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CHAPTER 5

Literature and Entertainment

Literacy came late to the Visayans. B o t h C o l i n and Alcina t h o u g h t i n


the 1660s that i t had been received f r o m the Tagalog only a few years
before their conversion to Christianity. A n t o n i o Pigafetta said that Rajah
Kolambu o f Limasawa was amazed to see w r i t i n g for the first time i n 1521;
Loarcasaid the "Pintados" had no writing at all i n 1582; and when Legazpi's
royal notary took the sworn testimony o f a number o f Visayans and Borneans
i n B o h o l i n 1565including the famous Si Katunanone o f them were
able to sign their names. B u t by 1597, Jesuits had f o u n d their catechumens
in O r m u c (Leyte) literate enough to copy down their lesson o n bamboo
slips to take home to study. Furthermore, a report attributed to Legazpi i n
1567 states,
T h e y have their letters a n d characters like those of the Malays, from w h o m they
l e a r n e d them; they write t h e m o n bamboo, bark a n d p a l m leaves with a pointed tool,
but never is any a n c i e n t writing f o u n d a m o n g t h e m n o r w o r d of their origin a n d arrival
i n these islands, their customs a n d rites being preserved by traditions h a n d e d down
from father to son without any other r e c o r d (San Agustin 1698, 292).

Legazpi presumably got this i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m those M u s l i m merchants


f r o m Borneo and L u z o n f r o m w h o m he b o u g h t rice, and t h r o u g h w h o m
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he sent w o r d to the "King o f L u z o n " that he w o u l d like to open trading


relations with h i m . I n Alcina's day i t was assumed that Philippine literacy
was ultimately derived f r o m non-Filipino Muslims because the first literate
Filipinos the Spaniards encountered were Muslims i n Manila. Indeed, the
Visayans referred to the Philippine script as " M o r o w r i t i n g , " as they referred to many Manila imports as " M o r o " (for example, granulated salt).

The Alphabet
The only specimens of Visayan penmanship k n o w n today are the signatures o f Bernardino Dimabasa and Maria M u t i a o f Bantay Island w h i c h
appear i n their divorce proceedings o f 1647. I n a d d i t i o n , four missionary
fathers recorded the letters the Visayans were using i n their day. Alcina
included them i n his 1668 Historia, but unfortunately they survive only i n
a late eighteenth-century copy made i n Seville by somebody who naturally
was unfamiliar w i t h them. Those recorded i n the Arte de la lengua Visaya o f
Alcina's vice-provincial, D o m i n g o Ezguerra, contain what are probably
engraver's errorsfor example, the use o f a marginal check mark n o r m a l
to Spanish usage o f the time, to represent two different letters o f the
alphabet. A n d those which appeared i n the manuscript Arte
Bisaya-Cebuano
of Father Francisco Encina (who died i n 1760) are k n o w n only f r o m an
1895 copy made i n Manila by Cipriano Marcilla y M a r t i n .
Father M e n t r i d a (1637a, 248) made the following comment o n Visayan
script i n his 1663 Arte de lengua

Bisaya

hiliguaina

de la Isla de

Panay:

It is to be noted that our Bisayans have some letters with different shapes, w h i c h
I place h e r e ; but even they themselves do not agree on the shapes of their letters; for
this reason, a n d because we are limited by the types available, I have shown the
characters a c c o r d i n g to the Tagalogs.

The 1818 edition o f the M e n t r i d a Arte, however, presents a curious


alphabet obviously n o t based o n any Tagalog type font. Father Juan Delgado
(1752, 331), for his part, said i n his 1751 Historia sacro-profana, "As a
curiosity I will place here the Visayan characters, w h i c h differ little f r o m the
Tagalog." But when the book was published i n Manila for the first time i n
1892, i t made use o f the same plate as appeared i n the 1890 e d i t i o n o f
Chirino's Relacion, which shows characters very different f r o m the "Letras
de los Filipinos" o f Chirino's original Rome e d i t i o n o f 1604.
I t has been a popular belief that Visayans used a different alphabet f r o m
the Tagalogs, b u t our sources give little support to such a theory. These
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sources themselves are l i m i t e d to the genuine signatures o f two individualswhich are indistinguishable f r o m Tagalog signatures preserved i n
local and foreign archivesand an alphabet drawn u p o r copied by five
different persons who d i d n o t use i t themselves. None exhibit greater
differences than could be expected o f seven different hands i n three
different centuries.
Alcina (1668a, 3:35-37) described the system i n considerable detail:
We will e n d this chapter with the characters o f these natives, or, better said, those
that have b e e n i n use for a few years i n these parts, an art w h i c h was c o m m u n i c a t e d
to t h e m from the Tagalogs, a n d the latter l e a r n e d it f r o m the B o r n e a n s who came
from the great island o f B o r n e o to M a n i l a , with w h o m they h a d considerable traffic
. . . . F r o m these B o r n e a n s the Tagalogs l e a r n e d their characters, a n d f r o m t h e m the
Visayans, so they call t h e m M o r o characters o r letters because the Moros taught t h e m ;
a n d although the accursed sect did n o t r e a c h the Visayas, or they d i d n o t accept it, they
l e a r n e d their letters, w h i c h m a n y use today, a n d the w o m e n m u c h m o r e t h a n the m e n ,
w h i c h they write a n d r e a d m o r e readily t h a n the latter.
T h e i r letters, t h e n , are these: a. e. b. c. d. g. h. I. m. n. p. r. s. t. nga. A l l these characters
or letters without any dot are p r o n o u n c e d with ae.g., ba, da, ga, e t c . a n d with a dot
over t h e m , with ior e, a n d if it is put below, they are p r o n o u n c e d with oor ue.g., ba.
be. bu. ca. ci. co.so that they do not have letters for vowels i n their writing except w h e n
two vowels come together or a w o r d begins with a vowel, n o r letters for consonants
w h e n intermediate or final, either, so w h e n there are two consonantsexcept for the
letter ngathe o n e that is missing is supplied, a n d the same with all finals. T h u s it c a n
be said that their r e a d i n g is m o r e guessing than p r o n o u n c i n g what's written, so those
who are n o t skillful i n supplying the consonants, w h i c h some, a n d most w o m e n , r e a d
with dexterity a n d without stumbling, m u m b l e what they read, guessing a n d even
e r r i n g m o r e often t h a n not. So for this reason, although it is easy to l e a r n their m e t h o d
of writing, r e a d i n g is m o r e difficult because, as we have said, it is mostly supplying
what's missing. F o r greater clarity a n d to m a k e r e a d i n g easier, they usually place two
lines II after e a c h w o r d to separate t h e m t h o u g h some write without t h e m s i n c e i f
they were all c o n t i n u o u s without these divisions, they w o u l d be even m o r e confused.
I n the past, these I n d i o s used to write like the C h i n e s e a n d J a p a n e s e u p a n d down,
b e g i n n i n g the opposite from the right h a n d upwards, a n d t h e n their lines from
bottom u p until they finished o n the left h a n d w h e r e we begin. B u t nowadays they
begin like us a n d m a k e their lines i n o u r way from left to right, for the whole page.

Literature
Spanish accounts are unanimous i n saying that Filipinos d i d n o t use
their alphabet for literary compositions or record keeping: the Boxer
Codex states unambiguously that they used their script only for letters and
messages. Visayan literature therefore was oral literature, and as such, was
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n o t recorded by friar chroniclers or ethnographers who w o u l d have considered the idea o f oral literature a contradiction i n terms. But i t was well
developed, sophisticated, and presented by artists rewarded for their skills.
This is amply shown by Alcina's (1668a, 3:20) chapter, "Concerning the
alphabet and manner o f w r i t i n g o f the Bisayans [and] the various and
particular types o f poetry i n which they take p r i d e , " w h i c h includes the full
summary o f what must have been an actual epic.
There is no evidence o f any prose literature, b u t ordinary Visayan speech
was itself r i c h w i t h metaphor and colorful imagery, and their poetry must
have been even more so. A h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f the dictionary terms have
both a literal and a figurative meaning, and a wide selection o f pejorative
terms to apply to c o m m o n objects when angry. M e n , w o m e n , and c h i l d r e n
are referred to by the names o f birds and animals they resemble i n
appearance o r behavior, or trees and baskets whose shapes they share.
Somebody w h o is articulate and talkative is likened to l u x u r i a n t foliage,
while one w h o speaks i l l o f his own relatives is like a big batbecause these
creatures are believed to defecate i n their own face while h a n g i n g upsidedown. The red-faced are like dapdap blossoms; an untattooed man is called
plain white; undecorated teeth, a chaw o f coconut meat; and foreheads n o t
sufficiently flattened as a baby, b u l g i n g or overstuffed. W h e n irritated, a
tired oarsman calls his oar a kabkabthe heart-shaped leaf o f the malu-iban
vineand a cat is called musankagor
mosaraw'm such sentences as, "Damned
cat stole my f o o d again!"
Naturally, formal poetry had a special vocabulary o f its own. Handoy, for
instance, was the poetic term for damsel, and slaves were called guhay i n
epics and eulogies. But the essence o f Visayan poetic skill lay n o t so m u c h
in a c o m m a n d o f vocabulary as i n the ability to use words figuratively to
create subtle images. Alcina (1668a, 3:28-29) said,
I n their poetry, even if not with the variety of r h y m e scheme a n d meters of ours
though they do have their own rhymes somewhat different from ours, they n o doubt
excel us, for the language they use i n their poems, even most of the words, is very
different from what they use in c o m m o n everyday speech, so m u c h so that there are
very few E u r o p e a n s w h o u n d e r s t a n d their p o e m s or rhymes w h e n they h e a r t h e m ,
even i f they are very g o o d linguists a n d know a lot of Visayan, because, besides the
words a n d m e a n i n g w h i c h they use i n verse being so different, even w h e n using the
ordinary words they sometimes apply to their courtesies, what they say i n verse is so
figurative

that everything is the subtlest metaphor, a n d for one w h o doesn't know a n d

understand them, it is impossible to u n d e r s t a n d t h e m i n it.

T o this may be added that less sophisticated Visayans were also unable to
follow "deep" poetry, and that when two lovers sang to each other, their
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words became mere symbols that were understood by nobody but the two
of them.
A l l this poetry was generally sung or chanted rather than recited, so o u r
sources include songs i n the same category as poems. Even real songsthat
is, melodies w i t h lyricswere poetic rather than musical compositions: the
singer set his words to c o m m o n tunes k n o w n to all. For c o m m u n i t y respect,
a man must have been able to participate i n the spontaneous versifying that
accompanied social gatherings; and for peer acceptance, youths had to
compete i n amatory jousts. T h e really skillful were practically professionals:
they were eagerly sought after for weddings and prestige feasts and were
rewarded n o t only w i t h ample f o o d , d r i n k , and public acclaim, b u t w i t h a
payment called bayakaw. Many were said to be more articulate i n verse than
i n ordinary conversation, and all were able to p e r f o r m for hours at a time,
even whole days or nights, "without d r o p p i n g a syllable or f u m b l i n g a
w o r d , " A l c i n a (1668a, 3:30) said. Funerals, o n the other hand, called for
female eulogists able to improvise dirges w h i c h c o m b i n e d grief and laud.
The simplest f o r m o f verse, popular among c h i l d r e n and adults o f b o t h
sexes, was the ambahan, w h i c h used the ordinary vocabulary t h o u g h often
figuratively. I t consisted o f an u n r h y m e d seven-syllable couplet w h i c h had
to contain a complete t h o u g h t l i k e a Greek distichwhose two lines
could be interchanged and still make sense. Some people composed their
own words, others repeated well-known verses, and listeners could j o i n i n
by repeating the couplet, either as sung or inverted.
The ambahan was also used i n the balak, a poetic debate between a m a n
and a woman o n the subject o f love. They m i g h t also accompany themselves w i t h musical instrumentsthe woman o n the korlong, the m a n o n the
kudyapibut i n either case they used many subtleties o f speech w h i c h n o t
everybody understood. The bikal was another k i n d o f contest w h i c h used
the ambahan f o r m , a poetic joust between two m e n o r two w o m e n i n w h i c h
they satirized each other's physical or m o r a l shortcomings, b u t were expected to harbor no h a r d feelings afterwards. They could continue for an
h o u r or two, encouraged by raucous laughter and occasional help f r o m the
sidelines. Since the ambahan was a verse f o r m almost as demanding as a
Japanese haiku, its wide currency suggests an extremely poetic populace.
The noblest literary f o r m was the siday or kandu. This was the most
difficult o f alllong, sustained, repetitious, and heavy w i t h metaphor and
allusion. A single one m i g h t take six hours to sing or the whole n i g h t
t h r o u g h , or even be c o n t i n u e d the next night, d u r i n g w h i c h rapt audiences
neither yawned n o r n o d d e d , t h o u g h the frequent repetition o f l o n g lines
w i t h only the variation o f a few words struck Spanish listeners as tiresome.
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Subject matter was the heroic exploits o f ancestors, the valor o f warriors,
or the beauty o f women, or even the exaltation o f heroes still living. Alcina
(1668a, 4:257-59) recorded the summary o f one or two o f them with
tantalizing brevity, like the following f r o m the Pacific coast o f Samar he
knew asIbabao:
Kabungaw a n d B u b u n g G i n b u n a
O n the coast of Ibabao were two celebrated lovers, the m a n called Kabungaw a n d
the w o m a n B u b u n g G i n b u n a . Before they were m a r r i e d , these two h a d b e e n in love
for a l o n g time, a n d once w h e n he h a d to go o n a certain rather l o n g voyage, i n
company with others w h o were setting out o n a pangayawrdad,

he left instructions with

his sweetheart that she s h o u l d go straight to his parents' house to get whatevet she
n e e d e d for comfort. ( H e only h a d a m o t h e r or sister since his father had already died.)
She went one time w h e n she h a d to get a little abaca to weave clothes for h e r lover,
but was so ill received by h e r swain's m o t h e r a n d his sister, w h o was called H a l i n a i , that
after abusing h e r by w o r d , they d i d not give h e r what she h a d c o m e to get, so she went
back displeased a n d d e t e r m i n e d not to r e t u r n there or even be seen by h e r lover again.
H e l e a r n e d this as soon as he r e t u r n e d a n d asked i f she h a d requested anything, a n d
the bad sendoff she h a d been given instead, so after m u c h brooding, he refused to go
u p into his house until he l e a r n e d w h e r e a n d with w h o m his lady was living.
H e did many things a n d particular deeds (which I a m not putting d o w n so as not
to be too long-winded) until he l e a r n e d that she was o n a little island w h e r e she h a d
fled with h e r slaves. H e was almost d r o w n e d the times he went i n search of h e r a n d
escaped only by means of supernatural aid, until o n the third attempt he r e a c h e d
there, a n d p r e t e n d e d to be d e a d n e a r the house w h e r e she was living, until he was
r e c o g n i z e d by a slave w h o reported it to his lady. She went down drawn by love, a n d
in h e r presence he recovered the life he p r e t e n d e d to have lost i n h e r absence, a n d
both rejoicing, they were m a r r i e d . T h e y r e m a i n e d there as lords of that little island,
w h i c h they called Natunawan in allusion to the love they h a d felt o n first sight, because
natunawan

means that they m e l t e d together with happiness, or N a w a d a n , w h i c h

m e a n s "lost footsteps." T h e r e , they say, not only m e n followed t h e m from the


m a i n l a n d , but even plants, attracted by the goodness of the l a n d a n d the good
reception from those settlers.

The reason why the story o f Kabungaw and G i n b u n a is so badly truncated is that i t appears i n a chapter entitled, " O f the troubles which some
famous princesses had i n their antiquity to get m a r r i e d [and] the efforts o f
m e n to abduct others" (Alcina 1668a, 4:245). Thus the whole meat o f what
must have been an epic-length tale has been excised as being o f n o service
to Alcina's purposeall those adventures which f o r m the flesh o f Philippine epics that he d i d n o t p u t down so as n o t to be too long-winded: those
heroic deeds, shipwrecks, and drownings, the intervention o f deities, and
the flight to distant lands to live happily ever after. Moreover, the incident

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o f Kabungaw's p r e t e n d i n g to be dead sounds suspiciously like a m o d e r n i zation i n Alcina's own day, since the magical revival o f dead heroes by their
wives or sweethearts is a c o m m o n climax to Mindanao epics.

Epics
The siday or k a n d u must have been what Philippine folklorists nowadays
call a folk epic. The epic as a literary f o r m is t h o u g h t to have originated i n
the stories o f Indo-European tribal bards regaling a band o f warriors
gathered a r o u n d a campfire w i t h tales that glorified approved standards o f
male conduct. These warriors historically fought hand-to-hand i n cattle
raids w h i c h were eventually recast as the rescue o f abducted wives i n great
epics like the Iliad and Mahabharata. I n the societies that produced Philippine epics, however, power and prestige were n o t based o n the ownership of herds of cattle b u t o n the c o n t r o l o f slave labor. Thus Visayan heroes
who were celebrated as karanduunthat
is, worthy o f k a n d u acclaim
w o u l d have w o n their reputations i n real life o n pangayaw slave raids. As
one k a n d u says o f its heroine, 'You r a i d w i t h your eyes and capture many,
and w i t h only a glance you take more prisoners than raiders do w i t h their
pangayaw" (Alcina 1668a, 4:178).
Alcina concluded his chapters o n the courtship patterns among Visayan
aristocrats by t e l l i n g the k a n d u o f D a t u n g Sumanga and B u g b u n g
Humasanun, that princess who captured m e n with her eyes. H e said he was
presenting it i n a faithful translation, b u t what he presented was obviously
a mere summary or scenario. A fleeting glimpse o f one line, however, is
incidentally preserved i n his chapter o n warfare"The captives he took o n
l a n d were 70, and 50 o f those who were as weak and delicate as women so
they led t h e m by the hand, and those taken at sea were 100, so that they
were 220 i n all, n o t c o u n t i n g the rest o f the booty and prizes" (Alcina
1668a, 4:178). B u t even i n its abbreviated outline, i t is possible to recognize
stylistic features c o m m o n to well-known Mindanao epics like the Darangan,
U l a h i n g o n , or Agyu, and therefore get some sense o f what the original
must have sounded like. Only the e n d i n g seems to be deviant: the hero sets
out to storm heaven itself, fails to do so, comes home empty-handed, b u t
then claims his bride, a denouement told i n Alcina's version with inappropriate irony.
These epics are characterized by highly repetitious plots: battle follows
battle w i t h only m i n o r variations, and voyage after voyage by sea or air i n
search o f a kidnapped princess o r some h i d d e n treasure. I n Alcina's
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resume, Datung Sumanga's six forays are given only a sentence or two
apiece, b u t i f this kandu took all n i g h t to sing, they must have included
details like the hero's flashing gold teeth and magic sword or gong obtained f r o m deities i n a many-layered heaven, and the magnificent p l u m age at prow and stern o f ships miraculously propelled by guardian spirits
rather than oars or sails.
A n o t h e r characteristic o f Philippine epics is the a m o u n t o f space given
to betel nut. T h e datu's followers t u r n the g r o u n d as bloody as a battlefield
with their spittle, demigods chew bonga o f pure gold, ladies make their
appearance preparing quids for their menfolk and serving t h e m ceremoniously, and lovers seal their c o m m i t m e n t by exchanging them partially
masticated. Heroines are royal princesses secluded as inaccessible binokot i n
their chambers, where they are f o u n d spinning, weaving, or e m b r o i d e r i n g
their princes' clothes. They are esteemed for such skills as well as for their
beauty crowned with a great mass o f hair embellished with artificial switches
which i t is a great offense for a m a n even to touch. A n d a good epic ends
with a colorful description o f the lavish wedding feast i n which its protagonists j o i n to display their wealth and magnanimity.
Datung Sumanga and Bugbung Humasanun
T h e r e was, so says the singer, a princess i n the island of B o h o l of great repute a n d
fame called B u g b u n g H u m a s a n u n , the most r e n o w n e d a m o n g all the beauties a n d o f
the greatest fame for h e r talent a m o n g all the damsels, so secluded a n d e n c l o s e d i n
her c h a m b e r that nobody ever saw h e r except by sheerest c h a n c e . H e r visage was like
the s u n w h e n it spreads its first rays over the w o r l d or like a s u d d e n flash o f lightning,
the o n e causing fear a n d respect, the other, j o y a n d delight. A great c h i e f desirous o f
marrying h e r called D a t u n g S u m a n g a one day arrived below h e r house a n d , giving a
salute, asked for the said princess without going up by calling out h e r n a m e a n d
s u r n a m e a n d the other n a m e s w h i c h she h a d b e e n given for h e r beauty. Irritated by
his call, a n d either angry at his boldness o r p r e t e n d i n g to be, she sent a m a i d to ask
who he was, a n d l e a r n i n g his n a m e , acted angrier still that the courtesy h a d n o t been
shown a c c o r d i n g to their custom, a n d r e p l i e d , why h a d he c o m e i n person? H a d he
n o negroes to c o m m a n d or slaves to send, p e r h a p s not even s o m e o n e he esteemed like
a son w h o m he trusted as faithful a n d c o u l d s e n d as a friend? So, without replying o r
speaking a single w o r d , the c h i e f h a d to go right off rebuffed.
So, selecting a negro slave, he o r d e r e d h i m to go as intermediary a n d ask that
princess for buyos, a n d told h i m n o t to c o m e back without t h e m . T h e negro gobetween went with his message a n d asked for the buyos i n his master's n a m e ,
repeating the words of courtesy a n d praise w h i c h were customarily most polite. T o this
she r e s p o n d e d with the same courtesy, saying that she h a d n e i t h e r bongas to put i n
the buyos n o r leaves to m a k e t h e m , for the bongas w h i c h she used came from where
the sun rose a n d the leaves w h i c h she a d d e d f r o m w h e r e it set. A n d she said n o t h i n g
more.

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W h e n h e r reply was received by the suitor chief, he immediately o r d e r e d his slaves


to e m b a r k to go a n d search, some to the east for the bongas, a n d others to the west
for the leaves, j u s t as the princess h a d asked for t h e m . T h i s they did at o n c e , a n d the
same one who h a d brought the message was sent back with t h e m , a n d h a n d e d them
over a n d asked h e r to m a k e the buyos for his lord. T o this the lady replied that she
c o u l d not m a k e t h e m because she h a d n o lime, since h e r lime was only f o u n d i n a
certain distant a n d isolated island. W i t h only this reply he r e t u r n e d . So the datu
immediately o r d e r e d ships l a u n c h e d at sea a n d sent t h e m flying to find the lime i n the
place indicated. T h i s the slaves c a r r i e d out promptly, a n d r e t u r n e d with all speed a n d
delivered the lime, w h i c h the same e x p e r i e n c e d messenger took at once a n d gave to
the lady o n behalf o f his master, asking h e r for those buyos. H e r response was that she
was n o t about to m a k e t h e m until his master went i n person to T a n d a g town o n
the coast of C a r a g a a n d made a mangayaw raid there a n d brought h e r those he
captured.
So he started out at o n c e , a n d with his joangas,

or barangays, a r m e d with all his

warriors, e m b a r k e d for the said C a r a g a , made his attack, a n d took 120 persons i n all,
w h o m , before even d i s e m b a r k i n g o r going to his house, he sent to be h a n d e d over to
that binokot by the same messenger with the necessary guards, w h o d i d so immediately
a n d asked for the buyos i n r e t u r n for his lord w h o was exhausted from the battle.
B u t still not content with this, she sent back to say she c o u l d not make the buyos
until he d i d the same thing he h a d d o n e i n T a n d a g i n the islands o f Y a m b i g a n d
C a m i g u i n , w h i c h the c h i e f set out to do at once. R e i n f o r c i n g his fleet a n d taking only
a few days, he brought his ships back full o f captives, some 220 persons o f all kinds,
w h o m he immediately sent to his lady, asking again for those buyos by means o f that
slave, to w h i c h , stubborn as ever, she a d d e d that he h a d to perform the same d e e d with
the people o f the island of S i q u i h o r a n d the town o f D a p i t a n .
T h i s he d i d at o n c e a n d sent h e r all the captives, w h o were n o fewer than o n the
past occasions, t h o u g h still n o t e n o u g h to win h e r consent or for h e r to give the buyos
w h i c h the gallant was asking of her. Instead, she sent to tell h i m that he h a d to do the
same thing with the towns subject to M i n d a n a o a n d those of the island of J o l o . So,
u n d a u n t e d by even this challenge, for a lover, unless he is m a d , fears as little as those
who are, h e started out o n the fourth expedition. H e w e i g h e d a n c h o r with his fleet a n d
went to M i n d a n a o a n d J o l o , w h e r e he fought valiantly a n d took m a n y m o r e captives
than o n the other occasions, a n d sent t h e m all to h e r , o n c e m o r e asking for his buyos,
since for these he was giving h e r she must surely say yes a n d set the w e d d i n g for certain.
B u t n o t even this time was she willing to give i n , but rather, sent h i m a n o t h e r
d e m a n d by the f u m i n g go-between, w h o told h i m , "Sire, what the princess said is that
she esteems y o u r favors a n d admires y o u r valor, but that i n o r d e r to demonstrate y o u
really love h e r a n d so y o u r prowess may be better k n o w n , she has h e a r d that n o t very
far from these islands is the great k i n g d o m of C h i n a , a people very r i c h a n d o p u l e n t
who c h i r p like birds with a singsongvoice a n d nobody understands t h e m , a n d she said
no more."
W h e n h e r lover h e a r d this, he fitted out his ships with stronger rigging, a d d e d m o r e
vessels, m e n , a n d arms, a n d u n d e r t o o k the fifth voyage for G r a n d C h i n a , at w h i c h
coast he arrived safely, m a d e his assaults o n towns little p r e p a r e d , c a p t u r e d e n o u g h
to fill the ships, a n d m a d e the r e t u r n voyage to his l a n d with great speed, laden with

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captives a n d spoils, w h i c h he immediately sent to his lady with the oft-repeated plea
for the buyos.
B u t the lady was not won over by even all o f this, but rather, setting h e r contract
still higher, asked for the impossible, for the reply w h i c h she gave was to say ( a n d here
the poet speaks i n the hyperboles w h i c h the Visayans use with m u c h elegance) that
in due time a n d without fail she w o u l d m a k e the buyos if he p e r f o r m e d one m o r e task
first, w h i c h was that he s h o u l d b r i n g h e r s o m e t h i n g from heaven as important as what
he h a d brought h e r from earth.
O n this reply, seeing that she was asking for the impossible, he said, " C o m e then,
let's get started: we will try to c o n q u e r heaven. P r e p a r e the ships," he said, " a n d we'll
go there. W e ' l l m a k e an attack o n the sky; we'll u n h i n g e a piece of it; we'll u n f o l d part
of o n e of its eight layers o r levels, a n d we'll seize one o f its greatest t h u n d e r claps; we'll
rob the m o o n o f a bit o f its splendor, o r if n o t h i n g else, at least one ray o f those that
are forged i n its workshops. C o m e t h e n , w e ' r e off, w e ' r e off!"
So he e m b a r k e d , but i n vain, a n d so he sailed, but without e n d , for o f all the
r e c e d i n g horizons, he n e i t h e r r e a c h e d o n e n o r c o u l d he cover them all, so he
r e t u r n e d satisfied, a n d sent w o r d to h e r that he h a d done what she h a d o r d e r e d but
that c o u l d only dedicate, not give, the t h u n d e r a n d lightning to her, for throughout
the m a n y regions he h a d coursed, many were h e a r d but few were found. H e a d d e d that
unless she sent h i m the buyos immediately w h i c h h a d cost h i m so m u c h a n d h a d so
tired h i m out, he w o u l d c o m e a n d personally remove h e r hairpiece a n d make a sombolp l u m e o f it for his ship.
O n receiving this message, she began to cry a n d m o a n , terrified in h e r heart lest
he d i s h o n o r her, a n d so she d e c i d e d to make the buyos so m a n y times d e n i e d . W h e n
they were made, she put t h e m in a little casket of marble fashioned with m u c h art, a n d
this inside a n o t h e r little case like those i n w h i c h ladies keep theirjewels, a n d sent t h e m
with the negro go-between who h a d so many times c o m e a n d gone with messages. B u t
w h e n he told his l o r d that he h a d t h e m , he was unwilling to see or receive t h e m a n d
sent t h e m back instead, saying he w o u l d not accept t h e m whole but only c h e w e d , a n d
that she s h o u l d s e n d one in a p e r f u m e d box of gold, all of w h i c h was a sign of h e r
consent a n d pledge of their i n t e n d e d w e d d i n g celebrations, w h i c h they p e r f o r m e d
afterwards with the p o m p a n d ostentation fit for their class a n d wealth ( A l c i n a 1668a,
4:248-56).

Folklore
Visayan folklore is scattered all t h r o u g h Alcina's Historia. I n the volume
devoted to botany, he tells the o r i g i n myth o f the first m a n and woman, and
remarks that the makapaag flower was believed to blossom well indoors
because it was originally a m a n w h o m the gods changed i n t o a plant. U n d e r
zoology, he recounts monkey lore that are still popularly believedthat
they fish for crabs by using their tails as bait, for example, or f o r m living
chain bridges by grabbing each other's tails to cross crocodile-infested
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riversas well as the story o f the Monkey and the Tortoise which was later
given literary dignity by Jose Rizal. Describing birds, he mentions i n passing
a moralizing song about a man who kept three i n his housea tabilalang,
which is always i n flight and never k n o w n to sleep, a tarinting, which keeps
nervously t u r n i n g its head i n all directions, and a gitgit, which, like a sentry,
never stops giving its call. (The m o r a l is that a householder who intends to
protect his wealth and h o n o r must be vigilant.) Speculating about the
existence o f giants, he encapsulates the legend o f Pusung o f Magtaon, and
i n discussing daragangan, folk heroes, he cites a folk song about fleet-footed
Parapat. B u t unfortunately, his collection o f 600 riddles (titigoon) has n o t
survived.
T h e First M a n a n d W o m a n
After the world was made a n d the c o c o n u t palms h a d borne fruit, two coconuts,
well r i p e n e d , h a p p e n e d to fall into the sea o n whose shore their p a l m tree was
growing, whose waters received t h e m a n d c a r r i e d t h e m o n its waves for m a n y days
wherever the w i n d a n d c u r r e n t wanted, until one day w h e n the sea was raging, it threw
t h e m with violence against some rocks. Ready to hatchas if they were eggsthey
broke o p e n with the blow andas i f p r e o r d a i n e d t h e r e came forth from the larger
a m a n , who was the first one, w h o m they call L a k i , a n d from the smaller a w o m a n ,
w h o m they call Baye. A n d from these two as the first parents of the h u m a n race, all
people are d e s c e n d e d ( A l c i n a 1668a, 1:178).
W h y the Bat Is C a l l e d Stupid
W e will add a Bisayan fable here w h i c h gives [these bats] their n a m e a n d the reason
they go out at night. T h i s is, that after their creation (the Bisayans in their antiquity
did not know who created t h e m , though they h a d some i n k l i n g ) , all the birds got
together for e a c h o n e to choose his food, a n d so that they w o u l d not be taking each
others', each w o u l d choose a c c o r d i n g to his desire a n d taste. W h e n this big bat's turn
came, he chose for his k i n d the fruit of a tree w h i c h is called tabigi here, w h i c h is
beautiful to the eye, as big as a m e d i u m m e l o n a n d , seen from a distance, not dissimilar
to the big oranges from C h i n a . T h e y all m a d e fun of h i m because this fruit, although
of nice a p p e a r a n c e outside, inside has n o t h i n g m o r e than a few seeds as large as eggs,
although of different shapes to fill the shell; they are very h a r d , bitter a n d tasteless
(although very g o o d for c u r i n g loose stool, most especially bloody stool, t h o u g h the
birds did not know this quality). F r o m this incident, he was given the n a m e of Kabug,
w h i c h means d u n c e [bobo] in this language, or one who has little sense. T h e y also have
a saying w h i c h serves very appropriately for n o few occasions, a n d it is that w h e n
somebody selects what pleases the eye without c h e c k i n g its qualitylike a beautiful
w o m a n but foolish, or a h a n d s o m e m a n but stupid, a n d fruit of g o o d color but rotten,
etc.they say of h i m , "Daw napili

sin tabigi," w h i c h means that, like the Kabug,

he chose the tabigi fruit, good to look at but for n o t h i n g else ( A l c i n a 1668a, 2 : 2 3 3 34).

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T h e Tortoise a n d the M o n k e y
F r o m the sayings w h i c h are c o m m o n a m o n g these natives about this a n i m a l [the
tortoise] we c a n d e d u c e its characteristics. I n one of t h e m they say of it what we say of
doctors over there [in S p a i n ] , " H e doesn't want it [even as a gift]," because they tell
a story a n d it is this.
T h i s Tortoise a n d the M o n k e y f o u n d by c h a n c e a b u d or sprout of a b a n a n a plant,
w h i c h we have already said is called sahan. T h e y fought over who w o u l d take the best
part, a n d in o r d e r to deceive the Monkey, the Tortoise asked for the part w h i c h had
the leaves, w h i c h thus seemed best to the m o n k e y a n d he kept it, giving h i m the part
with the root, w h i c h is what the latter wanted because it is w h a t sprouts, grows a n d
bears fruit, a n d so he gave signs of wanting the opposite so they w o u l d let h i m have
what he wanted a n d was m o r e profitable.
So to say of somebody that he is a m a n of intrigues a n d plots, they say he is like this
animal's intestines because they have m a n y twists a n d turns, a n d even though small,
it knows a lot since it was able to trick the Monkey, w h i c h is so m u c h larger a n d wiser
than it; a n d also w h e n they give somebody the worst part, they say they treated h i m like
the Tortoise.
So to c o n t i n u e the story begun above, we say that w h e n the piece of stalk or root
w h i c h the M o n k e y h a d given h i m sprouted, grew a n d bore fruit, the Tortoise, since
he c o u l d not climb, went to find the M o n k e y to c l i m b up a n d get the fruit, w h i c h he
did gladly, a n d seated above, began to gather the ripe bananas a n d to eat them,
throwing down all the rinds or skins o n the Tortoise w h o was down below, with w h i c h
he tricked h i m , or revenged the first trick. A n d from this fable they get the said
proverbs ( A l c i n a 1668a, 2 : 2 0 2 - 3 ) .
P u s o n g of Magtaon
I will tell of one brave whose m e m o r y was still very fresh because it h a p p e n e d not
many years before the Spaniards arrived here. T h i s o n e was an I n d i o of gigantic stature
called Pusong, a native of the town of Magtaon i n the interior of the island of S a m a r
a n d Ibabao, who used to make frequent invasions of the towns of Calbiga a n d L i b u n a o
w h i c h are o n the S a m a r side, but not so m u c h a r o u n d B o r o n g a n because those o n that
coast were m u c h m o r e feared. T h o s e he h a d killed were many w h e n they stood u p to
h i m , a n d even m o r e those who h a d b e e n captured i n repeated times because he was
a great raider, or magahat as they call t h e m , until n e a r the town of Calbiga they set a
trap for h i m i n w h i c h he was killed.
T h i s trap was that in a stream he h a d to cross, w h i c h was all flat stones with very h i g h
banks of rock, one of the m o r e d a r i n g h i d below it o n the side he usually came from,
a n d the other waited for h i m o n the opposite side, with arms ready, though not
trusting so m u c h i n t h e m as i n the treachery a n d trap they h a d set for h i m . T h i s one
c h a l l e n g e d h i m from the side where he was, with the stream i n between, a n d w h e n the
one from Magtaon j u m p e d over, the one who was h i d d e n below the bank threw his
spear with s u c h great force that it passed t h r o u g h his body, with w h i c h he fell. A n d the
one w h o h a d c h a l l e n g e d h i m came down a n d they killed h i m s i n c e "a d e a d M o r o
gets m a n y blows"-in the very place w h e r e he h a d fallen with the first w o u n d , a n d
since this was of very wide flat stones, as I saw w h e n I went there j u s t to see what traces

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r e m a i n e d o n that rock where, stretched out in the same position, they h a d traced a n d
carved out with a chisel the whole body in the very posture in w h i c h h e h a d died.
I have seen these lines or carving w h i c h still survive today, a n d they show that he
was a remarkable m a n a n d husky because although he wore a barote

[padded

breastplate], the rest o f his body was n a k e d except for his bahag, a n d from the lines
w h i c h traced his thighs, legs, arms, h e a d , a n d body (he h a d one a r m caught
u n d e r n e a t h a n d one leg twisted o r b e n t ) , it is clear that he was a giant o f a m a n , o f
greater stature a n d b u i l d than the tallest ordinarily are ( A l c i n a 1668a, 4 : 1 6 7 - 6 9 ) .
[But] what a C a l b i g a n told me, an intelligent c h i e f m o r e knowledgeable about
their affairs than the ordinary (he was i n c u m b e n t governor o f his town w h e n he told
me, as he had b e e n several times before) . . . was that they were pygmies they call
B o n g a n i n their language w h o killed h i m , a n d they were so small that they d i d n ' t
e x c e e d half a good-sized man's forearm. T h e way they d i d it, they say, was that they
covered the streambed with n i p a leaves, a n d since these were o n top of the slick stones,
w h e n he crossed the said stream a n d stepped o n those leaves, both feet shot out from
u n d e r h i m a n d threw h i m down o n the stones, a n d immediately many of the said
B o n g a n , or pygmies, r u s h e d u p l i k e ants that drag things w h i c h weigh ten times
m o r e than all of t h e m togetherand with their little spears a n d other arms, they killed
h i m ( A l c i n a 1668a, 2 7 7 - 7 8 ) .
Parapat
I will tell an u n u s u a l tale w h i c h I have h e a r d many times a n d have repeated not a
few, both because of the oddity of the subject a n d the nice language o f the wording.
It says, then, that there was an I n d i o c a l l e d i f I r e m e m b e r rightParapat, w h o was
so swift w h e n r u n n i n g along the b e a c h w h i c h over here are of very fine c l e a n s a n d
he left no trace or footprint by w h i c h it c o u l d be k n o w n that he h a d r u n across it, a n d
the same song also adds that only o n top of the rocks w o u l d some grains o f sand be
discovered w h i c h h a d stuck to the soles o f his feet or between his toes, by w h i c h those
w h o k n e w his speed a n d that h e was accustomed to pass that way, k n e w he h a d passed
by ( A l c i n a 1668a, 4:181).
Bingi of L a w a n
T h e r e lived i n this place a c h i e f called Karagrag, who was its l o r d a n d ruler. H e was
m a r r i e d to a lady o f his r a n k called B i n g i , a n a m e w h i c h h a d b e e n bestowed o n h e r
because o f h e r chastity, as we shall see. (I was not able to find out if she came from the
same town; most probably she was f r o m upstream o n the C a t u b i g River, w h e r e she was
the daughter o f the c h i e f there.) T h i s lady, a c c o r d i n g to what they recount, was
e n d o w e d with many fine virtues a n d greatly celebrated for h e r beauty a m o n g these
natives, so m u c h so that, m o v e d by the fame o f h e r beauty, the Datu, o r ruler, of Albay
got ready a h u n d r e d ships. T h i s c h i e f was called D u m a r a u g , w h i c h means the victor,
a n d with all those ships he weighed a n c h o r i n his land, a n d within a short time came
in view o f the [ L a w a n I s l a n d ] town o f Makarato.
H i s u n e x p e c t e d arrival excited the town, but since it was well-fortified by its natural
location a n d it was the season of the Vendavales (the best time for going there from

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Albay) w h e n the force of the sea a n d its waves were strong a n d turbulent, he d i d not
venture to go straight i n but took shelter instead near the b e a c h w h i c h Rawis Point
makes with very fine sand a n d free of shoals, w h e r e , because of an islet across the
entrance from the sea, the surf is less obstructive a n d the sea m i l d e r a n d c a l m . F r o m
there he sent a small boat with a sign of peace to a n n o u n c e the purpose of his c o m i n g ,
w h i c h was simply to carry Bingi away as his wife, the fame of whose beauty alone h a d
left h i m lovestruck a n d with only this w o u l d he then return to his l a n d without m a k i n g
any attack a n d always afterward r e m a i n their friend a n d protector, since b e i n g more
powerful than they, he c o u l d do it to their advantage.
Karagrag, rather than m a k i n g reply, showed t h e m how well p r e p a r e d he was by
entertaining t h e m , a n d w h e n his wife was i n f o r m e d of D u m a r a u g ' s intentions, she
r e s p o n d e d at once that she was greatly surprised that for something of such little worth
he h a d m a d e s u c h a demonstration a n d l a u n c h e d so many ships, that she was content
with the h u s b a n d she h a d a n d did not care to exchange h i m for any other, even one
m u c h m o r e powerful, a n d that so l o n g as he was alive, she c o u l d not think of leaving
him;

a n d if it s h o u l d be h e r u n l u c k y fate to fall into his hands captive, he s h o u l d

u n d e r s t a n d that though he might carry h e r off a n d c o m m a n d h e r as his slave, that to


make h e r his wife, she w o u l d never consent a n d was ready to give her life first.
E n c o u r a g e d by so bold a response, h e r h u s b a n d Karagrag simply added that he was
there waiting with his m e n deployed, a n d that although they were not many, they were
very g o o d m e n , a n d that the place w h e r e they were was very secure, a n d if he came to
try his arms i n battle, they w o u l d do their duty; a n d i f he s h o u l d defeat t h e m , he w o u l d
be l o r d of his wife a n d property, but if not, he w o u l d r e t u r n to his l a n d empty-handed,
if i n d e e d he escaped from there with his life.
W i t h this reply, a n d i n view of the strength a n d impregnability of the place for
t h e m , with n o m o r e arms than spears a n d shields or at most some arrows, the c h i e f
r e c o n s i d e r e d a n d hesitated a bit but not for long, a n d without attempting anything
m o r e a n d risking his m e n , he r e t u r n e d h o m e j u s t as he h a d c o m e , leaving both the
c h i e f a n d his wife B i n g i happy.
T h i s h a p p e n e d a few years before the Spaniards came, a n d is still fresh i n the
m e m o r y of the natives of the L a w a n town, w h o today are their descendants. Not many
years ago, I b u r i e d a c h i e f of the said island, w h o was m o r e than seventy years old,
whose parent h a d been alive w h e n this raid took place; a n d a son of his who h a d h e a r d
it m a n y times, related it to m e with all the aforesaid details ( A l c i n a 1668a, 4 : 2 0 - 2 3 ) .

A bingi or bingil was a virgin or a woman who had been faithful to one
man all her life. I t must therefore have been bestowed o n the heroine o f
this romance sometime after the Albay raid, the first step i n an historic
event's becoming a legend. T h e quotation o f her and her husband's noble
words indicates that the poetic process h a d already h a d its effect by the
time Father Alcina heard the story. Perhaps with retelling over the centuries and the accumulation o f apocryphal embellishments, the tale m i g h t
have grown into a full-fledged kandu. Indeed, had ancient Visayan culture
not succumbed to colonial acculturation, some Waray bard m i g h t now be
singing the Epic o f Bingi.
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Musical Instruments
There were basically eight kinds o f Visayan musical instruments. Four
were very quiet instruments and so were played indoors at nighttime: a
small lute, bamboo zither, nose flute, and reed Jew's harp. The other f o u r
were very l o u d , and therefore suitable for war, dancing, and public gatherings: bamboo or seashell bugle, metal gongs, skin-headed drums, and
bamboo resonators.
The kudyapi was a k i n d o f small lute carved out of a single piece of wood
w i t h a belly o f half a coconut shell added for resonance, with two or three
wire strings plucked w i t h a q u i l l p l e c t r u m , and three or four frets, often o f
m e t a l . 1 9 T h e body was called sungar-sungar
or burbuwaya;
the neck,
burubunkun;
the strings, dulos; the fretboard, pidya; and the t u n i n g pegs,
birik-birik. The scroll was called apil-apil or sayong, the same as the h o r n l i k e
protrusions at the ends o f the ridgepole o f a house. T h e kudyapi was only
played by m e n , mainly to accompany their own love songs. The female
equivalent was the k o r l o n g , a k i n d o f zither made o f a single node o f
bamboo with strings cut f r o m the skin o f the bamboo itself, each raised and
tuned o n two little bridges, and played with b o t h hands like a harp. A
variant f o r m had a row o f t h i n n e r canes w i t h a string cut f r o m each one.
Tolali or lantuy was a nose flute w i t h three or four finger holes, and was
played i n i m i t a t i o n o f a m o u r n f u l h u m a n voice with shakes and trills
t h o u g h t appropriate to wakes and funerals. Subing was a Jew's harpa
twanging reed plucked between the lips or teeth with the open m o u t h as
a variable resonating chamber, and since its sound could be shaped into a
k i n d o f code words understood only by the player and his sweetheart, i t was
considered the c o u r t i n g instrument par excellence. Bodyong was a conch
shell or section o f bamboo played against the lips like a bugle, used as a
signal i n war or as part o f a babaylan's paraphernalia d u r i n g a paganito.
Babaylan also kept time with tambourines called kalatong, a term which
included war drums (gadang or gimbal), with the huge ones that were
carried o n mangayaw cruisers being fashioned o u t o f hollow tree trunks
with a deerskin head. Tibongbong was a node o f bamboo p o u n d e d o n the
floor as a r h y t h m instrument.
The most i m p o r t a n t instrument was the agong, a bronze gong Spanish
explorers encountered wherever they went ashore. Pigafetta n o t e d an
ensemble i n Cebua pair suspended and struck alternately, another large
one, and two small ones played like cymbalsand i n Quipit, three different
sizes hanging i n the queen's quarters. T h e natives o f Sarangani b u r i e d
theirs i n a vain attempt to avoid l o o t i n g by Villalobos; and thirty Samarehos
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boarded Legazpi's flagship i n Oras Bay and danced to the r h y t h m o f one,


after his b l o o d compact with their chief. Mindanao epics provide a few
details o f their use. Agong were played either o n the edge or o n the navel
(that is, the center boss or k n o b ) , slowly to announce bad news, faster (by
the r u l i n g datu himself) to summon the people. Warships approached the
enemy with all gongs sounding.
Gongs were given a larger vocabulary than any other instrument. Alcina
(1668a, 4:129) considered i t an evidence o f the elegance o f the Visayan
language that there were special terms "even for the cord w i t h which they
fasten and hang it, which i t w o u l d be i m p r o p e r to apply to anything else."
Mungmungan
was the boss or teat. A flat gong, or one f r o m which the boss
had been w o r n o f f by l o n g use, was panas, i n c l u d i n g the platelike Chinese
ones (mangmang). The largest one i n an ensemble was ganding.
Hototokwas
to play t h e m o n the edge with a simple stick, or sarawisaw i f more than one
player alternated strokes. Pagdanaw or pagbasal was to strike t h e m o n the
boss with a padded drumstick called basal. (A governor or chief was also
called basal, presumably because o f his prerogative o f sounding a gong to
assemble his people.) Actual bells f r o m Spain or Asia were linganay, and
little j i n g l e bellslike those the epic hero Bantungan had o n the handle
o f his kampilanwere golong-golong.
Chinese gongs were little valued: ones f r o m Sangir were w o r t h three or
four times as m u c h , and those f r o m Borneo three or four times that4 or
5 pesos i n 1616. Huge ones said to reach a meter and a half i n diameter
could fetch one or two slaves. The Bornean gong was a standard o f value
when bargaining for expensive goodsfor example, "Pakaagongonta i n i n g
katana [Let's price this Japanese s w o r d ] " (Sanchez 1617, 9v). Indeed,
assessments like pinipito or pinakapito ( b o t h referring to the n u m b e r seven)
were understood by themselves to mean seven gongs.
Gongs were one o f four itemsalong with gold, porcelain, and slaves
required for any datu-class dowry, or bride-price, and m e n mortgaged
themselves to b o r r o w one for this purpose. The bargaining between the
two families was done with little wooden counters placed o n top o f a gong
turned boss-up o n the floor, and the gong itself became the property o f the
mediating go-between u p o n the conclusion o f a successful settlement.

Vocal Music
Visayans were said to be always singing except when they were sick or
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m o n tunes, n o t the performance o f set pieces composed by musical specialists. There was no separate poetic art: all poems were sung or chanted,
i n c l u d i n g full-fledged epics or public declamations. Singing was unaccompanied except i n the case o f love songs, i n w h i c h either male o r female
singers accompanied themselves o n their respective instruments, kudyapi
or k o r l o n g . Well-bred ladies were called u p o n to p e r f o r m w i t h the k o r l o n g
d u r i n g social gatherings, and all adults were expected to participate i n
g r o u p singing o n any occasion.
Awit was the general term for singing and a paraawit was an expert
"considered a professional singer," Sanchez (1617, 38) said, "like a leader
w h o m the others follow." Biyawwas to sing solo, while a mamaratbat was the
precentor w h o set the tune and beat by singing a couplet, to which the
others (mananabat) responded i n chorus, batbat meaning to beat metal flat.
Bagaw or dagaw was for two o r more singers to reinforce or complement
each other i n male drinkfests, d u r i n g which m i g h t be sung daihuansongs
i n which drinkers made f u n o f one o f their fellows. The narrative content
o f these songs was called biriyawantales o r fablesor karanduun i f it was
o f epic length and loftiness. Hiya or hele was the shout o f m e n p u t t i n g their
shoulders to a c o m m o n task like dragging a log or r o w i n g a boat, whence
sea chanteys were called otohele.
W h e n distinguishing different types o f song, however, awit was used as
a specific term for sea chanteys, which were called hilimbanganon
i n Panay.
The cantor, himself p u l l i n g an oara paddle, actuallywould lead off
w i t h an u n r h y m e d couplet and the whole crew w o u l d respond i n a heavy
beat with a refrain (hotlo) like "H6d-lo, he-le, hi-ya, he-le!" A good paraawit
or parahele had a wide repertoire o f tunes w i t h different tempos, some o f
t h e m handed down f r o m generation to generation by fathers teaching
their sons. T h e content o f these sea chanteys, i f n o t their actual w o r d i n g ,
was also handed down f r o m ancestral times and so perpetuated and p r o m ulgated Visayan traditions and values. M o r e than one Spanish observer,
c o m m e n t i n g o n the lack o f written records, said that Filipino history and
beliefs were preserved i n the songs they heard while r o w i n g boats.
Safe'was the general t e r m for poetry or song i n Panay, especially that w i t h
a chorus responding to a precentor, b u t m i g h t also refer specifically to
handum or bat-ar. H a n d u m was to recall somebody departed w i t h affectionate praise"like a good minister or alcalde mayor," Father M e n t r i d a
remarked rather f o n d l y a n d bat-ar was a dirge or eulogy addressed to the
deceased at a wake. Dirges i n Leyte and Samar were called hay a ( f r o m
tihaya, to be face-up like a corpse or a canoe carried o n the shoulder), and
female parahaya were h i r e d to sing m o u r n f u l tunes w h i c h evoked shrieks

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o f grief f r o m the widowed and relatives present. Haya were also called
anogon or kanogon ("Alas! Woe is m e ! " ) , and since they n o t only praised the
dead b u t petitioned them directly for supernatural favor, the missionary
fathers took a d i m view o f their performance. As Father Sanchez (1617,
127) said, "Kanogon is also to bewail the deceased and is like paying h i m an
honor, or better said, to sing something w h i c h should be p r o h i b i t e d
because i n the singing they invoke the deceased and the diwata."

Dancing
W i t h the exception o f funerals, all Visayan feasts sponsored by datus
were accompanied by dancing and gong playingweddings, b i r t h o f children, p l a n t i n g and harvesting o f crops, preparations for war, and victory
celebrations afterwards. Sayaw or sabay was the general termmagsalabay
for m e n , magkigal for w o m e n , magbabanug for a pair o f dancers, and
magsisibay for group dancing i n two opposed lines.
Sabay suggested birdlike motions w i t h the armsfor men, one arm
p o i n t i n g down and the other up, to be reversed while o p e n i n g and closing
the fists; for ladies, extended w i t h slow deliberate finger motions. Taruk
referred to the delicate foot movements characteristic o f dancing by
w o m e n i n c l u d i n g babaylan a r o u n d the p i g o r wine j a r d u r i n g paganito
often only slightly lifting either the heels o r toes. Patad-patad was stomping
to a l i g h t tread by either sex. I n the Kigal, a lady h e l d a kerchief i n b o t h
hands, waving i t to one side and then the other, placing i t a r o u n d her neck
f r o m time to time. (Kigal meant to h o l d hands: perhaps she and her
partner j o i n e d hands to end the dance, since otherwise m e n and w o m e n
never touched each other i n Visayan dances.) Salabay was actually a war
dance i n which two m e n armed w i t h shields and spears p e r f o r m e d a
ritualized but energetic duel w i t h feints and lunges accompanied by gong
beat. They sometimes became so enthusiastic they had to be separated lest
intentional or u n i n t e n t i o n a l body contact lead to a real fight.

Games and Gambling


Spanish lexicographers gave little space to toys, m e n t i o n i n g only little
girls' dolls (bata-bata or kulasot) and a children's game called kunggit played
w i t h kigay or buskay seashellsprobably m o d e r n sungka. But youthsfor
that matter, m e n o f all agesspun tops, w h i c h was the most popular f o r m
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o f gambling. Good top t h r o w i n g required b o t h skill and muscle, and the


action was accompanied by m u c h laughter, shouting, and stomping. Made
o f hardwood, the top was t h r o w n w i t h a strong soft c o r d o f maguey
(gamowan) w o u n d a r o u n d its head (ulo), w i t h the object o f striking another
top w i t h its p o i n t (tagad) to splinter or splitor at least knock overthat
other top. W h e n a top was spun so that i t appeared motionlessor "sleepi n g , " as they said i n Spanishit was called tuyongor urok. The top itself was
called kasing, and its shape was so c o m m o n l y known that the h u m a n heart
was called
kasing-kasing.
Betting d u r i n g a game o f tops varied according to different rules o f play
w h i c h i n c l u d e d twenty or thirty specific termsnagbibigay,
nagigoway,
nagdaugay, for example, "and many other names," Father Sanchez (1617,
132) said, "not used i n the p u l p i t or confessional."
Cockfighting was observed by Pigafetta i n Palawan i n 1521. Philippine
historians w o u l d later conclude that the custom had been i n t r o d u c e d by
the Spaniards themselves, b u t the practice was already widespread and
i m p o r t a n t i n Southeast Asian cultures at that time. I n pre-Islamic Java,
cockfights had religious significance i n public ceremonies, and they were
carved i n stone i n the temple friezes o f A n g k o r Wat i n Cambodia i n the
twelfth century. Kings sometimes identified so personally w i t h their favorites
that Sultan Iskander M u d a o f Ache c o u l d order a courtier castrated whose
b i r d had defeated his own.
The Visayan w o r d bulangwas applied i n Malay n o t only to tying the blade
to the cock's spur, b u t a weapon to a man's wrist. Similarly, Visayan
magbubulang
meant n o t only for cocks to fight b u t also m e n w h o had
challenged one another. (The razorlike blade itself [garol\s also called
bulang.)
Cockfighters raised their birds i n the house, crossbred them w i t h wild
ones, i m p o r t e d others f r o m Jolo w i t h a reputation for bravery, and assessed
their abilities by the color o f their feathersfor example, black ones
fought best i n the afternoon, white ones i n the m o r n i n g . The winner took
the defeated b i r d " B i n u l a n g ako niya sing tolo kaharangsar [ H e took
three cocks f r o m me]"unless the owner wished to ransom i t for healing
with the milky sap o f the gatas-gatas plant (Sanchez 1637a, 80). Whatever
the size o f spectator betting may have been before the Spanish advent, i t
was greatly increased by the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the colonizers' coinage. Once,
when a galleon ran aground i n Borongan i n 1655, private salvage operations flooded the Samar coast w i t h so m u c h Mexican silver that the price
o f a f i g h t i n g cock rose to 20 pesos and bets to 500 pesos and 1,000 pesos.

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