Advances in Consumer Research Volume 27, 2000 Pages 267-273

DEFINING SEXUALLY ORIENTED APPEALS IN ADVERTISING: A GROUNDED THEORY

INVESTIGATION
Tom Reichert, University of North Texas
Artemio Ramirez, University of MinnesotaBDuluth
[The authors would like to thank Susan Heckler, Alice Kendrick, and three anonymous reviewers for helpful
comments on earlier drafts of this manuscript.]
ABSTRACT
The sexually oriented appeal is a prevalent, yet poorly defined concept in the study of advertising and message
effects. The goal of this exploratory research was to contribute to a more precise understanding of this concept by
adopting a grounded theory approach. Respondents were asked to identify an ad they considered Asexy,@ and to
describe characteristics of the ad that made them perceive it as such. The analysis revealed four overarching
characteristics of sexy ads: (1) physical features of models (clothing, physique, and general attractiveness), (2)
behavior / movement, (3) intimacy between models, and (4) contextual features (e.g., camera effects). References to
physical features was the most frequently mentioned category by both women and men, while women were more
likely to mention contextual features and intimacy. Other differences emerged as well. On the basis of these findings
a receiver-based definition of sexually oriented appeals is offered, as are suggestions for future research.
INTRODUCTION
Sexual appeals are fairly common in maistream consumer advertising (Reichert et al. 1999; Soley and Reid 1988).
Despite their prevalence and research into their effects, there has been little conceptual discussion regarding what
actually constitutes a sexually oriented appeal. Most conclusions advanced in this area are based on
operationalizations of female nudity. As researchers, we should be concerned not just with nudity, but with the full
range of appeals in which overt sexual imagery is used to evoke sexual responses. From a research perspective,
ambiguously defined concepts are problematic in that they thwart attempts aimed at comparing findings across
studies (Teas and Palan 1997). Furthermore, definitional ambiguity can result in a limitation of the claims that can
be made regarding the potential effects of sexually oriented appeals. For these reasons, it is important to look
beyond certain researcher-supplied definitions to obtain a more precise understanding of this concept.
To address this issue, a grounded theory investigation was employed because it is particularly suited to exploring
what consumers perceive as sexy in advertising (see Hirschman and Thompson 1997; Strauss and Corbin 1990).
This is important because work in psychology and sexology suggests that information must be labeled as sexual
before it can evoke a sexual response (Fisher 1986). This report begins with a review of previous definitions of
sexually oriented appeals in advertising, followed by an account of the method of our investigation, and a discussion
of relevant findings.
REVIEW
According to OKeefe (1990), there are two general ways to define messages: in terms of intrinsic message features
(e.g., comparative or noncomparative advertising), or in terms of recipient responses (e.g., humor and fear appeals).
OKeefe argues that neither attempt to define message variables is Acorrect,@ rather, one can define messages
however one likes. What is important is that the definition is clear. In the advertising literature, sexual appeals have
typically been defined according to overt message features (e.g., nudity, decorative models) rather than recipient
responses. Possibly as a result, more emphasis has been placed on examining the effects of operationalizations than
on discussions devoted to the conceptualization of sexual appeals. For the purposes of review, most definitions can
be organized within two general categories: nudity and suggestiveness.
Nudity
The most common application of research in this area has explored the effects of female nudity on advertising
processing and outcomes (Belch et al. 1981; Judd and Alexander 1983; LaTour 1990; LaTour and Henthorne 1993;
Sciglimpaglia et al. 1978; Severn et al. 1990; Simpson et al. 1996; Steadman 1969; Weller et al. 1979). In this case,
nudity is typically referred to as the amount and style of clothing worn by models in ads, and nudity is
operationalized as models in progressive stages of undress (e.g., suggestive, partially-revealing, or nude). Effects

studies typically compare ads with models clothed at one of the three levels of nudity to ads with either demurely
dressed models or no model at all.
As mentioned, sex is usually operationalized as nudity with little discussion regarding the conceptualization of sex
or of sexually oriented appeals. An implied assumption in these studies is that clothing, or lack thereof, is a primary
determinant of sexual response. A related assumption is that there is a linear relationship between the levels of
undress and sexual arousal. It could be argued, however, that nudity is neither necessary nor sufficient for a stimulus
to be perceived as sexual. How, for instance, does one take into account models that are unclothed but clearly not
sexual or fully-clothed models that are sexually inviting? Morrison and Sherman (1972) reported that a large
percentage of their sample was not aware of nudity when exposed to it, nd of those that were aware of it, a large
portion reported not being sexually aroused by it. Nudity, as an operationalization of sex, may or may not evoke a
sexual response in receivers.
Revealing displays of the body are clearly an important component of sexual arousal and sexual attraction, but
limiting this domain to nudity neglects other, potentially more important, determinants of sexual attraction such as
behavior and physical interaction. Consequently, most of what is known about the effects produced in this research
is limited to the effects of nudity. Although to a lesser degree, researchers have assessed other types of sexual
appeals.
Suggestiveness
Ads loosely defined as Asuggestive@ are also generally considered examples of sexually oriented appeals in
advertising. This category is less concrete compared to nudity, and subsequently, includes a menagerie of stimuli.
This class of sexual stimuli has also been referred to as Aimplicit@ (Bello et al. 1993), primarily because references
to sex are implied or subtle (e.g., sexual innuendo, double entendre). Suggestiveness has also been defined in the
literature as a message Ahaving or possessing sexual stimuli that triggers or arouses ideas about sex in a persons
mind@ (Reid, Salmon, and Soley 1984, p. 215). However, this class of stimuli is typically characterized by overt
content characteristics within the ad.
Suggestiveness has been operationalized several ways in the literature. Belch et al. (1981) and Sciglimpaglia et al.
(1978) operationalized suggestiveness as heterosexual couples in various degrees of intimacy and clothing. In other
studies, judges or subjects have determined the erotic level of treatments ads using overall impression rules (see
Weller et al. 1979). Richmond and Hartman (1982) labeled suggestive stimuli as Afantasy@ and measured it on a 6point scale item anchored by Aromantic/ordinary.@ They defined it as Aan appeal that links the product to
imaginative wish fulfillment, implicitly promising fantasy gratification of sexual motives @ (Tinkham and Reid
1988, p. 118).
One issue with the suggestive categorization of sexually oriented appeals is its breadth. A wide range of sexual
stimuli have generally been considered suggestive (i.e., camera angles, editing, seductive language, couples, double
entendre, and sexual behaviors). It is certainly probable that each of these executional cues may impact processing
and outcome variables in various ways, subsequently limiting generalization. Second, studies in this area may have
confounded suggestiveness with the style or amount of clothing worn by the model(s) in the ad. Hence, this catch all
category of sex in advertising may represent stimuli which are related but represent divergent effects, and may often
be confounded with nudity.
To summarize past research, there is a wide array of content-based definitions that have been used to define sexually
oriented appeals in advertising. Although most of the literature has examined the effects of nudity, there are clearly
several other types of sexual stimuli that have also been considered. In addition, previous studies have placed more
emphasis on the operationalization of sexually oriented appeals rather than conceptual meaning. Teas and Palan
(1997) described a similar dilemma in their review of consumer expectations research, AThe abundance of
consumer expectations definitions and theories . . . resulted in a quagmire of concepts that often produce confusion
when used and interfere with the progress of theoretical development@ (p. 53). It could be argued that a similar
situation exists in the sexually oriented appeal literature resulting in unnecessary obstacles for understanding and
attempts to make generalizations about the effects of sexually oriented appeals in advertising.
RESEARCH JUSTIFICATION
Inan effort to address the concerns identified above, the present study sought to contribute to a more precise
understanding of receivers meanings for sexually oriented appeals. Because researcher imposed conceptions may or
may not be valid, our first question sought to discover what receivers find sexual in advertising (RQ1).
The method employed in this study was a grounded theory investigation of participant responses to what they
consider sexual in advertising. This method is uniquely positioned to inform this literature because of the nature of
the phenomenon. According to the Sexual Behavior Sequence Model (SBS), erotic stimuli must be perceived as
sexual before evoking a sexual response (Fisher 1986). The SBS is a theory developed in social psychology to
explain and predict the sequence and variety of sexual responses to sexual stimuli (Byrne 1977, 1982). A central

tenet of this theory as it pertains to the present research is that a stimulus must be recognized and interpreted as
sexual to evoke a sexual response. Once a stimulus is interpreted as sexual, a sexual response is evoked within the
viewer in the form of physiological, affective, and/or cognitive responses. A receiver-based definitional approach is
not without precedence in advertising effects research as humor and fear appeals have been defined as messages that
are perceived as humorous or threatening (Keller and Block 1996; Zinkhan and Gelb 1986). In addition, Gould
(1992) advanced a consumer model of scripting based on lovemaps and the SBS.
Second, this study also sought to determine if and to what extent gender differences influenced participant meanings
(RQ2). Gender is an important determinant of evaluations and interpretations of ads with sexual content both within
and between genders (LaTour and Henthorne 1993; Morrison and Sherman 1972; Stern and Holbrook 1994).
Although the pattern of findings suggest that males and females differ in their reactions to some types of sexual
stimuli and are similar in other respects, it is not entirely clear how gender operates in this context. From an
advertising perspective, it is important to add insight to these relationships because of a lack of gender-focused
studies in consumer behavior (Costa 1994).
METHOD
Participants
Participants were 144 business and communication undergraduate students at a large southwestern university. There
were more males (58%) than females in the sample. Ages ranged from 18-44 years of age (M=23.1 years, SD=4.32),
and the racial distribution was primarily white (72%) and Hispanic (19%). Participation in this study was voluntary.
Procedure and Coding
Data were collected with an in-class questionnaire which took participants approximately 10 minutes to complete.
Respondents were told that this was an advertising study and that researchers were interested in how people define
certain aspects of advertising. Respondents were instructed to think of an ad that they thought was Asexy,@ and to
describe the ad. Meanings for Asexy@ were gathered with the following open-ended question: AWhat about the ad
makes you describe it as sexy?@ In addition, subjects were also asked the following question, AIf you had a
particular ad or ads in mind when answering the above question, what were they?@
Because it was thought that meanings for Asexy@ (what respondents perceived as sexual) might differ in qualitative
and quantitative ways from previous research, we adopted a grounded theory perspective and developed a new
coding scheme. A grounded theory approach was used because, as Hirschman and Thompson (1997) point out, it is
Aparticularly appropriate when the purpose of the research is to discover consumer-based constructs and theories@
(p. 46). The coding scheme as developed by a coder who was blind to the specific research questions of this study. A
review of the responses to the questionnaires generated a topology of 15 different meanings for what respondents
found sexual in advertising. These categories were grouped within five overarching categories. A subset (40%) of
the questionnaires were then coded independently by two coders to establish reliability. Intercoder reliability across
the 15 categories was .91. The categories are listed and briefly described in Table 1. The gender of the model(s) and
product category described by participants were also coded. The subject of the description was coded as being either
female(s), male(s), or a heterosexual couple. In addition, responses to the second open-ended question were coded
according to product categories.
RESULTS
Topology
Meanings for what participants perceived as sexy varied between physical characteristics of models (or actors)
within ads, the models behaviors, intimate relations between models (proxemics), contextual features within the ad,
and viewer fantasy. Table 1 presents a topology of what participants considered sexual as well as the proportion of
the total sample, males, and females citing each characteristic. Significant comparisons are noted below.
TABLE 1
CHARACTERISTICS OF SEXUAL APPEALS REPORTED BY GENDER (IN PERCENT)
Physical Characteristics. The predominant definition of what was considered sexy in advertising is physical
characteristics. This definition included three categories of responses; references to clothing, general attractiveness,
and physique. According to the responses to the first question, two-thirds (66%) of the respondents cited physical
characteristics of people in ads as a defining characteristic. Although men were more likely than women to define
sexiness in this way (71% vs 58%), the difference was not significant. However, of those who made reference to
physical characteristics, men were more likely than women (M=1.43 vs M=1.17) to cite more physical aspects
(t(93)=2.54, p<.05). There was no gender difference for clothing or physique, but references to physical
attractiveness was mentioned twice as often by men than women and was significant (31% vs 15%), (c 2=4.84,
p<.05).
TABLE 2
GENDER OF MODEL AND PRODUCT CATEGORY MENTIONED BY RESPONDENTS

Movement. The next most frequently cited definition of what was considered sexy involved movement (39%). This
category included generalized statements about behavior and verbal and nonverbal communication of models. For
example, statements coded into this category included A[models that are] winking, stroking themselves,@ and,
Aflirting@ or Adancing around.@ There were no significant gender differences for this definition or its subcategories.
Contextual Features. Respondents also characterized sexiness in terms of contextual features (26%). These
descriptions included camera effects, music, lighting, and setting. Women were more likely than men (35% vs 20%)
to define closeness this way, (c 2=3.93, p<.05). No gender differences emerged in respect to photographic effects,
music, lighting, and setting. Women were, however, more likely to make reference to the black-and-white nature of
the ad than were men (12% vs 0%), (c 2=10.30, p<.01). While black-and-white ads may not be sexy in isolation, they
were identified as a contributing factor by women and not men.
Proxemics. A gender difference emerged in the proxemics category as well. Respondents descriptions in this
category made reference to the physical distance or relative interaction between models in the ad. One sixth of the
total sample (15%) drew on this reference, but women cited it four times as often as men (28% vs 6%), (c 2=13.54,
p<.001).
Voyeurism, Fantasy, and Projection. The remaining category for sexiness was framed in terms of voyeurism,
fantasy, an projection. Respondents (6%) made reference to the ad being like a fantasy, models making a connection
with the viewer, projection of the viewer into the ad, or someone watching someone else in the ad. There were no
significant gender differences in the use of these categories. Furthermore, since less than 10% of the sample
identified this category, it was not considered a necessarily meaningful category.
Additional Differences
A gender difference appeared in respect to the sex of the people described in ads and types of products mentioned by
participants. Men and women differed in respect to the subject (male, female, couple) of their description, (c 2=62.85,
p<.001). While men were more likely to describe an ad with a female or females, women were more likely to
describe an ad with couples. The overall pattern of responses is reported in Table 2.
Last, participants differed by gender in the types of product categories cited when thinking about a sexual ad,
(c2=16.94, p<.01). Table 2 presents a categorization of product category as well as the proportion of men and women
citing each category. Men were more likely than women to mention ads for alcohol (e.g., beer), while women were
more likely than men to mention ads for beauty products. Although the miscellaneous category represented more
than 10% the responses, there were no more than two mentions per additional product category.
DISCUSSION
Message effects research in advertising can be only as precise as the concepts it seeks to make generalizations about.
The first research question sought to discover what people consider sexy in advertising. We were able to identify 15
types of responses. By far, the most common referent was physical features. It was used by over 65% of the
respondents. The prominence of this category attests to the importance American culture places on appearance as a
component of sexual attraction. Clothing was the most frequently mentioned physical feature with over 50% of the
participants making some reference to it. The frequency of this response corroborates past research in this area
which has defined sexually oriented appeals in advertising as nudity and physical attractiveness (Caballero et al.
1989; LaTour 1990).
Physical attractiveness was the next most frequently mentioned category of physical features at 24%, followed by
references to the body at 13%. Taken as a whole, these three sub-categories offer support to the most commonly
used definition of sexual appeals in advertising research, namely, attractive nude or semi-nude models. Clearly,
physical aspects of people are an important determinant of what receivers perceive as sexy in advertising.
The second research question sought to determine if males and females differed in what they considered sexy in
advertising. Although there was no difference in the proportion who mentioned physical characteristics, of those
referencing this category, men were more likely to mention more sub-categories. This finding lends credence to the
notion that men are more visually-oriented than women in regard to sexual arousal. Feingolds (1992) meta-analysis
of personal ad and mate selection provides evidence which suggests men are more oriented toward physical
characteristics than women. Similarly, Nevid (1984) found that men placed more importance on physical
characteristics than women in choosing a sexual partner. So, while physical characteristics are an important
component of sexual perception for both genders, it appears to be more pronounced for men.
An important finding is that physical features are not the only thing that contributes to sexiness in advertising. A
models movements and verbal and nonverbal communication were the second largest category (37%) identified by
respondets. This aspect of sexual stimuli has received cursory attention in the sexual appeal literature. In a notable
exception, Bello et al. (1983) investigated the impact of a controversial Calvin Klein commercial featuring Brooke
Shields on communication outcomes. Although Shields was attractive and clothed in tight fitting jeans, Bello et al.

(1983) suggested that her pose and suggestive comments contributed to the provocative nature of the commercial.
Berger (1974) said it well when he made the distinction between nude and naked: It is many things other than an
absence of clothing which contribute to the sexual desire stimulated by another human being. Further evidence of
this can be found in the literature on courtship and flirting behavior (Givens 1978; Scheflen 1965, 1974). Flirting is
characterized by sexually provocative or inviting behaviors (Givens 1978). Unbuttoning clothing, rolling the pelvis,
tilting or cocking the head to expose the neck, and preening behaviors have been identified as provocative behaviors
and indicative of flirting. It is important to note that there was no gender difference for this category in our study.
This may mean that women as well as men are aroused by the demeanor and behavior of models in advertising.
There was a significant gender difference in the third largest category: contextual features. References to
photographic effects (e.g., Acamera roams over the model@), setting, music, lighting, and whether the ad was
filmed or shot in black-and-white were mentioned by 26% of the respondents. This category is distinctive from the
two previously mentioned categories because it represents elements independent of the model within the ad. Over a
third of women made reference to contextual features of the ad compared to one fifth of men (35% vs 20%). This
finding suggests that romantic settings and music, exotic locales, and hazy shadows contribute to sexual perception
in ads for women more than for men.
Proxemics, the fourth largest category (15%), was also made reference to by more women than men (28% vs 6%).
References to proxemics included any mention of physical distance or relative interaction between the models. This
finding suggests that interpersonal intimacy may be more of a component of what women perceive as sexual than
men. Most women described a couple (64%) while most men described only females (84%). This finding seems to
support the notion that females emphasize relatedness and emotional intimacy compared to men who appear to be
more body-centered. This is congruent with research in anthropology (Townsend and Wasserman 1997) and
psychology (Geer 1996). Although, physiological responses and cognitive measures may be similar, women may
prefer sexual appeals that emphasize emotional intimacy (Baldwin and Baldwin 1997).
Last, the product categories represented by the ads mentioned as Asexy@ differed by gender. While men were more
likely to mention ads for alcohol (24% vs 4%), women were more likely to mention ads with beauty products (48%
vs 17%). These results are not surprising given that each gender is the primary target market for the respective
product category. It is interesting to note that only four categories were mentioned with any regularity: alcohol,
clothing, beauty, and health/hygiene. If one locates these products on the FCB grid (Vaughn 1986) or the RossiterPercy grid (Rossiter et al. 1991), these products fit within the feeling or transformational quadrants, which suggests
that the appeals are linked to products in which emotion and the desire to be sexually attractive to others play an
important role.
Toward a Definition of Sexually Oriented Appeals in Advertising
The goal of this research was to initiate a process of reducing ambiguity surrounding the conceptualization of
sexually oriented appeals. Previous definitions were more akin to what Teas and Palan (1997) would call the
physical realm: Marketing research has placed more emphasis on operational development and analysis while
ignoring the linguistic and conceptual domain. Up until now there has been little attention devoted to theconcepts
that guided the operational definitions utilized in this area of research (for exception, see Gould 1992).
Are we any closer to a clearer conceptualization of this appeal? In some ways we are. For one, our search for a
unifying theme as to the fundamental nature of a sexual appeal in the literature led us to a conclusion: That while
some variety exists in terms of how researchers have defined sexually oriented appeals, that variety is actually
limited to a very narrow perspective of what we believe should be a broader, more inclusive conceptualization. In
other words, researchers have primarily focused on nudity to the exclusion of other ad features that contribute to the
sexual nature of a persuasive message. What we discovered in some ways confirms previous research, as well it
should. Physical features of people in these ads are a primary determinant of what receivers consider sexual. Beyond
particular physical features, other important components contribute to what is perceived as sexual, including the
models gender, how the model moves, in what context, and in relation to others.
We also argue that a clear conceptual definition is needed for guiding future research. For that reason, we
recommend that sexually oriented appeals in advertising be defined as appeals perceived as sexual by the receiver.
Sexual information in ads can be represented by a variety of stimuli but typically are depicted as physical features of
people (e.g., clothing, attractiveness, physique), provocative behavior and demeanor, intimate interaction between
people, and contextual features. We go one step further by recommending that the concept of Asex in advertising@
be referred to as Asexually oriented appeals,@ much in the same respect fear appeals and humor appeals are
labeled. Sexually oriented appeals should be considered a broad category of appeal that extends beyond the
advertising context to message effects research in other areas such as persuasion and communication, social
marketing, and health communication. In essence, we are arguing for a receiver-based definition of this concept
more closely aligned with other types of emotionally-oriented appeals utilized in advertising.

Limitations. This investigation has several limitations that must be considered when attempting to make claims
based on the findings. First, these effects cannot be generalized beyond the student convenience sample. There is
evidence to suggest, however, that ads targeted to young adults contain a higher proportion of sexual ads than other
age groups (Reichert and Ahern 1998). In addition, respondents were asked to describe ads they considered
Asexy.@ This may limit the scope of ads recalled by respondents to those that are particularly sexually arousing and
provocative compared to those containing other forms of sexual stimuli.
CONCLUSION
Respondents perceived sexual stimuli in a manner somewhat congruent with previous operationalizations of this
message variable. For instance, physical characteristics of models and movement (behavior and demeanor) were
important determinants mentioned equally by men and women. Women were more likely to make reference to
contextual features and intimacy between the people in an ad. These categories provide a reference point to what
previous researchers have typically defined as sex in advertising.
Future research should use the findings reported here as a guide for creating quantitative measures. The categories
that were identified could help researchers develop a method for classifying sexually oriented ads according to their
features. It is possible that ads that emphasize different components (physical features versus contextual features)
may affect message processing and attitudes in fundamentally different ways. This could help researchers to
approach the investigation of sexually oriented appeals in a more systematic anduniformed manner. Doing so may
also help practitioners clearly identify intrinsic features that should be emphasized in creating an advertising
campaign. Future research should also focus on replicating the findings reported in the study. Not only would this
offer support for the categories uncovered in this investigation but replication may help determine if the 'Voyeurism,
Fantasy, and Projection category should be included in the conceptualization. Furthermore, replications should
attempt to incorporate different groups of respondents beyond those used in this sample. The possibility that
minority populations may define these appeals differently needs to be examined as well. All of this would further
contribute to our understanding of what constitutes sexually oriented appeals in advertising.
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