unarmed citizens. Indeed, Beijing viewed the Arab Spring uprisings not as an impetus
for political reform, but as reason to launch its harshest crackdown on dissent in at least a decade, according to Director of National Intelligence James
Clapper. In short, the ends always justify the means in Beijing. And that makes all the difference when it comes to foreign and defense policy. As Reagan
its own neighborhood economically, politically and militarily. That means no more allowing trade dealsand the
partners counting on themto languish. Plans for a hemispheric free trade zone have faltered and foundered. The trade-expansion agreements
with Panama and Colombia were left in limbo for years, before President Obama finally signed them into law in 2011. Reengagement means reviving U.S.
diplomacy. The Wall Street Journal reports that due to political wrangling in Washington, the State Department position focused on the Western
Hemisphere has been staffed by an interim for nearly a year, while six Western Hemisphere ambassadorial posts (Uruguay, Venezuela, Ecuador, El
Salvador, Nicaragua and Barbados) remain empty. Reengagement means reversing plans to slash defense spending. The Joint Forces Command noted in
2008 that China has a deep respect for U.S. military power. We cannot overstate how important this has been to keeping the peace. But with the United
States in the midst of massive military retrenchment, one wonders how long that reservoir of respect will last. Reengagement also means revitalizing
security ties. A good model to follow might be whats happening in Chinas backyard.
accidental war , the U.S. is reviving its security partnerships all across the
Asia-Pacific region. Perhaps its time to do the same in Latin America. We
should remember that many Latin American countriesfrom Mexico and Panama to
Colombia and Chileborder the Pacific. Given Beijings actions, it makes sense
to bring these Latin American partners on the Pacific Rim into the alliance of
alliances that is already stabilizing the Asia-Pacific region.
Close ties between China and Latin America risks conflict with
the US replicates Taiwan
Robbie Fergusson 12, Researcher at Royal Society for the Arts, Featured
Contributor at International Business Times, Former Conference & Research
Assistant at Security Watch, Former Researcher at University College London,
Master of Science, China in the International Arena, The University of Glasgow, The
Chinese Challenge to the Monroe Doctrine, http://www.e-ir.info/2012/07/23/doeschinese-growth-in-latin-america-threaten-american-interests/,
The United States has imposed a longstanding embargo against Cuba, so any
efforts to economically strangle the island are naturally offset by aid from
Beijing (and Caracas). There is a fear that a growing China might be more
and more willing to protect its Latin American and Caribbean interests by
force as its power projection grows. Erikson notes that as Chinas political
and economic clout continues to grow, Cuba is poised to become Beijings
most valued beachhead in the Caribbean. [114] While not a direct threat in its
own right, Cuba has existed as a troubling client state for America to deal with.
Hopes that following the end of Fidel Castros reign Cuba may be coaxed
or forced back into the global communiqu of nations (and therefore the
U.Ss sphere of influence) seem futile while China is in effect helping to
sustain the economic system of the island through aid, and generous
trade terms. Erikson laments that U.S. policymakers who dream of remaking Cuba should be aware that China and Venezuela are poised to
loom ever larger in Washingtons rear-view mirror. [115] This situation in
many ways could end up mirroring the Taiwan Strait, where one great power
postures in such a malignant way that the status quo is maintained as an
alternative to the prospect of outright conflict.
a new
policy paper on Sino-Latin American relations to coincide with President Hu's most recent
trip to the region. It charts China's growing relationship with Latin America and
promises increased cooperation in scientific and technological research,
cross-cultural educational exchanges, as well as political and economic
exchanges. n120 As China's role in Latin America increases, American clout
correspondingly decreases in terms of relative power. To be sure, the U.S. will remain
the major powerbroker in the Americas for decades to come, but will increasingly have to make room for a new
significant: after Venezuela, China is Cuba's second-largest trading partner with $ 2.3 billion worth of goods
exchanged. n121 In fact, China purchases over 400,000 tons of Cuban sugar, as well as half its annual output of
nickel, which is Cuba's top export. n122 In 2008, on a visit to Cuba, Chinese President Hu Jintao agreed to not only
defer for ten years some of Cuba's debt payments, but also to invest $ 80 million in the island's health industry.
n123 Moreover, as long as Taiwan is a [*225] thorny issue for U.S.-Sino relations, China will have a stake in Cuba.
China is neurotic about the functional American presence in Taiwan and has made its intentions for the island
An
increased Chinese presence in Cuba might be a strategic move by Beijing
to later leverage their presence on the island for a change in America's
Taiwan policy. In the unlikely event of hostile engagement with the United States, China has an
incentive to develop technological capabilities in Cuba , which can be used
in tandem with cyber and communications warfare against Washington.
Development of such capabilities may already be happening. China has a huge
known to everyone; the only thing standing between Beijing's re-appropriation of Taipei is Washington.
presence at Lourdes, a former Soviet espionage base just outside of Havana, where in 2004 Hu Jintao visited and
confirmed that most of the technology housed there, including almost all of the computers, came from China. n124
Another former Soviet base in Bejucal may now also house both Cuban and Chinese intelligence analysts. n125 But
China's leadership is pragmatic, not ideological, which begs the question: what is China getting in return for all this
assistance?
States, according to Manuel Cereijo, a Cuban-born expert in computer engineering, and head of a consulting group
Castro - ailing, bitter and unpredictable The very technology that
has insured U.S. world leadership in commercial and military endeavors
could also make American society vulnerable to a sophisticated cyber
attack, Cereijo stated. An initial bio-terror attack would be used to set the
stage for social chaos in the U.S., Cereijo warned. As deadly pathogens
begin to take their toll in human lives, a follow-up cyber attack could
paralyze America's capacity to respond. Phone and other forms of communications would
begin to break down. The effect of the biological attack would be multiplied many times by the fear imposed upon
the population by the inability to communicate with others. Police, emergency personnel, and hospitals would all be
Castro will be 80-years-old this August, and has been in power since 1959. He is rumored to have Parkinson's
disease, and may be suffering from the beginning effects of Alzheimer's. Castro's implacable hatred against the
U.S. political and economic system has not changed over his nearly 50year reign, and he has even advocated Nuremberg-type war crimes trials
for capitalists. During the 1962 missile crisis, Castro urged the Soviet
Union to launch an atomic strike against the U.S., despite the destruction
it would mean for Cuba. Today, Castro remains a potentially reckless figure capable of risking
catastrophic consequences for his island nation, Cereijo told International News Analysis. The Communist
Cuban regime is committed to terror. Havana has close ties with virtually every important terror
group and terror-supporting nation in the world, including the missile-ready regime of North Korea and the nuclear
developing cyber warfare techniques to facilitate an invasion of the island of Taiwan. Beijing claims sovereignty over
the democratically controlled island, and has stated that it has the right to take the island by force, if necessary.
Cyber warfare techniques would be used in the early hours of an invasion to paralyze Taiwan's computer and
telecommunications systems before the major attack from the mainland. China's "Integrated Network Electronic
Warfare" program is designed to disable enemy computers and communications equipment at the beginning of
offensive military operations. Information warfare units are already training with regular Peoples Liberation Army
forces, indicating a firm commitment to cyber warfare, and causing concern among some U.S. government
Cereijo does not believe that China would directly assist a Cuban-launched cyber attack on the U.S., but
Beijing's technical and material aid to Havana provides the Cuban regime
with the necessary know-how to carry out this kind of strike . Cuba's
carefully acquired skill in cyber warfare, its close ties with terrorist groups
and terror supporting nations, and first rate spy services which are
operating within the United States, all combine to make Cuba a serious candidate for coordinating a
cyber-terror attack. Cuba has already interfered with U.S. pro-democracy satellite transmissions to Iran. For six
weeks Cuba prevented U.S. broadcasts from reaching Iran, Cereijo said. Although Al Qaeda and other terror groups
have attempted to hack into U.S. computers, only the Cuban regime has the knowledge and resources to combine
with terror groups to initiate an effective cyber-terror campaign, Cereijo told International News Analysis.
Even
if a dying Castro does not attempt to attack the U.S. as a last strike,
Cuban skill in cyber warfare remains a threat to the U.S., especially when combined
with existing terror networks dedicated to the destruction of the United States. American vigilance and
countermeasures have thus far prevented any harmful attack, but the U.S. must remain alert and be prepared for a
possibly desperate assault from a dying dictator and his terrorist friends, Cereijo urged.
PhD, Professor of Political Science at University of Nebraska at Omaha, Director of the Intelligence Community Centers of Academic
Excellence Program at UNO, Treasurer of the American Political Science Association, The Current Status and Future Prospects for Oil
Exploration in Cuba: A Special, http://cri.fiu.edu/research/commissioned-reports/oil-cuba-alvarado.pdf, Given that there are no
formal diplomatic of economic relations between the governments of the United States and Cuba, the level of interest has grown
significantly in the 3 years due primarily to three reasons in the following interest areas: energy security interests; broader regional
strategic; and purely economic interests. First, the energy security interests in the potential of Cuban oil although it really would
not minimize the immediacy of an American energy crisis is seen as possible if only partial remedy to energy supply concerns.
Second, as Cuba, in part because of the increasing number of oil partnerships furthers its diplomatic and economic ties to with
countries like Venezuela, China, Brazil and members of the European Union it may prove to provide Cuba for a sufficient buffer
there is a
de facto trend in the Americas that clearly disavows and attempts to minimize the
influence of the United States in the region , and with the growing demands on the world economy
against U.S. opposition as it solidifies it economic and diplomatic role in the region. This is important inasmuch as
by China, it stands to reason that Cuba may assume an increasing stature that almost potentially lessens the presence of American
influence in Cuban and hence regional affairs. Finally, and as demonstrated by the presence of American oil interests in the February
2006 U.S.- Cuban Energy Summit in Mexico City, there may be interest in cooperating in joint venture projects, and by extension
assisting in the long-term development in Cubas oil industry. To accomplish this task the report seeks to lay out some national
security policy considerations applying strategic thought to what I will term Post-Oil Cuba a Cuba that has a small but vibrant
and growing oil and gas production capacity with extensive relations with a number of partners, and an increasingly positive outlook
toward addressing energy and economic development questions that have plagued the Castro regime since the Cuban Revolution.3
The primary consideration is to determine the present state of Cuban energy and what possibilities exist that would be available to
American foreign policy decision makers and business interests as the relations with Cuba evolve over the coming years.4 This is
important because any realistic appraisal of how Cuba is to take advantage of its oil bonanza involves the United States. Previous
research in this area has clearly laid out the scope and objectives of Cuban energy development schemes in the period since the
demise of Cubas favorable trade arrangements with the former Soviet Union. Recently, and as a result of the oil discovery and
Cubas energy arrangement with the government of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela there is renewed interest in Havanas energy
policies. Most of that analysis has been focused on concrete possibilities where there can be cooperation in the energy field between
these two neighbors. Specifically, the work has looked at areas for the convergence of energy interests as they apply to the nearand long-term energy development scenarios facing both countries. Myers Jaffe and Soligo have addressed this possibility by looking
at the potential to increase diversification and dispersion of energy resources. This is an important consideration when one takes
into consideration that well over one-third of all oil refining capacity resides on or near the Houston shipping channel. The potential
negative impact on Americas refining capacity following Hurricane Rita5 made a significant impression on oil industry analysts for
the necessity of diversifying the location of these vital national resources. The potential of viewing Cuba as a staging area for
American oil storage and refining is plausible because of the proximity of the island. The also becomes more attractive because of
the growing climatic concerns over the uncertain security of oil resources in the Gulf region as clearly demonstrated by Hurricanes
Katrina and Rita in 2005. While it is true that Venezuela has initiated an investment of $1 billion dollars to bring the Cienfuegos
refinery online, there are still many other possibilities open and available to American companies, as well as a growing number of
foreign firms.6 Additionally, Venezuela remains the fourth largest importer of oil to the United States and one can surmise that the
existing trade arrangements between the U.S. and Venezuela will remain intact, the evolution of the Bolivarian revolution under
Chavez and a growing Chinese presence in the region notwithstanding. Additionally, pursuing such a path would allow United States
policymakers to take advantage of what Cuba has to offer in the following areas: domestic technical capabilities; continuing human
capital development; strategic positioning in the Caribbean, and an improved diplomatic stature. Cuba, by any measure, possesses
a largely untapped technical capacity owing to advanced training and education in the core mathematic and scientific areas. This
was clearly demonstrated by its attempt to develop a nuclear energy capability in the 1980s and 1990s whereby thousands of
Cubans pursued highly technical career paths leaving Cuba with among the highest ratios of scientists and engineers to the general
population in all of the Americas. Moreover, the foundation of Cubas vaunted public education system remains intact and increased
investment under various scenarios suggests that Cuba will continue to produce a welleducated workforce that will be critical to its
future economic vitality. This raises an important consideration that being the role that Cuba will play in the region in the 21st
stable Cuban government has cooperated with the U.S. in drug interdiction efforts in the past suggests that the results from
improved diplomatic relations between neighbors would have the effect of improving national security concerns related to terrorist
present structure of joint-venture projects in the energy sector in Cuba to ascertain the feasibility and possible success of such an
undertaking become available to American firms. Moreover, it is interesting to note that U.S. firms in the agriculture sector have
successfully negotiated and consummated sales to Cuba totaling more than $1 billion dollars over the past four years under
conditions that are less than optimal circumstances but have well-served the commercial interests of all parties involved.
LA Key to Taiwan
Chinese-Latin American economic engagement causes Taiwan
to lose sovereign status
Forman et al 9 Johanna, senior associate with the Center for Strategic International Studies,
and Susana Moreira STC at World Bank, March Taiwan-China Balancing Act in Latin America, March
10 2009, http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090310_chinesesoftpower__chap8.pdf
most visible instruments utilized by Taipei are frequent and highly publicized exchanges of high-level official visits:
the first overseas trip of President Ma Ying-jeou of Taiwan after his inauguration was to Latin America. The main
purpose of Mas eight-day trip was to attend the inaugurations of Paraguays president, Fernando Lugo, on August
15, 2008, and the Dominican Republics president, Leonel Fernandez, on August 16, 2008. Ma also held talks with
the president of Panama, Martin Torrijos; the president of El Salvador, Antonio Saca; the president of Honduras,
Manuel Zelaya; and the president of Haiti, Rene Prval.
Taiwan Impact
Multiple factors converge to make Taiwan the most likely
flashpoint for nuclear war. Even a conventional war would
escalate from misclac
Colby & Denmark et al., March 13, Nuclear Weapons and U.S.-China
Relations: A way forward, A report of the Poni Working Group on U.S.-China Nuclear
Dynamics, Center for Strategic and International Studies; Elbridge Colby- consultant
to the Global Security Directorate and the U.S. Strategic Command and the National
Intelligence Council, principal analyst for Global Strategic Affairs in Center for Naval
Analyses, J.D. from Yale Law School; Abraham M. Denmark- fellow with the Center
for a New American Security and directed the Asia-Pacific Security Program, former
Country Director for China Affairs in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, History
and Political Science at the University of Northern Colorado,
http://csis.org/files/publication/130307_Colby_USChinaNuclear_Web.pdf,
Considerations of U.S.-China nuclear relations would be a largely academic exercise without the serious risk of conflict and tension
these disputes appear likely to be resolved definitively in the near term. Beyond disputes, there is also the simple geopolitical reality
of the rise of a new great power in the arena of a well-established status quo power. From time immemorial, this reality has proved
to be a source of tension and competition among nationsand has often led to war.
A large-scale conventional war between the United States and China would be
incredibly dangerous and destructive, and nuclear war between the two countries would
be devastating for all involved. Even though the likelihood of conventional war between the two nations is
currently lowand the probability of nuclear war is even lowerthe appallingly high costs, dangers,
and risks of a war demand that this risk be taken seriously and that steps
be taken to render armed conflict more unlikely and less dangerous. The fact
that China and the United States could come to blows does not mean that any conflict would result in the use of nuclear weapons,
but it also does not mean that the use of nuclear weapons can be confidently ruled out, especially because even conflicts over
apparently marginal issues canin ways that are not entirely predictable in advanceescalate into conflicts over core interests. For
these reasons, perhaps the single most important task of American statecraft in the coming century will be managing Chinas rise in
a way that preserves peace while also defending important U.S. interests.11
Kulacki 12
[Gregory, Senior Analyst & China Project Manager for the Global Security Program at
the Union of Concerned Scientists, The Risk of Nuclear War with China, 9/21/12,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/gregory-kulacki/the-risk-of-nuclear-warw_b_1903336.html]
The risk of a nuclear war with China lies in the potential for
misunderstanding or miscommunication during a conventional conflict .
China's current strategy for employing its conventional and nuclear
missile forces during a future conflict with the United States is self-consciously designed to create
uncertainty, with the expectation that uncertainty will restrain U.S. military action. Unfortunately, China's
strategy could also precipitate a large-scale U.S. attack on China's missile forces.
There are several Chinese military policies that might confuse U.S. decision-makers in a time of war. Some Chinese
conventional missiles are located on the same missile bases as Chinese nuclear missiles. Some Chinese missiles,
particularly the DF-21, can be armed with either a conventional or a nuclear warhead. Chinese conventional war
plans call for long-range "strategic" conventional missile strikes at key enemy targets, including U.S. military bases
on allied soil and the continental United States. If this were not confusing enough already, The Science of Second
Artillery Operations contains a section on "lowering the nuclear threshold" that details procedures for alerting
China's nuclear forces in a crisis for the express purpose of forcing a halt to an enemy's conventional attacks on a
select group of targets, such as Chinese nuclear power plants, large dams and civilian population centers. Although
the Science of Second Artillery Operations unambiguously states that if alerting China's nuclear missile forces fails
to halt conventional enemy attacks China will hold firm to its "no first use" commitment, U.S. decision-makers might
not believe it. Indeed,
explain, "If, in a time of high tension, the Chinese command authorized a conventional missile attack as an act of
preemptive self-defense, the enemy and its allies could not know if the incoming missiles were conventional or
to perceived relative increases in Chinese military capabilities. China sees this so-called "pivot" to Asia, especially
when pared with new U.S. military strategies such as "Air-Sea Battle," as a policy of containment. Both sides
downplay the risks of conflict, but they also see each other as potential adversaries, and are hedging their
diplomatic bets with expensive investments in new military hardware, including new technologies that will expand
in a psychology of political and military insecurity that fosters a strategic dependency on secrecy and deception as
2AC
AT: Disads
made up of business and professional individuals seeking to help facilitate a peaceful transition in
Cuba leading to a free and open society, respect for human rights and the rule of law, Restoring
Executive Authority Over U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, February,
http://www.cubastudygroup.org/index.cfm/files/serve?File_id=45d8f827-174c-4d43-aa2fef7794831032)
all
the
reasons
stated
above,
we
believe
that
However, shock therapy might also refer to Policies to reduce inflation quickly. Policies to reduce budget deficit.
Policies to restore competitiveness and reduce current account deficits. Shock Therapy policies involves Price
liberalisation ending price controls Ending government subsidies Privatisation. Selling state owned industries to
and make efforts to deal with the new situation. For example, if you want to control inflation, it is
important to change expectations. Sticking to strict anti-inflationary policies, will help bring down
inflation expectations and make it easier to achieve.
successful in bringing a period of hyperinflation under control. Germany in 1948, when price
controls were eliminated; this helped to end hyperinflation and improved confidence in the currency.
Poland
in 1990s. Polands free market reforms enabled inflation to be brought under control. After
initial difficulties, economic growth was impressive during the 1990s, but unemployment rose sharply as state
owned industries closed.
(Onzalo Sanchez, the freaking President of Bolivia, in an interview with PBS, Commanding
Heights, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitextlo/ufd_shocktherapy_full.html)
At that time, there were two big arguments. First of all, people felt you
couldn't stop hyperinflation in a democracy ; that you had to have a
military government, an authoritarian government to take all these tough
steps that had to be taken. Bolivia was the first country to stop
hyperinflation in a democracy without depriving people of their civil rights
and without violating human rights. And two, there was a big discussion
whether you could stop hyperinflation or inflation, period, by taking
gradual steps. Many people said you had to take it slowly. You have to
cure the patient. Shock treatment means you have a very sick patient
[and] you have to operate before the patient dies. You have to get the
cancer out, or you have to stop the infection. That's why we coined the
phrase that inflation is like a tiger and you have only one shot; if you don't
get it with that one shot, it'll get you. You have a credibility that you have
to achieve. If you keep to gradualism, people don't believe you, and the
hyperinflation just keeps roaring stronger . So shock therapy is get it over,
get it done, stop hyperinflation, and then start rebuilding your economy so
you achieve growth. INTERVIEWER: Whose idea was shock therapy? GONZALO SANCHEZ DE LOZADA: I
would say it was very much a discussed idea. This famous decree, 21060, that stopped hyperinflation in Bolivia took
three weeks [to formulate]. Victor Paz was sworn as president on the sixth of August; on the 29th of August we
came out with the decree. We spent one week saying, "Do we really need to do something? Do we really need
radical change?" and then another week debating shock treatment versus gradualism. Finally, we took one week to
write it all up. And it was a very big decree-220 articles. It covered all aspects of the Bolivian economy. [The]
argument about shock therapy was taking place inside our party, inside of our society, inside of the community of
economists. There were people who said, "You can do it; you can bring up interest rates, and you can tighten it."
Well, when it gets to the point of hyperinflation, when you study what had happened in history, and we studied the
German inflation, you find that they're only stopped when you have political credibility-in other words, when a new
And if the new government acts very rapidly in the first 100
days and takes steps, initiates a shock treatment that stops it once and
for all, then you start working on getting the patient to recover and
achieve economic growth. GONZALO SANCHEZ DE LOZADA: The president, Victor Paz, would direct us
government comes in.
with a great deal of wisdom, saying, "Look, boys, you've got one chance, and remember, as Machiavelli said, 'It's all
the bad news at once, and the good news little by little.'" So he said get it all done, and we did it. In this Jeff Sachs
Cubans now working as licensed private entrepreneurs, because it places the burden of sanctions
squarely on their shoulders to bear. At a time when Cuba seems headed toward a path of change and
reforms, albeit slower than desired, and a real debate seems to be emerging
within Cubas elite regarding its future, the inflexibility of U.S. policy has
the ironic effect of hurting and delaying the very changes it seeks to
produce by severely limiting Cubas ability to implement major economic
reforms and strengthening the hand of the reactionaries, rather than the
reformers, within the Cuban government. Moreover, Helms-Burton and related
statutory provisions in Torricelli and TSRA deny the United States the
flexibility to address dynamic conditions in Cuba in a strategic and
proactive way. They effectively tie the Presidents hands in responding to
developments on the Island, placing the impetus for taking advantage of
the processes of change in Cuba in hands of hard-liners among Cubas
ruling elites, whose interests are best served by the perpetuation of the
embargo.
affairs . But the question is whether Cuba will be left to its own devices .
Every US president since Eisenhower has sought to "win back" Cuba. George
Bush is no exception. In his first comprehensive policy statement on Cuba, in May 2001, Bush set down
(Mirta, writer for the New York Times, Doctors in Cuba Start Over in the U.S., 8/4,
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/04/health/04cuba.html)
(Rory, writer for the Guardian, Cuba suffers exodus of the best and the brightest as economy
remains in the doldrums, 5/8, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/may/09/cuba-raul-castro-emigration)
professor who has seen many of his students and his only child, a 23-year-old technician, emigrate in recent
more and more is the disaffection of youth: more people not seeing a future," said one European diplomat. A
government-organised free concert on the Malecn seafront attracted a small fraction of the expected audience.
When performers attempted rabble-rousing speeches, the crowd drifted away. Unlike the mass exodus of the Mariel
boatlift in 1980, when a chaotic scramble across the Florida straits seized world attention, this new wave of
emigration has involved an orderly and discreet transit through Havana's Jos Mart airport. "At least 80% of my
peers have left," said Jos-Miguel Marn, a 38-year-old scientist. "I keep track through Facebook. They are all over:
Cuba has
loosened restrictions on leaving, opening the door to those who have the
will and means to wrangle a visa for another country. Often that means
the best and brightest. "I saw people weeping when they were turned down for a US visa," said Carmen
Ecuador, Mexico, the United States, Spain." Bureaucratic and financial hurdles remain, but
Gonce, 65, after visiting the office that represents US interests in Havana. Ecuador has become a magnet, because
it requires only a letter of invitation rather than a visa.
147%
to 27,114, according to the national immigration agency. The number of Cubans marrying Ecuadoreans
jumped from 88 in 2007 to 1,542 in the first nine months of 2009. Not all stay: some buy clothes and other goods
and return home to resell at a hefty mark-up. Others swiftly hopscotch on to other countries, especially the US. All
Cuba's
population stopped growing in 2006 and is now shrinking at a rate unseen
since the cholera epidemic and wars of the 19th century. A population of 11,237,154 in 2007 is
the same, Quito's La Florida district has become a "little Miami", with Cuban bars and restaurants.
expected to dwindle by 77,000 in the next two decades. Partly that represents a success for 51 years of communist
rule: good education and healthcare help the Cubans to live as long as Americans, and lower fertility rates resemble
the demographic curve of many western countries. Emigration is the other major factor, but in this Cuba is hardly
unique. Poland and Ireland, for instance, haemorrhage young professionals during times of economic distress. The
difference is that Cuba was supposed to be enjoying a new dawn.
The result is
continued iron political control amid a rusting, ruined economy. Parque Trillo
about the fall of the Russians. He fears that if we open this, we lose everything."
betrayed some of the symptoms: crumbling apartments, withered vegetables in a food market, staff in a nearby
state utility mope at their desks, indifferent to waiting customers. A group of boys in their late teens playing
baseball with a ball made of twine laughed when asked why they weren't studying or working. "To earn $20 a
month? Would you?", said one. The only motivated workers seemed to be the jineteros and jineteras (prostitutes)
Medical
professionals must wait five years and forfeit benefits before being
allowed to leave. That did not deter David Aguirre, a 32-year-old doctor,
from leaving for Europe. His final email to friends in Havana was euphoric:
"Big hugs, one more passenger, one more Cuban for the diaspora!!!"
trying to pick up foreigners at the Palacio de la Rumba. A successful night can net more than $50.
http://www.psmag.com/business-economics/burgh-disapora/cubas-talent-export-strategy-57472/)
(Clay, writer for the Washington Office on Latin America, Cubans Allowed to Travel Abroad Without
Exit Visas, 10/16, http://www.wola.org/commentary/cubans_allowed_to_travel_abroad_without_exit_visas)
need some kind of official permission to leave Cuba . (The Cuban Medical
Professional Parole Program in the United States , initiated in 2006 by the George W.
Bush administration, encourages Cuban doctors working abroad to leave Cuban
government service by offering them favorable immigration treatment ).
With the end of the Fidel Castro regime, negligible changes in the politics within Cuba and in foreign relations and
trade between Cuba and the United States are indeed a possibility. Recent moves to strengthen the military
infrastructure within the country seem to indicate this. If little political change occurs after a regime change, U.S.
frustration will cause, if anything, increased U.S. restraints on trade with Cuba. If this scenario occurs, then it is
would also continue to decline with resultant increases in murder and suicide rates. The government of Cuba would
attempt to counter this situation by generating revenues with increased tourism, a factor already discussed as one
of the major causes of an increased incidence of STDs and AIDS and a variable affecting the high rate of abortion in
More efforts to trade doctors and medications for oil will result
from continued political processes, as Cuba will seek markets that are not foreclosed to
trade. With this situation, however, will come continued frustration on the
part of medical professionals. A combination of an oversupply of medical
personnel, poor working conditions, and very poor remuneration will only
reduce the morale of the medical care workforce even further . Ultimately, all
the country.
these stresses will have consequences in terms of stress on the political system. The period of transition post-Castro
will be an extremely critical period in the lives of Cubans.
To overcome the crisis, Cuba and its leaders must step up to the plate to implement actions that incentivize its
youth and other idle workers who must be made to realize they can benefit from the fruits of their labor through
rewards from their productivity. In the men tioned four-hour speech delivered on November 17, 2005 Fidel Castro
If Cuba fails to adapt by adopting some marketbased schemes, its vaunted healthcare system will be most unlikely to be
sustained over the long-term either through neither medical diplomacy nor medical tourism. Cuba
expressed his concern about the future.
will need to implement more market-based reforms than Ral Castro appears to be attempting. The next challenge
is how to motivate its citizens to become productive. But wages will have to become livable and allow for
discretionary income as well. This will occur with the next generation of workers most likely and amongst those
presently entering the work force for the first time. Productivity and reward for ones work may also necessitate
structural and political change in Cuba if it is to become less vulnerable economically. Even if the embargo, long
blamed by the leadership of Cuba for its economic ills were to be lifted totally or even partially, a stable and viable
economy will not happen over night.
(Clay, writer for the Washington Office on Latin America, Three Harbingers of Change in U.S. Cuba
Policy, 3/28, http://www.wola.org/commentary/three_harbingers_of_change_in_us_cuba_policy)
The U.S. embargo has been in place for more than 50 years , so sometimes it is
difficult to believe that it will ever end. But there are signs that change is coming. Here
are three recent developments that are indicative of where U.S. Cuba
policy is headed: Rep. Kathy Castor announced on March 27 that she is opposed
to the embargo, saying to the Tampa Bay Business Journal that It is time for the U.S. to
modernize its relationship with Cuba, lift the embargo and end restrictions
on Americans' rights to travel to Cuba. Rep. Cas tor is not the first member of Congress to
oppose the embargo, but she is the first member of Congress from Florida
to do so. Together with the election of Rep. Joe Garca (the first proengagement Cuban-American member of Congress) and President
Obamas stellar performance among Cuban Americans in November 2012,
Rep. Castors announcement is an indication of where Florida politics are
going.
This oil wont be easy to extract, since it sits under the seabed, not too far from where the
disastrous BP Deepwater Horizon catastrophe blew out in April last year. The
memory of that spill still hasnt faded, and indeed it could be that memory
that gives the most realistic chance of ending the abhorrent economic
blockade that has been imposed on Cuba.
has enacted a near-total blockade on all trade with Cuba, as well as banning US citizens from
travelling to Cuba. This was further reinforced by the 1992 Cuban Democracy Act, which penalizes
foreign companies that do business in Cuba by preventing them from operating in the US. Every year
since 1992 the United Nations General Assembly has condemned the embargo as a violation of
international law (notably the Geneva Convention requirement that medical supplies intended for
civilians receive free passage), most recently on 25 October 2011, with only the United States and
Israel voting against the resolution. Despite the liberal face of the Obama administration and a
softening of travel restrictions (students and religious groups can now visit), the blockade remains a
testament to vehement US repudiation of the right to self-determination of its former colonies.
Empire relies on a cheap flow of oil to maintain its economic supremacy, especially in the face of
increased competition from developing economies. One might expect a policy similar to that exercised
towards the Chavez administration, balancing revulsion towards their politics with relish towards their
oil. Whether the Cuban government would allow such a farcical double standard remains to be seen,
and it could be equally likely that the headstrong Castros would rather sell their oil directly to other
there is
another factor which, if it registers on the American political landscape,
could undermine the embargo the possibility of an oil spill and the
potential impact to the US coastline. Unlike most environmental issues, the
Deepwater Horizon blowout is a rare event in that it captured peoples attention for
a sustained period of time. Despite BPs culture of denial, it has become clear that the spill
stemmed from corporate malfeasance, and could have been prevented. Were another event of
a similar magnitude to occur due to the US ideological refusal to engage
developing countries in an attempt to countervail existing impoverishment. However
with Cuba due to an antiquated Cold War policy, the political fallout could
be even more disastrous . Drilling is currently banned off the Florida
coast, and Chairman of the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural
Resources Jeff Bingaman has expressed concern that the continuing USCuba imbroglio might prevent the countries from responding properly in
the event of a spill. It would take only a few days for an oil slick to reach
the Florida Keys, an area characterized by coral reef (almost half of which
has already died) and mangroves these shallow areas are particularly vulnerable to oil spills.
The embargo currently prevents the two containment services companies operating in the Gulf from
held legally responsible for a spill, and Repsol have agreed to letting US inspectors examine Scarabeo
9 once it arrives in December. The US and Mexican governments have a written contingency plan
outlining procedures to deal with such an event, and many experts, including marine biologist David
Guggenheim, are pushing for a government to government meeting to put together a similar plan for
(Geoff, Director of the Washington Office on Latin America, The Writing is on the Wall: The CubanAmerican Vote and the Future of U.S. Policy toward Cuba, 11/8,
http://www.wola.org/commentary/the_writing_is_on_the_wall)
President
bashing is not high on their agenda and does not win their vote. The
decline in Cubas salience as a domestic political issue is an encouraging
sign. It suggests that, over time, we might be able to have a more rational discussion about U.S. interests, the
changes that are occurring in Cuba itself, and how the United States might play a constructive role in improving the
climate for human rights and democracy in Cuba.
second half each provoked strong nationalistic responses. Cuba learned from the Cold War that it
was poorly served by Soviet-style centralised bureaucratic structures, an admission made by Fidel Castro himself
(1988). In the wake of the Soviet collapse, the Cuban government began to experiment with decentralisation,
manifested in the constitutional reforms of 1992, which facilitated the division of Havana into 93 (subsequently 105)
Popular Councils, and the passage of Decree Law 143, which allowed local management of Havanas historic centre,
the countrys most dynamic economic zone. While the revitalisation of Old Havana under the Office of the
Historian of the City was a considerable success, the broader push for decentralisation exhibited more ambivalent
results. The liberalisation of resources and the devolution of executive capacities did not keep pace with local plans,
and overly China, Global Governance and the Future of Cuba 169 rigid structures of monitoring and compliance
diminished local creativity (Fernndez Soriano 1999).
that those measures had had only limited effect and that the embargo was still in place. Largely unchanged, it
continued to impose severe economic and financial restrictions on Cuba that negatively impacted the well-being of
its people. Further, it frustrated efforts towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals. The embargo against
Cuba contravened the fundamental norms of international law, international humanitarian law, the United Nations
Charter and the norms and principles governing peaceful relations among States, violating the principles of the
sovereign equality of States and of non-intervention and non-interference in each others domestic affairs, as the
Group of 77 and China had pointed out many times before. At the second South-South Summit in Doha in 2005, the
Group had rejected the imposition of laws and regulations with extraterritorial impact and all other forms of
Recalling that
last year a large majority - 187 Member States - had voted in favour of the draft
resolution presented by Cuba, he said that the Group of 77 and China fully
coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries.
supported the current text calling for an end to the embargo and urged
all Member States to do so.
AT: Counterplan
A2: Phase-in CP
Perm do the counterplan plan doesnt commit to a timeframe
for removing sanctions on Cuba puts them in a double bind
unless they lift the whole embargo the counterplan will never
lead to the aff their politics links prove
Links to politics Zimmerman says that the aff would be
unpopular, not that the counterplans popular ANY change in
Cuban policy causes fierce political fights
Cave 12 (Damien, reporter for the New York Times, Easing of Restraints in Cuba Renews Debate on U.S.
Embargo,11/19, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/20/world/americas/changes-in-cuba-create-support-for-easingembargo.html)
Cuba has a long history of tossing ice on warming relations. The latest
the jailing of Alan Gross, a State Department contractor who has spent
nearly three years behind bars for distributing satellite telephone equipment to Jewish groups in Havana. In
Washington, Mr. Gross is seen as the main impediment to an easing of the
embargo, but there are also limits to what the president could do without
Congressional action. The 1992 Cuban Democracy Act conditioned the
waiving of sanctions on the introduction of democratic changes inside
Cuba. The 1996 Helms-Burton Act also requires that the embargo remain until Cuba has a transitional or
democratically elected government. Obama administration officials say they have not given
up, and could move if the president decides to act on his own . Officials say that
under the Treasury Departments licensing and regulation-writing
authority, there is room for significant modification. Following the legal logic of Mr. Obamas changes in 2009,
further expansions in travel are possible along with new allowances for
investment or imports and exports, especially if narrowly applied to Cuban businesses. Even
these adjustments which could also include travel for all Americans and
looser rules for ships engaged in trade with Cuba, according to a legal analysis
commissioned by the Cuba Study Group would probably mean a fierce political fight.
The handful of Cuban-Americans in Congress for whom the embargo is
sacred oppose looser rules. When asked about Cuban entrepreneurs who are seeking more American
support, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the Florida Republican who is chairwoman of
the House Foreign Relations Committee, proposed an even tighter
embargo. The sanctions on the regime must remain in place and, in fact,
should be strengthened, and not be altered , she wrote in an e-mail. Responsible
nations must not buy into the facade the dictatorship is trying to create by
announcing reforms while, in reality, its tightening its grip on its
people.
And
example is
(John, Founder and Executive Director, Fund for Reconciliation and Development, Are We
Verging on a Big Change with Cuba? Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/john-mcauliff/are-we-vergingon-a-big-c_b_3606105.html)
U.S.-Cuba talks about establishing normal postal links were held last
month and migration talks are to resume this week. Behind the scenes,
are larger topics under discussion? Paul Haven of the Associated Press raised the possibility:
Cuba and the U.S.. have taken some baby steps toward rapprochement in
recent weeks that have people on this island and in Washington
wondering if a breakthrough in relations could be just over the horizon.
Long-time reporter Tim Padgett echoed it on WLRN in Miami: could this finally be the summer of
love on the Florida Straits?... Diplomats on both sides report a more
cooperative groove. There will never be a good moment to cut the
Gordian knot that obstructs a rational relationship with Cuba, but the
next couple of months look about the best we can get.
Perm do both
Any change to the embargo triggers the link even if it doesnt
go through Congress
Cave 12 (Damien, reporter for the New York Times, Easing of Restraints in Cuba Renews Debate on U.S.
Embargo,11/19, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/20/world/americas/changes-in-cuba-create-support-for-easingembargo.html)
Cuba has a long history of tossing ice on warming relations. The latest
the jailing of Alan Gross, a State Department contractor who has spent
nearly three years behind bars for distributing satellite telephone equipment to Jewish groups in Havana. In
Washington, Mr. Gross is seen as the main impediment to an easing of the
embargo, but there are also limits to what the president could do without
Congressional action. The 1992 Cuban Democracy Act conditioned the
waiving of sanctions on the introduction of democratic changes inside
Cuba. The 1996 Helms-Burton Act also requires that the embargo remain until Cuba has a transitional or
democratically elected government. Obama administration officials say they have not given
up, and could move if the president decides to act on his own . Officials say that
under the Treasury Departments licensing and regulation-writing
authority, there is room for significant modification. Following the legal logic of Mr. Obamas changes in 2009,
And
example is
further expansions in travel are possible along with new allowances for investment or imports and exports,
began a second round of economic reforms,14 bringing many experts to claim that a new phase in Cuban history is
unfolding.15 In September 2010, Ral announced that the state was cutting a half-million jobs, simultaneously
giving incentives to citizens to open new private businesses and instituting a new payroll tax on a sliding scale to
increase the hiring of labor.16 It is telling that Rals reforms alter the founding principles of the post-1959 Cuban
society. Ral himself implied an internal shift when he noted, Socialism means equality of rights, not of income...
equality is not egalitarianism.17 At the most fundamental level, these economic reforms indicate a transformation
in the relationship between Cuban society and its government. In addition, Ral has indicated an increased
willingness to make political reforms, releasing nearly all of the islands political prisoners, including 52 in July
2010.18 though they leave much to be desired in the realm of human rights, the scope of Rals newest era of
relations
Given the continued failure of past Cuba policies to achieve the stated goals, American
leaders should understand that there is much to gain from ending the
embargo and opening diplomatic relations with Cubaand surprisingly little to
lose.
policy.
There is a sound reason for unilaterally lifting the trade and travel embargoes
without first seeing positive actions from the Cuban government. From Cuba
expert Carlos A. Saladrigas, Co-Chairman, Cuba Study Group, We can go back in the history
-- in the 50-year history of United States-Cuba relations and clearly see that any time we begin
to see a little bit of relaxation of tensions in the relationship, whenever we begin to see a
little bit of openness on the part of the United States or Cuba, historically the Cuban government
has done something to counteract that trend and significantly revert back to
their playbook. 40 The United States needs to take the initiative away from
the Castro regime, and have them react to actions they have publicly called
for (removal of the embargo), but in reality are unsure of the second and third order effects and
their ability to control the outcome. One of the first problems for the Cuban
government after the removal of the embargo will be the excuse for the
poor performing economy. the embargo and the United States policy of
confrontation and isolation have been incredibly useful to the Cuban
regime as an alibi for the failures of the regime to meet the fundamental needs of the people on
the island, but also is a significant source of legitimacy, both internal and external.41 This situation may
present the United States with the opportunity to step in to assist with
market reforms if the Cuban economy sputters and the government realizes they
dont have a scapegoat. Conclusion The efforts expended by the United States to
keep the embargo effective, the loss of trade, and the loss of soft power in
most of the world are clearly not worth it in comparison to the threat that Cuba
poses today. The gains to be achieved by following any path other than the
unilateral removal of the economic and travel embargoes are small in comparison
to the overall costs of continuing the current failed policy. The United States is losing far
too much soft power in its efforts to punish and isolate the government of Cuba. American firms
could be left out of any economic gains as Cuba continues to grow its economy. As Cuba
emerges from the economic difficulties of the last two decades, the United States has an opportunity to influence
the future direction of our southern neighbor. The current United States policy has many passionate defenders, and
their criticism of the Castro regime is justified. Nevertheless, we must recognize the ineffectiveness of our current
policy and deal with the Cuban regime in a way that enhances United States interests.42 The United States cannot
afford to miss out on the window of opportunity to affect a positive change in the relationship with Cuba. If Cuba is
able to continue on a path of economic progress and emerge once again as a true regional power, with communism
intact, the United States will be the loser in this half century struggle. Cuba is spreading its limited influence to
Venezuela, Honduras, Nicaragua, and will be ready to bring in any other countries in the Americas that want to
move away from the United States orbit. The United States cant stand by and watch Cuba regain strength, intact
as a communist country, but must take this opportunity to create an inflection point for Cuba that guides her onto a
path that will benefit the nations of the Americas.
A2: Conditions CP
Perm do the counterplan the aff doesnt commit to certainty
Turn only removing the embargo without conditions leads to
political reform and Cuban stability, solves their net benefit
Cuba Study Group 13 (The Cuba Study Group is a non-partisan, not-for-profit
organization made up of business and professional individuals seeking to help facilitate a peaceful
transition in Cuba leading to a free and open society, respect for human rights and the rule of law,
Restoring Executive Authority Over U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, February,
http://www.cubastudygroup.org/index.cfm/files/serve?File_id=45d8f827-174c-4d43-aa2fef7794831032)
Helms-Burton
indiscriminately impacts all sectors of Cuban society, including democracy
advocates and private entrepreneurs, causing disproportionate economic
damage to the most vulnerable segments of the population. Conditioning
our policy of resource denial on sweeping political reforms has only served to
strengthen the Cuban government. The scarce resources available in an
authoritarian Cuba have been and continue to be allocated primarily based
on political priorities, thereby increasing the states relative power and its
ability to control its citizens. The majority of American voters, Cuban-Americans and Cuban
the
difficult
and
necessary
processes
of
reconciliation
and
reunification.
democracy advocates in the Island have rejected isolation as an element of U.S. policy toward Cuba and have called
As Cuba
undergoes a slow and uncertain process of reforms, the continued
existence of blanket U.S. sanctions only hinders the types of political
reforms that Helms-Burton demands. Instead of maintaining a rigid policy
that ties our hands and obsesses over hurting the Cuban leadership, U.S. policymakers
should adopt a results-oriented policy that focuses primarily on empowering the Cuban people
while simultaneously pressing the Cuban government to cease its repressive
practices and respect fundamental human rights . Repealing Helms-Burton
would also free civil society development and assistance programs to be
implemented outside of a contentious sanctions framework. Furthermore, the Cuba
on the U.S. government to implement a policy of greater contact and exchange with Cuban society.ii
Study Group believes that any forthcoming congressional review of current legislation relating to Cuba, such as a review of the
Cuban Adjustment Act, must require a review of the totality of the legislative framework codified in Helms-Burton and related
statutory provisions so that the United States may finally develop a coherent policy toward the Island.
While we wait
on the U.S. Congress to act, the Executive Branch should continue to take
proactive steps through its limited licensing authority to safeguard and
expand the free flow of contacts and resources to the Island, encourage
independent economic and political activity in Cuba, and increase the
relative power of Cuban private actors. The U.S. should pursue these
courses of action independent of actions taken by the Cuban government
so as not to place the reigns of U.S. policy in the hands of Cuban
proponents of the status quo.
Defenders of the status quo inside the Cuban government have shown that they
view greater engagement with the United States as a threat to their hold
on power. As Elizardo Sanchez, the head of the Cuban Commission for Human Rights, has recognized: The
more American citizens in the streets of Cuban cities, the better for the
incredibly convenient life raft, giving a struggling and failing system the
legitimacy that comes from the appearance of being a state under
siege.
as broad and severe as the one codified in Helms-Burton. Its blanket sanctions lack ethical or
economic crisis, their impact has only been exacerbated and made disproportionately greater among the most
vulnerable segments of the population by the blanket sanctions codified under Helms-Burton. In addition, these
A2: XO
Perm do the counterplan aff never committed to Congress
Doesnt solve their Ashby ev concedes that The complete
dismantling of the Cuban economic embargo will undoubtedly
require congressional legislation
The CSG ev also concludes aff only the perm can solve because the affs
a prerequisite to presidential authority over Cuba and the signal of lifting
the whole embargo is key
Cuba Study Group 13 (The Cuba Study Group is a non-partisan, not-for-profit organization
made up of business and professional individuals seeking to help facilitate a peaceful transition in
Cuba leading to a free and open society, respect for human rights and the rule of law, Restoring
Executive Authority Over U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, February,
http://www.cubastudygroup.org/index.cfm/files/serve?File_id=45d8f827-174c-4d43-aa2fef7794831032)
the most effective way to break the deadlock of all-ornothing conditionality and remedy the ineffectiveness of current U.S.
policy is by de-codifying the embargo against Cuba through the repeal of
Helms-Burton and related statutory provisions that limit the Executive
Branchs authority over Cuban policy. Repealing Helm-Burton and related
statutory provisions would shift the primary focus of U.S. Cuba policy away from
the regime and toward empowering Cuban people . It would also enhance
the leverage of the United States to promote a multilateral approach
toward Cuba, as well as embolden reformers, democracy advocates and
private entrepreneurs inside the island to press their government for
greater change. De-codifying the embargo would allow the Executive
Cuba Study Group believes
Branch the flexibility to use the entire range of foreign policy tools at its
disposal diplomatic,
economic,
political,
legal
and
culturalto
incentivize change in Cuba. The President would be free to adopt more
efficient, targeted policies necessary for pressuring the Cuban leadership
to respect human rights and implement political reforms, while simultaneously
empowering all other sectors of society to pursue their economic
wellbeing and become the authors of their own futures . Repealing Helms-Burton
would also free civil society development and assistance programs to be implemented outside of a contentious
Perm do both
Links to politics
A) Any change to the embargo triggers the link even if it
doesnt go through Congress
Cave 12 (Damien, reporter for the New York Times, Easing of Restraints in Cuba Renews Debate on U.S.
Embargo,11/19, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/20/world/americas/changes-in-cuba-create-support-for-easingembargo.html)
Cuba has a long history of tossing ice on warming relations. The latest
the jailing of Alan Gross, a State Department contractor who has spent
nearly three years behind bars for distributing satellite telephone equipment to Jewish groups in Havana. In
Washington, Mr. Gross is seen as the main impediment to an easing of the
embargo, but there are also limits to what the president could do without
Congressional action. The 1992 Cuban Democracy Act conditioned the
waiving of sanctions on the introduction of democratic changes inside
Cuba. The 1996 Helms-Burton Act also requires that the embargo remain until Cuba has a transitional or
democratically elected government. Obama administration officials say they have not given
up, and could move if the president decides to act on his own . Officials say that
under the Treasury Departments licensing and regulation-writing
authority, there is room for significant modification. Following the legal logic of Mr. Obamas changes in 2009,
And
example is
further expansions in travel are possible along with new allowances for investment or imports and exports,
(Stephen, partner at Hogan Lovells LLC and writer for the Brookings Institution, Presidential
Authority To Modify Economic Sanctions Against Cuba, 2/15,
http://www.hoganlovells.com/files/Publication/57d34e80-51b8-4ee0-ae64750f65ee7642/Preview/PublicationAttachment/55896b90-840a-42bf-8744-752a7a206333/Cuba%20Aritcle
%20FINAL.pdf)
there will undoubtedly be some who question whether the President had
sufficient legal authority to make these changes. This paper reviews the sources of the
Presidents authority to modify the Cuba sanctions and concludes that executive authority is broad
enough to support not only the changes announced to date, but also a
range of additional measures to ease restrictions.
Agent counterplans are a voter steal the whole case, shift the
debate away from topic education and create infinite agency
pics that destroy aff predictability
A2: PICS
Only a complete elimination of the embargo solves the aff
look like a continuation of the status quo
Mitchell 01
(The Decline of Political Pertinence: U.S. Economic Sanctions Against Cuba
Lieutenant Colonal Stephen D. Mitchell, United States Army, 2001 March 18, Strategy Research Project)
(Should the US Lift the Cuban Embargo? Yes; Maybe It Has; and Not for Free!,
econweb.umd.edu/~betancourt/development/LiftingtheEmbargopaper..pdf)
With respect to labor flows, in many significant ways the embargo is already
lifted by the US through the Immigration Accord of 1994 that allows at
least 20,000 legal immigrants every year. Yet the US receives no credit for
this step by ignoring that it is a lifting of embargo restrictions. More
recently, the lifting of travel restrictions on Cuban Americans is a further
softening of the embargo. What is left in this realm is the formal lifting of travel
restrictions on other American citizens. Even on this dimension some lifting has
already taken place trough expansion of people to people programs. For
instance, the Havana Consulting Group reports 41K other American
residents visited Cuba in 2007 and estimates of 103K for 2012. Cuban
American visitors residing in the US went from 204K in 2007 to 475K in 2012. This is
happening despite incidents such as the detention and treatment of Alan Gross
since 2009.
sovereignty of other States, the legitimate interests of entities or persons under their jurisdiction and the freedom
of trade and navigation. The embargo, commenced in 1959 had continued to this day and had transformed into a
strict system of unilateral measures, which had continued over time creating huge injustices for the Cuban people.
In itself, the unilateral measure was a contradiction with the multilateralism, the openness and the dialogue
He
emphasized the inconsistency that existed between the application of
unilateral measures, which had no backing in international law, and the
letter, spirit, principles and purpose of the Charter, urging the United
States to make necessary adjustments to its international behaviour in that
promoted by the Charter. The Community was in favour of adoption of the resolution before the Assembly.
regard and align its legislation with the Charter of the United Nations. BYRGANYM AITIMOVA (Kazakhstan),
speaking on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), noted that the item had been on the
Assemblys agenda for 20 years with little progress to record. Guided by the principles of international law, the OIC
upheld the right of every nation to follow its own unique path of
development and therefore condemned any unilateral action, which
affected the sovereignty and interests of another State and its people .
Further, it did not agree with any external regulations that infringed, impeded or delayed the development of any
country, including in the economic, commercial and financial spheres.
relax restrictions had limited effect while the embargo remained in place
to the detriment of the Cuban people.