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15:26:38 PM
VIVARIUM
AN INTERNATIONALJOURNAL FOR THE PHILOSOPHY
AND INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND
RENAISSANCE
vivarium
inparticular
is devoted
totheprofane
sideofmediaeval
philosophy
andtheintellectual
lifeoftheMiddle
AgesandRenaissance
- H.A.G.Braakhuis,
- C.H. Kneepkens,
editors
L.M.de Rijk,(Leiden)
(Nijmegen)
E.P.
D. Perler,
Bos,
W.J.Courtenay,
(Madison)
(Leiden).
(Groningen)
M.G.M. vanderPoel,(Nijmegen).
(Basel)oftheEditorial
Board:
Prof.
C.H.Kneepkens.
Secretary
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should
be addressed
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- J.E.Murdoch,
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publishers Brill,
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PRINTED
15:26:38 PM
CONTENTS
Christoph Fleler
OF VOLUME
XL (2002)
PolitischerAristotelismusim Mittelalter.
Einleitung
Raimundus Acgerii's Commentary on
: Some Notes
Aristotle'sPolitics
Karl Ubl - Lars
Zur Transformationder Monarchie von
ViNX
Aristoteleszu Ockham
Cary J. Nederman
Mechanics and Citizens: The Reception
of the AristotelianIdea of Citizenshipin
Late Medieval Europe
Aristotle'sPoliticsand Ptolemyof Lucca
JamesM. Blythe
Taneli Kukkonen
Alternatives
to Alternatives:
Approachesto
Aristotle'sArgumentsper impossibile
Ernesto Perini-Santos L'extensionde la listedes modalitsdans
les commentairesdu Perihermeneias
et des
Elenchi
de
Guillaume
d'Ockham
Sophistici
Stephen Read
The Liar Paradox fromJohnBuridanback
to Thomas Bradwardine
M.V. Dougherty
Two PossibleSources forPico's Oratio....
Christian Schfer
Juan Gins de Seplveda und die politiim Zeitalterder
sche Aristotelesrezeption
Roberto Lambertini
Review Artigle
Reviews
1
14
41
75
103
137
174
189
219
242
Conquista
Robert Black,The Originsof Humanism,
itsEducationalContextand itsEarlyDevelopment:A ReviewArticleof Ronald Witt's
'In the
272
of theAncients'
Footsteps
WalterBerschin,Biographieund Epochenstilim lateinischenMittelalter.
IV. Ottonische Biographie.Das hohe Mittelalter,
9201220 n. Chr. [rev.byG.J.M. Bartelink
) .... 298
Dag NikolausHasse (ed.),Abaelards"Historiacalamitatum".Text- bersetzung
Literaturwissenschaftliche
Modellanalysen
299
Mews)
{rev.by Constant
Theodor Khler, Grundlagendes philoDiskurses im
sophisch-anthropologischen
Die
dreizehnten
Jahrhundert: ErkenntnisBemhung um den Menschen im zeitVerstndnis[rev.byAllanBck) 302
genssischen
15:26:38 PM
iv
(Reviews cont
.)
Books Received
CONTENTS
Albert Zimmermann,Thomas lesen {rev.
305
byE.P. Bos)
Die
der
mitSeung-ChanPark,
Rezeption
telalterlichenSprachphilosophie in der
Theologie des Thomas von Aquin. Mit
besondererBercksichtigung
der Analogie
Harm
306
(rev.by
Goris)
Dietrich von Freiberg,Neue Perspektive
seiner Philosophie,Theologie und Naturwissenschaft
309
(rev.byE.P. Bos)
Bos
and
Egbert
StephenRead, Concepts.
The Treatises of Thomas of Cleves and
Paul of Gelria. An Edition of the Texts
witha SystematicIntroduction(rev.byE.J.
312
Ashworth)
LaurentiiVallensis,De lingua latinae eleedicincrtica,traducgantia.Introduccin,
cin y notas por Santiago Lpez Moreda,
Tomos I-II (rev.byLeonterBeefy
313
Robert Black & Gabriella Pomaro, 'La
consolazione della filosofia'nel Medioevo
e nel Rinascimentoitaliano.Libridi scuola
e glossenei manoscritti
fiorentini/Boethius's
'Consolation of Philosophy' in Italian
Medieval and Renaissance Education.
Schoolbooksand theirGlossesin Florentine
321
Manuscripts(rev.byLodiNauta)
324
15:26:38 PM
im Mittelalter
Politischer
Aristotelismus
Einleitung
CHRISTOPH FLELER
das im Mittelalter
Die Politik
war zwar nichtdasjenigeBuch des Aristoteles,
die grssteRezeption erfuhr,andere seinerauthentischenSchriftenwurden lange bevor die Politikendlich bersetztwurde, bekanntund unter
den Hauptwerken,zu denen wir gewissdie Politikzhlen mgen, hatten
und
andere einen strkerenEinflussund waren ohne Zweifelkontroverser
wurden heftigerdiskutiert.Aber selbst wenn wir diese Einschrnkung
voranstellen,kann kein Zweifeldarberbestehen,dass die Aristotelische
Politik
einenenormenEinflussauf die politischePhilosophiedes Mittelalters
ausbte.Dieser Einflusswird dann besondersdeutlich,wenn wir uns mit
die in den letztenJahrzehntendes 13.
politischenSchriftenbeschftigen,
Jahrhundertsverfasstwurden. Kurz nach ihrer bersetzungsind eine
nichtunbedeutendeZahl von Kommentarenentstanden.Aber der EinLitedie wir zur traditionsreichen
flussreichteviel weiter:Die Schriften,
zhlen
und
die
nach
dem
der
raturgattung sogenannten,FrstenspiegeF
Bekanntwerdender Politikverfasstwurden, haben eine radikal neue
von Thomas von Aquin, der
Richtungeingeschlagen.Der Frstenspiegel
in den Jahren
wohl in der letzten,unglaublichintensivenSchaffenszeit,
wre
ohne
Kenntnis
der
entstanden
sein
1271-3
drfte,
vollstndigen
ist ein Neuanfang,wie Jrbersetzungnichtmglichgewesen.De regno
schreibt(Miethke 2000, 25-45), der die politische
gen Miethke treffend
PoliReflexionauf eine neue Ebene hob. Dabei spieltedie aristotelische
wenn
seine
neue
entscheidende
auch
tiksichereine
Rolle,
Fragestellung,
die die Schriftenzu ,De potestatepapae' vorbereitete,nicht in erster
mit der Aristotelischen
SchriftzurckLinie auf die Auseinandersetzung
zufhrenist.
Aber auch in anderen Werkenjener Zeit lsst sich der Einflussder
Politik
denn die Politicagehrttatschlichzu den hufigzitierten
feststellen,
nahm
Bchern:Das philosophische
Nachdenkenber politischeHerrschaft
innertkurzerZeit so starkzu, dass sich die berechtigteFrage stellt,ob
diese Literaturnichtnur starkvom aristotelischen
Werkbeeinflusst
wurde,
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
Koninklijke
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online
Vivarium
40,1
15:32:31 PM
CHRISTOPH
FLELER
sonderndie Wiederentdeckung
der politischenPhilosophiedes Aristoteles
zu diesen Schriftensogar einen entscheidendenAnstossgab.
Der erstebersetzerder Politikwar Wilhelmvon Moerbeke, der am
wahrscheinlichin
Anfang seiner eindrcklichenbersetzungsttigkeit,
Griechenlandum 1260, das ersteBuch und einenTeil des zweitenBuches
direktaus dem Griechischenins Lateinischebertrug.EinigeJahrespter,
um 1265- Wilhelm drftemittlerweile
am ppstlichenHof intensivan
der Neubersetzungund berarbeitungbestehenderbersetzungendes
gesamtenCorpus Aristotelicumgearbeitethaben nahm er seine fragmentarische,
hufigfalscheund ungelenkebersetzungnochmalsin Angriff
und bersetztenun alle acht Bcher.Diese blieb whrendgut 150Jahren
die einzige vollstndigelateinischebersetzung,bis Leonardo Bruni in
den zwanzigerJahrendes 15.Jahrhunderts
eine neue bersetzungvorlegte.
wurde
dass
Thomas
von Aquin als ersterdie
Lange
angenommen,
Politicalas. Die Legende, dass Wilhelm ad instantiam
sanctiThomaeseine
in
haben
diese
wiederholte
Annahme
nahm,
bersetzungen Angriff
hufig
beinahe zur Gewissheiterstarrenlassen. Dies ist aber nicht sicher,da
auch Albertoffensichtlich
zu einem sehr frhenZeitpunktmit der transin Berhrungkam. Im Kategorienkommentar
latioimperfecta
(circa 1263,
Gauthier
zitiert
Albert
wenn
auch
sehr frei,
1993,
ausdrcklich,
vgl.
89)
das ersteBuch: quia ciuitasrequirit
multum
habitatores
plures
quamuicus,skut
in Politicis
suisdicitAristoteles
(vgl.Pol. I, 1252b27-28).Die erstenZitate bei
Thomas findenwir in der SummacontraGentiles
(III.22 und 111.81,ca.
die
wiederum
sehr
frei
dem
ersten
Buch
der Politikentnommen
1263-4),
sind (Pol. I, 1254b6-7, 10-13 und 1252a31-34). Das erstewrtlicheZitat
stehthingegenin der Summatheologiae
(I 8 1.3.ad 2), so dass wir annehmen
knnen,dass Thomas noch in Rom (1267/8) die vollstndigebersetAber erstwhrendseinem
zung von Wilhelmvon Moerbekekennenlernte.
zweitenPariserAufenthalt
setztesich Thomas intensivermit dem ganzen
Werk auseinander.In Paris, mglicherweise
auch erstin Neapel, nimmt
er sogar einen Kommentarin Angriff
und schreibtetwa gleichzeitigfr
freilichohne
Knig Hugo III. von Zypernden genanntenFrstenspiegel,
diese beiden Werkezu Ende zu bringen(zur bersetzungund zur frhen
Rezeption,vgl. Fleler 1992, I, 1-29).
Der Einflussder Aristotelischen
Politikauf die politischePhilosophie
des Mittelalters
ist seiteinigenJahrenGegenstandeinerwissenschaftlichen
in welchem Sinne im Mittelalter
Diskussion.Besonderswird diskutiert,
von einempolitischenAristotelismus'
gesprochenwerdenkann.Aristoteles
wurde natrlichnicht nur bentzt,sondern hufig auch missbraucht.
Selbst Kommentare,die versuchten,den Sinn des aristotelischen
Textes
15:32:31 PM
IM MITTELALTER
POLITISCHER
ARISTOTELISMI^
in ersterLinie berAristoteles
zu entrtseln
und die ausdrcklich
erklrten,
Aristoteleszum Teil sehrfrei,setztenin ihrer
zu sprechen,interpretierten
Akzenteund verndertendadurchbewusstoder unbewusst
Interpretation
die politischePhilosophiedes griechischenPhilosophen.Die mittelalterlichen Interpretationen
entsprechengewiss nicht unseren philologischen
Massstben. Sie waren kaum oder zumindest sehr eigenwilligan der
(Fioravanti1979), und der Text, den
griechischenGeschichteinteressiert
sie lasen, war kein griechischerText, sondern eine lateinischebersetzung, die zwar, wenn mglich,Wort fr Wort dem griechischenText
folgte,der aber selbsteinem so versiertenUbersetzerwie Wilhelmgrosse
die seinberMhe bereitete,
ganz zu schweigenvon den Schwierigkeiten,
in
Buchstaben"
lateinischen
das
Minio-Paluello
Griechisch
setzerlatein,
musste.
Kommentator
bereiten
nannte,selbsteinem scharfsinnigen
Politikaber noch strittiger,
der Aristotelischen
Was die Interpretation
dass die verschiedeaber auch interessanter
macht, ist die Feststellung,
zum
Teil
voneinander
starkabwenen mittelalterlichen
Interpretationen
ichen. Die Rezeption der AristotelischenPolitikschliesstverschiedene
Sen(Kommentare,Traktate,Quaestionen,Streitschriften,
Textgattungen
Orte
verschiedene
Schulen
und
tenzenkommentare,Quodlibeta etc.),
Ordensschulen,Frstenhfe,
etc.) und verschiedeneLeser
(Universitten,
und Adressaten(Studenten,Priester,Frsten,Laien, etc.) mit ein. Die
Texte der mittelalterlichen
Autorenbezogen sich auf einen verschiedenen
historischenKontext, sehr verschiedenvom Griechenland des 4. vorchristlichen
Texte, wie derjenigevon Thomas von Aquin,
Jahrhunderts.
der Politikkommentar
von Albert von Kln, Dantes Monarchia
, De regia
et
von
oder
der
von
Marsilius
Defensor
pacis
potestatepapali
JohannesQuidort
Politikbeeinflusst,
von Padua, alle starkvon der Aristotelischen
sind zum
Teil so verschieden,dass kaum ein gemeinsamerNenner gefundenwerden kann und deshalb mit Recht gefragtwird, warum Historikerund
Philosophenberhauptnoch ber die Bedeutungeines politischenAristotelismus'streiten.
im
Die Diskussionber die Bedeutungdes politischenAristotelismus4
Mittelalter
istvor allem als Widerlegungeines historiographischen
Modells
zu verstehen.Dieses Modell wurde von Walter Ullmann in seiner ausIn mehrerenBchern und Artikelnstellte
geprgtestenForm formuliert.
er ein Paradigma auf, das die Entwicklungdes politischenDenkens vom
sechstenbis zum sechzehntenJahrhundertzu erklrenversuchte.Walter
Ullmannunterteilte
die ganze Geschichtedes politischenDenkens in eine
und eine aufsteigende
) Theorie. Die absteiabsteigende(<descending
(ascending
Herrschaftstheorie
ortete
die
im hchsten
Herrschaft
gende
ursprngliche
15:32:31 PM
CHRISTOPH
FLELER
wurde. Die
Sein, das im Christentummit dem Gttlichenidentifiziert
d.h.
die
sei
zeitlich
zwar
zuerst
entwickelt
andere,
aufsteigendeTheorie,
und erstwiederim 13.Jahrhundert
worden,dann sozusagenuntergetaucht
wiederentdeckt
worden.Dann aber habe dieses Modell seinen Siegeszug
angetretenund bis heute seine Gltigkeitbehalten (Ullmann 1970, 13).
Diese Revolutionhabe im spten 13.Jahrhundert
und wurde
stattgefunden
durchdie Entdeckungder Aristotelischen
Politik
Nach Ulimann
eingeleitet.
bewirktediese Wiederentdeckung
eine konzeptuelleRevolution,die als
WasserscheidezwischenMittelalter
und Neuzeitverstandenwird(Ullmann
In
einem
etwas
frheren
Werk wird diese Ansichtin aller
1965, 159).
Deutlichkeitausgesprochen,wenn er schreibt:The impact of Aristotle's
theoriesof governmentand of his ethicalprinciplesupon the thirteenth
in the realmof thought. . .
centuryentaileda ratherradicalre-orientation
It would be hard to point to any historicalphenomenonof a doctrinal
order which was to effectsuch far-reachingchanges as Aristotledid."
immer
(Ullmann1961, 231). Die politischeTheorie des Aristoteles
gipfelte,
noch nach Ullmann, in drei Lehrstzen,die von den mittelalterlichen
Autorenbernommenworden seien: (1) der Ansicht,dass der Staat die
hchste Gemeinschaftder Brger und gemss der Natur sei, (2) dem
Prinzip, dass die Mehrheit immer besser sei, als der kleine Teil von
Tchtigen,was ilsder wichtigstearistotelischeGedanke gepriesenwird
und (3) schliesslichdie scharfeTrennungzwischenMensch und Brger.
Ullmann's Modell war zu einfach,um wahr zu sein. Aber dessen
Reputation,vor allem im englischenSprachraum,veranlasstedie folgende
zu prfen.Die meistenHistoriker
Generation,seine Annahmensorgfltig
nehmenheute an, dass seine Thesen nichtgesttztwerdenknnen.Die
Idee, dass der Mensch von Natur aus ein soziales Lebewesen und der
Staat ein Naturproduktsei, kann auch bei anderen Autoren gefunden
werden und war dem Mittelalterdurch Schriftenvon Cicero, Seneca,
Macrobius oder Nemesios von Emesa schon lnger gekannt,wie aus
die auf diese Quellen Bezug nehmen,gezeigt
Texten des 12.Jahrhunderts,
werden kann (Nederman 1991). Die aristotelischeusserung,dass die
Herrschaftder Mehrheitder Brgeroder eine gemischteHerrschaftsform
vorzuziehensei, wurde von mitteleiner monarchischenVerfassungsform
zum Teil zustimmend,meistens
alterlichenAutorensehr unterschiedlich,
wurdedas Ullmann'sche
aber ablehnendrezipiert(Blythe1992). Schliesslich
und
des
absteigendenModells durch Studien
aufsteigenden
Paradigma
von Gianfranco Fioravanti (1997), Roberto Lambertini (2000), David
Luscombe (1998) und JrgenMiethke(2000) weitgehendwiderlegt.
15:32:31 PM
POLITISCHER
IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^
15:32:31 PM
CHRISTOPH
FLELER
15:32:31 PM
IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^
POLITISCHER
15:32:31 PM
CHRISTOPH
FLELER
Kommentarebeeinflussten
wiederumnachhaltigpolitischeTraktate.
Eine mittlerePositionwurde neulichvon Cary Nederman (1996) vorAnsatzes
geschlagen.Er versuchte,die Schwche des essentialistischen
von Ullmann und diefaiblaissevon Blacks Diskursmodellszu berwinden,
indem er vorschlug,dass fr eine adquate Definitiondes politischen
Aristotelismus
die ussere Grenze festgelegtwerden msse, um zu bestimmen,wann ein Autor ein Aristoteliker
genanntwerden knne und
wann er ausserhalbdieserBestimmungenfalle.Aristoteliker
httennmlichWissenschaften
Die
systematisch
eingeteilt. politischePhilosophiewurde
von Aristotelikernals Teil der praktischenPhilosophieverstandenund
dientezusammenmitden anderenTeilen der praktischenPhilosophiezur
Verbesserungder menschlichenHandlungen. Diese bentigewiederum
eine Moralpsychologie,die lehre, den Charakterso zu bilden, dass der
schliesslich
eine
handelte,und erfordere
Brgeroder Herrschertugendhaft
die die moralischeBildungder Brgerfrdere.Daraus folgt
Staatstheorie,
Nederman: The Aristotelianidentifiedhimselfmore by an approach to
moral and politicalinquirythan by a directcommitmentto a fixedidea
about human nature or about a moral or social goodness" (1996, 579).
Aber auch dieserZugang fhrtzu einigenextremenSchlussfolgerungen.
Das 12. Jahrhundertbessse demzufolgeeine bedeutende aristotelische
Traditionund wre durchAutoren,wieJohannesvon Salisbury,Alainvon
Im 13.Jahrhundert
Lille,Simonvon Tournai und PetrusCantorvertreten.
wirdHenrichBractons(?) De legibus
etconsuetudinibus
zur aristotelischen
Anglim
Traditiongezhlt,auch wenn dieser Autor die Politicamit Bestimmtheit
nicht kannte. Dagegen wird Marsiliusvon Padua, einst als ,homomagis
' von der aristotelischen
Aristoteiem
Traditionausgeschlossen.
quamchristianus
hnlichhat auch Karl Ubi einen mitderenWeg vorgeschlagen(2000,
weder rein formalnoch allzu
170-3),der den politischenAristotelismus
zu
fassen
versuchte
und beschrnktesich auf nur
gehaltvoll"(ibid. 170)
zwei aristotelische
Grundstze.Der ersteGrundsatzversteheden Menschen
als animalsocialeundpoliticum
und der zweitebehaupte die Trennungvon
und
Herrschaft.
DarberhinausFestlegungen
huslich-depotischer politischer
zu treffen,
lehnt Ubi ab, da Aristotelesgerade nicht als verbindliche
wurde,sondernlediglichals Ausgangspunkt
Philosophie'betrachtet
genommen wurde und den Rahmen absteckte,mit dem die LegitimittverschiedenerFormen historischerOrganisationverstndlichgemacht und
die eigene GesellschaftunternormativenGesichtspunkten
analysiertwerden konnte(ibid., 172). Doch auch diese Bestimmungist mglicherweise
zu schwach,da sie sich nur auf die einleitendenKapitel des erstenBuches
15:32:31 PM
IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^
POLITISCHER
15:32:31 PM
10
FLELER
CHRISTOPH
15:32:31 PM
POLITISCHER
IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^
11
15:32:31 PM
12
CHRISTOPH
FLELER
dela recepcin
dela
Bad Cannstatt
1998:267-387.
Reboiras,
Stuttgart,
Presupuestos
etLulliana,
Politica
deAristteles
etal.(eds),
Aristotelica
, in:Fernando
Steenbrugge
Domnguez
1995,35-54
fvordermittelalterlichen
derdreigliedrigen
zurGeschichte
, berlegungen
,philosophia
practica
Schmidt
undFernando
deraristotelischen
morales'
,libri
, in:Margot
Domnguez
Rezeption
- Bad Cannstatt
Reboiras
nachGott,
FS Helmut
, Stuttgart
Riedlinger
(eds),VonderSuche
1998,367-87
Political
inEurope,
1250-1450
1992
Black,Antony,
Thought
, Cambridge
inthe
Middle
Princeton
andthe
Mixed
Constitution
Ages,
N.J.1992
Jim,IdealGovernment
Blythe,
London-New
York1996
A History
Political
300-1450,
ofMedieval
Thought,
Canning,
Joseph,
in:Rivista
di
Linee
diunaricezione,
La Politica
aristotelica
nelmedioevo:
Fioravanti,
Gianfranco,
storia
dellafilosofia.
NuovaSerie,52 (1997),17-29
in:Annali
Orientalium
etAegyptiorum.
Alberto
e laPolitica
Aristotelica,
, Politiae
Magno
dellaSuolaNormale
di Pisa,9 (1979),195-246
Superiore
derAristotelischen
Politica
imspten
Mittelalter
undInterpretation
,
Fleler,
Rezeption
Christoph,
1992
Amsterdam-Philadelphia
e moder: religiosit,
GianCarlo,La riflessione
tradizione
politica
agliinizideltrecento
Garfagnini,
in:Rivista
di storia
dellafilosofia,
52 (1997),31-46
nit,
3 traXIII e XIVsecolo,
in: Carlo
Lo studio
e la recezione
della'Politica
Roberto,
Lambertini,
3etantica
e
Dallapolisallaformazione
dell
medioevale.
Dolcini(ed.),Il pensiero
degli
politico
Stati
Torino2000,145-73
europei,
lettore
edinterprete
dellaPolitica
nel
videtur
tres
rationes.
Romano
, Philosophus
tangere
Egidio
filosofica
in:Documenti
e studisullatradizione
libro
delDe regimine
terzo
principm,
1 (1990),277-325
medievale,
' e la
aristotelico
diunlinguaggio
della'Politica
, in:Quaderni
, La diffusione
definizione
politico
n.s.102[a. 34],(1999),677-704.
storici,
medioevale
di
leragioni
delregnum
nellaricezione
dellaMonarchia:
, La monarchia
prima
etl'Apocalypse.
Dante.
Dante
in:Bruno
Pinchard
etClaudeTrottmann
Aristotele,
(eds),Pour
Lectures
deDante
humanistes
, Paris2001,39-75
in:
in theThirteenth
andConceptions
Luscombe,
David,Thomas
ofHierarchy
Century,
Aquinas
imLicht
neuerer
Werk
undWirkung
Albert
Zimmermann
,
Forschungen
(ed.),Thomas
Aquinas:
Berlin-New
York1988,261-77[Miscellanea
Mediaevalia,
19].
some
illustrations
thecoming
, in: D. Abulafia,
, Cityandpolitics
ofthePolitics:
before
of
andCity,
1000-1500.
andM. Rubin(eds),Church
M. Franklin
Essaysin honour
Brooke,
1992,41-55.
Christopher
Cambridge
andOtto
criticism
andchange
inthelateMiddle
, in:Joseph
, Hierarchy
Canning
Ages:
inthe
Middle
andthe
Realities
Political
Gerhard
Oexle(eds),
Ages,
Gttingen
ofPower
Thought
frGeschichte,
desMax-Planck-Instituts
1998,113-26[Verffentlichungen
147].
et
in:OlgaWeijers
ParisandOxford,
XIH-XVth
onthePolitics:
Centuries,
, Commentaries
xiiParisetOxford,
la Facult
desarts.
desdisciplines
LouisHoltz(eds),L'enseignement
Turhout
xvesicles,
1997,313-27
andPolitical
and Matthew
Arthur
McGrade,
St.,JohnKilcullen
(eds),Ethics
Kempshall
2001
, Cambridge
Philosophy
DieStadt
imDenken
Mensch
undBrger.
Philosophen
Meier,Ulrich,
Theologen,
sptmittelalterlicher
und
Mnchen
1994
Juristen,
derpolitischen
imWiderstreit
De potestate
Miethke,
Amtskompetenz
papae.Dieppstliche
Jrgen,
vonOckham,
bisWilhelm
2000
Theorie
vonThomas
von
Tbingen
Aquin
intheTwelfth
Science'
andtheOrigins
, in:
Century
Nederman,
of'Political
CaryJ.,Aristotelianism
Medieval
oftheHistory
ofIdeas52 (1991)179-194
J.Nederman,
(nunin:Cary
Journal
12th-15th
Traditions
inMoralandPolitical
Classical
Aristotelianism
anditslimits.
Philosophy,
Centuries
1997(item2)
, Aldershot
3inMedieval
in:Journal
of
MoralandPolitical
, TheMeaning
Thought,
ofAristotelianism
ofIdeas,57 (1996),563-85
theHistory
15:32:31 PM
IM MITTELALTER
POLITISCHER
ARISTOTELISMI^
13
Political
as Authority:
Alternative
Aristotelian
Sources
, in:
, Aristotle
Theory
ofLateMedieval
ofEuropean
Ideas,8 (1987),31-44
History
undchristlicher
imSpannungsfeld
vonAristotelismus
vonAdmont.
EinGelehrter
Ubi,Karl,Engelbert
2000.
, Mnchen
berlieferung,
desStaatsgedankens
DieRezeption
deraristotelischen
unddieEntwicklung
,Politik'
Wieland,
Georg,
vonPadua
AmBeispiel
desThomas
vonAquin
unddesMarsilius
imspten
Mittelalter:
, in:
undSozialphilosophie
desMittelalters
E. MockundG. Wieland
, Frankfurt
(eds),Rechtsa.M. 1990,67-81.
Ferner
:
in Medieval
A StudyoftheReception
of
Political
Cranz,F.E.,Aristotelianism
Theory.
Univ.1938[Masch]
thePolitics,
Diss.,Harvard
in:Norman
andInterpretation
Politics,
Kretzmann,
Dunbabin,
ofAristotle's
Jean,TheReception
of LaterMedieval
(eds),The Cambridge
History
Anthony
Kenny,
JanPinborg
1982,723-737
Philosophy,
Cambridge
Somme
contre
lesgentils.
Paris1993
SaintThomas
dAquin,
Introduction,
Ren-Antoine,
Gauthier,
Diemittelalterlichen
Kommentare
desAristoteles
zurPolitik
, in:Sitzungsberichte
Grabmann,
Martin,
derWissenschaften.
Phil.-hist.
derBayerischen
Akademie
1941,
Abteilung.
Jahrgang
Bd.II, Heft4
onthePolitics
inthelatethirteenth
Thecommentaries
, andfourteenth
Martin,
Connor,
ofAristotle
with
tothethought
andpolitical
Oxford
centuries,
, D. Phil,thesis,
lifeofthetime
reference
(Bodleian
library)
[Masch]
University
andPolitics
intheMiddle
London1961
Walter,
Ullmann,
ofGovernment
Ages,
Principles
Political
Harmondsworth
, Medieval
1965,1970,1975
Thought,
- Scientia
Ethica
DieAnfnge
der
Ethik
im13.Jahrhundert,
Wieland,
practica.
philosophischen
Georg,
undTheologie
desMittelalters.
Mnster
1981[Beitrge
zurGeschichte
derPhilosophie
NeueFolge,21].
15:32:31 PM
1
Raimundus
onAristotle's
Politics:SomeNotes
AcgerisCommentary
ROBERTO LAMBERTINI
Vivarium
40,1
15:32:36 PM
POLITICS
ACGERirsCOMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
15
Previous
research
on Raimundus
Acgerii
In the catalogue appended to his ground-breaking
book about the recepin the Latin West,ChristophFlelerlists,among
tion of Aristotle'sPolitics
literalcommentarieson the Politics
, a work attributedto a Franciscan,
RaimundusAcgerii,witnessed
one
namelyFirenze,Biblioteca
by
manuscript,
S.
Marco
at
ff.
49ra-75vb.5
Flelerreproduces
452,
Medicea-Laurenziana,
and refersto the descriptionof this manuscript
there incipitand explicit
nelle
containedin the second volume of the Catalogodi Manoscritti
Filosofici
biblioteche
italiane
.6 Such an extremelylimitedamount of informationis
justifiedby the fact that the Florentinemanuscriptseems to have been
the only source for the authorswho had mentionedRaimundus Acgerii
in the past. This is most probablythe case for Luke Wadding, who, in
OrdinisMinorum
his Scriptores
, refersto a "Raymundus Augerii Gallus,
in Politica Aristotelis".7The
who
Commentaria
mimatensis",
"scripsit
of the Florentinemanuscripttells us, in fact,that the author is
colophon
"Raimundus Atgeriicivitatismimatensisde ordine fratrumminorum".8
For his part, Sbaraglia, admittinghis reliance on Rodolphius, diverges
fromWadding, assertingthat Raimundus was froma "civitasmimatenhowever,can probablybe tracedback to a different
sis";9thisdisagreement,
readingof the Florentinecolophon,which perhaps could allow also this
second interpretation.
Sbaraglia assertsalso that Raimundusbelonged to
the province of Tours, withoutreferringto any evidence which could
supporthis statement.On the contrary,Wadding's reading,"mimatensis", clearlypoints to the southernFrench town of Mende.10According
to XIV centurylistsof Franciscanconvents,such as those containedin
Provinciale
or in Bartholomaeusde Pisa's De conformitate
vetustissimum
, a
Franciscanhouse belongingto the Provincia
Provinciae
was located in Mende
Latin
(in
Mimatis).11
5 Fleler
1992{op.cit.,above,n. 2),II, 45-6.
6 D. Frioli,
G. C. Garfagnini,
L. Pinelli,
G. Pomaro,
P. Rossi(eds.),Catalogo
d manoscrtti
inBiblioteche
italiane
Parma
sulRubicone,
Volterra
Arsizio,
Firenze,
, Savignano
, 2: Busto
,
filosofici
Firenze
69-72.
1981,
7 L. Wadding,
Ordinis
Minorum
SalaBolognese
, Romae1906(repr.
Scriptores
1978),197.
Cf.Johannes
a S. Antonio,
Bibliotkeca
Universa
Franciscana
, DI,Madrid
1733,(repr.
Farnbourough
to dependon Wadding.
34,whodeclares
1966),
8 Ms.
Biblioteca
San Marco452,f.75 .
Firenze,
Medicea-Laurenziana,
9 G. Sbaraglia,
etcastigatio
ad scriptores
trium
ordinum
S. Francisco
ed. nova,
Supplementum
Romae1936(repr.
Sala Bolognese
1978),III, p. 3.
10Graess-Benedict
Orbis
Plechl,
latinus,
II, Braunschweier
1972,567-8.
11Cf.Bullarium
Franciscanum
de Pisa,
, V, ed.C. Eubel,Romae1898,588;Bartholomaeus
Liber
deConformitate
Firenze1906,540.
, liberI, fructus
XI, parsII, Quaracchi
15:32:36 PM
16
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
15:32:36 PM
ACGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POUTICS
17
15:32:36 PM
18
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
indexes of the papal lettersled to the resultthat more than one person
bearing that name was recorded in the papal documents,but no one
seems to have been a Franciscan.I could identifya masterRaymundus
Atgerii,canon in Andely,papal chaplain, active duringthe pontificates
of Clement IV and GregoryX.23 For the XIII centuryone can also
severalmomentsof the careerof a magister
reconstruct
RaymundusAcgerii,
chaplain of the Pope, dean of the cathedralof Le Puy, but also canon
in Mende, who in 1285 was among the protagonistsof William Durant
the Elder's electionto thatepiscopalsee.24The RaymundusAugeriiactive
of the pope, appears in the docfamiliaris
duringJohn XXII's pontificate,
umentsas a canon of the cathedralof Agde.25The fourthRaymundus
Potitis
sor
giae,who
AugeriiI was able to identifywas a layman, domicellus
obtainedthe supportofJohn XXII and BenedictXII withrespectto the
ofAvignon.26
acceptanceof two daughtersof his in Benedictinemonasteries
The meagre harvestof such an inquirycan be summarizedin the not
factthat a name such as "RaymundusAcgerii"pointsto
verysurprising
an originfromthe area whichwe now call SouthernFrance. This result
is neverthelessimportant,since it is highlycompatiblewith an originin
the town of the Cvennes, nowadaysknown as Mende, while the readthatis fromS. Miniatoin Tuscany,becomes even more
ing "miniatensis",
concernsthe
our
To
aim, anotherrelevantpiece of information
unlikely.
the same personis designatedwithdifferent
factthatin the papal registers
formsof the patronymic"Atgerii","Augerii",so that no case for the
negationof an identitycan reston such variantreadings.27
23Cf.LesRegistres
Les
Paris1893,nn.596-600;
ed.I.Jordan,
IV (1265-1268),
deClement
Paris1892,n. 109.
X, ed.J. Guiraud,
deGrgoire
Registes
24LesRegistres
nn.130and629;
ed.J. Gay,Paris1898-1932,
III (1277-1280),
deNicolas
d'Hononn.18and20;LesRegistres
Paris1901-1913,
IV (1281-1285),
deMartin
LesRegistres
IV' ed.
deNicolas
rius
IV,ed.M. Prou,Paris1888,nn.167,181,285and456;Lesregistres
deBoniface
VIII, edd. G. Digard,
n. 2750;Lesregistres
Paris1886-1891,
E. Langlois,
andHierarchy
Council
Paris1884,n. 18.Gf.C. Fasolt,
M. Faucon,
A. Thomas,
, Cambridge
69.
1991,
25Leslettres
nn.233,938,
deJeanXXII, ed.G. Mollat,
communes
I-XIII,Paris1921-1933,
25346,54332,etpassim.
23605-6,
8882,11398,22196-8,
3017,
8043,
26Benoit
Lettres
Communes
XII (1334-1342),
, ed.J. M. Vidal,Paris1911,n. 466.In the
a layman
a Raymundus
Dlicieux
ofthetrialofBernard
records
Augerii,
(1319)appears
to defend
in Lyon,at thepapalcuria,trying
ofa delegation
from
Albi,member
present
he wasson,or a
to Friedlander,
theDominican
hiscityagainst
According
Inquisitors.
andhad
whowasimprisoned
ofan olderRaimundus
bytheInquisition
relation,
Auger,
DeliBernardi
Processus
Cf.A. Friedlander,
ofheresy.
families
alsotiestoeminent
suspected
December
Dlicieux
TheTrialofFr.Bernard
tiosi:
1996,
1319,Philadelphia
, 3 September-8
355.
269,
27Compare
d'Honorius
IV' nn. 18,20 andLesRegistres
deMartin
IV,
e.g.LesRegostes
n. 456.
15:32:36 PM
AGGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
19
15:32:36 PM
20
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
dellacasa.Il conmedievale
sulgoverno
La dottrina
thefirst
bookofthePolities'.
; seeC. Fliieler,
nelDuee Trecento
deifiatimendicanti
le teorie
in Eticae politica:
Ordini
tributo
,
mendicanti,
degli
Assisi15-17ottobre
AttidelXXVI Convegno
1998,Spoleto1999,173Internazionale,
deAristteles
dela Politica
dela recepcin
, in:R. Imbachetalii
202;F. Bertelloni,
Presupuestos
A proposito
Aristotelica
etLulliana
1995,335-54;andalsoR. Lambertini,
, Steenbrugge
(eds.),
14 (1988),315-70.
Romano
inEgidio
deWOeconomica
dellacostruzione
, in:Medioevo,
32See thelistspublished
Literature
onAristotle's
in D. Lines,TheCommentary
Nicomachean
54 (1999),
Considerations
245-82
inEarly
Renaissance
Ethics
, in:Traditio,
(appenPreliminary
Italy:
TheUniversities
Renaissance
Ethics
intheItalian
andinid.,Aristotle's
(1300-1600):
dix,267-82);
Education
andtheProblem
ofMoral
, Leiden2002,forthcoming
33Raimundus,
terminatur
Sententia
, III, 12,f. 58ra:"Sic igitur
parsprimaistiustercii,
sintdistincte";
uariasradones
diuerse
scilicet
V,
principatuum
policiesecundum
quomodo
huiuslibri";
V, 8, f.64va:"Hec
partis
7, f.63va:"Ethecsecunda
prime
parsprincipalis
istius
estsecunda
libri";
VI, 7, f.68va:"Hecestsecunda
parsprinquinti
parsprincipalis
et ultimum
istius
sextilibriet septimum
capitulum".
cipalis
34Raimundus,
13
ubiincipit
Sententia
, III, 13,f.58ra:"hicsecundo
capitulum
principali
istius
libriostendit".
10,f.72ra:"Hicsecundo
VII,
principali
prosequitur
philosophus";
35Raimundus,
librophilosophus
Sententia
, I, 1,f.49ra:"Sciendum
quodinprimo
igitur
suumtractatum
secundo
subdit
suumprimo
iuxtamorem
solempnem
prologm,
premictit
". . . et hocin totoistoprimocapitulo,
. . ."; IV, 1, f. 59rb:
tercio
quasifaciens
capitulo
. . ."; V, 1,f.62va:"sciendum
suumtractatum
secondo
quodpreaggreditur
prohemium,
intentionem
. . ."; VI, 1,f.66va:". . . primoenimpremittit
mittens
quasibreueprologm
. . .";
earnquasitractatum
secondo
considerandi
suametordinem
exsequitur
quasiprologm,
15:32:36 PM
ACGERirS
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
21
of Auvergne,he treatsalways the chapteras the smallestlogical component of the text.Accordingly,the divisiois not presentin everychapter,
but usuallyopens a book, summarizingthe logical structure
of the whole,
or can be insertedat the beginningof a chapter,which, accordingto
issue.36SometimesthishapRaimundus,marksthe passage to a different
of the
pens at the beginningof what he considersto be a parsprincipalis
book. The divisioconsistsof ratherstandardformulae
, such as "circa hoc
facit"and "circa primumduo facit",and revealsa preferenceforreducing the complexityof the Aristoteliantextinto binarystructures.37
The divisiois followedimmediatelyby a concise expositionof the contentof the chapter(oftenbeginningwith "sciendum"):to thisfeaturethe
"
.38The expositio
litcommentarymost probablyowes its tide of sententia"
teraeis almost absent,being reduced to the explanationof some terms,
Often they are introducedby the
embedded, however,in the sententia.
standardexpression"id est".39There are no notabilia
, while mentionsof
othertextsare reduced to a minimum:cross-references
usuallypoint to
otherpassages of the Politics
sometimes
to
the
Ethicsor the
Nicomachean
,
Rhetoric
.40
36Thisoccurs,
on bookVII, Raymundus,
Sententia
, VII, 3, ff.69vbe.g.commenting
where
Raimundus
inserts
a divisio
alsoat thebeginning
ofchapter
3.
70ra,
"
37Raimundus,
Sententia
autem
estetc.Finitoprohemio
, I, f. 49rb: Quoniam
manifestum
hicaristotiles
suumtractatum
circaquodutique
duofacit:
enim
incipit
principaliter
primo
declarat
de primis
in totoprimo
scilicet
libro.2 de
partibus
ipsiustotius,
ipsiusciuitatis,
ratione
de ipsaciuitate,
libro2o ibi:Quiaconsiderare
uolumus
decommuipsiustociusscilicet
nione
etc.Circaprimum
autemduofacit:
namdistinguens
3 partes
scilicet
ciuitatis,
politica
earnqueestinter
dominum
etseruum,
virum//f.
49va//et
etfilium.
Primo
uxorem,
patrem
scilicet
de combinatione
domini
ad seruum
etde aliisad hocpertinentibus,
agitde prima,
de secunda
secundo
et tertia,
scilicet
de combinatione
viriad uxorem
etpatris
ad filium
etde similibus
omnis
etc.circaprimum
etiam
infra,
xi,ibi:Quiautem
capitulo
pars
yconomice
duofacit:
enimagitde predicta
scilicet
domini
etserui;secundo
combinatione,
primo
gratiahuiusagitcommuniter
de omnipossessione,
infra
7oibi:Totaliter
autem
deomni
capitulo
etc.Circaprimum
et duofacit:primoenimpremictit
de
possessione
duplicem
opinionem
ratione
dominii
et seruitutis,
secundo
de istisopinionibus
statim
4
dictis
inquirit
capitulo
ibi Utrum
autem
estaliquis
natura
talis..
38See Chr.Fleler,
Die verschiedenen
literarischen
derAristoteleskommentare:
zur
Gattungen
derberschriften
undKolophone
decours
et
, in:J. Hamesse
Terminologie
(ed.),Manuels,
programmes
dans
lesUniversits
mdivales.
Actes
duColloque
international
deLouvaintechniques
d'enseignement
la-Neuve
in part.89-93,where
1994,74-116,
(9-11septembre
1993),Louvain-la-Neuve
he refers
alsoto Raimundus.
39Onlyone
Sententia
vocaricrematstica,
id
Raimundus,
, I, 3, f.49va:"potest
example:
estpecunialis".
40For
ontheVII bookherefers
insomepassages
totheNicomachean
example,
commenting
Ethics
andtotheRhetoric
"etinlibrorec, VII, 1,f.69rb)
, VII, 12,f.7vb:
(.Sententia
(.Sententia
thoricorum
hocidemplenius
explicabit").
15:32:36 PM
22
ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
41Forthe
Politiae
Orientalium
et
attitude
ofAlbert
theGreatseeG. Fioravanti,
opposite
e la Politica
aristotelica
, Alberto
, in:AnnalidellaScuolaNormale
Superiore
Magno
Aegiptiorum
III s 9 (1979),195-246.
di Pisa(Lett.Stor.Filos.),
42Raimundus.
Sententia
, III, 8, f.57vb.
43Raimundus,
Politicorum
libri
octo.
Cumvetusta
transSententia
, II, 4, f.52va.Gf.Aristotelis
Guilelmi
deMoerbeka,
ed.F. Susemihl,
lation
II, 1263bl8-27,
Lipsiae1872,77-8(henceforth
Pol.").
referred
to as "Arist.,
44Minorite
remained
a debated
as renunciation
todominium
inproprio
etincommuni
poverty
Raimundus'
Franciscan
issuealsoafter
XXII'scondemnation
ofthetraditional
doctrine;
John
thework;
therefore
be usedas a cluefordating
concise
as itis,cannot
see,e.g.
remark,
Controversies
of
andtheFourteenth-Century
Richard
FitzRalph
, in:Journal
Poverty
J. D. Dawson,
34 (1983),315-44.
Ecclesiastical
History,
45Raimundus,
in
uel monasteria
ecclesias
Sententia
, VII, 9, f. 72ra:"uidemus
agrestes
Pol., VII, 133lb7-l7 (ed.cit.,above,
cf.Arist.,
et locisremocioribus
nemoribus
costituta";
n. 43),294-5.
46Raimundus,
sacerdoSententia
, VII, 9, f. 72ra:"sicutet nuncuidemus
quodhospicia
cf.
ne eosoporteat
suntutplurimum
tumetcuratorum
euocari";
amplius
propeecclesiis,
Poi., VII, 133lb5-6(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),293-4.
Arist.,
15:32:36 PM
ACGERirsCOMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
23
47Raimundus,
"namtalisprincipatus
alicubiesttantum
Sententia,
VI, 7, f.68vb:
unus,
ubiea que ad deumpertinent
ab unicohomine
putain paruisciuitatibus
regipossunt,
sicutdiceremus
de unopauperecurato,
alicubiautemsuntmultiet separati,
id estin
officiis
sicutdiceremus
de variisebdomadariis
in ecclesiacollegiata
et in
ipsisdistincti,
uilla".Cf.Arist.,
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),487.
1321b34-40
Pol.,
magna
48See Fioravanti
1979(op.cit.,above,n. 41),butalsoU. Meier,
Mensch
undBrger.
Die
Stadt
imDenken
undJuristen
sptmittelalterlicher
, Mnchen
Theologen,
1994,in part.
Philosophen
63-96.
49Raimundus,
Sententia,
I, 6, f.50rb.
50Raimundus,
Sententia
,
I,
7, f.50va.
51Raimundus,
Sententia,
I, 9, f.51ra.
15:32:36 PM
24
ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
52JeanDunbabin
thatVernani's
Sententia
bearssimilar
feais persuaded,
forexample,
'Polities'
44 (1988),
onAristotle's
Vernarli
see Guido
, in:Traditio,
tures;
ofRimini's
Commentary
scholastic
literal
com376: "Thoughat first
glancehisworklookslikea conventional
ofit,notan accesitsoonbecomes
clearthatitwasmeantto be readinstead
mentary,
toit.It is,in fact,a potted
version."
sory
53La diffusione
aristotelico
e la definizione
di unlinguaggio
dellaPolitica
, in: Quaderni
politico
in part.691.
102(1999),677-704,
Storici,
54On thissubject,
surlescommentaires
Considrations
seeF. Cheneval,
presque
philosophiques
Zeitschrift
frPhilosophie
leGrand
etdeThomas
dela Politique
d'Albert
, in:Freiburger
d'Aquin
undTheologie,
45 (1998),56-83.
55Arist.,
Pol I, 1252a26-b6
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),3-4.
56Thomasde Aquino,
XIII
iussu
Leonis
Omnia
libri
Politicorum
Sententia
, I, 1/a,in: Opera
Romae1971,73-4.
edita,
XLVIII,
57Raimundus,
ofAquinas
which
areidentical
with
those
Sententia
, I, 1,f.49ra.
Expressions
arebold-faced.
15:32:36 PM
ACGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
Necesseitaqueprimum
combinari
sineinvicem
non possibiles
esse,puta
feminam
et masculum
generationis
gratia(et
hoc non ex electione,
sed sicutin aliisanimalibuset plantisnaturale
appeterequale ipsum
tale derelinquere
alterum),
autemet
principans
subiectum
natura
proptersalutem(quod
quidemenimpotest
mentepraevidere,
principansnaturaet dominansnatura,quod
autempotesthaec corporefacere,subiectum
et naturaservum:
propterquod dominoet
servoidemexpedit).
Ex hiisquidem
igitur
duabus
etc.,tertioponit
communitatem
uici que
est ex pluribusmultitudinibus,ibi Ex pluribus
autem
domibus
etc. (. . .).
Duarumautemcommunicationum
personalium
primoponitearnque
est mariset femine.(. . .)
est
primacombinatio
sine
personarum
que
inuicemesse non possunt,scilicetmariset
enim
femine;huiusmodi
combinatio
estpropter
generationem
per quam
et mareset
producuntur
et ex hoc patet
femine,
quod sineinvicemesse
non possunt.
( )
Deinde cum dicit
autem
etc.ponit
Principans
secundamcommunicationempersonarum,
scilicetprincipantis
et
subiecti;et hec etiam
communicatio
est a
naturaproptersalutem:
naturaenimnon solum
intendit
generationem,
setetiamquod generata
saluentur.
Et quod hoc
in
quidemcontingat
hominibus
per communicationem
principantis
et subiecti,
ostendit
per
hoc quod ille est naturaliterprincipans
et
dominansqui suo intellectupotestpreuidere
ea
25
Alia uerocombinatio
scilicet(?) personalis
estprincipantiset
subiecti et hec etiam
est necessariaac a
natura intenta;natura
enim non solum
intenditquod homines
sed etiam
generentur,
quod genitisaluantur
et ideo dicitquod ille
naturaliterestprinceps
principans et predominans qui suo
intellectupotest
preuidere que necessariasunthumaneuite;
ille uero,qui taliaab
alio non a se preuisa
potestexequiac opere
15:32:36 PM
26
ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
saluti,
que congruunt
implere, debetesse
seruus naturaliteret
puta consequendo
et
subiectus.
proficua repellendo
nociua.Ille autemqui
potestper fortitudinem
corporisimplereopere
quod sapiensmente
estnaturaliter
preuiderit,
subiectus
et seruus.
Raimundus59
De quibustriadicit:primoquidem
quod in utraqueharumconiugationumestquedamprelatiosiue
uir enimprinciquidamprincipatus;
mulieri
et
non quipatur
paterfliis,
dem sicutseruissetsicutliberis,in
hii duo principatus
a
quo differunt
principtu
despotico.
58Thomas
deAquino,
Sententia
libri
Politicorum,
I, 10(ed.cit.,
above,n. 56),113;cf.Arist.,
n. 43),49-50.
1259a37-b4
Pol.,
cit.,
above,
(ed.
59Raimundus,
Sententia
, I, 11,f.51.
15:32:36 PM
POLITICS
AGGERII'
S COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
27
60Raimundus,
Sententia
etiamscilicet
, I, 6, f.50ra:"secundum
quodnecestidemquod
namsicutstatim
dictum
estprincipatus
est,desptica
servorum,
yconomica,
yconomica
veroomnium
in domoquorum
habitantium
ueroserui.".
aliquisuntliberi,
//50rb//aliqui
Thomasde Aquino,
Sententia
libri
Politicorum,
I, 5, (ed.cit.,above,56),94: "cum
Compare
sitprincipatus
ueroomnium
in domo,quoservorum,
despotia
yconomica
qui habitant
rumquidamsuntseruiet quidamliberi.
Differ
a politica
in hocquod
ergoyconomica
estquedammonarchia,
idestprincipatus
omnisenimdomusregitur
ab
unius,
yconomica
unoquiestpaterfamilias".
thendiscusses
a possible
toAristotle's
stateAquinas
objection
ment:
ofthisdiscussion
surfaces
in Raimundus'
text.
nothing
15:32:36 PM
28
ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
.61
and Tessali
Aquinas and Albert,althoughhe then confusesLacedemoni
in
the
first
Raimundus
celmostina
instead
of
teknoreads
Moreover,
book,
factiva'this readingis not listedamong the variantsof criticaleditionof
Moerbeke's translationused by Aquinas, and does not appear even in
Albert.62
That thisscribalerror,however,is not isolatedis confirmedby
the factthatit surfacesalso in Ockham's Dialogus
, in the chapterdevoted
to an explanationof fundamentalconcepts of the AristotelianPolitics
P
This situationseems to hintat the factthatone manuscripttraditioncarried in factthismistakenreading,althoughit is difficult
to reach further
resultsbecause of the lack of a criticaleditionof the Latin translationof
the Politics
.64At any rate, thiscan be considereda clue that Raimundus
chose to followvery strictly
Aquinas' lead in commentingon Aristotle,
but had at disposal also other materials,which could allow him to go
beyond the textof the Dominican master.
Shiftingour attentionto the third book throwsmore light on the
sources that Raimundus used. From the firstchapter,resemblancesto
become all of a sudden extremelyvague. A comparison
Aquinas' Sententia
withGrech's editionshows,in fact,thatfromthe firstchapterRaimundus
is followingPeter of Auvergne'scommentary.65
61Raimundus,
ad servos,
dicensquod
Sententia
, II, 13, f.54ra"b:. . etprimoquantum
in regimine
seruorum
suorum".
Cf.
malese habebant
istithessali,
id estlacedemoni
Cheneval
1998(op.cit..above,n. 54).
62Thomasde Aquino,
Sententia
libri
Politkorum
, I, 2 (ed.cit
., above,n. 56),82; Albertus
Inlibros
Politkorum
Commentarvi
1651,12;"celmostina"
, I, 2,ed.P.Jammy,
Lugduni
Magnus,
10 (ed.cit.,above,n. 43),11-2.
in Arist.,
Pol.I, 3, 1253b
F. Susemihl,
is notrecorded
by
63See Wilhelm
Theorie
ausdem
Texte
vonOckham,
zurpolitischen
, Exzerpte
, ed.
Dialogus
Ockham's
, III, I, ii,3) cf.alsotheon1995,136,363(from
Miethke,
Dialogus
J.
Stuttgart
G. Knysh,
V. Leppin,
inprogress
lineedition
J.Ballweg,
http://
J. Scott,
byJ.Kilcullen,
"celmostina".
whichaccepts
britac3.britac.ac.uk/pubs/dialogus/31d.pdf.,
64SusemihTs
of
to hisedition
he published
meritorious
whoseresults
efforts,
appended
edition
of
fora stillbadlyneededcritical
substitute
theGreektextcannotobviously
translation.
Moerbeke's
65Abouttheliteral
thecontribubesides
to PeterofAuvergne,
attributed
commentary
della
Fleler
tionsmentioned
1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),I, 86-100seeL. Lanza,Aspetti
by
" aristotelica
3o ser.,
d'Abemia
Pietro
nelXIII secolo:
della"Politica
ricezione
, in:Studimedievali,
e corpo
theVIII bookin F. A. Gallo,Anima
remarks
35 (1994),643-94;brief
concerning
- S. Vecchio
Pietod'Abemia,
secondo
dellamusica
: il raptus
nell'ascolto
, in:C. Casagrande
(eds.),
Italiana
di studidellasociet
AttidelV Convegno
medievale.
Anima
e corpo
nellacultura
per
del
lo StudiodelPensiero
25-28settembre
1995,SISMEL Edizioni
Venezia,
Medievale,
Firenze1999,231-3.
Galluzzo,
15:32:36 PM
AGGERII'
S COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
Thomasde Aquino66
Petrusde Alvernia67
Ei quidepolitiaconsidrtEi autem
quidepolitiaetc.
etc.PostquamPhiloso- PostquamPhilosophus
phiisin secundolibro
pertransivit
opiniones
de politiis
de politia,
inquisiuit
antiquorum
secundumtraditionem reprobando
eas quanaliorum,hie incipitpro- tumad male dicta,
sequide eis secundum approbandoautem
propriam
opinionem.
quantumad bene dicta,
in istotertiolibroprose(...)
quitursecundumintentionemsuamde ipsa
(...)
29
Raimundus68
Ei autem
quidepolicia
considrt
etc. Postquam
in precephilosophus
dentilibrorecitauit
opinionesaliorumde
eos
policiareprobando
quantumad male dieta
et approbandoquantum
ad bene dicta,nuncin
istoterciolibroincipit
de ipsa policiasecundumpropriamopinionem.
Primoprobatquod
duo, quorum
premictit
debentemconsiderare
de primumest quod volende
politiaoportetconside- temconsiderare
rarede civitateprius.
policiaoportetprimo
Secundoostendit
considerare
de ciuitate,
quod
debentemconsiderare
de secundumestquod
uolentem
hec facere,
civitate,
oportetconsiderarede cive.
scilicetconsiderare
de
ciuitate,
(...)
oportetetiam
considerare
de ciue;
Et hoc probatduplici
Et subditrationem.
Quia et quodlibetetiam
ratione:quarumprima illudde cuiusquidditate horumprobatetiam
estquia de hoc potest contingit
dubitarein
dupliciratione;pro
esse dubitatio.
Dubitant politicisoportetconside- primoenimest talis
enimaliquicircaaliqua raredebentemconside- ratiosua prima:illud
enimde cuiusquiddinegotiautrumsintfacta rarede politia.Sed in
a ciuitate,
tatecontingit
in politicis
puta cum sint politiaquandoquedufactaa tyranno,
uel a
biumest quid est cividubitarenecesseest
diuitibus
ciuitatis.
tas.Aliquandoenim
considerali
ab eo qui
dubitant
de actionibus vultde policiatractare,
(...)
et contractibus
sed in policiaquanfactis,
66Thomasde
libri
Politicorum,
Aquino,Sententia
III, 1 {ed.cit.,above,n. 56), 186;cf.
PoL III, 1274b32-39
Arist.,
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43). 150-1.
67Petrus
de Alvernia,
libros
Politicorum
, III, 1, ed. in: G. M. Grech,The
Scriptum
super
Peter
onAristotle's
Politics
Roma1967,73-5.
Commentary
of
of
,
Auvergne
68Raimundus,
Sententia
, III, 1,f.55 .
15:32:36 PM
30
ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
utrumcivitasegeritvel
contractum
fecerit.
( )
15:32:36 PM
POLITICS
ACGERirsCOMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
31
Raimundus71
In primadicit,quod primaspecies
quae maximedicitur
popularis,
est
popularis, in qua principantur
secundumomnimodam
aequalitatem.
Et hoc apparet;quia lex fuitin tali
non plus
politia,quod de honoribus
distribueretur
diuitibus
quam egenis
vel virtuosis
sed
quam non virtuosis;
istis
et
illis.
Iterum
dicebat
aequaliter
lex,quod istinon magisdeberent
dominaliquam illinec e converso,
sed istiet illiindifferenter,
quia sunt
similesvel aequales.Et ideo quia
habentin liberiate,
aeaequalitatem
debent
dominali
et
qualiter
recipere
de honoribus,
non plusunusquam
alter.(. . .)
Et quod istaspeciessitpopularis,
probatsic. In istaenimspeciepolitiae
dominatur
populussivemultitudo,
omnes
suntaequalessecundum
quia
libertatem
et principatus
distribuitur
secundumipsam.Et ideo multitudo
totadominatur:
sed ubi multitudo
dominatur
popularisest:haec igitur
estuna speciespopularis.
Et quod istaspeciessitdemocratia
probatper hoc quod in istadominaturtotamultitudo,
quia omnessunt
secundum
liber
[ali]tatem;ubi
equales
autemtotamultitudo
dominatur,
democratia
est,ergohec estuna
speciesdmocratie.
70Petrus
de Alvernia,
libros
Politicorum
, IV, 4 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),202-3;
Scriptum
super
cf.Arist.,
Pol.IV, 1291b32-38
n. 43),395.
cit.,
above,
(ed..
71Raimundus,
Sententia
, IV, 4, f.60rb.
15:32:36 PM
32
Petrusde Alvernia72
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
Raimundus73
72Petrus
Politicorum
libros
de Alvernia,
, VII, 2 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),344;
super
Scriptum
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),245-6.
cf.Arist,Pol.VII, 1324al2-23
73Raimundus,
is rather
ofthesamepassages
treatment
Sententia,
VII, 2,f.69va;
Burley's
librum
cf.VII, tr.1, 2 (cf.Gualterus
Politicorum,
IV, 4, 1,
super
Expositio
Burley,
different,
Biblioteca
ms.CittdelVaticano,
129),ff.101vb-102vb.
Borghes.
Apostolica,
15:32:36 PM
ACGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
33
15:32:36 PM
34
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
does not prove beyond any doubt that Raimundus knew Albert'scomalways Peter's
mentary;it stillremainspossible that,althoughpreferring
fromthat of Albert),he had
divisionin chapters(whichis oftendifferent
somehowaccess to materialsrelatedto the Commentaryof the German
master.Perhaps marginalnotes added to a copy of the Latin textof the
to collect such information.
Politicswould be sufficient
These few examples at least hint at the fact that Raimundus was
fromAquinas' commentaryand its conacquaintedwithsourcesdifferent
tinuationby Peter of Auvergne.In one case, I think,it is possible to
is providedby a passage in the fourth
his source.This opportunity
identify
book, where,at the veryend of chapter11, our authorobserves:"Ultimo
epilogai ea que determinatasuntin principioistiusquartilibri,scilicetin
At firstglance, these remarkssound
tribustractatibusprecedentibus.78
not
ratherodd, as Raimundus did
previouslydivide the books into tracreferencein the followingchaptatus
; to such a divisionhe makesfurther
tractatus
the
fourth
that
there
ter, asserting
begins.79Strangelyenough,
theseseem to be the onlytwo passages of the commentarywhere a divitractatus
sion of the books into different
appears, a rathercasual practice
thatis abandoned quite soon, while as we have seen- Raimundusoften
I thinkthat the
fromprologus.
uses "tractatus"(singular)as distinguished
most convincingexplanationforthisstate of affairsis that thisfragment
of subdivisionderivesfroma source of Raimundus'. As a matterof fact,
among the commentariesknownto me, Walteris the only one to divide
, and then each of the tracverycarefullyeach of the books into tractatus
.80Moreover,
and
into
tatusinto capitula
, capitula
,
partesinto particule
partes
in the
four tractatus
a comparisoneasily shows that Burleydistinguishes
fourthbook, and places the beginningof his fourthtractatus
exactlyat the
Peter
of
to
of
12
Auvergne'sdivision,which
beginning chapter according
A
further
Raimundus.81
is takenup by
passage in the fifthbook strengthens the assumptionthat Raimundus depends on Burley. Beginninghis
on chapter10 of the FifthBook, Raimundus,who is as usual
commentary
78Raimundus,
Sententia
, IV, 11,f.61va.
79Raimundus,
docetphilosophus
que
IV, 12,f.61va:"Hiein isto4 tractatu
Sententia,
fines
suos".
eas in dbitos
suntducentes
ciuitatis
cuiuslibet
etqualesoperationes
80Aboutthiscommentary,
see
andrelevant
tradition
itsmanuscript
sources,
secondary
Fleler1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),II, 13-22.
81Gualterus
librum
IV, 4, 1 (ms.cit.,above,n. 73),f.
Politicorum,
super
Expositio
Burley,
de tribus
"Tractatus
68rb:
prinque suntconsiliatiuum,
politiarum
perse partibus
quartus
secundum
estde consiliatiuo;
triacapitula:
et continet
et iudicatiuum
primm
cipatiuum
autem
Rursum
autem
estde iudicatiuo.
ibireliquum
tertium
estdeprincipatiuo;
ibihabita
autem,
libros
de Alvernia,
. . Cf.Petrus
continet
cum
dixerimus.
super
Scriptum
primum
Capitulum
..
autemcumdixerimus
IV, 12 {ed.cit.,above,n. 67),230:"Rursum
Politicorum,
15:32:36 PM
POLITICS
ON ARISTOTLE'S
AGGERII'S
COMMENTARY
35
faithfully
followingPeter of Auvergne'sdivision,observes that "melius
For
lemma.82
secundum alios" the section should begin with a different
the readers of a laconic writersuch as Raimundus, these words are
extremelyimportant,as theyconfirmthatthe commentatorcompared at
least two different
commentaries.As a matterof fact,it is Burleywho
adopts, as a startingpoint of this sectionof his work,exactlythe lemma
An acquaintancewithBurley's
Raimundusquotes as the bettersolution.83
the
lines of Raimundus, who
therefore
between
commentaryemerges
drew
on
the
successful
work
of
the
Englishmaster.
apparendy
to deny that Raimundus knew Burley's
To sum up, it seems difficult
divisionsof the Politics
,84althoughwe cannot rule out the possibilitythat
his acquaintance with the work of the Englishmasterwas indirect,that
is, througha mediationwe do not know yet.
Besides establishingthat Raimundus knew directlyat least Aquinas'
and Peter of Auvergnecommentaries,
perhaps had some access to informationpresentin Albert,and certainlywas acquaintedwithsome aspects
of Burley'scommentary,
thisexaminationof possiblesourcesthrowsnew
abbreuiata
lighton the way he worked.The task of composinga sententia
of Aristode'sPolitics
did not preventhim,apparently,
fromhavingrecourse
to more than one commentary.In otherwords,he did not limithimself
82Raimundus,
scilicet
ibi
Sententia,
V, 10,f.65ra:"Incapitulo
x,quodincipit
sequenti,
Eorum
honorem
amorem
secundum
aliosibi:Corrumpitur
autem
etc.,uelmelius
quipropter
tyrannis
in speciali
datcausasetprincipia
monarchiam
..." Cf.Petrus
de Alvernia,
corrumpentia
libros
ofPeter's,
Politicorum,
V, 10(ed.cit.,
above,n. 67),289;a further
Scriptum
super
passage
notplacedat thebeginning
of thechapter,
seemsto haveinfluenced
cf.
Raimundus,
autem'determinai
causasetprincipia
p. 290:"Deindecumdicit'corrumpitur
corruptionis
inspeciali".
monarchiarum
Pol.V, 1312a21ss.
(SeealsoArist.,
(ed.cit.,
above,n.43),566-8).
83Gualterus
librum
Politicorum
, V, 3, 2 (ms.cit.,above,n. 73),f.
Burley,
Expositio
super
"
autem
tirannis.
Istudestsecundum
secunde
82vb:Corrumpitur
de
capitulum
partis
principalis
causisspecialibus
monarchiarum".
corruptionis
84Assuming
Raimundus'
on Burley
castssomelight
alsoon thea possible
dependence
sourceoftheclosing
wordsofRaimundus'
wherehe states:
"Etin hocphilososententia,
librum
octauum
scilicet
adhucde grecotransferri
phustermint
politicorum,
quantum
in latinm".
Raimundus
hadalready
menSententia,
Vili, 3, f.75vb;
poterai
(Raimundus,
tioned
hispersuasion:
transSententia,
VII, 1,f.69ra:"Licetillelibernonuideatur
perfecte
whichwe do notfindeither
in Albert
or in Peterof
remark,
latus").Sucha closing
couldbe reminiscent
ofBurley's
conclusion:
"Etinhocfinitur
intencio
aristotelis
Auvergne,
estde grecoinlatinm
supertotum
quodtranslatum
superlibrum
politicorum"
(Gualterus
librum
Politicorum,
VIII,2, 2 (ms.cit.,
above,n. 73),f. 148.See Fleler
Burley,
Expositio
super
1992(op.cit.,
between
thetwocommentators,
howabove,n. 2),II, 16-8).Thisagreement
in a different
thattheywereboth
ever,couldalsobe explained
way,thatis, thinking
whichwaswidespread,
as Susemihl
has already
inspired
bythewordsofthecolophon
indicated:
ingreconondum
huiusoperis
cf.Arist.
Pol.1342b33-34
inveni";
"reliqua
(ed.cit.,
to Fleler's
theauthor
ofthe
above,n. 43),372 (intheapparatus).
According
catalogue,
attributed
to Henry
ofOytawasalsowellacquainted
withtheidea
commentary
Totting
thatMoerbeke's
translation
wasincomplete,
cf.Fleler1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),II, 25.
15:32:36 PM
36
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
15:32:36 PM
ACGERirS
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
37
15:32:36 PM
38
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
90In oneofhisdedicatory
of
Richard
admits
thathe couldnotgratify
letters,
Burley
"Hoc dumtaxtat
on Aristotle's
fromcommenting
examples:
Bury'swishand abstained
sum
necexponam,
quiailliuslinguae
interpretabor
graecos
excepto,
quianonsermones
in istoidiomate
estinstructa,
sed discretioni
totaliter
vestrae,
quae sufficienter
ignarus,
in
historiarum
et explanationem
verborum
quae proexemplis
graecorum
expositionem
cf.Maier1964(op.cit.,above,n. 86),95.
decrevi
locisponuntur,
pluribus
relinquendas.";
91Fromthispointofview,itis telling
to eachbooklists
thatWalter
Burley
appended
ofL. J. Daly,Theconclusions
seethestudy
hiscommentary;
outfrom
ofconclusiones
singled
onthePolitics
12 (1968),78-92;13 (1969),
, in: Manuscripta,
Commentary
ofWalter
Burley's
woulddeserve,
usedbyBurley
142-9;15(1971),13-22.Thewholeissueofthetechniques
a deeperinvestigation.
however,
92F. Cheneval,
1559,
imJahre
Dantes
biszurEditio
deMonarchia
Die Rezeption
Princeps
117-30.
Mnchen
1995,
93L. J.Daly,Some
onthePolitics
onWalter
Notes
, in:T. A. SandquistCommentary
Burley's
Wilkinson
toBertie
inMedieval
M. R. Powicke,
1969,
, Toronto
presented
History
(eds.),Essays
a
is often
at anyrate,Burley
in thiscommentary
at p. 281: "Unfortunately,
270-281,
laconicwriter."
15:32:36 PM
AGGERII'
S COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
39
94See N. Mariani,
a Francisci
de Marchia
sivede EsculoSententia
etcompiIntroduzione
latio
Libros
Aristotelis
ed. N. Mariani,
Grottaferrata
21-4.
Physicorum
super
,
(Roma)
1998,
95SeeB. Roest,
A History
Education
ofFranciscan
2000,
(c.1210-1517
), Leiden-Boston-Kln
in part.142.
"
96M. M. Mulchahey,
First
theBowis BentinStudy".
Dominican
Education
1350,
before
in part.273-3,butseealsoat pp. 335-6,382.
Toronto
1998,
97Sucha comparison
canbe easily
madeon thebasisofFleler's
inFleler
catalogue,
1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),II.
98Tabarroni
1999{op.cit.,above,n. 4),in part.211.
15:32:36 PM
40
LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
99Obviously,
inEurope
Political
istoA. Black,
, 1250-1450,
Cambridge
Thought
myreference
such
defended
etalibi1992,inpart.1-13,andtothedebateaboutthemethod
byscholars
stancetakenbyG.J. Nederman,
butseethecritical
as A. PagdenandJ. G. A. Pocock;
oftheHistory
Moral
andPolitical
inMedieval
TheMeaning
, in:Journal
Thought
of"Aristotelianism"
ofIdeas,57 (1996),563-85.
15:32:36 PM
derMonarchie
vonAristoteles
zu Ockham
Zur Transformation
KARL UBL - LARS VINX
Die aristotelische
Politiklt sich nur mit Schwierigkeiten
einer systemain einen
die
alle
Abschnitte
des
Werks
tischenInterpretation
unterziehen,
kohrentenGedankenzusammenhang
setzt.Dies giltinsbesonderefrdie
Theorie der Verfassungsformen,
die in schwer durchschaubarerWeise
zwischen unterschiedlichen
Fragestellungenhin- und herschwankt:der
Suche nach der bestenVerfassung,der Suche nach der untergegebenen
Umstndenbestmglichen
Verfassung,der Frage nach den Ursachen des
und
nach
Verfassungswandels
mglichen Techniken der Stabilisierung
(auch schlechter)
politischer
Ordnungen.Im Kontextder ohnehinproblematischenVerfassungstheorie
ist die aristotelische
Konzeptiondes Knigtums
nach MeinungvielermodernerInterpreten
besondersschwerverstndlich
zu machen.1
Das Ziel unseresAufsatzesbestehtdarin, die Reaktionenmittelalterlicher Interpretenauf die Schwierigkeiten
der aristotelischen
Theorie des
Knigtumszu beleuchten.Dabei ist weder beabsichtigt,smtlicheStelnoch die
lungnahmenzum aristotelischen
Knigtumzusammenzutragen,
einzelnenAutorenin vollerBreitezu wrdigen;vielmehrwerdenwir uns
auf die Geschichteeines spezifischen
Problemsin der Rezeptionsgeschichte
nmlichauf die Frage,wieweitdie Kommentatorendie polibeschrnken,
tischePhilosophiedes Aristotelesumformenmuten,um die Monarchie
nichtmehrwie in der Politik
als ungewhnlichen
Grenzfalldes Politischen,
sondern als gerechte und zeitgeme Institutionzu verstehen.Diese
weil die mittelalFragestellungist nichtzuletztdeswegenaufschlureich,
terlicheRezeption dem Konzept des Knigtumszwangslufigein besonderes Interesseentgegenbrachte.
Auch sind die Ansichtendes Aristoteles
1 Vgl.zumProblem
F.D. Miller,
andRights
inAristotle's
Politics
Nature,
, Oxford
Justice,
Animal.
andConflict
in
1995,234-9;B. Yack,TheProblems
ofa Political
Community,
Justice,
Aristotelian
Political
and
Citizens
, Berkeley/Los
Thought
Angeles1993,85-7;M.P. Nichols,
A Study
Statesmen.
Politics
, Savage/Maryland
1992,72-81;W.R.Newell,
ofAristotle's
Superlative
Virtue:
TheProblem
inAristotle's
Politics
, in:C. Lord,D. O'Connor(Hg.),Essays
ofMonarchy
ontheFoundations
Political
R.G.
Science,
1991,191-211;
ofAristotelian
Berkeley/Los
Angeles
Aristotle's
Political
, Oxford
1977,67-9u. 82-8.
Mulgan,
Theory
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online
Vivarium
40,1
15:32:43 PM
42
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
2 Grundlegend
imfrheundWiderstandsrecht
nachwievorF. Kern,Gottesgnadentum
dafr
Mnster/Kln2
der
Mittelalter.
ren
1954;E.H.Kantorowicz,
Monarchie,
ZurEntwicklungsgeschichte
1957.Ein neuerer
Political
A Study
inMedieval
TheKing's
TwoBodies.
, Princeton
Theology
inEurope,
1250-1450
berblick
bei A. Black,Political
1992,136-61;
, Cambridge
Thought
Princeton
intheMiddle
andtheMixedConstitution
IdealGovernment
1992;T.
Ages,
J. Blythe,
desMittelalters
Theorie
inder
monarchischer
DieBegrndung
, in:Zeitschrift
Struve,
Herrschaft
politischen
della
La monarchia
frhistorische
23 (1996),289-323;R. Lambertini,
prima
Forschung,
C. Trottmann
in:B. Pinchard,
diAristotele,
nella
delregnum
: leragioni
Monarchia
ricezione
(ed.),
deDante
humanistes
Lectures
Dante
etl'Apocalypse.
Pour
Dante.
, Paris2001,39-75.
3 HierzuC. Fleler,
Mittelalter
imspten
Politica
der
Aristotelischen
undInterpretation
,
Rezeption
1992.
2 Bde.,Amsterdam/Philadelphia
4 Pol.
, III.14,1284b35-40.
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
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VONARISTOTELES
43
15:32:43 PM
44
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
ZU OCKHAM
VONARISTOTELES
45
12Pol, 111.15,
1286a7-20.
13Nik.Eth V.14,1137bl2-33.
14Pol.
, III.16,1287b21.
15Pol.
, III.16,1287b18-25.
15:32:43 PM
46
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
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VONARISTOTELES
47
hierimmer
und da er tatschlichein guterMann ist,wirdvon Aristoteles
vielmehr
die
Tatsache
der
Problematisch
ist
stillschweigend
vorausgesetzt.
relativenEhrlosigkeit
aller anderen Brgerim Verhltniszum Vollknig.
Ma an indiSobald einigeandere Brgerein dem Knig vergleichbares
knnensie auf der Basis des Tugendkriteriums
viduellerTugend aufweisen,
zu Recht aktiveTeilhabe an der politischenLeitung des Gemeinwesens
beanspruchen,weil nur diese Ttigkeit anders als ein rein passives
Gehorchen eine angemessene Mglichkeitzur Aktualisierungihrer
Tugenden mit sich bringt.
1.2. Das ParadoxdesKnigtums
Aristoteles'Theorie der absoluten Monarchie basiert auf der Prmisse,
da der Knig alle anderen Brgeran Tugend nichtnur graduell,sondern schlechthinberragt.Hiermit wird implizitfragwrdig,
inwiefern
im
seine Herrschaftberhaupt als eine politische Herrschaft
aristotelischen Sinne angesehenwerden kann. PolitischeHerrschaftunterscheidet sich von despotischerHerrschaftnicht zuletztdadurch, da sie auf
der Seiteder Unterworfenen
Subjekte
persnlichfreie,zur Tugend befhigte
voraussetzt,die durch das politischeHandeln der Herrschendenbzw.
durch die Gesetze zur ethischenTugend erzogen werden sollen. Sie ist,
wie Aristotelesnachdrcklichbetont,ein Verhltniszwischen Gleichen
und ihr Zweck ist die gemeinschaftliche
Ausbungder Tugenden.20Ein
Monarch mu, wenn sich seine Herrschaftals politischequalifizierensoll,
ber Brgerherrschen.Es ist der poliswesentlich,da sie eine Rechtsgemeinschaftdarstellt,die auf einem gemeinsamenGerechtigkeitsideal
fut
und allen ihren Mitgliederngleiche Rechtssubjektivitt
zuweist.In einer
schlechthin
des Brgerstatus
gutenpolitischen
Ordnungistdie Zuschreibung
eine Folge der ethischenTugend bzw. der Befhigungzur Tugend. Weil
die Ausbungder Tugenden politischeAktivitt
voraussetzt,mtejeder
der
dafr
die
Herrschaftsunterworfenen
als Objekte poliGrund,
spricht,
tischerund nicht despotischerHerrschaftanzusehen, daher eo ipso ein
Grund sein, sie an der aktivenAusbungpolitischerHerrschaftzu beteiligen, d.h. eine gesetzlichgeregelteOrdnung der Kompetenzverteilung
und Amterrotation
zu installieren.Geht man hingegendavon aus, da
die Tugenddifferenz
zwischendem Vollknigund seinen Untertanenso
gro ist,da sie eine dauerhafteAusschlieungder Untertanenvon aktiver Partizipationam politischenLeben rechtfertigt,
stelltsich eine andere
20Vgl.etwaPol III.4, 1277b8-18;Pol, VIL3,1325b7-12;Pol.
, VII.8,1328a35-37.
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48
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
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15:32:43 PM
50
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
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ZU OCKHAM
51
15:32:43 PM
52
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
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DIE MONARCHIE
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ZU OCKHAM
53
36Pol.,V.10,1313a5-10.Dt.TextausAristoteles,
Politik
vonE. Rolfes,
, bers,
Hamburg
41981,203.SieheauchPol.,VII.14,1332bl6-27.
15:32:43 PM
54
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
derenEntwicklung
ber ein archaischesStadiumhinausgegangen
ist,nicht
mehr gegeben.
in denPolitikkommentaren
2. Die Monarchie
hat dem MittelalterkeineTheorie der Monarchie hinterlassen,
Aristoteles
die ohne weitereszur Beschreibungder politischenRealitt des Sptmittelaltershtteverwendetwerdenknnen.Seine Konzeptiondes absoluten
Grndenpostulierter
Grenzbegriff
Knigtumsscheintein aus theoretischen
kaum
Chancen
einer dauerhaftenempirizu sein, dem Aristotelesselbst
schen Realisierungzugesprochenhat. Fr den griechischenPhilosophen
nurvon historisch-systematischem
war die Monarchieoffensichtlich
Interesse,
whrendsein Hauptaugenmerkder griechischenPolis-Verfassunggalt.
Die Monarchie
Im Mittelalterwaren die Verhltnisseentgegengesetzt:
sie erwies sich auch als
war nicht nur die dominanteVerfassungsform,
KommunalNorditaliens
in
den
Stdten
als
die
praktizierte
erfolgreicher
14.
im
des
13.
und
die
Verlauf
Jahrhunderts
weitgehendder
verfassung,
Signoriegewichenist. Fast alle Autorenbetrachtetendie Monarchie als
Gottesim Unider die Herrschaft
natrlicheVerfassungsform
par excellence,
versumoder der Vernunftin der menschlichenSeele entspricht.Diese
der Naturgehrtenim Mittelalter
und andereAnalogienzur Funktionsweise
wenn es galt,Argumentefrdas monarchische
zum Standardrepertoire,
Das Knigtumwurde als eine dauerhafteund
bereitzustellen.37
Regiment
die nicht vom Vorhandenseineiner
begriffen,
typischeVerfassungsform
oder
einembestimmten
Person
gesellschaftlichen
berragendtugendhaften
Konzeptiondes KnigEntwicklungsstand
abhngigist. Die aristotelische
Vertumsmutedaher modifiziert
werden,bevorsie den mittelalterlichen
hltnissengerechtwerden konnte.
Allerdingswaren nichtalle Spannungenin der Theorie des Aristoteles
von ethischerund poligleichermaenakut. So wurde die Identifikation
Ethik
tischerTugend im Mittelalternichtanerkannt.In der scholastischen
zur
die
ethischen
da
als
es
selbstverstndlich,
Vollendung
Tugenden
galt
gebrachtwerdenknnen,ohne direktan politischerHerrschaftteilzuhadie Ausbung
ben. Fr die christliche
Tugendlehrewar gerade umgekehrt
von Herrschafteine Gefahrdungfr das eigene Seelenheil,weil damit
offenbarBlutvergieenebenso notwendigverbundenwar wie die KapiEthiknderte
talsndedes Hochmuts.Auch die RezeptionderMkomachischen
37Struve
2001(wieAnm.2).
1996(wieAnm.2), 302-5;Lambertini
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
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ZU OCKHAM
55
15:32:43 PM
56
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
40Po/.,
im
Aristoteles
selbst
III.14,1286a 1-5.Voneinergemischten
Verfassung
spricht
Elementen
undoligarchischen
aus demokratischen
dieer als Mischung
FallederPolitie,
SiehePol.,IV.8 u. 9.
beschreibt.
41So die aristotelische
Pol., III.14, 1285
des spartanischen
Knigtums:
Beschreibung
a7-l1.
42Albertus
omnia
in: Opera
In libros
, 4, Lyon1651,500.
Politicorum,
Magnus,
15:32:43 PM
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15:32:43 PM
58
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
von seinerberragendenTugendhaftigkeit
abhngig.48Besondersdeutlich
in
1
1
wird das an der Stelle V. , an der Aristotelesdie Beschrnkungder
AlbertmiverHerrschaftzur Stabilisierungdes Knigtumsempfiehlt.49
als Herrscherbeschrnkung:
stehtzunchst die Herrschaftsbeschrnkung
Wenn es wenigerHerrschergebe (und nicht:wenn es HerrschermitweniDie
ger Machtbefugnisgebe), sei eine mildereHerrschaftzu erwarten.50
in Sparta beschreibter dann in Begriffen
der KirchenHerrschaftsteilung
divisit
in pluresquosvocavit
in partem
sollicitudinis
,51
verfassung:
potestatem
Albertgibt also dem Problemdes absolutenKnigtumsbei Aristoteles
III. 14
er den Knig nach Politik
eine originelleLsung:Weder identifiziert
er die Institution
noch begreift
mitder politischen
Gemeinschaft,
vollstndig
des Knigtumsnach PolitikII. 9 und V. 11 lediglichals "lebenslngliches
VerFeldherrenamt"bzw. als Amt innerhalbeiner nicht-monarchischen
fassung.Vielmehrwirdder Knig wie der Papst als Inhaberder Vollgewalt
bezeichnet,der Kompetenzenan andere Amtstrger
delegiert,um so die
zu
Da
auf
lokaler
Ebene
von
gewhrleisten.
Gerechtigkeit
Durchsetzung
sich daraus keine prinzipielleBeschrnkungkniglicherGewalt ergibt,
zu
sollte man eher vermeiden,diese Konstruktionals Mischverfassung52
bezeichnen.Albertsorgtsich nichtum BeschrnkungkniglicherGewalt,
sondern um Inklusion derjenigen Schichten der Bevlkerung,die wie
oder wie Oligarchendurch
durch ihre Rechtsgelehrsamkeit
Aristokraten
unentbehrlichsind.53Dies
ihren Reichtumfr die Herrschaftsausbung
in
lt sich auch daran ablesen, da Albertfrdie zweite Schwierigkeit
Theorie der Monarchie keine Lsung anbietet:Der
der aristotelischen
des
Stellen:
In libros
Pol.,LI (6); L9 (47);III.10 (196u. 198);V.8 (338).Der Vorrang
in: Lectura
akzentuiert
VIII.3.2(305);Augsburger
Ethica,
super
Knigsistauchdeutlich
maxima
hominum
2 (111u. 118):"Viderunt
quodnullamultitudo
siquidem,
Predigten,
dimitfacienda
etdimitterent
facerent
ad cuiusimprium
absquecapite,
gubernari
posset
et
etad eumtamconsiliarii
tarnen
rexdebetessesuperior
tenda. . . Semper
quamdivites
debent
habererecursum."
potentes
48Albertus,
mEthica,
Pol.
In libros
, IL3 (81);III.8 (178);III.9 (185);V.8 (330);Quaestiones
VIII.11 (636).
49Sieheoben52.
50Ebd.V.8 (338).
51Ebd.Zurspartanischen
vgl.auchIV.7 (233).
Ordnung
52So Meier1994(wieAnm.44),39.
53Augsburger
audire
2 (111u. 118):"Itemviderunt,
quodunusnonsufficeret
Predigten,
hocordinaverunt,
et propter
et singulorum
totam
multitudinem
respondere
quaerimoniis
rexjustus
. . . Quantumcumque
velsubregeessent
aliquiaristocratos
quodsubmonarcha
nisitalessuntin ea, qui
adhucstarenonpotest
sitetjustisintjudicesin civitate,
civitas,
bellide bonissuisaliis
familiam
et tempore
tenere
facere
et magnani
expensas
possunt
providere."
15:32:43 PM
ZU OCKHAM
VONARISTOTELES
DIE MONARCHIE
59
54Albertus,
In libros
Pol.
, III.9 (184);IV.8 (235);V.7 (330).
55Ebd.1.5(23);II.l (59);IV.2(209);
IV.9(239).Das Gleiche
giltfrdievierte
Augsburger
Amnchsten
in 1.3(17).
De bertte
istAlbert
einemWiderstandsrecht
(126-130).
Predigt
Considrations
surlescommentaires
dela Politique
Vgl.F. Cheneval,
presque
philosophiques
d'Albert
leGrand
etdeThomas
Zeitschrift
frPhilosophie
undTheologie,
, in:Freiburger
d'Aquin
45 (1998),56-83.
57Thomas,
In libros
omnia
Pol.,1.1,in: Opera
, 48,Rom1971,73 zu Pol.,1.1,1252a 16.
15:32:43 PM
60
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
in der griechischen
der mterrotation
Polis mitUnverstndnis
begegnet.58
Allerdingsist gegen diese Deutung einzuwenden,da Aristotelesselbstin
Pol. III. 15-16 die brgerlicheHerrschaftzur Herrschaftdes Rechts in
das Besteheneiner gesetzlichen
Beziehung setzt,weil die mterrotation
Auch
Vielzahl
von Stellen im Politikvoraussetzt.59
eine
Ordnung
zeigt
als Kennzeichen
kommentar,da Thomas das Prinzipder mterrotation
von Aristokratie
und Politie keinesfallsentgangenist, zumal ja auch die
KommunenseinerZeit nach diesemPrinzipregiertwurden.60
italienischen
Fr Aristoteleswie frThomas sind Gesetzesbindungund mterrotation
Herrschaftsform.
zwei sichwechselseitig
bedingendeAspekteder brgerlichen
Herrschaftfolgt
Bei der Abgrenzungvon kniglicherund brgerlicher
Thomas also im wesentlichenden aristotelischen
Vorgaben. Andersverund despotischer
hltes sichbei derAbgrenzung
von kniglicher
Herrschaft,
frdie AristoteleskeinenangemessenenAusdruckgefundenhat. Thomas
61
liberorum
Definitiondes Staates als communio
leitetaus der aristotelischen
ein Kriteriumab, das die Untertaneneines Knigs von denen einer
Despotie abgrenzt:ihre Freiheit.Whrend die Sklaven einer Despotie
oder
berhauptkeine Rechte haben und die Brger einer Aristokratie
Politie sowohl frei als auch rechtlichgleich gestelltsind, genieen die
Fllen
als sie in bestimmten
UntertaneneinerMonarchieFreiheitinsofern,
fhrtThomas
zum Widerstandberechtigtsind.62Im Politikkommentar
nichtweiteraus, in welchen konkretenFllen dem Gehorsamsanspruch
des Knigs eine Grenze gesetztist. In anderen Schriftenbefater sich
jedoch eingehendmitdiesemThema, insbesondereim frhenSentenzen.63In
kommentarsowie in den SptwerkenDe regnound Summatheologiae
der Forschungwurde viel Tinte ber diese Stellungnahmenvergossen,
ohne da es bislanggelungenist,aus den verschiedenen,oftdivergenten
Hier soll kein weiuerungeneine kohrenteTheorie zu extrahieren.64
58Sternberger
1984(wieAnm.43),48f.;Blythe
1992(wieAnm.2),42-5.
59Sieheoben50.
60In Pol, 1.5(94);1.10(113);III.3 (195);IIL5 (202).
61Pol.,III.6, 1297a21.
62In libros
1.4
Pol., 1.3(87).Vgl.auchI-II.58.2;De malo
, 3.9 ad 14;De virt.,
63ZurDatierung
vonDe regno
Fleler
1992(wieAnm.3),I, 28.
64Zuletzt
56 (1981),
Obedience
andDisobedience
onPolitical
, in:Thought,
R.J.Regain,
Aquinas
Moral
1998,287-91;P. Moinar,
, Political
, andLegalTheory
, Oxford
77-88;
J.Finnis,
Aquinas.
fur
Zeitschrift
Deuxsolutions
La lgitimit
dela rsistance.
chezS. Thomas
, in:Freiburger
Aquin
imspteren
DerTyrannenmord
46 (1999),115-37;
undTheologie,
J. Miethke,
Philosophie
in derScholastik
Theorien
berdas Widerstandsrecht
Mittelalter.
, in:
Herrschaft
ungerechte
gegen
um
imRingen
imMittelalter.
G. Beestermller/H.-G.
Theologie
(ed.),Friedensethik
Justenhoven
24-48.
diegottgegebene
1999,
Ordnung,
Stuttgart/Berlin/Kln
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
ZU OCKHAM
61
tererVersuchin dieserHinsichtunternommen
werden,sondernes sollen
die
werden, frunsereFragestellung
lediglichjene Aspektehervorgehoben
relevantsind.
Zunchst ist festzuhalten,
da sich die brgerlicheFreiheitnicht auf
den Bereich der Grundrechteder Person bezieht. Und dies nicht,weil
Thomas diesem Gedanken ablehnendgegenbersteht,65
sondernweil aus
seinerSicht auch SklavenAnspruchdaraufhaben, ungehindertEntscheiund ihreFortpflanzung
zu treffen.
Ebenso
dungenberihreSelbsterhaltung
in bereinstimmung
zhlen der innereWille und die Lebensfhrung
mit
den christlichenGeboten zu den Bereichen,in denen weder ein Knig
von seinenUntertanennoch ein Herr von seinen SklavenGehorsameinforderndarf.66
Die brgerlicheFreiheit mu sich folglichauf spezifischpolitische
Schrankender Knigsgewaltbeziehen. Im Sentenzenkommentar
befrwortetThomas eine sehr weit gefateAuflassungdieser Schranken:Der
Gehorsam endet, falls ein HerrscherBefehle erteilt,die sich entweder
des Gemeinwohls
gegendas Gemeinwohlrichtenoder die die Erfordernisse
berschreiten.Ferner drfe ein Usurpator aus der Herrschaftentfernt
oder sogar beseitigtwerden,wenn er die Macht durch Gewalt und ohne
Zustimmungder Untertanenan sich gerissenhabe und wenn keine bergeordneteInstanz zustndigsei.67
Diese weiteAuslegungdes Widerstandsrechts
erfahrtin der SummatheoIn der theologischen
logiaeund in De regnogewichtigeEinschrnkungen.
Summe heit es, da der Entzug des GehorsamsgegenberHerrschern,
die Unzulssigesbefehlenoder sich auf unrechteWeise der Herrschaft
sei, wenn damit nicht grerer
bemchtigthaben, nur gerechtfertigt
Schaden angerichtet
oder ein ffentliches
) erregtwerde.
rgernis(.scandalum
In bestimmten
Fllen mssedaher der Widerstandgegen Unrechtzugunsten hherer Erwgungenausgesetztwerden.68Diesen Gedanken fhrt
Thomas in De regnoweiteraus, indem er die oft nachtrglichenFolgen
von Rebellionenhervorhebt
und Widerstandnur als letztenAusweggelten
65Diessuggeriert
P. Landau,Reflexionen
ber
Grundrechte
derPerson
inderGeschichte
deskanonischen
Rechts
Reinhardt
etiuscanonicum.
Heinemann
, in:H.J.F.
(ed.),Theologa
,
fiirHeribert
Festgabe
Essen1995,517-32.
66Summa
II-II.104.5;II-II.69.4;Sent.,
ad 1, ad 5.
IV.39.1.4a;Sent.,
theologiae,
IV.36.1.2,
Finnis1998(wieAnm.64),170-80.
Vgl.
67Sent.,
II.44.2.2.
68Summa
II-II.104.6ad 3. Vgl.auchI-II.96.4ad 3, II-II.42.2ad 3. Zu kanontheologiae,
istischen
Vorbildern
vgl.Moinar1999(wieAnm.64),130-4.
15:32:43 PM
62
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
15:32:43 PM
ZU OCKHAM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
63
15:32:43 PM
64
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
ZU OCKHAM
65
85DiesePosition
herrscht
im 13.Jahrhundert
auchin denanonymen
Kommentaren
zurNikomachischen
Ethik
undzurPolitik
vor.Vgl.die zahlreichen
Belegebei Lambertini
2001(wieAnm.3).
Dazu Ubi2000(wieAnm.38),98-102.DortaucheineAuseinandersetzung
mitden
ThesenvonBlythe
1992(wieAnm.2).
87ZumEinsatz
vonAristoteles
derfranzsischen
Monarchie
zugunsten
vgl.TJ. Renna,
Aristotle
andtheFrench
9 (1978),309-24.
, in:Viator,
Monarchy
88Petrus
vonAuvergne,
In libros
Pol.,III.15,ed. R.M. Spiazzi,in: Thomae
Aquinatis
inocto
libros
Turin1966,182;Aegidius
De regimine
Expositio
Politicorum,
Romanus,
principm,
unterscheidet
sichindermonarchischen
III.2.4,Rom1607,460.Peters
Qustionenkommentar
15:32:43 PM
66
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
Ms.
nationale
de France,
Theorienurunwesentlich:
, 111.26
Quaestio
(Paris,Bibliothque
lat.16089,f.299vb-300ra).
89Inlibros
De regimine
Pol III.9(152);III.16(184f.);
, III.2.34(547-550).
principm,
Aegidius,
90In libros
De regimine
,
principm
Pol.,V.7 (281);VII.2 (347);VII.5 (364).Vgl.Aegidius,
efficiuntur
si habitatores
etcivitatis,
liberi,
III.2.34(548):"Salvatur
regni
itaquesalusregni
et observent
si obediant
leges."
regibus
91Vgl.denklassischen
Four
TwoConcepts
vonI. Berlin,
Aufsatz
, in:ders.,
Essays
ofLiberty
onliberty
1969,118-72.
, Oxford
92Tolomeus
vonLucca,De regimine
, 11.9;III.11,ed. K.M. Spiazzi,in: 1homa
principm
hier286f.;310-2.DieseStelleistin
Turin
280-358,
1954,
Philosophica,
Opuscula
Aquinatis
Zu Tolomeus
Pol., III.16 (185)geschrieben.
In libros
vonPetervonAuvergne,
Kenntnis
224-89.
Other
and
Dante's
C.T.
1984,
,
Philadelphia
Davis,
Essays
Italy
vgl.
allgemein
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
ZU OCKHAM
67
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KARLUBL- LARSVINX
Politikfrseine Argumentation
in dieser Schriftdie Aristotelische
ungentztlt, ist seinem OrdensbruderJakob von Viterbo die Konvergenz
der ppstlichenLehre mitdem aristotelischen
Konzept des Vollknigtums
nicht entgangen.Jakob begreiftdie Kirche als Monarchie im aristoteliauf diese Weise jede Beschrnkungder Gehorschen Sinn und verwirft
Untertanen.96
von
Seiten
der
samspflicht
standen
Die Kritikerdes Papsttumsam Anfangdes 14. Jahrhunderts
somitvor einem Dilemma: Einerseitswar Aristotelesder zentraleBezugsZielsetzungenzu
punkt,um den Staat auf ausschlielichinnerweltliche
echten
seine
Theorie
des
andererseits
bot
Knigtumskeine
verpflichten,
Vollum den AnsprcheneinerTheorie der monarchischen
Schtzenhilfe,
man
im
Wollte
in
Kirche
oder
sei
es
der
Staat,
entgegenzutreten.
gewalt,
daher die ppstlicheLehre nichtnur von innen heraus,durch eine UmTradition,wie sieJohannesQuidortdurchfhrte,97
deutungder christlichen
in entzum Einsturzbringen,mutedie politischeTheorie des Aristoteles
werden.Marsiliusund Ockham schluscheidenderHinsichtdurchbrochen
Marsiliusindemer die aristotelische
ein:
seine
Art
diesen
auf
Weg
genjeder
in eine Theorie der Volkssouvernitt
Theorie der Verfassungsformen
Ockham indemer jedem Menschenvorstaatlich
transformiert;
begrndete
GedannatrlicheRechte zuschreibtund so den widerstandsrechtlichen
lst.
ken vom stndestaaichenMischverfassungsdenken
sich der Gesetzgeber,d.h. die Brgerin ihrer
Fr Marsiliuskonstituiert
Gesamtheitoder deren strkererTeil, sowohl vor jeder gesellschafdichen
in verschiedeneBerufeund Stnde als auch vor der EinDifferenzierung
Institutionen(pars principam
staatlicher
).98 Marsilius sprengtauf
setzung
fr ein
diese Weise den Elitismusdes Aristoteles,der die Abknftigkeit
charakterlicher
sich der Entwicklung
Tugend widmendespolitischesLeben
und daher die Verteilungpolials Voraussetzungdes Brgerstatus
begriff
in Bauern,
tischerRechte auf die funktionale
Gliederungder Gesellschaft
Handwerkerund Hndler einerseitsund nicht auf Erwerbsarbeitangemute. Der Begriffder
wiesene Aristokratenandererseitszurckfuhren
96JakobvonViterbo,
Paris1926,
De regimine
1.1;II.5,ed. H.-X.Arquillire,
christiano,
von
2001(wieAnm.2) Anm.76 weistdieAbhngigkeit
Jakobs
89-99;21lf.Lambertini
nach.
derPolitikkommentare
Tradition
derargumentativen
97K. Ubi- L. Vinx,Kirche,
ParisO.P.(f 1306),
von
beiJohannes
Arbeit
undEigentum
Quidort
- Codex.
- Schrift
Institut
ausdem
Arbeiten
in:C. Egger- H. Weigl(ed.),Text
Quellenkundliche
2000,304-44.
, Wien/Mnchen
Geschichtsforschung,
fiirsterreichische
98Zumfolgenden:
Marsilius
A. Gewirth,
of
ofPeace.1: Marsilius
ofPadua,TheDefender
andConsent.
Political
PaduaandMedieval
Community
, NewYork1951;C. Nederman,
Philosophy
1994.
Political
TheSecular
Pads",Lanham/London
ofPadua's"Defensor
ofMarsiglio
Theory
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
ZU OCKHAM
69
15:32:43 PM
70
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
100Sieheoben44.
101Ebd.1.12.6(67).SieheGewirth
1951(wieAnm.98),220-3.
102
am
SacriRomani
in:Monarchia
, Frankfurt
, III.1.2.6,ed. M. Goldast,
Imperii
Dialogus
von
Wilhelm
R. Lambertini,
vonAristoteles:
M. 1614,II, 794f.Zu Ockhams
Bentzung
inderEkklesiologie
desAristoteles
Theorie
derpolitischen
derPolitica.
alsLeser
Ockham
ZurRezeption
im14.Jahrhundert
Theorie
Ockhams
, Mnchen
, in:J. Miethke
politischer
(ed.),Das Publikum
1992,207-24.
15:32:43 PM
ZU OCKHAM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
71
15:32:43 PM
72
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
Eine Institutionalisierung
des natrlichenWiderstandsrechts
ist nichtnur
nichtnotwendig,sondernausgeschlossen,da in letzterKonsequenz jede
Institutionirren kann. Der Status brgerlicherFreiheit,den Ockhams
Argumentauch den Untertaneneines Vollknigszuspricht,setzt somit
keineregulrePartizipation
an der Ausbungvon Herrschaft
mehrvoraus.
Es ist daher durchaus mit dem Ideal politischerHerrschaftvertrglich,
da ein Knig oder ein anders legitimierter
Herrscherdie Untertanen
aus eigenerMachtfllezum Gemeinwohlhinlenkt.105
Das Freiheitsrecht
stehteinerpaternalistischen
nicht
Herrschaftsausbung
entgegen,solange
in die Rechte der Untertanendem Gemeinwohlund nichtder
Eingriffe
kann
Bereicherungdes Herrschersdienen.Das aristotelische
Vollknigtum
also als politischeHerrschaft
werden,obwohlOckham einschrnaufgefat
kend festhlt,da in seiner Zeit Knige blicherweise durch einen
seien.106
Krnungseidund Rechtsgewohnheiten
eingeschrnkt
Marsiliusund Ockham sprengendemnach auf gnzlichkontrreWeise
den Rahmen des politischenAristotelismus,
der eine durch eine Theorie
der Volkssouvernitt,
der andere durch eine Theorie der Naturrechte.
Beiden gemeinsamistjedoch die Strategie,den aristotelischen
Staat um
eine vorausliegendeEbene zu ergnzen, sei es die Konstituierungder
Brgerals Gesetzgeber,sei es die gttlicheVerleihungeines natrlichen
Rechtsstatus.
3. Ergebnisse
Die hierverfolgte
war eng umgrenzt:Wir haben die DiskusFragestellung
sion um den Vorrangvon Erb- oder Wahlmonarchie,die seit Peter von
Auvergne in den Kommentarengefhrtwurde, beiseite gelassen, weil
diese Frage von Aristoteles
nichtaufgeworfen
wurde.107
Ebenso haben wir
da dieses
das Verhltnisdes Herrscherszum Recht nichtbercksichtigt,
Thema vorwiegendin den SchriftenderJuristenerrtertwurde und sich
Uns ging
auch nichtauf die monarchischeVerfassungeingrenzenlt.108
105
natura, III.1.2.6,ed. Goldast
(wieAnm.102),794: . . sednonestcontra
Dialogus
ad bonum
cumquilibet
teneutatur
liberis
lemlibertatem,
utquisrationabiliter
commune,
aturbonumcommune
praeferre
privato."
106Ebd.(795).
107
1992(wieAnm.2).
Vgl.Fleler1992(wieAnm.3),I 122-7;Blythe
108
dupouvoir
dansla scolasurla conception
lgislatif
remarques
Quelques
Vgl.M. Grignaschi,
The
61 (1983),783-801;
K. Pennington,
etd'histoire,
, in:Revuebelgede philologie
stique
andRights
intheWestern
andthe
Law(1200-1600).
Prince
, Berkeley/Los
LegalTradition
Sovereignty
1993.
Angeles/Oxford
15:32:43 PM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
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73
15:32:43 PM
74
KARLUBL- LARSVINX
Toronto
of Toronto
University
15:32:43 PM
Mechanics
and Citizens
: TheReception
of theAristotelian
Idea of Citizenship
in LateMedievalEurope
CARYJ. NEDERMAN
1 Fora
ofthetopic,
seePeterRiesenberg,
intheWestern
wide-ranging
survey
Citizenship
Tradition:
PlatotoRousseau,
1992.
Hill,
Chapel
2 On someaspects
ofthis,seeJohnLantiqua,
HowtheGOPGamed
theSystem
inFlorida
,
in:TheNation,
272:17(April
30,2001),11-7.
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online
Vwarium
40,1
15:32:51 PM
76
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
into modern times,the refusalto permitpeople in the firstfour categoriesto possess fullmembershipin the civic communityremainedrelaIndeed, althoughthe abolition of formsof legal
tivelyuncontroversial.
unfreedomand the extensionof gender equality have erased most of
Aristotle's
todaystilldo not generally
groupexclusions,liberal-democracies
confera completerange of politicalrightson minorsand residentaliens.
By contrast,the civil statusof "mechanics"remaineda disputedtopic
fromancientGreece onwards.As Aristotlefullyrealized (and bemoaned),
Greek democraciessuch as Athensadmittedfreebornadult males to citizenshipregardlessof propertyqualificationsor occupation:farmers,artisans, traders,and skilled craftsmenwere indeed the backbone of the
democraticpoleisin war and peace. Republican Rome likewiseeventually
accorded basic civic identityto freemenwithoutreferenceto economic
betweenpatricianand plebian linposition,althoughthe social distinction
And throughoutlater European history,the claims of
gered powerfully.
free
but
civillyexcluded men to a share of politicalstandingwere
legally
time and again. Aristotleand other
asserted(albeit oftenunsuccessfully)
that citizenshipproperlyunderas
who
insisted
such
Plato,
philosophers
stood was incompatiblewith physicallabor, thus advocated a position
that by no means enjoyeduniversalapproval eitherin theirown day or
thereafter.
Yet Aristotle'spoliticalphilosophyexercisedwidespreadand profound
influencein later times,particularly
duringthe Latin Middle Ages, when
The Philosopherenjoyedan almostpeerlessstatusamong European theorists.Of course,the traditionalview among historiansof politicalthought
that the translationand transmissionof Aristotle'smoral and political
centurycaused an "intellectualrevolution"
writingsin the mid-thirteenth
has now been generallydiscredited.3
Still,Aristoteliantextswere among
the primesourcematerialsforpoliticalreflection
among the learnedelites
of the medieval West, and their authoritycontributedcruciallyto the
classroomsand scholassupportforthephilosophicalteachingsin university
tic texts.Hence, if ever Aristotle'sviews about the qualificationsfor citizenshipmightenjoy an enthusiasticaudience preparedto embrace them
late medieval scholasticismwould seem to provide idewholeheartedly,
ally fertileground.
3 See Gary
inMoral
Traditions
Classical
andItsLimits:
Aristotelianism
Medieval
J.Nederman,
in
Xllth-XVth
Centuries
andPolitical
Black,Political
, London1997;Antony
Thought
Philosophy,
1992.
1250-1450
,
,
Cambridge
Europe
15:32:51 PM
ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS
77
4 Forgeneral
discussion
ofthethirteenthandfourteenth-century
ofAristode's
reception
ideaofcitizenship
andrelated
concerns
as "slavery'),
thestandard
sources
are:Mario
(such
3dansla
La definition
du civis
in:Ancien
Grignaschi,
d'tats,
scholastique,
payset assembles
35 (1966),71-88;Christoph
undInterpretation
derAristotelischen
Politica
im
Fleler,
Rezeption
Mittelalter
undBrger:
, 2 vols.,Amsterdam
1992,1, 35-85;andUlrich
spten
Meier,Mensch
DieStadt
imDenken
und
, Philosophen
sptmittelalterlicher
Theologen
Juristen
(Munich
1994),63-126.
15:32:51 PM
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
78
Conditions
, Not Parts
15:32:51 PM
ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS
79
15:32:51 PM
80
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
13Aristotle,
Politics
1280132-34.
14See Aristotle,
Ethics
1177a28-31.
Mcomachean
15Themostimportant
nel
mechanicae'
e le *artes
Lafilosofia
Franco
include:
studies
Alessio,
6
3rdseries,(1965),71-155;
XII, in:StudiMedievali,
secolo
Ovitt,
Jr.,The Restoration
George
Culture
inMedieval
LaborandTechnology
1987;and Elspeth
, NewBrunswick
ofPerfection:
theThirteenth
Arts
TheMechanical
Restored:
Paradise
,
Century
through
Antiquity
from
Whitney,
1990.
Philadelphia
16See ibid.,pp. 75-82.
15:32:51 PM
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
81
The foremost
name associatedwiththisreconsideration
of manual work
is Hugh of St. Victor, who was among the most influentialfiguresof
twelfth-century
philosophy.Throughouthis corpus,but most directlyin
- a treatisewrittenaround 1125 on the
the Didascalicon
organizationof
human knowledge
the
as
well
as the theHugh incorporated
practice
of
the
mechanical
arts
into
realm
the
of human "wisdom,"renderory
ing them therebyworthyto be pursued by human beings. He reasons
thatearthlywisdomextendsto all acts forwhich "the end and the intention" is "the restoringof our nature'sintegrity
or the relievingof those
weaknessesto which our presentlife lies subject."17The formeractions
are, of course,spiritualand pertainto the conditionof the human soul,
the goal of which is "to restorein us the likenessof the divine image."
The lattertype of act concernsthe circumstancesof the body and "the
necessityof thislife,which,the more easilyit can sufferharm fromthose
thingswhich work to its disadvantage,the more does it require to be
cherishedand conserved."18While "divine" mattersmay take ultimate
priorityfor Hugh over "human" ones, he concludes that the necessity
imposed upon us by our god-givennature constitutesa dilemma whose
remedydeservesto be accorded the name of knowledge(scientia)
just as
much as the theoreticalor practical fieldsof reason.19The purpose of
the mechanicalarts is to overcomeor combat the naturaldeficienciesof
human life.
The unique predicamentof human beings,then,demands the "invention" or "discovery"of the arts, according to Hugh.20"Necessity,"he
observes with referenceto the proverb, "is the mother of arts."21He
refusesto disdainthe factthe God has leftus to our own devicesto meet
our needs: "A need is somethingwithoutwhichwe cannotlive,and [with
17HughofSt.Victor,
Didascalicon
NewYorkandLondon
, 1.5,trans.
Jerome
Taylor,
corrected
thetranslation
whenit seemedto departtoo
1961,51-2.I haveoccasionally
from
theLatinversion
oftheDidascalicon
, I, 5, ed. C.H. Buttimer,
greatly
Washington,
D.C. 1939,12,3-6:"Omnium
autemhumanarum
actionum
seustudiorum,
quaesapientia moderatur,
finiset intentio
ad hoc spectare
nostrae
debet,ut vel naturae
reparetur
veldefectuum,
subiacet
necessitas."
vita,
integritas
quibus
praesens
temperetur
18Hughof St. Victor,
Didascalico
n, 1.7,transi.Taylor,54, ed. Buttimer,
15, 5-8:
. . omnium
humanarum
actionum
ad huncfinem
concurrit
utveldivinae
imaintentio,
innobisrestauretur,
velhuiusvitaenecessitudini
ginissimilitudo
consulatur,
quaequofaciliuslaedipotest
eo magisfoveri
et conservali
adversis,
indiget."
19Ibid.,1.8,transi.
55-6.
Taylor,
20Ibid.,1.11,transi.
57-8.
Taylor,
21Ibid.,1.9,transi.
... omnesexcuderit
56; ed. Buttimer,
17, 14: "... natura
Taylor,
artes."
15:32:51 PM
82
CARYJ. NEDERMAN
which] we would live more happily. . . For the sake of our needs, the
mechanicalarts were discovered."22
In turn,because humanityhas mulsortsof occupationsto meet
tiple needs, there must be many different
them.Thus, mechanicalknowledgecomprisesseveralarts- fabric-making,
- of
armament,commerce,agriculture,hunting,medicine,and theatrics
whichtheinitialthreepertainto the externalprotectionof the body,while
the otherfourconcerninternalnourishment.23
The practitioners
of each
of these arts redresssome defectof natural human existenceby manufacturingan artificialproductin imitationof nature itself:theyprovide
forus what nature does not, yet in a quasi-naturalway:24
Fromnature's
a better
chancefortrying
should
be provided
toman
example,
things
whenhe comesto deviseforhimself
thosethings
byhisownreasoning
naturally
animals.
human
reasonshines
forth
muchmorebrilliantly
Indeed,
giventoall other
in inventing
thoseverythings
thaneveritwouldhavehadmannaturally
possessed
them.25
Hugh thus refutesthe accusationthat mechanicslive contraryto nature
because theirproductsare mere "artifice":"We look withwondernot at
naturealone but at the artificer
as well."26Such remarkshighlighta dramatic reversalof opinion about the mechanical arts and theirvarious
occupationsand practitioners:
theycontain a measure of wisdomwhich,
if not thatpossessedby the philosopher,stillpossessesinherentvalue that
demands the respectof humankind.
Since Hugh's main concern in the Didascalicon
is the classification
of
formsof human knowledge,he does not address the specifically
political
implicationsof his valorizationof mechanicallabor. But thisthemeis discussed by his slightly
who integrates
junior admirer,John of Salisbury,27
22Ibid.,6.14,transi.
estsine
130,19-20,26-7:"Necessitas
Taylor,152;ed. Buttimer,
. . . propter
necessitatem
inventa
est
sed felicius
viveremus
qua viverenonpossumus,
medianica."
23Ibid.,2.20,transi.
74.
Taylor,
24Ibid.,1.4,transi.
51.
Taylor,
25Ibid.,1.9,transi.
enimutillis,quae
56, ed. Buttimer,
17,7-12:"Oportuit
Taylor,
sibiprovidere
naturaconsuleret,
homini
autemex hocetiammaiorexperiendi
nesciunt,
naturaliter
datasunt,propriaratione
sibi
occasiopraestaretur,
cumilla,quae ceteris
inveniret.
ratiohominis
haeceademinveniendo
Multoenimnuncmagisenitet
quam
habendo
claruisset."
26Ibid.,1.9,transi.
mire17,17-8:. . . iamcumnatura
56,ed.Buttimer,
Taylor,
ipsum
murartificem."
27Whether
remains
theirpathscertainly
could
unclear;
JohnknewHughpersonally
in Parisduring
education.
ButJohnrefers
havecrossed
theearlyyearsofJohn's
approvtheMetalogicon
histreatise
on education,
withHughandhisteachings
ingly
throughout
(c. 1159).
15:32:51 PM
83
ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS
15:32:51 PM
84
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
15:32:51 PM
85
ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS
15:32:51 PM
86
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
articulatedduringthe twelfth
century.The "noble profession"of politics,
he says, "teaches us all of the arts and trades[arset mestiers)
necessaryto
the lifeof man, and thisoccurs in two ways,forone is in deed and the
otherin word."36By "word," Latini means that politicsembracesgrammar, dialectic,and rhetoric,the latterof whichhe commendsas the pinnacle of the politicalarts.37
By "deed," he maintainsthatpolitics"consists
of the daily tradesinvolvinghand and foot,thatis, metalsmiths,
weavers,
and shoemakers,and the othertradesnecessaryforthe lifeof man, and
which are called mechanical."38Thus, Latini's idea of politicscomprehends occupationsthathad been regardedby Aristotleand otherancient
with civic life.
philosophersto be demeaningand inconsistent
What mightLatini have in mind here? Certainlynot that knowledge
with all of the intricaciesof the
of politicsinvolvesa directfamiliarity
mechanical trades.39Rather, he apparentlybelieves that goal of politics
of the disparatearts and tradesthat
mustbe to facilitatethe flourishing
sectionof Book
existwithina community.As he says in the introductory
the
view
of Aristotle's
which
Two of the Tresor
,
allegedly reproduces
:
Ethics
JVicomachean
andthesovera cityis themostimportant
The artwhichteaches
howto govern
ofall arts,becauseit contains
arts,suchas
manyhonorable
eignandthemistress
itis noble
one'shousehold;
science
andgoverning
rhetoric
andmilitary
furthermore,
to all thoseartswhichareunderitandwhich
becauseit givesorderanddirection
oftheothers.40
anditsendis alsotheendandfulfillment
aboutitsfulfillment,
bring
In spiteof his claim to be summarizingthe Ethics
, Latini seems to make
For
however.
a quite different
than
Aristotle,all of the
Aristotle,
point
subordinateartspresentwithinthe polis had purposesthatwere less hon36Brunetto
and
ed. Francis
Li Livres
douTresor
Latini,
, 1.4.5-6,
Berkeley
J. Carmody,
tousles arset toz les
... si nousensegne
Los Angeles1948,21, 19-25:"... politique
carl'uneesten oevreet
Ce esten .ii.manieres,
kia vied'omesontbesonable.
mestiers
theEnglish
is basedon,butsometimes
en paroles."
l'autre
from,
departs
Mytranslation
Brunetto
Baldwin:
andSpurgeon
,
Latini,TheBookofTreasure
rendering
byPaulBarrette
NewYork1993.
37Ibid.,1.4.7-10.
38Ibid.,1.4.6,ed. Carmody,
ke l'en
21, 25-28:"Celeki esten oevresontli mestier
etcesautres
desmainsetdespis,ce sontsueurs,
oevretousjours
cordewaniers,
drapiers,
et sontapielsmcaniques."
a la viedeshomes,
kisontbesoignable
mestiers
39A viewthatBrunetto
deniesat ibid.,3.73.2.
explicitly
40Ibid.,2.3.1,ed. Carmody,
est
la citgoverner
li arskiensegne
176,1-6:"Donques
maintes
luisontcontenues
etdamede tousars,pource quedesous
etsoveraine
principale
sa maisnie.
de fereostetde governer
etla science
honorables
art,so comeestretorique,
arskisousli sont,
Estencoreestele noble,pource k'elemeten ordreet adrecetoutes
desautres."
et sa finsi estfinet compliement
etli siencompliement;
15:32:51 PM
87
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
orable than the aim of political science: they soughtonly partial goods
whereas political science sought the good of the whole.41Hence, they
were to be relegatedto the strictcontrolof the "masterscience of the
good," politics,in orderto ensurethattheydid not detractfromthe realization of the common good, which was the promotionof moral virtue
among those inhabitantscapable of attainingit. Aristotle'spolitical science thus is whollyunconcernedwith the ends of the divers arts and
tradesfortheirown sake, but instead concernedwith maintainingthem
(at arms's length)because theirproductsformedthe materialpreconditionsfor a morallyvaluable life on the part of a small elite.
Ethicsa
By contrast,Latini teases out of the text of the Nicomachean
more
and
less
exalted
of
is
both
inclusive
that
the
nature
politics
suggestion
than Aristotleproposes. Brunettohintsthat the reason politicsincludes
the mechanicalas well as the verbal artsis that the communitymustbe
arrangedso as to promotethe good of all its members.Thus, a crucial
is the protectionand enhancementof tasksand funcdutyof government
tions that contributeto materialas well as moral welfare.It is evident
throughoutthe Tresorthat Latini has the utmostrespectfor the capacities of personsengaged in mechanicaloccupations."Each artisanjudges
well and tellsthe truthabout what belongs to his trade,and in thislies
the subtlyof his sense," Latini states.42
Elsewhere,he remarks,"Wisdom
is the dignityand advantageof a man in his trade (:mestier
); forwhen one
in
a
man
he
is
his
then
his
value
and
worthin that
of
that
wise
art,
says
the
Tresordeems
art are shown."43As in Hugh of Victor's Didascalicon
,
manual enterprises,
so far fromdemeaningthose who engage in them,
to be honorable and worthy.
Doubtless,Latini's thinkingwas shaped by the guild-basedstructureof
public lifein Florence and the otherItalian communesof his time. But
thisfactoris not adequate to explain one of the most striking
featuresof
the concept of politicspropounded in the Tresor,
its insistencethat the
a
of
human
arts
constitutes
crucial
foundation
for communal
diversity
life. "All arts and all worksare directedto some good, but because of
the diversity
of things,it followsthat good thingsare diverse;each thing
41Aristotle,
Ethics
Nicomachean
1094al-1094bl2.
42Latini,
Li Livres
douTresor
artiers
, 2.3.2,ed. Carmod,177,14-5: . . chascuns
juge
bienet distla vrit
a sonmestier,
de ce kiapertient
et en ce estsonsenssoutil."
43Ibid.,2.31.3,ed.Carmody,
estla dignit
etl'avantage
de Pome
201,16-7:"Sapience
en sonmestier;
carquanton distd'unhomek'ilestsagesen sonart,lorsestdemoustr
sa bontet sa vaillance
en celuiart."
15:32:51 PM
88
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
15:32:51 PM
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
89
49The recent
workofJamesM. Blythe
on Ptolemy
is indispensable.
In addition
to
introduction
tohistranslation
ofPtolemy's
De regimine
Blythe's
principm
1997),
(Philadelphia,
' andMedieval
seehisessay'Civic
Humanism
Political
in:James
Hankins
Thought,
(ed.),Renaissance
Civic
Humanism:
and
is presently
com, Cambridge
2000,30-74.Blythe
ReappraisalsReflections
a book-length
ofPtolemy's
thatwillcomplete
theprocess
pleting
study
political
thought
ofrecovering
thislong-neglected
I follow
basedon theLatin
translation,
figure.
Blythe's
textedited
inThomas
Perrier
Omnia
necnon
Minora
byR.P.Joannes
,
Aquinas,
Opuscula
Opera
vol.1,Paris1949.
50Ptolemy
ofLucca,De regimine
4.1.2-5.
principm,
15:32:51 PM
90
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
51Ibid.,4.2.2,ed.Perrier,
civitatis
essenecessariam
364:"... communitatem
pronecesvitae."
humanae
sitatibus
Perrier]
[necessariis
52Ibid.,4.3,12.
53Ibid.,4.2.8,ed. Perrier,
constituendam
homini
essenecessariam
366:". . . civitatem
et tanto
non
vivere
decenter
homo
sine
communitatem
multitudinis,
potest:
qua
propter
suntarteset
velquacumque
villa,quantoin ea plures
quamde castro,
magisde civitate
SicenimAugustinus
constituitur.
exquibuscivitas
humanae
artifices
ad sufficientiam
vitae,
in unosocietatis
vinculo
hominum
D, quod'estmultitudo
earnin I De Civitate
dfinit
colligata'."
54See ibid.,4.23.2,4.24.5,4.25.7.
15:32:51 PM
91
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
in anycongregation
It is necessary
(andaboveall,thatis whata cityis) forthere
and
withregard
to homesandhouseholds
to be distinct
ranksamongthecitizens
all areunited
withregard
to artsandoffices;
nevertheless,
bythechainofsociety,
themem. . . [St.Paul]distinguished
which
is theloveshared
among
byitscitizens.
ofarts
thegreater
thediversity
tothestateofthecitizens.
bersaccording
Therefore,
ofhuman
ina city,
themorecelebrated
itis,becauseinitthesufficiency
andoffices
to a greater
. . .55
lifecanbe found
degree.
Note here that "citizens"are expresslyidentifiedwithoutspecificationof
occupation,and diversityis indeed identifiedas the hallmarkof the best
civic body. Purportedlyfollowingthe regimeof Socrates and Plato, who
"distinguishedfive kinds of persons in their city,namely,rulers,counselors,warriors,artisans,and farmers,"Ptolemyjudges that "thisdivision
for the perfectionof the city,because it includesall the
seems sufficient
In conkinds of persons who have to do with political government."56
trastto Aristotle,Ptolemyinsiststhat all of these arts form"the species
or partsinto whichthe civilbody or polityis divided,"inasmuchas they
make distinctiveand indispensablecontributions"to the whole city to
whichthe integralpartsbelong."57What rendersthe manual trades"parts"
ofthecommunity,
he states,is the factthattheymeetthe "needs of human
life":eitherthey"fulfillthe need of the sensitivepart of a person,which
is the artisans'duty,thatis, to delightand supplementthe sensesof sight,
hearing,smell,or touch,whethertheydo thisthroughbuildings,clothes,
shoes, or any other artificialthing";or they "fulfillthe need of human
life for nourishment,
which correspondsto the vegetativepart, whether
theydo thiswith bread, wine, fruit,flocks,cattle,or birds,all of which
55Ibid.,4.4.9,ed. Perrier,
sitin qualibet
372:"Quasinecessarium
congregatione,
quae
incivibus
estcivitas,
essedistinctos
ad domosetfamilias,
praecipue
gradus
quantum
quantumad arteset officia:
omniatarnen
unitain vinculo
societatis,
quodestamorsuorum
civium
. . . distincto
videlicet
Ex qua diversitate
statum.
artium
permembra
juxtacivium
etofficiorum,
tanto
civitas
redditur
famosa,
quantoineismultiplicatur
amplius,
magis
quia
sufficientia
humanae
estconstructio
vitae,propter
civitatis,
quamnecessaria
magisreperiturin ea."
56Ibid.,4.10.1,ed. Perrier,
384:"Suamenimcivilitatem
distinxerunt
[civitatem
Pemer'
in quinqu
inprincipes,
videlicet
artifices
etagrhominum,
consilarios,
bellatores,
genera
colas.Quae quidemdivisio
satisvidetur
sufficiens
ad perfectionem
civitatis,
quia omnia
hominum
lateralso
genera
comprehendit,
quaead regimen
politicum
pertinent."
Ptolemy
thedivision
madebytheRomans
between
andplebeians"
and
"senators,
accepts
knights,
thatascribed
toHippodamus
between
artisans
andfarmers"
it
"warriors,
(4.24.2),
making
thatan "reasonable"
division
mustinclude
themechanical
arts.
clear,however,
57Ibid.,4.24.1,ed. Perrier,
414: "Nuncigitur
de hisin specieestagendum,
in quae,
siveinquaspartes
sivepolitia
dividitur.
. . . respectu
civilitas,
Quasquidem
oportet
accipere
totius
cuipartes
civilitatis,
integrales
respondent."
15:32:51 PM
92
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
15:32:51 PM
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
93
the ruler,"notingthat "for the most part, the cities of Italy followthis
method."63
The "political"constitution
appropriateto the cityentails"elective" governmentin the mannerof the Roman Republic.64And only the
- the
citizenbody as an entirety
"many" who guide the city is competentto selectthosewho servein rulingfunctionsas "counselors"or "rectors." Finally,Ptolemyspecifiesthat magistratesought not to be derived
froma singlefamilyor class; instead,"someone fromany stockat all is
He explainsthat such an inclueligible,notjust one selectedby birth."65
sive solutionis most likelyto produce wise and stable rule:
It seemsto be consonant
withreasonthatthey[rulers]
wereelevated
to thegovernment
ofthepeoplewiththeconsent
ofallcounsel,
as today
is common
inItalian
cities.
The name"city"
to Augustine,
is "a multitude
this,which,
implies
according
ofhumanbeings
boundtogether
so thata cityis,as it
bysomechainofsociety,"
ofcitizens.
sincethename"city"includes
ail citizens,
it
were,a unity
Therefore,
indeedseemsreasonable
thatit oughtto searchforitsgovernment
from
theseparatekindsofcitizens,
sincethemerits
ofindividuals
arenecessary
forthestateof
civilgovernment.66
While it may be too colloquial to gloss Ptolemy'sidea of qualificationfor
officeas "it takes all kinds,"there is certainlyrecognitionhere that no
than
singleclass or occupationbettersuitsan individualforoffice-holding
In
other.
his
all
no
matter
how
earn
their
view,
citizens,
any
they
living,
can and should partake of civic life. He seems to believe that no trade
is so demeaningthat it excludes its practitioners
fromthe rightsof citizenshipby reason of some indwellingabsence of virtue.Indeed, the final
sentence quoted above implies that a properlyorganized constitution
would endeavorto includea diversity
of backgroundsamongitsgovernors.
This positionstandsat considerableremovefromthe teachingsof Aristotle,
to whose authorityPtolemyso regularlyappeals.
63Ibid.,4.13.6,ed. Perrier,
393:"Itemstatuit
videlicet
tambellaquodtotuspopulus,
tores
. . . quemmodum
quamartifices,
quametiam
agricolae,
principem
eligerent
promajori
civitates
Italiae."
parteobservant
64Ibid,3.20.1,4.1.1.
65Ibid,4.1.1,ed. Perrier,
361:"Modusautumassumendi
in hocgraduelectivus
estin
hominis
nonpernaturae
..."
quocumque
genere,
originem
403: "Sed Lacedaemonii,
etsihaberent
Ibid, 4.18.3,ed. Perrier,
regemsecundum
tarnen
a sapientibus
ex omnibus
beneplaciti
tempus,
eligebatur
civium,
assumptis
gradibus
ethocvidebatur
consonum
utconsensu
totius
consilii
ad regimen
rationi,
assumpti
populi
ut hodiecommuniter
faciunt
civitates
Italiae.Sic enimcivitatis
nomenimportt,
fieret,
I De Civitate
D, hominum
quae estsecundum
multitudo,
Augustinum,
aliquosocietatis
vinculo
undecivitas,
unitas.
Gumergonomen
civitatis
omnescives
colligata:
quasicivium
rationabile
videtur
ad regimen
civium
debere
includat,
quidem
ejusde singulis
generibus
merita
ac civilis
status."
requiri,
proutexigunt
singulorum,
regiminis
15:32:51 PM
94
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
Functionalism
MarsiglioofPadua's Communal
of citizenshipembracedby BrunettoLatini and
The expansivedefinitions
to
assume in broad outline the medieval theoLucca
seem
of
Ptolemy
reticalframeworkthat I have elsewherelabeled "communal functionalism," accordingto whichthe communityis in the firstinstancecomposed
neitherof individualsnor of citizens,but ratherof functionalgroupings
or parts, arrangedaccordingto the nature of theircontributionto the
communal whole.67Membershipin the communityderives from one's
contribution,
throughthe performanceof a given function,to the wellto the
health
of the whole. Yet, althoughtypesof contribution
or
being
division
of
function
and
are
(or
specialization
distinguished,
community
of labor) therebyposited,thereis no attemptto postulatea hierarchyof
functionsin order to exclude some part(s)froma place in public lifeor
to cast aspersionson the qualificationsof certain groups to exercise a
basic role in government.
The mostprominentlate medievalexponentof thisdoctrinewas perhaps Marsiglio of Padua, who is sometimesaccorded the reputationof
A physicianand ArtsMaster
than Christian."68
"a man more Aristotelian
at
who spentmuch of his career Paris, Marsigliorefinedthe "communal
of citizenshipcame
doctrineto the point thatthe definition
functionalist"
to be coextensivewith the diverseways in which the materialgood of
the communityand its membersis enhanced. In his work of anti-papal
pads (completedin 1324), he gauges the level of the
polemic,the Defensor
"development"or "perfection"of a communityaccordingto the extent
of its parts,where such parts are understoodto be
of the differentiation
the specialized functionaldivisionswithinsociety.It is only possible to
called the city(civitas
), withthe differenspeak of the "perfectcommunity,
tiationof its parts"69once human beings have discoveredthe variegated
activitiesthroughwhich the fullrange of theirneeds may be met:
67SeeCary
Lessons
Communitarian
andFunction:
ofMedieval
Freedom,
Community,
J.Nederman,
andConstitutionalism
977-86
86 (1992),
Science
Political
in:American
Political
Review,
Theory,
Political
of
in:
Medieval
andModern:
Thought,
Orthodoxy
(Again), History
Neo-Figgisite
Against
17 (1996),179-94.
68On Marsiglio's
seeCary
andalsoitslimitations,
Community
J.Nederman,
Aristotelianism,
Political
TheSecular
andConsent:
Pads,Lanham,
Maryland
Defensor
ofPadua's
ofMarsiglio
Theory
1995,29-31.
69Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
19i,
Cambridge
, 1.3.5,ed. C.W. Previt-Orton,
pads
cumsuarum
vocatacivitas
communitas
estperfecta
partium
11, 17-9:"...et institta
..."
distinctione
15:32:51 PM
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
95
Sincediverse
arenecessary
tohuman
whodesire
a sufficient
life,
things
beings
things
which
cannot
be supplied
there
hadto be diverse
bypeopleofoneorderor office,
human
orders
oroffices
inthisassociation,
orsupplying
suchdiverse
exercising
things
whichhuman
needfora sufficient
life.70
beings
Marsiglio thus places a premium on reciprocity.The intercommunication of functionsshould be the goal of the multiplicity
of parts. The
final cause of each member is the well-beingof the whole community
ratherthan simplyits narrowself-interest.71
In turn,everyfunctionis itself
for
the
sufficient
communal
life which all human beings
indispensable
desire.72
The
are
naturally
parts
consequentlyregarded as parts of the
civic body. These parts do not performtheirfunctionsin isolation,but
ratherin the contextof and in relationto the otherelementsof the civil
community.73
No part of the communitycan survivewithoutthe cooperationof the
otherparts.The intercommunication
of functionsis necessaryforthe sustenance of the multiplicity
of parts. Understood fromthis perspective,
"these diversehuman orders or officesare none other than the many
and distinctparts of the civic body."74Viewed communally,the final
cause of each membermust be the well-beingof the whole community
ratherthan simplyits narrowself-interest.
The partsdo not performtheir
functionsin isolation,but ratherin the contextof and in relationto the
other elementsof the civil community.Hence, because all of the functionsnecessaryformaterialhuman survivalare simultaneously
exercised
in the contextof the civil body, they must be ordered accordingto a
common principle.Marsiglio denies that the distinctionbetween public
and privatecan be drawn so as to classifymost functionsas beyond the
standardsset byjustice. Rather,he holds thatall the parts,preciselyinsofaras theyare prerequisitesforthe sufficient
lifeof the communalbody,
must be guided by and responsiveto the welfareof the community.It
is in this sense that the parts are also officessubjectto directionby the
70Ibid.,1.4.5,ed. Previt-Orton,
suntnecessaria
volen14, 12-7:"Namquia diversa
tibussufficienter
uniusordinis
seu officii
vivere,
quae perhomines
procurari
nequeunt,
essediversos
ordins
hominum
seuofficia
in haccommunitate
commuoportuit
'app.crit.
nicatione
P.-O.] diversa
huiusmodi
exercentes
seuprocurantes,
quibusprovitaesufficientia
homines
indigent."
71Ibid.,
1.6.9.
72Ibid.,1.5.2-11.
73Ibid,1.2.3,1.13.2.
74Ibid, 1.4.5,ed. Previt-Orton,
diversi
ordins
seu
14, 17-9:"Hi autemhominum
officia
nonaliudsuntquampluralitas
et distinctio
civitatis."
partium
15:32:51 PM
96
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
whole body of citizens.They are partsof the civic body: they"are propas thoughservices,since, consideringthat they
erlycalled offices{officia),
are establishedin the civic body, theyare ordered towardshuman service."75The "offices"necessaryfor the perfectedcommunitythus coincide with the groupsfitfor citizenship.
Marsiglio'sapproach to citizenshipconformsto the emphasison inclumodel. It is true that his inision found in the communal functionalist
tial account of the foundationsof communitydoes set certain broad
who may
parameterson who may be considereda citizenby specifying
consentto the termsof civillife.The minimumconditionforcivic iden; onlyheads of householdsmay be afforded
tityis one's statusas paterfamilias
Pads repeatsthe conIn this regard,the Defensor
the rightsof citizens.76
ventionalAristotelianformulathat "children,servi[serfsor slaves],aliens
fromcitizens,althoughin different
and women are distinguished
ways."77
Adult freemales- those personswho are not subject to the lordshipof
another- clearly meet the requirementsfor citizenship.Scholars have
excluintroducesfurther
sometimestriedto claim thatMarsiglioeffectively
sions into the communityby expressinghis definitionof the citizen as
"one who participatesin the civil community,rulingor deliberatingor
judging accordingto his rank."78Thus, Michael Wilks comments,"The
mularistocracyas a whole is placed on a level far above that of vulgaris
of the labouringclasses. . . whose naturalmentaldeficiencyis such
titudo
thattheyare fittedonlyforthe 'vile and defiling'functionsin the state."79
On this interpretation,
generatesa
Marsiglio'scommunal functionalism
principleof civic exclusion.
To draw such a conclusion,however,requiresthe problematicassumption of Marsiglio'sfidelityto the Aristotelianconceptionof citizenship.
divisionbetween
On theface of it,of course,he seemsto followsAristotle's
a
small
to
classes withinsociety,which limitscivic identity
rulingelite.
75Ibid.,1.7.1,ed. Previt-Orton,
officia
27, 7-9:"...propriedicuntur
partescivitatis
obsead humanuni
sicsuntin civitate,
utstatutae
consideratae,
quoniam
quasiobsequia,
ordinantur."
quium
76See CaryJ. Nederman,
in
andConsent
Household
Public
Private
, Community
Will,
Justice:
43 (1990),699-717.
Politicali
Defensor
Pacis,in:Western
Quarterly,
ofPadua's
Marsiglio
77Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
50, 16-7: . . separan, 1.12.4,ed. Previt-Orton,
pacis
diversum."
modm
licetsecundum
ac mulieres,
tura civibus
advenae,
servi,
pueri,
78Ibid.,1.12.4,ed. Previt-Orton,
in communitate
50, 14-5: . . eumqui participt
suum."
secundum
veliudicativo
autconsiliativo
gradm
civili,
principtu
79Michael
intheDefensor
andRepresentation
pacis,in:StudiaGratiana,
Wilks,
Corporation
15 (1972),274-5.
15:32:51 PM
MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS
97
15:32:51 PM
98
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
83Ibid.,1.13.4,ed. Previt-Orton,
57, 14-22:"Vultdicere,
collegiorum
quodomnium
etperconsesivepopulus,
estmultitudo
simulsumptorum
seucivilitatis
amplior
politiae
. . . veluti
siveparsiliasitvulgus,
iudicioalicuius
securius
partisseorsum;
quensiudicium
suntofficiales
sivesitpraetorium
et huiusmodi;
artifices
, id estqui in praetorio
agricolae,
id
sivesithonorabilit,
seuiurisperiti
ut advocati
subservientes,
atquenotarii;
principanti
seorsum
altera
civitatis
.
sive
sunt
.
.
estcollegium
quaecumque
pars
quipauci
optimtm,
accepta."
84Thereis perhaps
of
theterms
woulddefine
reason
a purely
whyMarsiglio
personal
under
as falling
theworkofthephysician
TheDefensor
padsclassifies
broadly.
citizenship
class(1.5.6,ed. Previt-Orton,
ormechanic
theartisan
17,21-2):"Subquo etiamgenere
This
ad plures
architectonica
medicinalis
predictarum".
quodammodo
practica,
reponitur
theMiddle
artwaswidely
as a mechanical
ofmedicine
identification
during
proposed
to ensure
as a physician,
trained
himself,
maywellhavebeenconcerned
Ages.Marsiglio
thiswith
Contrast
civicrights.
himfrom
didnotexclude
thathisoccupation
exercising
is between
outlook
dividein Marsilius's
remark
that"therealsocialandpolitical
Wilks's
who
ofthestupid
number
andtheinfinite
thearistocracy,
bymensuchas himself,
guided
in theDefensor
and Representation
therestofthepopulation"
("Corporation
comprise
," p. 275).
pacis
15:32:51 PM
99
ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS
the citizenbody is bound to be utterlyvicious and incapable of discovering its own truestand highestinterest.On the contrary,the Defensor
pacis insiststhat "the assembled multitudeof all is able to discern and
desirethe commonjustice and benefitin greatermeasure than any part
takenseparately,howeverprudentthatpart may be."85Consequently,all
decisionsabout public affairs,such as the appointmentof rulersand the
implementationof new laws, must be placed before the whole citizen
body in orderto receiveauthorization.Marsigliodoes not deny the need
forwise and prudentmen (prudentes
) to guide the operationof the communal association.Yet practitionersof mechanical trades,despite their
lack of leisure and education, "neverthelessshare in the understanding
To deny such a fullrationalcapacand judgementof practicalaffairs."86
to
citizens
would
be
to
return
to
the
ity
previouslydenounced view that
some segmentor group enjoysprivilegedaccess to knowledgeof the common good and thus is competentto rule apart fromthe "multitude."In
sum, Marsiglio remainsunconvincedthat any functionrequisitefor the
healthof the civilbody is so demeaningor degradingas to renderimpossible the exerciseof reason.
Marsiglioconfirmsthe statusof mechanicsas qualifiedforactive participationin civic lifewhen he returnsto the question of politicalrights
in his Defensor
minor
, a summaryrecapitulationand applicationof the precepts of the Defensor
pacis writtenaround 1340. The issue arises in the
contextof the questionof who enjoys the proper authorityto punish or
- a
removenegligentrulers
thatthe papacy had oftenarroresponsibility
to
itself.
reasserts
thatteachingof the Defensor
gated
By contrast,Marsiglio
pacis that no singlepart of the community,such as the priesthood,has
the rightful
power to correctthe governor;instead,it is a matterforthe
whole citizen body to address. He then goes on to add an intriguing
that if such correctionpertainsto
qualification:"And I say furthermore
some particularpart or officeof the civic body, then under no circumstances does it pertainto priests,but instead to prudentmen (prudentes
)
or learned teachers,indeed preferablyto the workmanor craftsmenor
the restof the laborers(mechanicis
)." Whereaspriestsare forbiddento have
a hand in politicalaffairs(especiallythoseof a coercivenature),Marsiglio
85Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
, 1.13.6,ed. Previt-Orton,
58, 27-59,2: "Verum
pacis
horm
omnium
multitudo
discernere
etvelieamplius
commune
iustum
congregata
potest
et conferens
harum
seorsum
partium
quacumque
accepta,
quantumcumque
prudentum."
86Ibid.,1.13.7.
15:32:51 PM
100
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
15:32:51 PM
101
ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS
15:32:51 PM
102
GARYJ. NEDERMAN
rode the crestof an earlywave that was to crash onto modern Europe
as the demand for universalfranchise,legal rights,and civic participation. I do not wish to turnPtolemy,Marsiglio,and othersinto the harbingersof modernliberaland democraticideas. But theirworkcontributed
tangiblyto sweepingoffthe intellectualterrainmany of the principles
and prejudices (articulatedby Aristotleand others)that obstructedthe
realizationof politicalinclusionand civic equalityas a value worthyof
widespread(althoughstillby no means complete)acceptance.
Texas A&M University
ofPoliticalScience
Department
15:32:51 PM
Aristotle's
Politicsand Ptolemy
ofLucca
JAMESM. BLYTHE
I amthatone,whoafter
thecausesofthings
andthearts,
investigating
whichevery
Taughtthosethings
through
mayascendto thestars.
republic
Asyourcivilexemplar,
famous
cityofSiena,
I showyouthesemen,forwhileyoufollow
in their
Sacredfootsteps
willgrowat homeandabroad,
yourglory
Andfreedom
willalways
honors.
preserve
yourmenin their
I amgreatAristotle,
whoin hexameters,
Forsixis a perfect
leadsyouto action.
number,
I showyouthesemenofvirtue,
whomandwithsupernal
through
help
The RomanRepublic
andapproached
theheavens.
grewpowerful
- inscriptions
on Taddeodi Bartoli's
of
painting
in theSienesePalazzoPublico(1414)1
Aristotle
In the late Middle Ages Aristotlewas seen as the embodimentof political thought,the teacherof how best to create,maintain,and administer
a politicalcommunity.
Modernscholarshave traditionally
regardedAristotle's
ascendencyafterthe translationof the Politicsaround 1260 (a year that
Joachitesanticipatedwould transformthe world) as initiatinga revolution in politicalthoughtand practice.Recently,thishas been challenged.
While acceptingthe constantpresenceof the Politics
, Cary Nedermanand
othershave pointed to otherclassical influencesand questionedwhether
medieval political theoristsare "Aristotelian"in any meaningfulsense.
Nedermancriticizesboth thosewho argue fora textualcontinuity
of reference to the Politicsby otherwisedivergentwritersand those who perceive an authenticunderlying
Aristotelianism.
Nedermanconcludes,"The
1 Illeego, rerum
causasscrutatus
et artes/Publica
resdocuisurgat
qui
quibusomnis
<in> astra/Exemplum
civiletuum,
tibimonstro
senarum/Urbs,
viros,quorum
preclara
sacra/Dum
foris
tuossemvestigia
sequeris
atquedomituagloria<cre>scet/Libertasque
< es>.//Magnusaristoteles
in honor
/Estenim
perservabit
seno,
ego sum,qui carmine
numerus
duxitad actum/Quos
tibisignoviros,
virtus
perfectus,
quibusatquesuperne/Res
crevit
romana
Thisis mytranslation
from
thetranscription
of
potens,
celosquesubivit.
NicolaiRubinstein,
Political
IdeasinSienese
Art
oftheWarburg
andCourtauld
, in:Journal
21 (1958),179-207;193.I alsousedRubinstein's
to some
Institutes,
partialtranslation
extent.
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online
Vivarium
40,1
15:33:00 PM
104
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
105
15:33:00 PM
106
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
IurisGermanici
in:Fontes
ed. MariusKrammer,
Summi
etAuctoritate
Antiqui,
Pontificis),
Imperii
deJurisdiction
Historka
Germaniae
Monumenta
, Hanoverand Leipzig1909,1-65;Tractatus
in:ed. S. BaluzeandJ.D.Mansi,Miscellanea
etSkiliae,
Ecclesie
, Lucca
Regnum
Apuliae,
super
Romani
Statu
et
ac
Translatione
de
and
Tractatus
v.
Imperii,
468a-473b;
Origine
1761, 1,
Anonymus
anditsrelationwiththeempire
volume
in theKrammer
66-84,areall concerned
cited,
Books2.2.5-4ofa work
are:De Regimine
His otherworks
Principm,
shipto thechurch.
necnon
Omnia
in ThomasAquinas,
to ThomasAquinas,
attributed
Opera
Opuscula
formerly
Paris1949,
Minora
O.P.,ed. TomusPrimus:
Philosophka,
Perrier,
Opuscula
, R.P.Joannes
Duo, ed.
Politica
is in ThomasAquinas,
edition
modern
221-445(an alternate
Opuscula
as De Operibus
Turin1949,reissued
1971,1-101);Exaemeron
(alsoknown
Matthis,
Joseph
as
vonLucca(alsoknown
desTholomeus
Siena1880;DieAnnalen
ed.T. Masetti,
SexDimmi),
Rerum
Historka.
Germaniae
in:Monumenta
ed. B. Schmeidler,
Germankorum,
Scriptores
Annales),
Italkarum
Ecclesiastica
Nova
edition
1930(second
, in:Rerum
1955);andHistoria
N.S.,t.8,Berlin
toDeRegimine
Allreferences
Milan1727,v. 11,col.751-1242.
ed.L.A.Muratori,
Scriptores,
ofLucca,
itwillbe toPtolemy
from
translations
andEnglish
divisions
's paragraph
Principm
toThomas
attributed
,
OntheGovernment
Aquinas
), with
portions
Principm
(DeRegimine
ofRulers
arethesamein
divisions
1997.Bookandchapter
trans.
Philadelphia
JamesM. Blythe,
minor
tocorrect
Translations
andtheLatinediton.
boththetranslation
mayvaryslighdy
ofthewhole.
thecontext
outside
moreunderstandible
andto maketheEnglish
errors
14Charles
andPope
andRepublkan
Patriotism
TillDavis,Roman
ofLucca
Ptolemy
Propaganda:
50 (1975),411-33;416,n. 22.
III, in:Speculum,
Nkholas
15Whilethisarticle
to myattention
Flehler
wasin pressChristoph
Jrgen
brought
derpolitiin Widerstreit
du
De
recent
Miethke's
Amtskompetenz
book, potestate
papae: ppstlkhe
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
107
tracingthiswe can see the process of the receptionof the Politicsin one
person.
1. Originof Government
Determinate
's citationof Aristotle'sPoliticsshows only a slight
Compendiosa
with its principles.It begins with argumentsfor and against
familiarity
sehen
Theorie
vonThomas
vonAquin
bisWilhelm
vonOckham
, Tbingen
2000,whichcontends
thatDeterminado
wasnotwritten
ca. 1277-1281,
as previous
consenCompendiosa
scholarly
susheld,butin 1300orshortly
after.
Miethke
formulation
(86-91)thattheprecise
argues
in Determinatio
found
therelationship
between
theelection
ofthe
Compendiosa
concerning
German
toexercise
innon-German
landsas rexromanorum
was
kingandhisright
lordship
halfofthereign
thelatter
ofPopeBoniface
VIII (1294-1303),
and
onlyduring
developed
thatthetraditional
is therefore
Miethke
is certainly
onewhosejudgment
dating
suspect.
mustbe evaluated
andcomprehensively,
a complex
taskthatis impossible
under
seriously
theconstraints
ofa publication
butwhichI willundertake
as partofmybook
deadline,
inprogress
on Ptolemy
ofLucca.Myinitial
is thatwhileMiethke's
impression
argument
is suggestive,
it is notincontrovertible.
therelationship
ofpopeandemperor
Certainly,
hadlongbeena topicofdebate,andthearguments
ofDeterminatio
arenot
Compendiosa
anachronistic
fora workofca. 1280in thesensethatitwouldhavebeenimpossible
for
an author
ofthetimetohaveconceived
as Miethke
realizes
scholthem,
(91).Andother
arshavealsomadesuggestive
fordating
basedon contemporary
ca.
events
arguments
TillDavis1975[op.cit.,
Charles
1277whofavors
1280,particularly
above,n. 14),417-21,
is relevant
1278.The datingcontroversy
to thethesis
ofthisarticle,
sinceI arguefor
intellectual
under
Aristotelian
influence
from
Determinatio
Ptolemy's
development
Compendiosa
toExaemeron
andDe Regimine
evenifDeterminatio
to
However,
Principm.
Compendiosa
proved
be written
ca. 1300,myprimary
wouldstillstand.As Miethke
thesis,
pointsout,both
Exaemeron
andDe Regimine
reusematerial
from
Determinatio
Exaemeron
Principm
Compendiosa,
9.7 citing
it explicitly,
so thereis no difficulty
in arguing
thatan intellectual
changehas
evenifthisnowwouldhavetakenplaceovera muchshorter
occurred,
period.Butif
bothDeterminatio
andDeRegimine
werewritten
between,
Compendiosa
Principm
say,1300and
thatthemassive
Exaemeron
couldhavebeenwritten
between
1303,itwouldbe lesslikely
them.
Thedating
ofthisworkhasalways
beenuncertain;
thefirst
realattempt
to dateit
' di Tolomeo
hasbeentherecent
oneofEmilioPanella,
Rilettura
delcDeOperibus
SexDierum
d Fiadoni
daLucca
Fratrum
63 (1993),51-111;83-100,
, in:Archivm
Praedicatorum,
who,
as Miethke
out(87,n. 232),canonlyplaceitwithnearcertainty
in a wideperiod
points
oftime,
between
1280and1323(butMiethke
gives1274as theterminus
post
quem),
although
Panellabelieves
he canreasonably
narrow
thisto 1285-1295
andis confident
to
enough
mention
Ordinis
Praedicatorum
Medii
Rome1993,v. 4, 320.
onlythisrangein Scriptores
Aevi,
Ifthiscouldbe confirmed
itwouldrefute
Miethke's
On theother
hand,
proposed
dating.
ifExaemeron
weretoturnouttohavebeenwritten
after
theother
twoworks,
which
seems
to mebecauseofthedifferent
treatment
ofcommon
material
in theworks,
one
unlikely
ofmyarguments,
thatPtolemy
in hisapproach
to Aristotle
between
Exaemeron
developed
andDe Regimine
wouldno longer
be sustainable.
The chronology
ofPtolemy's
Principm,
workhasalways
beenproblematic
andis unlikely
everto be determined
precisely
byan
examination
ofmanuscripts
and thehistorical
record.
It is to be hopedthatsustained
ofthetext,
likethatofDavis,Panella,
andmyself
willeventually
lead
analysis
Miethke,
to a newconsensus.
15:33:00 PM
108
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
the propositionthat the emperordoes not receive imperialadministrative power untilthe pope crownshim. Initially,Ptolemyuses arguments
fromlaw, medievalpractice,and the Bible, typical,exceptforthe dialecticalform,of church-state
polemicsof theprevioustwo centuries.However,
when he wants to answer the objection that, since emperorspreceded
popes historically,
papal authorityderivesfromthe imperial,he insertsa
the originof politicalauthority.In range,con"digression"investigating
tent, organization,and examples this is close to De Regimine
,
Principm,
Book 3.1-9,wherePtolemyreworksthe earliermaterial.In the latterwork
Ptolemyvastlyexpands Aristotelianreferences in the analogous section
he citesthe Politicssix times,the Ethicseighttimes,and otherAristotelian
worksseven times,as opposed to one, one, and two timesin Determinatio
Compendiosa.
Determinatio
's sole citationof the Politicsconcernsthe first
Compendiosa
humans:
. . . although
in humans
there
wasprelation
evenin theStateofInnocence
... itis
notlordship
in so faras thisis represented
as servitude,
becausethisis penal,but
as theoffice
ofconsulting
anddirecting,
theangels,
which
indeed
justas among
pertainsto humankind,
in so faras humans
arenaturally
socialanimals,
whomit is
to mutually
ordain.Butamongthosewhicharemutually
it is
ordained
necessary
thatthere
should
be oneprincipal
anddirecting,
as thePhilosopher
necessary
always
. . ,16
saysin 1 Politics
Ptolemy'scitationof Aristotleforthe necessityof rule,but not forhumans
as social animals, suggeststhat his source is not Aristotlebut Aquinas's
similarpassage in SummaTheologiae.
Aquinas followsthe same pattern,
even using "social animal" instead of his more usual "social and political animal," or the words with which Moerbeke translatedAristotle's
and De Regimine
"political animal": "civil animal." Later, in Exaemeron
, Ptolemyis clearlyusing the Politicsdirectly,but both contain
Principm,
passages close to the one quoted.17
16Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
36, 11-20:"Licetenim
, 17,ed. Kramer,
Compendiosa
. . . nonin quantum
dominium
in hominibus
etiamin statuinnocentie
fuisset
prelatio
consulendi
et dirigendi,
sicutin angeservitud,
opponitur
quiahocestpenale,sedoffito
in quantum
estanimalsociale,
homonaturaliter
lis,quodquidemhomini
competebat,
In hiisautem,
suntordinata,
ad invicem
ordinare.
oportet
que ad invicem
quemoportet
..." The
et dirigens,
utphilosophus
dicitin primo
Politice
semper
aliquidesseprincipale
Libri
Octo
vetusta
translation
Guilelmi
deMoerbeke
reference
istoAristotle,
Politicorum
cum
[henceis
The "digression"
forth
ed. Franciscus
Susemihl,
Politics],
Leipzig1872,1.5.1254a.28.
in all.
17-24;therearethirty-one
chapters
chapters
17ThomasAquinas,
ofLucca,Exaemeron
Summa
, 116-17and
1.96.4;Ptolemy
Theologiae,
De Regimine
3.9.6-7.
Principm
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
OFLUCCA
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
109
15:33:00 PM
110
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
cause. These are equivalent except for humans,who must develop the
virtuesnecessaryfortheirdestinedend. This explainsAristotle'scomment
in the Politics:"... thereis in everyoneby naturean impulsetowardthis
sortof community.
And yetthe one who firstconstituted
[a city]is responsible for the greatestof goods." The impulse toward associationis not
sufficient
for a properly-functioning
polis unless people are led toward
law
and
wise
leaders.
virtueby
Thus, political associationis natural in
both senses.22This is true even in Eden, since there always existed
differentiation
of abilities,and learningwas alwaysnecessaryto directthe
masses to virtue,even when theyhad a naturalinstincttowardit. The
only question is if a communitysmallerthan a citywould satisfythese
mentalneeds,whichAristodeand Ptolemydeny. Ptolemy'smove toward
thanhis continuedemphatruepoliticalnaturalismhereis moreimportant
if it is the only reasis on physicalneeds, which is only non-Aristotelian
son forthe social impulse.
Ptolemycan be seen as addressingthe gap between Ciceronian and
Aristotelianapproaches. Nederman claims that political naturalismwas
commonbefore1260,23but thiswas usuallyin the limitedsense thatgovernmenthas an orderingfunctionindependentof religion,somethingalso
basic to Augustine,and usually related to degenerate human nature.
Nederman argues that the twelfthcenturyJohn of Salisbury,perhaps
uniquelybefore 1260, went on to develop it positively:". . . it is hard to
see what or what kind of happinessof communitycould existoutsideof
society,or how it could be formed.. . ."24John outlines a Ciceronian
political naturalismbased on a humanity,originallybestial but with a
submergedpolitical nature,urged to societyby an enlightenedorator.
This mighteasilyattractthose believingin originalsin: people no longer
22Aristotie,
inomnibus
ad talem
"Natura
Politics
, 1.2.1253a29-32:
impetus
quidem
igitur
See
maximorum
bonorum
causa."
autem
communitatem:
instituit,
Holly
Bleakley,
primus
qui
ofPolitical
20
'DeRegimine
inAquinas'
TheArtofRuling
/ in: History
Thought,
Principm
outside
of
forvirtue
ofreasonto suffice
586,589-90.Fortheinability
(1999),575-602;
seealsoStruve
1992[op.cit.,above,n. 18),157.
thepolitical
community,
23See,forexample,
Science
andtheOrigins
Aristotelianism
ofPolitical
CaryJ. Nederman,
180-1.
of
of
the
52
in:
intheTwelfth
179-94;
Ideas,
,
(1991),
CenturyJournal
History
24JohnofSalisbury,
ed. Clement
1929,cited
1.1.826c,
C.J.Webb,Oxford
Metalogicon,
inMedieval
Tradition
TheCiceronian
in CaryNederman,
Nature
, Sin,andtheOrigins
ofSociety:
13:"CumverobeatofIdeas,49 (1988),3-26;
oftheHistory
Political
, in:Journal
Thought
..
itudocommunionis
sit,necfingi
possit
quidem
ignara,
queautqualisextrasocietatem
"Onecannot
withhistranslation:
naturalism
Nederman
imagJohn's
political
exaggerates
and
association
couldexistentirely
ine howanykindofhappiness
apartfrommutual
from
humansociety."
divorced
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
111
15:33:00 PM
112
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
In De Regimine
Greekshad politicalability.31
, Ptolemyuses a simPrincipm
ilar argumentto explain the despotictendenciesof some peoples and the
desire of Italians for freedom,but he does not explain how they overcame originalsin.32AlthoughGod is happy to validatevirtuousrule,the
sourceof thisvirtuecannotbe worshipof God, forPtolemy'sprimeexamCompendiosa
Ptolemy
ple is the pagan Roman Republic. In Determinatio
assignsno cause to Roman virtueand deniesany inherentgoodness,since
modern ChristianRomans lack virtue,being characterizedby, in words
of Bernard of Clairvaux that Ptolemycites, "impudence and haughtiness ... a nation unaccustomedto peace . . . stern. . . intractable. . .,"33
whose rule God merelytolerates.Real world monarchybelongsto God,
who in the past has delegatedit to various peoples untilit devolved on
Jesus and his vicar, the pope.34This last providesone secure refugefor
his argument,sinceJesus providedthe societyof the churchwithvirtues
guaranteeinggood government.
While Ptolemyretainedpapal hegemonyin De Regimine
, his
Principm
he
attitudetowardpoliticalpeoples evolved,and, probablyunconsciously,
uses words close to those Bernardused to condemn modernRomans to
praiseNorthernItalians. Bernardcalled the Romans a nation "not knowPtolemywrites:
ing how to be subjectexceptwhen it could not resist";35
"Certain othershave a virile spirit,a bold heart, and a confidencein
their intelligence,and these cannot be ruled other than by political
rule. . . Such lordshipis especiallystrongin Italy,where. . . the inhabitantswere always less able to be subjected than others,so that if you
should want to bringthem under despoticrule, this could not be done
insiststhat Italian rule
unless the lords tyrannized."36
Ptolemyfrequently
31Aristotle,
and
a "community
ofslaves,"
hecallsbarbarians
Politics
, 7.7;cf.1.2,where
thanEuropeans.
andAsiatics
thanGreeks,
aremoreservile
hesaysbarbarians
3.14,where
32Usually
fora peoorgivesnoreason
substitutes
signforclimate
astrological
Ptolemy
but
he cites
De
3.22.6,
4.8.3-4,
2.8.4,
3.11.9,
,
characteristics,
Regimine
Prinpum
e.g.,
ple's
at 2.9.6.
at climate,
in thiscontext,
andhe hints
Aristotle
especially
33Bernard
ofLucca,Determinatio
inPtolemy
De Consideration
ofClairvaux,
4.2,as quoted
asueta,gensimmi47, 6: "... gensinsueta
24,ed. Krammer,
paci,tumultui
Compendiosa
..."
tis,intractabilis
34Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
25,48-9.
Compendiosa
35Bernard
inPtolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
De Consideratone
ofClairvaux,
4.2,as quoted
resistere."
nisicumnonpossit
47, 7: "... subdinescia,
24,ed. Krammer,
Compendiosa
36Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.8.4,ed. Peiner,381: Quaedametiam
Principm
et talesreginonpossuaeintelligentiae,
animiet in audaciacordiset confidentia
virilis
in Italiavigetundeminus
maxime
... Tale autemdominium
suntnisiprinciptu
politico
hocesse
ad despoticum
. . . quodsi velistrahere
fuerunt
principtm,
semper
subjicibiles
nisidomini
nonpotest
tyrannizent."
15:33:00 PM
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
113
is characteristically
political,and he goes beyond Aristotle'spartialityto
one regionto claim that citieseverywherelive under a politicalregime,
thoughoftencircumscribedby a monarch.37
2. Ends of Government
In his sole citationof Aristotle'sEthicsin Determinati
, Ptolemy
Compendiosa
considersthe ends of community:
. . . therefore
. . . "Moreover,
is nothere,"thatis,it
it is saidproperly
mykingdom
. . . whichis sought
as theprincipal
is notlikean earthly
kingdom
bytheworldly
thatpolitical
consists
ofthis,to
end. . . andthephilosopher
saysintheEthics
felicity
whichhe disposes
othercivilpolitical
virtues.
Butthefaithful
ofChrist
on account
withvirtues
andsendthemselves
forth
withmostfruitful
laborsto folofthisstrive
in whichtrueandnotfalsehappiness
consists
. . ,38
lowthekingdom
ofheaven,
This presentsa clear AugustinindichotomybetweenChristianand governmentalgoals. Politicalorderis beneficial,but secondary,and not necessary for the only importantgoal, salvation. The goals are at best
not directlyrelated,and politicalactivitycannot lead to
complementary,
true happiness.Aristotlealso argued for happiness correctlyunderstood
as the ultimatehuman goal and also identifiedtwo approachesto it, but
for him theyare more intimatelyrelated. In the Ethicshe distinguished
betweencontemplativeand practicalactivitiesand in principlefindsthe
A key difference
formermore worthy.39
is thatAristotleunderstandsthat
alone
cannot
to
lead
contemplation
happiness,since the virtueneeded
forit can only be developed in the contextof a polity,participationin
which thusbecomes a necessityforperfecthappiness.40
And forhim the
virtuesrequiredfor each kind of life are not distinct.
37Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
mentions
thepolitical
nature
, 4.1.2,5. Ptolemy
Principm
ofItalianruleat 2.8.1,2.10.2,3.20.5,3.22.6,4.1.2,4.1.5,4.2.1,4.8.4,4.13.6,4.18.3,
4.19.5,and4.25.3.
38Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 28,ed. Krammer,
57,28-58,1: "... ideo
Compendiosa
. . . 'Nuncautemregnum
meumnonesthinc,'id estsicutregnum
terproprie
loquitur
renum
. . . quoda mundanis
... etphilosophus
inEthicis
in
queritur,
quasifinis
potissimus
hocfelicitatem
dickconsistere,
ad quamceteras
virtutes
civiles
politicam
politicas
disponit.
SedChristi
fideles
hocvirtutibus
intendunt
etfructuosis
se laboribus
ut
propter
exponunt,
celorum
in quo veraet nonfalsabeatitudo
consistit,
regnum
consequantur,
quamphy. . ." The reference
is toAristotle,
Ethics
1.9.
losophi
ponebant
39Aristotle,
Ethics
alsomentioned
thepursuit
ofphysical
10.7;see also 1.5.Aristotle
thelifeofmoney
andhonoras possible
buthe displeasure,
making,
pathstohappiness,
counted
themat once.
40Aristotle,
Ethics
, 10.9.
15:33:00 PM
114
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
15:33:00 PM
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
115
fromAristotle'sintention,this is a natural
Althoughradicallydifferent
a
distortion
for medievalreader.Like Ptolemy,but unlikeDante, Aristotle
does writeof a singleend and the subordinationof all otherends to happiness and argues that it is political science that directsus to it. How
else could a medieval Christianinterpretthis than that politicalscience
aims at salvation,whichis underthe directionof the Church?The important point is that Ptolemysubtlymodifiedhis earlierview: now thereis
a singleend, with the pope coordinatingthe steps towardit.
in assimilatingpoliticalvirtuesand
De Regimine
Principm
goes furthest
ends to theologicalones, most clearlyin sectionsanalogous to the ones
in Determinatio
in whichPtolemyderivedall lordshipfromGod.
Compendiosa
Whereas earlier Ptolemyprincipallycited Augustineand restrictedthe
rulerto correctionand settingan example, he now uses Aristotleextensivelyand elevatesgovernment:
In government
thelegislator
shouldalways
intend
thatthecitizens
be directed
to
liveaccording
tovirtue.
thisis theendofthelegislator,
as Aristotle
Indeed,
saysin
... We cannot
cometo thisendwithout
divine
2 Ethics
motion
... An endsetsthe
efficient
causein motion,
andwefindthatitis a morenobleandbetter
endto the
... as Aristotle
The endwhicha
degreethatit is moreeffective
saysin 1 Politics.
intend
forhimself
andhissubjects
is eternal
which
kingshould
principally
happiness,
consists
ofthevision
ofGod.Becausethatvision
is themostperfect
good,itought
to setthekingandanylordin motion,
so thatthesubjects
should
follow
thatend,
sinceonegoverns
bestbyintending
suchan end.46
Christiani
. . . Adistum
autem
finem
deducere
ad Pontificale
sacerPopuliestvitaaeterna.
dotium
in providendo,
etin gubernando,
ac
pertinet;
ergoejuseritsingulariter
imperare
ad praedictum
etsimiliter
removendo
ea,quaesuntnecessaria
finem,
disponendo
impedimenta
ad memoratum
finem.
ab Ethicis
in virtutibus
consequendum
QuamartemPhilosophus
Architectonicam
vocat. . ." Aristode,
Ethics
thesupreme
, 1.2.1094adiscusses
end,
politicis
andsaysthatpolitical
whosepractice
to thisend,is themostarchitecscience,
pertains
tonicscience.
At 1.7he saysthathappiness
is thesupreme
endto whichall shouldbe
subordinated
andat 1.4.thatpolitical
science
aimsat thehighest
ofall goodsachievable
action.
by46
ofLucca,De Regimine
ed.Perrier,
309-10: . . inregimine
, 3.3.3-4,
Ptolemy
Principm
debetintendere
ut civesdirigantur
ad vivendum
secundum
legislator
semper
virtutem,
immohicestfinis
utPhilosophus
dicitin 2 Ethicorum
. . . Sedad istum
finem
legislatoris,
venirenonpossumus
sinemotione
divina
. . . Finismovetefficientem
et tantoefficacius
nobilior
et melior
. . . sicutPhilosophus
dicitin 1 Politicorum.
Finis
quantofinis
reperitur
autemquemprincipaliter
rexintendere
debetin se ipsoet in subditis
estaeterna
beatiDei consistit.
Et quiaillavisioestperfectissimum
maxime
tudo,quaein visione
bonum,
debetmovere
etquemcumque
dominum
utistum
finem
subditi
regem
consequantur:
quia
tuncoptime
si talisin ipsositfinis
intentus."
edition
thelastsenregit,
[intheMatthis
tenceis: "Etquiaistavisio... etquemcumque
dominum
uthunc.. . ."] Thecitations
are
toAristode,
2.1.1103b.3-6
11);Politics
Ethics,
, 3.9.1280b.5(SeealsoPolitics
, l.l-2.1252a.l0and 1252a.l-6.
1252b.35-1253a.l
1253a.40,
especially
15:33:00 PM
116
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
It is striking
thatnow governmentis not only helpfulbut central,almost
to
necessary, salvation,and that thisis now its primaryend, not earthly
from religiousvirtue,still less
happiness. Civic virtue is not different
opposed to it, but of the same nature,and, thoughinferiorto it, a necessaryprerequisite.Ptolemycan interpretthe Roman Republic's virtue
as a strivingfor the true God, in the only way possible beforeChrist,
the nurturing
of civicvirtue,throughwhichcitizensbegin the redemptive
process. Politicsis thus a step towardthe City of God. This perspective
is reminiscentof that of the late fifteenth
centuryDominican preacher
GirolamoSavonarolaand suggeststhatperhapshe dependedupon Ptolemy
of Lucca not only,as Donald Weinsteinhas shown,for the secular elements of his later political thought,but also for his paean to the governmentof Florence,which gives that cityan apocalypticfunction.47
Later in De Regimine
, Ptolemyfollowsup a citationof the only
Principm
with a different
Ethicspassage he had quoted in Determinatio
Compendiosa
to
officials:"For
now
the
architect
of
city
analogy, applied
application
the virtueby which a politicalrectorexercisesgovernanceover a cityis
the architectof all othervirtuesof the citizens.. . ."48Althoughthe pope
remains supreme arbiter,compared to the architectin De Iurisdictione
Ecclesie
, the civic rectorbecomes in a sense his vicar for both goals in
It is implicit
ordinarytimes,not simplyone responsiblefortemporalities.
virtues
of
not
does
the
definition
that
requirecommany necessary
only
And since Ptolemy
munity,but they can only develop withinsociety.49
teachesthatcertainpeoples can have good rule onlyiftheygovernthemselves,and that thisis the only good formof governmentsimplyspeaking, the formulaof papal supremacythreatensto become divorcedfrom
practicalapplication,like that of "all power is fromGod."
47DonaldWeinstein,
in theRenaissance
andPatriotism
: Prophecy
andFlorence
Savonarola
,
dellacitt
e governo
elreggimento
Trattato
circa
Girolamo
Princeton
Savonarola,
1970,290-310;
on
as Treatise
in:Prediche
diFirenze
, Rome1965,435-87;trans,
, ed. LuigiFirpo,
Aggeo
sopra
andLiberty
Humanism
andGovernment
theConstitution
, Columbia,
, in R.N.Watkins,
ofFlorence
SouthCarolina1978,231-60.
48Ptolemy
enimqua
412:"Virtus
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.23.1,ed. Perrier,
Principm,
virtutum
aliarum
estrespectu
architecta
civitatem
rector
quae
cujuslibet
gubernat
politicus
. . ."
suntin civibus
' andMedieval
49SeeJames
fCivic
Hankins
Political
Humanism
M. Blythe,
, in:James
Thought
61.
Humanism
Civic
Renaissance
30-74;
2000,
,
Cambridge
(ed.),
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
117
3. Kingship
and theCity
Ptolemy'sincreasingregardforsecular rule is associatedwithan increasing suspicionof monarchy.The rootsof thisshiftare foundin Ptolemy's
Exaemeron
and
, probablywrittena fewyearsbeforeDe Regimine
Principm
next to it makingthe most use of Aristotle'spoliticalworks(eightcitationsof Politics
, thirteenof Ethics).For the firsttime,Ptolemyemploysthe
Aristotelian
categoriesof politicaland despoticpower,whichbecome centralto De Regimine
,51to analyze the governmentin Eden, in the
Principm
the ideas of Thomas he had cited in Determinatio
process transforming
:
Compendiosa
... itis manifest
thatevenin theStateofInnocence
there
waslordship,
becauseit
exists
evenamongtheangels,
as thedoctors
[sc.Thomas]say,notindeeddespotic
butpolitical.
Whosereasoncanbe on theonehandthata humaneven
lordship,
thenwasa socialanimal;
moreover
multitude
is ordained
to onejustas to a
every
andmoving,
as Aristotle
. . .52
principal
directing
saysin 1 Politics
In Exaemeron
, Ptolemyassociatescategoriesof rule largelywiththe family,
their
monarchiccontext.53
Sin did not affectthe basic nature
reinforcing
of the relationshipswithinthe family,which Ptolemydefendsas natural
throughcitationsof the Politicsand Ethics.54
Family needs make humans
necessarilysocial animals: mutual assistance (since even in Eden children needed to be fed and educated),mutual consolation,and conjugal
50According
to Panella1993(op.cit.,above,n. 15),91-100,
butseenoteaboveabout
thedating
controversy.
51Ptolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron
citesAristotle,
192-3.Ptolemy
, XIII, 19,ed. Masetti,
Politics
which
doesnotexactly
toit.Formoreinfor, 1.5.1254b.5-6,
saywhatis attributed
mation
on thepolitical/despotic
andpolitical/
seeBlythe
1992(op.cit.,
regaldistinctions,
Introduction
to Ptolemy
ofLucca,Onthe
above,n. 30),93-111,andBlythe,
government
of
Rulers
(op.cit.,above,n. 13),22-30.
52Ptolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron
enimquodetiam
211:"... constat
, XIV,8, ed.Masetti,
in statuinnocentiae
fuisset
esthoc,utsacriDoctores
dominium,
quiaetiaminter
Angelos
nonquidemdispoticum,
sedpoliticum.
volunt,
Cujusratioessepotesttumquia homo
etiamtunceratanimalsociale:omnisautemmultitudo
ad unumordinatur
sicutad prinet movens,
utPhilosophus
dicitin 1 Politicorum
..." See alsoIX, 7, ed.
cipaledirigens,
A fewpageslater,XV, 2, ed. Masetti,
116-117.
thiswithan
Masetti,
221,he repeats
rule"directivum
uniusad alterum,
sicutestinter
variation,
interesting
callingpoliticeli
homines
etvirtuosos,
et etiaminter
Angelos."
53Forsapientes,
medieval
offamily
intheseAristotelian
seeJames
analysis
relationship
categories,
M. Blythe,
Government
Aristotelians
ofPolitical
, andtheMedieval
, in:History
Family,
Thought,
10(1989),1-16.I briefly
referred
to Ptolemy
ofLucca'sExaemeron
, 12,n. 40,butdidnot
address
hisideasthere.
substantially
54Ptolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron,
222-3.
XV, 2, ed. Masetti,
15:33:00 PM
118
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
55
ofLucca,Exaemeron
220.
, XV, 1,ed. Masetti,
56Ptolemy
112-3,where
of
he writes
See alsoPtolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron
, IX, 5, ed. Masetti,
rectors
theLatins.
among
political
57SeeJeanDunbabin,
Political
in:J.H.Burns
Government,
ofMedieval
(ed.),Cambridge
History
481.
c. 350-c.1450,Cambridge
1988,477-519;
Thought
58Thomas
thisextenattributes
DeRegimine
, 1.2.4.Dunbabin
wrongly
Principm
Aquinas,
sionofsufficiency
to thelaterGilesofRome,De Regimine
, 3.1.5.243r.
Prinpum
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
119
59Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
369:"Patet
hominem
, 4.3.12,ed.Perrier,
Principm
igitur
siveex partecorporis,
sivepartis
siveconsiderata
suarationali
necesse
sensitivae,
natura,
haberevivere
in multitudine;
ex qua partenecessaria
estsecundum
naturam
constructio
civitatis.
UndePhilosophus
dicitin 1 Politicorum
inestad
quodnatura
quidemomnibus
talem
communitas."
Thereference
is toAristotle,
Politics
communitatem,
qualisestcivitatis
,
30f.
1.2.1
252b.
60Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
tothedivi, 4.2.9.This,in fact,
Principm
corresponds
sionthatViroli1992{op.cit.,above,n. 10),11,argues
marks
thedifference
intheformat
ofpolitical
treatises
before
andafter1260.
61Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.2-4.3.
Principm
62Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.1.2.
Principm
63Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.8.4,2.9.1,andpassim.
Principm
15:33:00 PM
120
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
builton them.64
typesof communityand how thisaffectsthe governments
He thus begins where Aristotledid in Book 2 of the Politicsto consider
polities derived fromvarious attitudestoward what should be held in
common. In this way he connectsAristotle'sapproach with Augustine's
definitionof a cityunitedaround the object of its love. For thispurpose
he uses the Greek city-statesanalyzed by Aristode,but he frequently
applies his conclusionsto critiquecontemporaryexamples and compare
themto Roman government.This, and the factthat he does not simply
repeat Aristotle'scritiques,also sets his approach apart.
Where these variouspolitiesfall shortor succeed revealsforPtolemy,
as for Aristotle,what are the necessarycharacteristics
of a good polity
and what are simplylocal adaptations.Using thismethodology,Ptolemy
also takes up many of Aristotle'sthemes;I will look at three- the common good and the best rulers,the comparisonof the polityto the body,
and the concept of citizen- to see how Ptolemy'sapproach compares
withAristode'sand with his own earlierworks.
4. The Common
Goodand theBestRulers
For Aristotlethe primaryconsiderationis the common good; any governmentthat servesonly a part of societyis deformed.Ptolemydoes not
mentionthe terma singletime elsewhere,but in De Regimine
it
Principm
becomes central:twice he says that accordingto Aristotlethe common
and he uses it to identify
good is divine,65
legitimaterulers:"Their power,
their
and that of any otherlordship,is ordained to the end of profiting
flocks,so that those whom vigilanceinclinestoward the utilityof their
subjectsare deservedlycalled shepherds.Otherwisethey are not legitimatelylords but tyrants,as Aristotleproves. . ."66Even when not using
64Ptolemy
ofcommunity,
then
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.4 forthediscussion
Principm
ofthevarious
4.5-21foranalysis
polities.
65Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
reference,
3.3.2,3.11.4.In thefirst
Ptolemy
Principm,
occursonlyin the
butcalling
thecommon
citesboththePolitics
andEthics,
gooddivine
where
Aristotle
atEthics
Ethics
1.2.1094b.8-10,
, 8.13.116al1-15andindirectly
saysthatthe
andmoregodlike
toachieve
anditis better
final
endmust
be thegoodforhuman
beings,
ofa citythanofan individual.
theendon behalf
66Ptolemy
to 1.2.2,1.4.5,3.7.3and
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.10.8,referring
Principm
et
330: . . ad hocordinatur
Politics
ed. Perrier,
Aristotle,
, 3.7.1279b.6,
potestas
ipsorum
incumbit
vocantur
undemerito
dominii
utprosint
vigilantia
quibus
gregi,
pastores
cujuslibet
. . ."
utprobat
domini
sedtyranni,
Aliasnonsunt
ad subditorum
utilitatem.
Philosophus
legitime
15:33:00 PM
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
121
in examples
the termor Aristotle,he oftenuses the concept,particularly
rulers.
of virtuouscitizensand
Nederman correctlyargues that medieval writersdiscussedthe common good before1260.John of Salisbury,whom Ptolemycited,refersto
it, once writingthat ancientpoliticalphilosopherssaid that "the dutyof
each and all will be to servethe public utility."67
John definesthe "public welfare"as "thatwhich fostersa secure lifeforeveryoneand all individuals."68But except for his later stresson the well-beingof the body
politic,and thus indirectlyon the common good, John never develops
theseideas; afterthe firstquotationabove, he moves to the necessityfor
nobles to abjure inordinatepleasures and magic; afterthe second he
switchesto the evilsof flattery.
Ptolemynevercitesthesepassages or mentionsthe common good in a way reminiscentof them.
A comparison of similar sections of DeterminatiCompendiosa
and De
on Roman virtuesshowshow AristotleaffectedPtolemy's
Regimine
Principm
of the commongood. In bothworkshe praisedthe Romans
understanding
fortheirlove of fatherland,
love ofjustice (traditionof laws in Determinatio
Compendiosa
), and theirbenevolence.The reason in the earlierworkwas
thatin governingtheyfocusedon "preservingthe republic."69
This is also
a commonthemein De Regimine
But
the
of Roman
Principm.
justification
rule is directedmore explicitlythere to ideas of communityand common good: love of fatherland,for example, "participatesin the divine
nature by directingits affectionto the community.
. . . Thus, Aristotle
in
1
Ethics
that
a
the
of
nation
a
is
divine
says
good
good."70Later,
... is not
Ptolemysimilarlyopposes tyranny:"A tyrannicalgovernment
ordained except as a burden and annoyanceto its subjects.It is characteristicof tyrantsto seek theirown, and only theirown, utilityand convenience... as Aristotlerelatesin 8 Ethics. . ."71
67JohnofSalisbury,
ed.C.G.I.Webb,2 vols,Oxford
1909[repr.
Frankfurt
Policraticus,
amMain1965],I, 3,vol.I, p. 20, 18-9:"Sollicitudo
etomnium
utilitari
singulorum
publicaeseruiebat."
68JohnofSalisbury,
Policraticus
saluspublica,
, III, 1,ed.Webb,I, 171,6-7:"Estigitur
fouet
et singulos,
incolumnitas
uitae."
quaeuniuersos
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 21,ed.Krammer,
Ptolemy
42,30-1:". . . totaeorum
Compendiosa
intentio
eratin ipsorum
sivedominio
ad conservandam
rempublicam
..."
regimine
70Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
311:"... particibat
, 3.4.2,ed.Perrier,
Principm
quamdamnaturam
divinam
eo quodad communitatem
suusfertur
affectus
. . . undeetPhilosophus
dicitin 1 Ethicorum
estbonum
divinum."
Thecitation
is toAristotle,
quodbonum
gentis
Ethics
, 1.2.1094b.8-10.
71
ofLucca,De Regimine
to thepor, 3.7.3,ed. Perrier,
Ptolemy
320,referring
Principm
tionattributed
to ThomasAquinas,
... nonordinatur
1.2.2,1.4.5:"tyrannicum
regimen
15:33:00 PM
122
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
enimproprietas
estpropriam
etsolamsui
nisiad onusetmolestiam
subditorum.
Tyranni
in8 Ethicorum
ut. . . Philosophus
tradii
. . Thecitautilitatem
etcommodum
quaerere,
Ethics
tionis toAristotle,
, 8.11.1161a34-35.
72Ptolemy
ed. Perrier,
334: "...quod pro
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.11.6-7,
Principm
aliacausa
sicutprodefensione
velproquacumque
bonoreipublicae
regni
possit
exigere,
..."
rationabiliter
ad bonumcommune
pertinente
73Ptolemy
379:"Laudibilior
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.7.7,ed. Perrier,
Principm
igitur
honores
utantiqui
in qua secundum
civivicissim
distribuuntur
merita
unicuique
politia,
fecerunt
Romani,
magiscommendat."
quamedamPhilosophus
74Ptolemy
381:"Idoneosautem
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.8.5-6,ed. Perrier,
Principm
hocestnecnimis
in Politicorum
lib.4 mediocres
Aristoteles
tradit
civitatis,
potentes
quia
Thecitademocratizant."
inferioris
conditionis
de facili
necnimis
quiastatim
tyrannizant,
tionis toAristotle,
Politics
, 4.11.1295b.25-35.
3
75See alsoUlrichMeier,Burgerlich
mittlere
in
Herrschende
und
, beherrschte
Brger
vereynung.
in:
Reinhart
des
und
stdischen
Politiktheorie
chronikalischer
,
Quellen Sptmittelalters,
berlieferung
derBegrifflichkeit
vom
undInnovation
: Rezeption
KlausSchreiner
Kosselleck,
(eds.),Brgerschaft
undGeschichte
Hohen
Mittelalter
bisins19.Jahrhundert
, Sprache
, 22 (Stuttgart
1994),43-89;70
inPtolemy,
ofthemiddle-class
andmuchmoreontheconcept
forthisobservation
polity
GilesofRome,andothers.
15:33:00 PM
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
123
15:33:00 PM
124
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
15:33:00 PM
ANDPTOLEMY
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
OFLUCCA
125
ity, he does not elevate him over his equals except by virtue of this
authority preciselythe conception of authoritywithinthe Dominican
Order and in Aristotle'spolity.Ptolemyintendsthisnot merelyof a sinthe multitudeof those who
gle ruler,but of all civil officials:"therefore,
exerciselordshiptakesits originin the same way,fromthe one who exercises governance,which is God."88
states:
Likewise,in the "argumentfrommotion,"Determinato
Compendiosa
"since in exercisinggovernancelords are the moversof the world,therefore it is necessarythat the motion of theirgovernmentbe reduced to
God just as the firstmover."89Once again De Regimine
reduces
Principm
the rulers'status:"kings,rulers,and all who have precedenceare among
thosepersonswho possess reason formovementto a greaterdegree than
others,whetherthey exercise governance,judge, defend,or engage in
otheracts pertainingto the responsibility
of government".90
It is only in the "argumentfromends" that the positionsin the two
worksare similar,viz that since the end of humans is the most noble
De
end, rulerspromotingit participatemore in the divine.91
Nevertheless,
Regimine
Principm
goes on to equate thisdivinitywiththe common good
and elaboratethe role of the leader in tendinghis flock,somethingabsent
fromDeterminatio
. Thus Ptolemyturnseven thisinitiallycomCompendiosa
mon treatmentinto a statementof Aristotelianprinciplesand uses these
principlesto justifyhis conclusions.
In these arguments,we could see either the increasinginfluenceof
or Ptolemydeployingwhateverargumentshe can findto defend
Aristotle,
conclusions.Only the formeris viable,since althoughthe final
preexisting
conclusions are identical, the intermediateconclusions and rationales,
whichPtolemyappliesin De Regmine
farmorethantheconclusions,
Principm
et tantosupernobilius
ensquantoad dominandum
in natura
superhomines
coaequales
eisdem
Undeet causamhabetnonsuperbiendi,
sedhumane
suumpopulum
praeponitur.
..
gubernandi
88Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
306:". . . ergoeodemmodo
, 3.1.3,ed.Perrier,
Principm
etmultitudo
dominantium
ab unodominante
trahit
originem,
quodestDeus..."
89Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
19,ed.Krammer,
39,27-9:"Cumergo
Compendiosa,
ingubernando
domini
sintmotores
motum
suiregiminis
inDeumsicut
orbis,
ergooportet
in primm
motorem
reducere
..."
ofLucca,De Regimine
307:"Inter
omneautem
Ptolemy
3.2.1,ed. Perrier,
Principm,
homines
de ratione
suntregesetprincipes
etomnesquipraesunt,
motus,
quiplushabent
sivein gubernando
sivein judicando
sivein defendendo
et sic de aliisacribus
qui ad
curamregiminis
pertinent."
ofLucca,Determinatio
De Regimine
3.3.
Ptolemy
, 20.41-42;
Compendiosa
Principm
15:33:00 PM
126
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
lead in opposing directions.That all power is fromGod is a commonplace that can be made compatiblewith any formof government.But
the demotionof the secular rulerfroma divinemonarchto a collection
of possiblychangingcitizensnecessaryforpreservingthe common good
is somethingPtolemywas not able to reconcilewith his earlierbeliefs,
despitehis admirationforthe Roman Republic and NorthernItalian citystates,withoutthe help of Aristotle'sPolitics.
5. Comparison
ofthePolityto theBody
Anothertheme presentboth in Aristodeand earliermedievalwritingis
in late medieval
theorganicmetaphor,whichbecame evermoreprominent
and early modern thought.Tilman Struve argues that in De Regimine
Ptolemy combined Aristotle,Augustine, and the medieval
Principm
byJohn of Salisbury.The latterseems
organologicaltraditionexemplified
specificorgans with state parts, and Struve
mostlyused for identifying
withPtolemy'scomcontraststhe hierarchicalorderof partsin Policraticus
binationof the Aristotelianemphasison promotinghappinessby reducto unityand the Augustininconcept of a state creating
ing multiplicity
a bond of harmony.92
Ptolemy'suse of organic imagerychanged over time. In Determinatio
it is used primarilyto supportthe hierocraticpapacy. Ptolemy
Compendiosa
, as sources.
usuallycites Aristotle'snon-politicalworks,never the Politics
He refersto the soul's rule of the body and use of it as a tool and, asserts
that had Augustinenot objected to the idea, he would have identified
the pope withthe platonicworld-soul,since "he is the soul of the world,
fromwhom comes all motionand sense and spiritualoperationof life."93
On two occasions,citingAristotle,Ptolemypointsto the heart as the
source of movement,in analogy to the monarchin society.First,in formulatingan opposingargument,viz thatjust as the heart precedes and
gives motion to the body, so too the emperor,since he preceded the
pope historicallyand donated temporallordshipto him, does not need
92TilmanStruve,
imMittelalter
derOrganologischen
DieEntwicklung
, Stuttgart
Staatsaufassung
1978,166-7.
93Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
19,4-6: . . adaptari
, 7, ed. Krammer,
Compendiosa
et sensus
a quo estomnismotus
quodsitanimamundi,
pontificem,
possetad summum
see
the
instrument
of
as
the
For
the
vite.
.
.
et spiritualis
Aristotle,
soul,
body
operatio
1.5.3
citesPlato,Timeaus
DeAnima,
Retractiones,
, andAugustine,
, 7.9,10;Ptolemy
1.3;Ethics
fortheworldsoul.
15:33:00 PM
OFLUCCA
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
ARISTOTLE'S
127
he brings
otheropposingarguments,
his confirmation.94
Second, in refuting
and
the
heart
the
two
conflicting
analogiesconcerning
together
potentially
soul: All things"are reduced to one firstprinciple. . . This is clear in
humankind,in which all motionis fromthe soul mediatedby the heart,
whichis the beginningof all naturalmotionin the body."95Ptolemynever
of emperorwithheart,but simplysubjugates
repudiatesthe identification
him to the pope as soul. He goes on to answerthe question of priority
of rule withoutspecificallyansweringthe argumentabove, but implies
that the soul is formalcause of the body while the heart is efficient
cause.96
In Determinatio
thereis onlyone instanceof the bodilyanalCompendiosa
in
that
later
De
Regimine
Principmthe harmoniousworkings
ogy
prevails
of the parts of a state. Ptolemyargues that the mutuallyordained parts
of human society,like bodily members,need a single directingprinciin part results
ple.97The workshave different
purposes,but the difference
fromPtolemy'spresumedreadingofJohn of Salisburyin the interimand
his greaterreliance on the Politics.Most importantly,
the latterenabled
him to formulateideas of non-monarchicalgovernmentthat he was not
able to expressclearlyearlier.
In De Regimine
Principm
Ptolemy no longer identifiesthe dominant
a
unlike
with
organ
Aquinas, who wrote that having one
single lord,98
in
and
kingis best analogywiththe body whichis moved by the heart,99
that the king is like the spiritin the body or God in the world,100
and
unlikeJohn of Salisbury,who identifiedthe head with the secular ruler,
subjectto his own will alone, and the soul withthosedirectingreligion.101
Ptolemyretainsthe pope as soul, but he deviatesboth fromhis previous
positionand fromAquinas and John regardingthe state.
94Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 2.6.
Compendiosa
95Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 15,ed.Krammer,
33,30-34,7: "... omnia
Compendiosa
reducuntur
ad unumprimm
. . . Hoc patetin homine,
in quo omnismotus
principium
estab animamediante
in corpore
omnismotus
naturalis
..."
corde,quodestprincipium
96Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
herealsorefers
toNemroth's
, 17.37.Ptolemy
Compendiosa
oftheTowerofBabelas theambition
oftheheartto be preeminent,
building
causing
God [as soul]to be angry.
97
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 17.36.
Compendiosa
98Ptolemy
Struve
1992{op.cit.,above,n. 92),170-71.
99ThomasAquinas,
De Regimine
, 1.3.4.At 1.1.7he saysthattheheartor
Principm,
headis principle
themembers
ofthebody.
among
100Thomas
De Regimine
, 1.13.3,1.14.1.
Aquinas,
Principm
101
V.2 (ed.Webb,I, 282,22-5)& V.6 (ed.Webb,I, 298,
Policraticus,
JohnofSalisbury,
19if.).A single
rulercouldunitethetwofunctions,
likeAugustus
as Pontifex
Maximus.
15:33:00 PM
128
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
15:33:00 PM
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
129
larerempublicam
seupolitiam
naturali
etorganico
inquosuntmotus
corpori,
dependentes
ex unomovente,
siveex duobus,
utsuntcoretcerebrum;
ettarnen
inqualibet
partecorestoperario
motibus
etinalterutrum
subministrans
... Ad
poris
propria
primis
correspondes
veramigitur
civilitatem
sivepolitiam
ut membra
sintconformia
requiritur,
capitiet ad
invicem
nondiscordent
. . . videmus
ad invicem
quodestdebitaproportio
ipsorum
quantumad influentiam
moventur
secundum
motum
. . . Ergosic
quia inferiora
superiorum
vivere
et felicem
vitamfacit
. . . habemus
diversum
in poliria,
politice
perfectam
gradum
tamin executione
siveobedientia
subditorum:
undetune
officiorum,
quamin subjectione,
estperfecta
socialis
in suostatudebitam
habetdispositionem
congregatio,
quandoquilibet
et operationem.
Sicutenimaedificium
eststabile,
quandopartes
ejussuntbenesitae,sic
etdepoliria
habetetperpetuitatem
insuogradu,
contingit
quodfirmitatem
quandoquilibet
siverector
siveofficialis
sivesubditus,
debiteoperatur
... ibieritsumma
suavitas
et perstatus:
et hocestproprium
felicitatis
utPhilosophus
tradit."
The
petuafirmitas
politicae,
citations
aretoAugustine,
TheCity
Ethics
f.
, 15.8,2.21,19.3;Aristotle,
ofGod
, 1.9.1099b.30
Iftheword"Plutarch"
wasintended,
thereference
isto(Pseudo)-Plutarch,
"TheInstruction
ofTrajan,"as contained
within
Policraticus
, V.2 (ed.Webb,I, 282-4),
JohnofSalisbury,
V.9 (ed.Webb,I, 318-22),
VI.20 (ed.Webb,II, 58-9).Ptolemy's
references
to
explicit
Policraticus
in chapters
nearthisone(4.24.3,4.24.5,and4.25.7,andalso2.7.7)
, especially
areusually
in in thecontext
ofthebody.However,
"thePhilosopher,"
would
Aristotle,
alsobe appropriate.
105Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
allowed
for
, 4.4.9,4.3.10,4.4.3.Augustine
Principm
thembeingjoinedbyanycommon
one,butPtolemy
objectoflove,evena despicable
assumes
itis thevirtue
ofloveitself.
106Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
371:". . . perfectior
est
, 4.4.8,ed. Perrier,
Principm
unioincorpore
animato
siindiversis
virtus
animaediffundatur
ad diversas
organis
operationes
in unasubstantia
unitas
sicutapparet
in animatis
solumsenanimae,
quaehabent
sumtactus
utsuntvermes
. . .," citing
OntheSpirit
3.11.1.434a.1.
Aristotle,
, 3.1.425a.9-10,
Thisagrees
withVat.Lat.810,an early
fourteenth
edition
ofDeRegimine
,
century
Principm,
buttheMatthis
edition
has "sicutapparet
tamin animatis
perfectis,
quamin animatis
solumsensum
tactus
utsuntvermes.
..."
quaehabent
15:33:00 PM
130
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
Conversely,Ptolemycompares any disturbancein the polityto sickness, which entails a fundamentalbreakdownof harmonyand thus of
virtue.This is why the governments
directlyafterthe Fall were particularlybrutal,since men crippledby sin were not yetable to redirectthemselves to virtue.Yet Ptolemymaintainshis beliefin the power of reason
to prevail in the end. Rectors make laws, not so much as in Augustine
to represssin, but to begin the healingprocess in the body politic.107
If "Plutarch,"is the correctreading,it refersto the part of Policraticus
thatJohn of Salisburyattributedto Plutarchbut probablywrotehimself,
which compared the ruler to the head (not the brain) and an advisory
senate to the heart.108
For John,the singleand virtuallyabsoluteruleris
the true head, even if in deferenceto its wisdom policy must go before
the senate. When Ptolemyuses the head or heart imageryfor secular
rule in De Regimine
it always applies to whateverconstitutes
the
Principm
rulinggroup;forexample,politicalrectorsare "the head of the civilcorEven when he uses the
porationon which the whole body depends."109
word "lord,"he intendsit in a generalsense. For example,he writesthat
ministers
mustbe conformedto lordslike membersto the head, but illustratesthisby notingthat in Italy bureaucratsact like politicalrectors.110
Since heartand brain (or head) both referto the rulingpart,why did
, and
Ptolemyuse both? In part, because of theirpresencein Policraticus
where
Aristotle
wrote
that
the
in Aristotle'sMetaphysics
more importantly
,
heartor brain,like a house's foundation,is an imminentpart,fromwhich
Since the ultimategoal is the harmony
a person,like a house, begins.111
of the organism,any otherpart could be sacrificedto preservethisfoundation: "We amputatea hand so that the heart and brain, in which a
human being principallyconsists,mightbe preserved."112
Ptolemyis not
tryingto presenta model for diffusedpower, since he always says that
must be unifiedthrougha directingpower (thoughthis
any multiplicity
107Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.23.4,4.11.2.
Principm
108
thesenatein V.9.
Policraticus
ofSalisbury,
, V.2. He alsomentions
John
109Ptolemy
. . . sint
389:". . . rectores
ofLucca,DeRegimine
4.11.5,ed.Perrier,
Principm,
ex quo totum
universitatis
civilis
corpus
dependet."
caput
110Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 2.10.2.
Principm
111
, 5.1.1013a.5-6.
Aristotle,
Metaphysics
112Ptolemy
enim
334:"Amputamus
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.11.6,ed.Perrier,
Principm
..."
vitaconsistt
hominis
in quibusprincipaliter
coret cerebrum
manum
utconservetur
in identifying
the
De Regimine
He elsewhere,
, 4.25.7,follows
JohnofSalisbury
Principm
calledthe"organoforgans,"
notesAristotle
whichPtolemy
handwithwarriors,
though
Policraticus
aretoJohnofSalisbury,
Thecitations
herehemeanstospeakmoregenerally.
,
De Anima
V.2 & VI.1 andAristotle,
, 3.8.
15:33:00 PM
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
ARISTOTLE'S
OFLUCCA
131
15:33:00 PM
132
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
15:33:00 PM
POLITICS
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
ANDPTOLEMY
133
15:33:00 PM
134
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
and Exaemeron
are all to Book 1. In De Regimine
Compendiosa
Principm
refers
to
books
to book
1-3,exceptfortwo minorreferences
Ptolemy
only
121
1
4, and to book 6. He never discussesthe connectionbetween education and government,
the subjectof Book 8, and he avoids the details
in Books 4, 5, and 6. By skippingthesehe avoids
of possiblegovernments
the issue of revolutions,the subject of Book 5, as well as how to preserve regimes,the topic of Book 4. Althoughotherswrote more about
the rightto resistbad government,
none of these subjectswas of much
interestto medieval politicaltheorists.Ptolemyis interestedin the general theoreticalproblemsof Books 1-3; the main subject of this article,
but he ignoresthe specifictheoreticalquestionsof Books 4-6: the many
subvarietiesof typesof governmentand how theywork. More puzzling
is his neglectof Book 7, which deals with several subjectsof interestto
him: virtue,necessitiesof cities, criticismof business, the relationship
between climate and government,and the physicalenvironmentof the
city.Whiletheremaybe some otherexplanation,it is possiblethatPtolemy
did not have this book available to him as he wrote. However, his two
referencesto Book 4 are specific,and Aquinas did not cite them,which
suggeststhat the paucityof referencesderivesfromlack of interest.
To ask whetherPtolemy,or anyone, is a real Aristotelianposes the
Would Aristotlehave agreedwithPtolemyon basic
mattermetaphysically.
questions?Clearly,no, for even aside fromPtolemy'slack of interestin
from
some of Aristotle'simportanttopics,Ptolemyderivesall government
God and subordinatesall aspectsof human societyto the ultimateauthority of a supramonarchicalpope. Looking at the specificareas addressed
in thisarticle,we see thatin most cases Ptolemy'streatmentof a theme,
fromAristotle's:
even in his most mature version, differssignificantly
Politicallife is natural,but stemsas much fromhuman needs as from
an inherently
politicalnature.One can develop as a whole and virtuous
in
person only society,but this does not necessarilyinvolveactive political participation.The ends of the politicalcommunitygo beyondearthly
happinessand involvevirtuesat least partiallydistinctfrompoliticalones.
kinds of government,but all can be
There are a varietyof different
reduced to political or despotic rule, and only political rule is good.
121
is a
there
refers
to "Politics
2 and7,"butalthough
Exaemeron
at onepoint(5.9.112)
has
should
be 1.3.De Regimine
hintofwhathe citesin Book7 therealcitation
Principm
much
should
be toBook1. In contrast,
which
a reference
toBook4 (2.14.1-3),
Aquinas's
to
to Books5-7,noneto Book4, and sevenreferences
shorter
parthas sixreferences
mostfrequently
is oneofPtolemy'
Books1-3(noneto Book2, which
cited).
15:33:00 PM
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
135
Citizenshipinvolvesparticipation,but this may mean functionalcontribution to the body politic,not sharingin government.
Nevertheless,for his general approach to the analysisof politics,his
and his basic politicalprincriteriaforjudging the worthof government,
is
and
indebted
to Aristotle'sPolitics.
ciples Ptolemy greatly
increasingly
Above all, he understoodAristotle'semphasis on the city and the type
of governmentsuited to it. In these areas Ptolemyusually understands
and the "twisting"of Aristotelian
textsthatdoes occur
Aristotlecorrectly,
resultsfromflawedunderstanding,
not consciousdeception.Moreover,in
De Regimine
Principm
PtolemycitesAristotle,not merelyto make a point,
but forclose analysis,constantlyusingAristotelianterminology
and conwhen
even
not
Aristotle
He
cepts
discussing
directly.
analyzes a wealth
of polities,without,like Aristotle,gettingbogged down in a welter of
details. Instead, he chooses a few examples wisely fromAristotle,the
Bible, and classicaland medievalhistoryand uses thempreciselyto constructa novel politicaltheorythat can reasonablybe called Aristotelian.
Althoughthisis not completelyconsistent,neitheris the Politics.
Nedermanis correctto rejectdoctrinalconsensusamong medievalwriters who used Aristotle'sPolitics
He is
, stillless any core Aristotelianism.
also correctto argue that the Politicscreated a communityof scholarly
writerssharingan Aristotelianapproach to political science. But he is
wrongto rejectthe idea of the pervasiveuse of the Aristoteliantextgiving rise to politicalideas expressedin a common language. The limitationsof Williamof Moerbeke'stranslationdo not belie this,althoughthey
do limithow "authentically"
Aristotelian
the medievalcommentators
could
be. And althoughBruni reworkedthe language in his fifteenth
century
translation,this did not much affectmedieval readingsand lefta substantialcommunity
of reference.
Bruni'sPolitics
is not a completelydifferent
book fromWilliam's, and in any case its readers would understandit
of the earliertranslathroughthe lens of two centuriesof interpretation
tion, despitetheirhostilityto the "barbarism"of its form.
Nederman shows that severalkey Aristotelianpoliticalideas were discussed as early as the twelfthcentury.Nonetheless,the reception of
Aristotle's
Politics
was crucial.First,the wayslatermedievalthinkersdeveloped these ideas were conditionedby the particulartreatmentin the
Politics.Most Aristotelianpoliticalideas before 1260 came fromcompendious treatmentsof these ideas in the basically non-politicalworks of
Boethius,Cassiodorus,Isidore,and others,and withoutAristotle'sanalysis the response rarelywent beyond statementof principles.Certainly,
this eased receptionof the Politics
, but it does not seriouslydiminishits
15:33:00 PM
136
M. BLYTHE
JAMES
122Someofthematerial
from
ofmaterial
is a paraphrase
in thelastthree
paragraphs
ofLucca,OntheGovernment
Introduction
toPtolemy
above,n. 13),
ofRulers
[op.cit.,
Blythe,
18-9.
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