/';-=09

)(8*=-0/']

11:46:50 AM

VI

VARI

um

A JOURNAL FOR MEDIAEVAL PHILOSOPHY AND

THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
REVUE CONSACRE A LA PHILOSOPHIE MDIVALE ET
LA VIE INTELLECTUELLE DU MOYEN GE
ZEITSCHRIFT FR PHILOSOPHIE UND GEISTES LEBEN
IM MITTELALTER

VOLUME

8,

1970

i
VAN GORCUM - ASSEN - NETHERLANDS

Reprinted with permission of

Van Gorcum, Assen by
SWETS

& ZEITLINGER
LISSE - 1985

B.V.

11:46:50 AM

VI

VARI

um
A JOURNAL FOR MEDIAEVAL PHILOSOPHY AND
THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

editors

C. J.de Vogel,(Utrecht)- L. M. de Rijk,(Leyden)- J.Engels,

(Utrecht).
Board: Prof.
oftheEditorial
L.M. deRijk,WitteSingel
71,
Secretary
The
Netherlands.
Leyden,

publishers

Ltd.,(Dr. H. J. Prakke& H. M. G. Prakke)

RoyalVanGorcum
Assen,TheNetherlands.

subscription

Perannum:Hfl.i ($. 7,00/.3)

single copies

Hfl.i$.oo ($. 4,2$/.1.7s)

published

eachnumber
ca 80 pages.
Twiceyearly,
MayandNovember;
submitted
tovivarium
shouldbe written
Contributions
preferably
or German.
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shouldbe typein English,
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anddoublespaced,exceptforlongquotations
andfootwritten
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continuously
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outeacharticle.
Theymay placedeitherat thefootofthepage
or at theendofthetext.

11:46:50 AM

CONTENTS

OF VOLUME

VIII (1970)

PlatoandAl/arabi.A Comparisonof Some Aspects

FAROUK A.
of Their Political Philosophies
san kari
Oshkosh
, Wisconsin
L. m. de RijK
Leyden

On the GenuineTextof Peterof Spain s Summule

logicales (Conclusion)

10

servus
GIEEN
Rome

ThomasGascoigneand RobertGrosseteste
: Historical
and CriticalNotes

$6

j. ENGELS
Utrecht

V "autobiographie"
du jongleurdans un Dit du ms.
Paris, B. N.J. Jr. 837

68

JACQUES
MONFRIN
Paris

Le latinmdivalet la languedeschartes

81

j. ENGELS
Utrecht

NoticesurJean Thenaud

99

L. M. de RIJK On the Life of Peterof Spain, the Authorof the

Tractatus,called afterwards
Summule logicales . 123
Leyden
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

REVIEWS

157

BOOKS RECEIVED

8o,

11:46:50 AM

I 9

Plato

and

Atfarabi

A Comparison of Some Aspects of Their Political Philosophies

FAROUK A. SANKARI

paper seeks to answer the followingquestion: What are some

of
the parallels between Alfarabsand Plato's positions regarding
This
political philosophyin general, and the ideal state and the ruler,
in particular?
I have tried, so faras I have been able, to trace the Platonic sources
of certain aspects of Alfarabs political philosophy. This process has
revealed that some elements are all Platonic but that Alfarabi has
elaborated them, in some instanceshas refinedthem, and, above all,
has woven them togetherfor the firsttime in the historyof Islamic
thought in order to suit the Islamic ordinance. This study has also
revealed that certain elements in Alfarabi's political philosophyseem
to be a developmentoriginalto him and have no counterpartin Plato.
Alfarabs political philosophy,like classical political philosophy,
startswith ends. It examines how men live and what they are, and it
takes its bearingsby how men ought to live, and how theyoughtto be.1
Alfarabitells us that man is a social and political animal "and by
nature each man has to be bound with other men in everythinghe
seeks. He, therefore,needs to associate with his kind and for this
reason he is called the social or political animal."2 He must, therefore,
combine with others in communities: "Man belongs to the species
that cannot accomplish their necessary affairsor achieve their best
state, except throughthe associationof manygroups of them in a single
"3
dwelling. This notion remindsus of Plato's view of man's needs and
thestate:
. . . so,having
alltheseneeds,we callononeanother's
ourvarious
helptosatisfy
1Alfarabi,
Almadinah
Cairo,1948,pp.102-103.
Alfadilah
",Rasa*
2Alfarabi,
"Tahsil
il Alfarabi
al-Sa'adah,
, Hyderabad,
134^A.H.,p. 16.
3Alfarabi,
ThePolitical
from
theArabic
Mahdi
in:Medieval
Political
, translated
Regime
byMuhsim
, Glencoe,
Philosophy
1963,
p.32.
I

11:46:56 AM

ofhelpers
andassociates
to
; andwhenwe havecalleda number
requirements
inoneplace,we callthata state.1
livetogether
Alfarabisubdividescommunitiesinto varous sizes:
areofmedium
societies
arelarge,others
aresmall.
Somehuman
size,stillothers
with
The largesocietiesconsistof manynationsthatassociateand cooperate
ofa nation
oneanother
onesconsist
; thesmallaretheonesembraced
; themedium
Hencethecityrepresents
societies.
the
bythecity.Thesethreearetheperfect
of
first
perfection.2
degree
Here we observe certain parallelismsbetween Alfarabiand Plato.
Alfarabi's theory of association corresponds, with qualifications,to
Plato's polis. However, Alfarabiwent a step furtherthan Plato and
talked about a large association comprisingthe whole world and the
middle-sized nation. This may well be due to Alfarabi's Islamic environment; it agrees with the universalismof Islam as a way of life.
Alfarabiadds, in AlmadinahAlfadilah
, that the firstassociationin which
the highestgood and the utmostperfectionattainableis the city-state,
not a smallerpolitical unit. Since man is guided by freewill and choice,
true happinessis attainableonly in the ideal state (almadinahalfadilah).3
For only in it do men help each other in promotinggood ratherthan
evil.4
Plato's views on divisionof labor based on man's naturalaptitude
can be traced in Alfarabi's emphasison the need of manypeople, who
must work togethereach according to his ability in order to satisfy
:
one another's needs. Plato expresses this view in the Republic
and
our
commonwealth
to
establish
we
first
You remember
how,when
began
that
severaltimessince,we havelaiddown,as a universal
principle, everyone
in thecommunity
forwhichhisnaturebest
theonefunction
oughtto perform
s
suited
him.
Alfarabi's emphasis on cooperation and division of labor is shown in
thefollowingpassage:
ofdifferent
areeachcomposed
Thecityandthehousehold
partsofa determinate
to eachotherandgradedin
someless,somemoreexcellent,
number,
adjacent
andthereis combined
workindependently,
eachdoinga certain
different
grades,
oftheaimin thecityor
theperfection
fromtheiractionsmutual
helptowards
households.6
1SeeF. M.Cornford,
The
etc.
II,367E,p. $6.
(Oxford
ofPlato
Republic
2 Mahdi,
Political
1963,p. 32.
, Glencoe,
, in:Medieval
Philosophy
Almadaniyjah
Siyasah
3Alfarabi
andimaginary
true
between
happiness.
distinguishes
happiness
4Almadinah
, p. 97.
Alfadilah
s Republic
, XII,433A,p. 127.
6Alfarabi,
andtranslated
Almadani
Fusul
1961,p. 37.
Cambridge,
, edited
byD. M. Dunlop,
2

11:46:56 AM

.Alfarabscomparison of the states (city, nations, cultivatedWorld)

to the bodyand its memberscorrespondsto Plato's. Justas the members
of the body cooperate to achieve and preserve perfecthealth, so the
parts of the city, the city-statesof a nation, and nations of the world,
cooperate to guaranteeand maintainhappinessthroughvirtueand good
deeds.1 In FusulAlmadani
, Alfarabiconfineshis comparison to the city
and thus comes closer to Plato than in hisAlmadinaAljadilah. "The city
and household may be compared with the body of a man."2 What
applies to the individualalso applies to cities and nations: anotheridea
.3
correspondingto Plato's views in the Republic
In the ideal cityteachingand education lead to virtueand the arts.
Teaching leads to the speculative virtues, and education provides
ethical virtuesand practical arts. Alfarabidevotes a few pages in Tahsil
Alsa adah to a detailed descriptionof the fourfoldperfectionin ethical,
intellectualand speculative virtues,and practicalarts, the possessionof
which lead to ultimate happiness.4 Careful examinationof Alfarabi's
views on this subject reveals parallels with Plato's view on education
of philosophers and guardians in his Republic
. Alfarabi's members
of the body are of hierarchical nature; at the top stands the chief
(ra'is), that is the heart. The rank of the rest of the members varies
according to their proximityto the heart. It is the same with the
state. When all parts of the state serve the purpose of the chief, we
have the ideal state. But whereas the members of the body function
involuntarily,the citizens of the state have their will and freedom
to choose.
Alfarabi distinguishesbetween the 'indispensable' city, which
correspondsto Plato's and the ideal city.5
andsometimes
The cityis sometimes
ideal.The indispensable
"indispensable"
isrestricted
to
themutual
(or minimum)
helpofitsmembers
cityis thatinwhich
forthecontinuance
ofman,hislivelihood
whatis indispensable
attaining
merely
andpreservation
ofhislife.Theidealcityis thatin whichtheinhabitants
help
ofthings
eachothertowardtheattainment
ofthemostexcellent
bywhichare
ofman,hiscontinuance,
andthepreservation
of
thetrueexistence
hislivelihood
hislife.6
Here the indispensable city seems to be contrasted absolutely
1Almadinah
, op.cit.,pp.97-98.
Aljadilah
2 Fusul
Almadani
, op.cit.,p. 37.
3Republic
IV,427C-434D.
Tahsil
Alsa*
adah,
op.cit.,pp.64-72.
5 Republic
, op.cit.H,369D.
6 Fusul
Almadani,
op.cit.,p. 39.
3

11:46:56 AM

with the ideal, but it is in appearanceonly. Alfarabiregardedfourclasses

'
of states as opposed to the ideal city: the ignorant' city (almadinah
aljahiliyyah), the 'unrighteous' city (almadinah alfasiqah), the 'misguided' city (almadinah aldallah), and the 'altered' city (almadinah
almutabadillah).1Of these, in principle, the 'ignorant' city does not
know the true good, and follows false goods; the 'unrighteous' city
knows the true good, but does not follow it; the 'misguided' cityhas a
distorted view of true good and the 'altered' city formerlyheld the
true view, but has abandoned it. It is quite obvious fromthe large space
devoted to the descriptionof the 'ignorant' city in AlmadinaAlfadilah
,
thatthiscityis the most importantamong the statesapposed to the ideal
city, and unlike the others, it includes a number of distinct types.2
When, therefore,Alfarabi,speaks of the 'indispensable' cityin contrast
with the ideal, he is simplyintroducingone of manyvarietiesof cities
which according to his theory,expounded elsewhere, are opposed to
the ideal.
The ignorant cities are discussed brieflyin AlmadinahAlfadilah
,
more fullyin the Siyasah, are not at all in TahsilAlsayadah.Plato classified these states according to their political constitution; Alfarabi
uses some of the same terms without showing much interest in the
constitutionsfromthe political point of view. Alfarabi,however,distinguishesmore subdivisionsof the statethanPlato :
oftheignorant
As forthecitizens
cities,theyarepolitical
beings.Theircities
whichcomprise
areofmany
associations
andtheirpolitical
kinds,
(i) indispensable
ofvilemeninthevilecities,(iii>theassociation
associations,
(ii) theassociation
in thetimocratic
association
ofbasemenin thebasecities,(iv) timocratic
city,
inthedemocratic
free
association
in
the
association
despotic
(v) despotic
city,(vi)
3
cityandthecityofthefree.
The states mentioned so far by Alfarabiall correspond to Plato's
and four of them go back to Plato's Republicwhere they are called
timocracy,oligarchy,democracy, and tyranny.*
To the Platonic cities, Alfarabiadds three more ignorantcities,
namely the vicious (fasiqah), the altered (almutabadillah), and the
erring (dallah) cities. All these three terms occur in the Qur'an and
1Almadinah
, op.cit.,p. 109.
Alfadilah
2Almadinah
, op.cit.,pp.126-131.
Alfadilah
3Medieval
, op.cit.,p. 42.
Thought
Philosophical
4 Republic
VIII-IX,
43A-s76B.
4

11:46:56 AM

had, therefore,a definitemeaningfora Muslim. Rosenthal,commenting

on thesecities,observes:
in order
to assume
introduced
It seemsplausible
thatAlfarabi
themdeliberately,
of
Plato's
states
this
to
effect
an
assimilation
to
imperfect
amplification
by
understood
Islamicnations.It is also probablethattheMuslimthinker
"right
beliefsand convictions"
and theiroppositein boththeirPlatonicandIslamic
meaning.1
If we examine Alfarabi's and Plato's conception of the ideal form
of government,we findcertain parallels and variationsin their views.
In Fusui Almadani
, Alfarabiadmits four sources of authorityWhen he
refersto the ideal city. "The chiefsand rulers of this city are of four
descriptions."2
The firstsource of authorityis the King in Reality in whom are
combined six conditions: wisdom, perfect practical wisdom, excellence of persuasion,excellence in producingan imaginativeimpression,
power to fightthe holy war in person, and the absence of physical
impedimentswhich would preventhim fromattendingto the matters
which belong to the holy war.3 In AlmadinahAlfadilahAlfarabispeaks of
twelve qualities (khaslah) which the ideal ruler must possess. Such
qualities are innate, while the conditions do not superveneuntil after
maturity.4Among the qualities of the ruler laid down in Almadinah
Alfadilahare the following: the ideal ruler must possess an inclusive
art - the ^rt of ruling; he mustbe perfect,in the sense of being a philosopher; he must have the power of representingin words what he
knows; he must have the power of guidingmen to happiness; and he
must have the power of carryingout actions.s
Here we observe Alfarabiblending certain Platonic and Islamic
qualificationsof the ruler; he is more inclinedtowardsPlato in Almadinah
Alfadilahand more towardsIslam in the Fusul. In AlmadinahAlfadilahall
the twelve qualities are derived from Plato's Republic
.6 Alfarabi, in
the Fusul, is very Islamic in the concept of jihad (holy war) which is
alien to Plato. He insiststhatthe rulerwould devise methodsof political
oratoryand utilize them in order to support his own characterand to
1Erwin
Political
inMedieval
I. J.Rosenthal,
Islam
, Cambridge,
1962,
Thought
p. 137.
2Fusul
Almadaiiy
op.cit.,p. go.
3ibid.
Almadinah
, op.cit.,pp.iof-107.
Alfadilah
5Ibid.
6 Republic
yVI,485-487.
S

11:46:56 AM

persuade the citizens and princes of certain actions when necessary.1

This, of course, runscounterto Plato's objection to rhetoric.The ruler
described here appears to be modelled more on the Islamic thanon the
Platonicpattern.
Anothersource of authorityin Alfarabi's ideal city is the group.2
Alfarabidistinctlyrealizes the possibilitythat no one man will possess
all the requisite conditions for ruling, in which case authoritywill
have to be shared by a group. This group may be a substitutefor the
rule of the ideal king. In the Sijasah, Alfarabialso envisagesthe rule of a

group of virtuous, good and happy people' in the followingpassage:

"And when it happensthatof these kings(muluk) at one time thereis a
group (jama' ah) either in a city or a nation or several nations,all their
group is like a single king (malik), because of the agreementof their
"3
plansand aims.
The thirdsource of authorityis the chiefof the city in whom are
unitedthe followingqualities: the possessionof knowledgeof theancient
laws and traditionswhich the firstgenerationof Imams acknowledged
and by which theyruled the city; the possession of excellent discrimination of the places and conditions in which those traditionsmust be
employed according to the purpose of the earlier generationstherein;
the possession of the power to produce what is not found explicit in
the old traditions; further,the possession of excellence of idea and
practical wisdom in the events which happen one by one and are not
such as to be in the ancienttraditions,in order to preservethe prosperity
of the city; and the possession of excellence of rhetoricand persuasion
and production of an imaginativeimpression. At the same time he
should be able to go on to the holy war. Such a one is called the king
according to the law, and his rule is called lawfulkingship.*
This is the second ruler for whom six conditions are laid down.
featurein the presentpassageof the Fusulis
Perhaps the most significant
the naming of the man who representsthe third alternativeas malik
al-sunnah
, the lawfulking.To myknowledge,thisnamingdoes notappear
anywhereelse in Alfarabi's works, and the explanationof its appearance
in the Fusulcould be looked for in the Republicof Plato. In the Republic
it is characteristicof the rightgovernmentof monarchyand aristocracy
that the laws of the city are maintained.s In the Politicus
, when one
1Tahsil
adah
Aha*
, op.cit.,p. 72.
2 Fusul
Almadam
, op.cit.,p. so.
3Alfarabi,
Political
in:Medieval
, op.cit.,p. go.
Philosophy
Almadaniyjah,
Siyasah

Fusul
Almadani,
op.cit.,p. $1.
s Republic
(EndofBookIV).
6

11:46:56 AM

man rules according to the laws, he is called king. Probably it. is the
latterwhich is the originalof Alfarabsnamingof the lawfulking and
not thelawfulking'sconditions.
The fourthsource of authorityis the chiefsaccording to the law.1
This source occurs when no man is found in whom all the above
qualities are united, but theyexist separatelyamong a group, and they
togethertake the place of the kingaccording to the law. This seems to
be a developmentoriginalto Alfarabiand has no counterpartin Plato.
In the finalanalysisof authorityand ruler, it is necessaryto explore
more fullythe notion of equating Alfarabs Imam with Plato's Philosopher-King.In his Tahsil Alsa adah, Alfarabiobserves that th philosopher, supremeruler,prince, legislator,and Imam is but a singleman:
So letitbe cleartoyouthattheideaofthePhilosopher,
Ruler,Prince,
Supreme
andImamis buta singleidea.No matter
whichoneofthesewords
Legislator,
tolookatwhateachofthemsignifies,
themajority
youtake,ifyouproceed
among
ofthosewhospeakourlanguage,
youwillfindthattheyall finally
agreebysignioneandthesameidea.2
fying
Proceeding to look at what each of Alfarabi's terms signifies,we
findthat "the legislatoris he who, by the excellence of his reflection,
has the capacityto findthe conditionsrequired for the actual existence
of voluntaryintelligiblesin such a way as to lead to the achievementof
supreme happiness."3If this legislatorintendsto possess a craftthat is
authoritativerather than subservient,'the legislatormust be a philosopher.'4 The name 'prince' signifies'sovereignityand ability,'5 To be
completelyable, he has to possess the power of the greatest ability
which comes frompossession of art, skill, and virtue. "Thereforethe
true prince is the same as the philosopher-legislator."6
As to the ideal
Imamin the Arabic language,"it signifiesmerelythe one whose example
is followedand who is well received; thatis, eitherhis perfectionis well
received or his purpose is well received.7 The supreme ruler is "he
who does not need anyone to rule him in anythingwhatever, but has
actuallyacquired the sciences and everykind of knowledge, and has no
need of a man to guide him in anything."8This supreme ruler knows
1Fasul
Almadani
, op.cit.,p. i.
2 Tahsil
Alsa'adah,
op.cit.,p. 79.
3 Tahsil
Alsa'adah,
op.cit.,p. 79.
4Ibid.
s Tahsil
Alsa'adah,
op.cit.,p. 78.
6 Tahsil
Alsaadah,
op.cit.,p. 79.
7 Ibid.
8Sisayasah
Almadanijyah,
op.cit.,p. 36.
7

11:46:56 AM

what he ought to do. He is' able to guide others into true happiness.
Therefore, when Alfarabiasserts that the meaning of the philosopher, supremeruler, prince, legislator,and Imam is butja single one,
he creates a synthesisbetween Plato's Philosopher-King1with the ideal
Islamicruler. It has been achievedby the Greek and Islamicrequirements.
As was suggested earlier, this synthesisrepresents Alfarabi's great
contributionto Islamicpoliticalphilosophy.
The focus on law in both Greek and Islamic civilizationsprovided
the nucleus of the synthesis.But we should realize the big distinction
between the Sharah, a divinelyrevealed law to the Muslim law-giver,
and the Nomos of the Greek, the Laws of Plato, in particular. The
Sharah guaranteedtwo-foldhappiness,here and hereafter.Philosophy
alone enabled man to understandthe meaning of that law.
Generally speaking, Alfarabi concentrates on the philosophical
qualificationsof the firstruler, especially in TahsilAlsa adah. In Alma
dinah Alfadilah
, he brieflytalks about the dominant position of the
Sharah as the guarantorof happiness and perfection,without giving
more details of it. This is not surprisingto the writer, since Alfarabi
was occupied with Plato's arrangementin the Republic
, although this
, and Tahsil
applies more to AlmadinahAtfadilah,AlsiyasahAlmadaniyjah
Alsa adah, which is mainlyconcernedwith happiness.Since it emphasizes
the role of the ruler in the ideal Muslim city, it is naturalthat Alfarabi
shoulddevote largespace to the conditionsand qualitiesofthe ideal ruler.
In the last passage of TahsilAlsa'adah, Alfarabidiscusses the nature
of falseand vain and counterfeitphilosophers.The discussionis modelled
after Plato's description of the false philosopher in the Republic.2
The false philosopher is "he who acquires the theoretical sciences
without achieving the utmost perfectionso as to be able to introduce
others to what he knows in so faras their capacitypermits."3 The vain
philosopher is one "who learns the theoretical sciences, but without
the acts
going any furtherand without being habituated to doing
the
or
consideredvirtuousby a certainreligion
generallyaccepted noble
acts."* The counterfeitphilosopher is "he who studies the theoretical
sciences without being naturallyequipped for them."5
In conclusion then, certainparallelsbetween Plato's and Alfarabi's
1Republic
V,417C-487.
2 Republic
VI,487-497.
3 Tahsil
Aha*
adah
yp. 80.
4 Ibid.
s Ibid.
8

11:46:56 AM

views on political philosophyare explicit. These parallelsare especially

abundantin Alfarabs ideas on man's association, the virtuouscity, its
hierarchy,its ruler, and its opposites. When Alfarabi equates the
philosopher, firstruler, king, law-giver, and Imam, he completes a
synthesisbetween Plato's Philosopher-Kingwith the ruler of the ideal
Islamic city. Which representsAlfarabs great contributionto Islamic
politicalphilosophy.
PoliticalScienceDepartment
StateUniversity
Wisconsin
Oshkosh Wisconsin 54901

11:46:56 AM

On

The Genuine

Text of Peter of Spain's

Summule logicales (Conclusion)

L. M. DE RI JK
V Some AnonymousCommentarieson The Summule
Dating From The
ThirteenthCentury*.
logiMsgr. Grabmannfoundseveral commentarieson the Summule
. Some of them are
cales datingfromas early as the thirteenthcentury1
anonymous.This group will be discussed in this part of our studyon
the genuine text of Peter of Spain's famous text-book of logic.
The first anonymous commentary mentioned by Grabmann is
found in Munich, C.L.M. 19.438, ff. ira-i2vb. The manuscriptdates
from the fourteenthor the beginning of the fifteenthcentury (not
fromthe thirteenth,as Grabmannthought2),and gives only a fragment
of this commentary. (Inc. Natura est vis insita rebus ex similibus*
similia procreans)*. I have serious doubts whether Grabmann's dating
of the commentaryitself back to the thirteenthcenturyis correct.
Its composition is quite differentfrom that of the thirteenthcentury
and
is
gloss commentarieswe know. The usual divisiotextus lacking
quite a number of interpolationsin Peter's text are commentedupon
without any reservation. I am sure that this commentaryshould be
struck out from the list of thirteenthcenturycommentariesas given
by Grabmann.
Next Grabmann discussed* the anonymous commentary Omnes
homines
yfoundin several manuscripts.Anotheranonymouscommentary
the thirteenthcentury,which was mentionedby Grabmann,
from
dating
della Badia, 362 V V. Both comis thatfoundin Montecassino,Archivio
mentarieswill be discussedbelow, (sections 4 and 7).
* Thepreceding
and7
6 (1968),pp. 1-34;69-101
inthisJournal
ofthisstudy
appeared
parts
(I9^9),pp.8-61; 120-162.
1Martin
desPetrus
zudenphilosophischen
undFunde
Schrien
Grabmann,
Forschungen
Handschriftliche
Akademie
derBayerischen
XXI(fi277)in: Sitzungsberichte
, desspteren
Johannes
Papstes
Hispanus
Hist.Abt.Jahrgang
Philos.
derWissenschaften,
1936,pp.63-70.
9, Mnchen
1936,Heft
2op.Cit.
yp. 6$.
3exsimilibus
readmobiibus.
MS;Grabmann
wrongly
Delocts.
otthetract
4 Itabruptly
lemma
intheopening
ends(f.i2vb)
dicitur)
multipliciter
(Ratio
5Op.
Cit.,
pp.67-69.
IO

11:47:07 AM

During my last visit to a number of librariesin France, Spain and

Italy1I found several other commentarieson Peter of Spain's Summule
which certainlydate fromas earlyas the thirteenthcentury.
i - The Gloss Cum a Jacilioribusfound in Paris B.N. Lat. 6675
The manuscript Paris, B.N. Lat. 6675 consists of 3 folios and
comes from the St Martial Convent at Limoges, (olim Sancti Martialis
Lemovicensis
). A somewhat later hand added on the top of f. ir: C.
Lemovic.194 and another: C. Reg. 6074. The firsthand wrote at the
bottom of this page : CXCIV. It was writtenin the second half of the
thirteenthcentury. A much later hand wrote in the firstfly leaf:
de Rhetoricaet Logica, circafinemXIII saeculi. However any
Fragmenta
on
fragment rhetoric is missingin our manuscript,as we have it now.
In fact,it contains an incomplete, ratherextensivecommentaryin the
formof glosses on Peter of Spain's Summule.It opens as follows (I give
the complete text of the firstlectio).
ad difficiliora
innata
sitnobisvia,secundum
i ra.2va: <C)uma facilioribus
Aristotilem
Phisicorum
tilesartemlogicesdifficili
in Primo
tertradidit
et obscure,
, et idemAristo
fuitpredictam
necesse
artem
nobistradi.Quamnecessitatem
(autem
MS)subcompendio
videns
P. Ispanus,
huiusoperiscompilator,
hocopuscompendiosum
et facile
Magister
Exhocpatetnecessitas
huiusoperis.
compilavit.
fuitmagister
Causaefficiens
P. Ispanus.
estsillogismus
in se et in suis partibus
Causamaterialis
consideratus.
Causafnalis
intraet finis
estduplex:estfinis
extra.Finisintraest cognitioeorumque tractantur
in hac scientia.Finisextratriplexest: propincus
sicutcognitiototiuslogices;
sicutphilosophia
remotus
sicutbeatitudo
animead quamomnisscientia
; remotissimus
terordinatur.
finali
Causaformalis
tractatus
etforma
tractandi.
Formatractatus
consistit
duplexest: forma
libriin capitula
in partesdiminutas.
in divisione
et capitulorum
Formatractandi
idem
estquodmodusagendi.Qui duplexest. Quidamestnecessarius
addiscentes
propter
sicutexemplorum
namexemplaponimus
ut sciantqui audiunt,
secundum
positivus,
Primo
Aristotilem
Modusautemagendidiciturnecessarius
Priorm.
scientiam.
propter
et improbativus,
Est triplex:diffinitivus,
ut posteapatebit.
divisivus,
probativus
talisest: incipiunt
Titulus
tractatus
Petri
magisti
Ispani.
turautemisteliberrationali
cumsit de sermone,
sermoautem
philosophie
Supponi
nonnatureequemoris.
esteffectus
rationis,
estad formam
Hisvisisaccedendum
tractatus.
Isteliberdividitursecundum
quosdam
et tractatum.
inproemium
Sedhocnichilest,quiainprincipio
huiuslibrinontangitur
intentio
Etideoprimaparshuiuslibrinonpotest
actoris,
quoddebetfieriinproemio.
1I wish
toexpress
thanks
totheNetherlands
ForPureResearch
mysincere
Organization
(Z.W.O.)
made
these
visits
which
hergenerous
through
possible
help.
11

11:47:07 AM

estquodisteliberprimasui divisione
diciproemium.
Propter
quodaliterdicendum
ad suumprincipale
inin partesduas.Primoponitquoddampreambulum
dividitur
intento.Secundaparsincipitibi: Sed
de principali
tentimi;secundoprosequitur
in partestres.
lectionis.Et dividitur
quia disputaticiHec est divisiopresents
MS). Tertioponit
Secundoponitcorrelarium1
Primodifimit
(quorelarium
dyaleticam.
vocabuli.Secundaparsincipitibi: Et ideo. Tertiaibi: Et dicitur
etimologiam
in presenti
remanent
indivise.Et sic in universo
lectione
dyaletica.Isteparticule
sunttresparticule.
estarsartium
autemsic proceditur:
Circaprimam
, idestde numero
septem
dyaletica
estarsartium
artium;velalitersic exponitur:
perexcellentiam,
dyaletica
quiaexcellit
aliisscientiis.
Et sic
ad modumarguendi
artesaliasquantum
quo preparaiomnibus
metodorum
idestprebens
habens
estarsartium
,
viam,ad omnium
viam>
principia
dyaletica
ea perprobabilia.
a sedeclarando
aliorum
Et sequitursic. Quod prebetviamad omnesscientias
correlarium.
Tuncconcludit
ut dictumest (irb). Ergoest
esthuiusmodi,
Sed dyaletica
estpriusin adquisitione.
a regulaque
scientiarum
in adquisitione
quosdam
prior.Vel ibi estlocussecundum
non
Et
istum
locum
est
dicitquodde prioribus
habeamus,
prius agendum. quamvis
Namsecundum
secundum
istelocusadlocum<a>convertibili
reducitur
tamen
quosdam.
multisuntloci quosnonhabeamus,
Boetium
qui tamenad aliosreducuntur.
sicutpropria
Sedhocnichilest.Nammultasuntpriorain adquisitione
scientie,
prinad
viam
omnium
non
artium.
tamen
scientie,
prebent
principia
que
cipiauniuscuiusque
hoc
omnium
artium.
viamad principia
communia
Namsolaprincipia
Propter
prebent
ad superius.
sedpotiusab inferiori
estquodibinonestlocusa convertibili,
dicendum
estpriusinadquisitione
omnium
viamadprincipia
Namquodprebet
scientiarum,
artium,
etnoneconverso.
ibi
Et patetquod dicit.Sed notandum
dyaletice.
sequituretimologia
Consequenter
rationibus
vallata
.2
diversorum
Ysidorum:
secundum
putatio
disputatio
ibi quod disputatio
Item.Notandum
quamalicuialii
dyaletice
magisappropriatur
modumdisputandi
nisiinquantum
nondisputent
cumalie scientie
scientie,
accipiunt
sic: alie scientie
Si enimarguatur
sic ad multaargumenta.
a dyaletica.
Et hocapparet
non
vero
( !),
patet.
dyaletica,
disputent
literalis.
Et in hoc terminatur
expositio
)
( Dubitabilia
sunt.Primoquedamque suntextraliterm,
dubitanda
lectionem
Circapresentem
sunttriavelquatuor
Circaprimum
est
videndum.
in
litera
sunt
secundo
inquirenda.
que
Adquoddicendum
etintroductio.
estquidestsumma,tractatus,
Primm
quodsumma
est via
Introductio
eorumque alibidiffusius
traditio
est compendiosa
pertractantur.
Tractatus
difusius
sunt
tractata.
alibi
eorum
demonstratio
facilior
seu
et
brevis aperta
que
attrahuntur.
eorum
veroesttraditio
queexdictisautenticis
facilitas
Undenotandum
(falcitas
MS)
quod in qualibetsummaistatriaattendenda:
et
>. Rationemodi diciturintroduction
quia 'introductio'
(compendiositas
auteminscientia
scientiam
intro
. et *duco
dicitur
ab 'intro*
; ducimur
, ducis'quasiducens
introattribuitur
Phisicorum
. Etideofacilitas
Primo
Aristotilem
secundum
(!) perfacilia,
1correlarium
inMediaeval
Latin.
tobetheusual
seems
orthography
, notcorrolarium
2notfound
inourtextofIsidore's
Etymologiae.
I2

11:47:07 AM

turin summaestcompendiositas.
Namquandosumma
Sed quodattendi
ductioni.
fit,
subcompendio
lindecompendiositas
ea queprimoerantdifusa
attribu
tur
compilantur.
insumma
estquodipsaa dictisautenticis
Tertium
summe.
extrahuntur.
quodrequiritur
a
extraitur
Et sic patet
tractatus
tractus
aliunde.
Et ideodicitur
>,
<
quasi
quia
re
sunt
sed
diffrant
summa
introductio
tractatus
idem
in
ista
tria:
ratione.
,
,
quod
a summapenesbrevitatem.
Undesummula
differt
Item.Notandum
quod summula
diffiniri
:
summula
est
traditio
eorum
alibi
sunt
tradita
sic
brevis
, quanonpotest
que
potest
artis
summa
contineatur
declaret.
essebrevior
jque
et quidstudium.
est quid est ars,et quidmethodus
Arsautem
Secundovidendum
sicdiffinitur:
arsestnitum
; namea que suntinarte
infinitatis
compendium
magistraliter
finitis
continentur
rationis
miraculum
; nam
quasiinfinita,
reguliset factis(?); insigne
est infinita
miraculum
nature
consilium
reduci;quod in arte contingit;
;
imperiosum
de quo dicitUgo de Sancto
istanaturaest ingenium
naturale,
(iva) sed notandum:
inlibrosuoDe magistro1
: ingenium
estvisinsitaanimo,queimmoderato
Victore
labore
obtuditur
(!) sed moderatoexercicioacuitur.Ista autemnaturaredditpotentem
ad completum
scientieadquirendum.
Ut dicitTullius:naturapotentem,
hominem
ususpromptm
redditartificem.
Cum(?) autem
artemsi perseconsideres
arsfacilem,
,
si
idest
vero
subiecta
ad
materiam
sibisubiectam,
minimam
;
(ad)
reperies
quantitatem
applices,
Undeuna regulamodicequantitatis
maximam
reperies
potestatem.
potestin pluresconstructions
.
artisdiffinitio
Ex predictis
apparet
que talisest: arsestfinitum
infinitatis
igitur
compenrationis
consilium
miraculum
nature
siperseconsideres
, imperiosum
, quam
dium,
,minimam
insigne
2.
; si veroad subiecta
, maximam
quantitatem
reperies
reperies
potestatem
applices
a Tullio:arsestcollectio
Aliterdiffinitur
multorum
, idestaggregatio,
, idest
preceptorum
multarum
ad unum
idest
tendentium
Dico
.
maximarum,
,
finem
principlem,
principlem
essepluresfines
nonprincipales,
sicutpatetingramatica.
Finis
quiain scientia
possunt
estcongruum
et incongruum
Finesautemnonprinevitandum.
principalis
eligendum
reetepronuntiare,
indictione
reetelitteras
ordinare.
cipalessuntsicutrecteconstruere,
Ex hoc patetsolutiohuiusargumenti:
estars; et nonhabetunumfinem,
gramatica
Petrm
EliesuperPrimm
secundum
Maior
estquod
is,immoplures
; ergomaledictum
ad unumfinem.
tendit
Et iampatetsolutioex predictis.
Dicitur'ars'de 'arto,artas'quiaanimum
artatet retrahit
a curaistorum
sensibilium.
autemestarsbrevisdevitansobliqui
Methodus
tateset confusiones.
Undenotandum:
* habetduas
*methodus
. Uno enimmodoidemest methodus
significations
quodrecta
citius
ducit
semita
ad
terminm
In
mevia
alia
tarnen
que
quam publica.
significatione
thodusidemest quodscientia
in qua omnisconfusio
brevis
et obliquitas
Et
evitatur.
hic.Undemethodusi
sicaeeipitur
hicmetaphorice
ad similitudinem
viebrevis
aeeipitur
que citiusducitad terminm
quamviapublica.
Item.Notandum
estve<h)emens
Studium
animi,secundum
quideststudium.
applicatio
Tullium
in Rethorica
idestperfecte
Undequi
sua3,ad aliquidperagendum,
agendum.
nonsolumdebetsciscere
verestudet,
utsciat,sedutperfecte
Tunc
autem
perfecte
agat.
et ideo verestudiosus
est virtuosus.
agit,cumexercetoperavirtutis,
1Didascalicon,
Destudio
ed.Buttimer
legendi
(Washington
1939),p. s719"22.
2Forseveral
definitions
ofars,seeL. M.deRijk,
AContribution
toTheHistory
Modernorum.
Logica
ofEarly
Terminist
ofTheTheory
of
andEarly
Logic.Vol.II, PartI: TheOrigin
Development
Assen
1967,pp.171-176,
Supposition,
esp.p. ijg.
3 Cfr.De inventione
2 (36).
13

11:47:07 AM

'
est de istisnominibus,
scilicet*sciential'sapientia
Nuncvidendum
' philosophic
,
'doctrina
*et 4
*
'ars*.
conveniunt
et qualiter
,
(ivl)) 'methodus*,
disciplina
qualiter
'facultas*
est quareseptemartesnominantur
Et nuncquerendum
differunt.
magisartesquam
Sciendum
scilicet'scientia'
veldiscipline.
scientie
nomina,
, 'sapientia*,
quodistaquatuor
'
differunt
ab istisquatuor,
scilicet
'doctrina*,
, 'facultas*
*,'methodus*
disciplina
'philosophic*
animeabsolute,
informativum
et 'ars*
. Namprimaquatuordicunthabitm
alia vero
non
anime
informativum
absolute
sed
habitm
dicunt
exerci
tium.
Item.
per
quatuor
interse,quiaunumse habetperadditionem
differunt
ad alterum.
Primaautemquatuor
informativum
animeabsolutequi consistit
dicithabitm
in solacogniNam'scientia*
ut
autemadditsuprascientiam
tione. 'Sapientia*
saporem, sapientiadiciturquasi
autem
additamorem.Namquod est
scientia
I.
supra
sapientiam
Philosophia
saporosa
additfacultas
Supraautemphilosophiam
postsaporemredditamorosum.
saporosum
TulliumLibrode <
Namamorredditomniafaciliasecundum
facilitatem.
).
scilicet*doctrina
Istaautemquatuor
differunt
nomina,
*, 'disciplina*
, 'ars*
, et 'methodus*
inexercitio.
Etitadifferunt
idquoddicunt
interse quoddoctrina
a predictis
quiadicunt
Etnotaquodsecundum
dicitur
proutestin discpulo.
proutestin docente,disciplina
estmorum<
Basilium
dicuntur
>. Arsautemet methodus
disciplina
sive
si
in
exercitio
ve
consistimi
>
<
discipulus
quilibetalius.
prout
sitarsbrevis,ut visumest,arsautemdicitur
sivefuerit
Licethoc nomen'methodus*
artesvocantur
exhocpatetquodpotiusseptem
artesquamscientie,
siveconfusa,
brevis,
etarsconsistt
inexercitio,
utvisumest.
cumpotissimum
adquirantur
perexercitium
scientiemagisvocantur
artesquamquadruviales,
Ex hoc etiampatetquaretriviales
(!) ex
per exercitium
quamquadruviales.
Coniugendo
magishabentur
quia triviales
cumlittera
fitaliquisgramaticus
et sillabacumsillabaet littera
cumdictione
dictione
et sillogizando
fitbonuslogicus
bonus; diffiniendo
; cumautemquis
autem,dividendo
bonusrethoricus.
se exerceatin pulchroeloquioet ornatoefficitur
vel econverso.
Et notahic
est utrumtrivium
Item.Videndum
prcdt
quadruvium
faciunt
trivium
sunt
vie
et
rethorica
tres
ad unum
et
quia
quasi
quodgramatica logica
scilicet(sed MS) ad eloquentiam.
finem
arismetica,
tendentes,
Symiliter
geometria,
tenet musica;et dicuntur
quadruvium
quasiquatuorvie ad unumfinem
astrologia
Et
videtur
scilicet
trivium,
dentes,
(2ra).
prcdt
sapientiam. quod quadruvium
considrt
remettrivium
Sedquadruvium
secundum
Resestantesermonem.
sermonem,
dicitur
Solutio.Aliquid
alterodupliciter
:
Ysaac.Ergotrivium
prius
quadruvium.
sequitur
Trivium
via
sic
obicitur
Et
nature.
autviadoctrine.
autvianature,
pecedit
quadruvium
Namscientiassermocinales
trivium
si via doctrine
priusdepeceditquadruvium.
modmsciendiqui estanteomnem
bemusaddiscere
quamreales,cumprimoparent
Ex hoc
secundum
scientiam
(!) supraSecundum
Methaphisice.
Avaroys
aquirendus
artes
alie
scientie
vocantur
mathematice
reales,
(artis
MS)
quam
patetquod
magis
et methaphisica,
sicutnaturalis
perexercitium
quammathequiaistemagisaquiruntur
habetur
necessitate
doctrina
matice.Alieautemappellantur
doctrine,
quia verissima
abeisa doctore
( !) MS).
(dotoctore
in eis generatur
in discipulo.
Item.Appellantur
disciplina
discipline
quia verissima
scientia
et
doctrina
Et appellatur
naturalis,
quia istanomina
disciplina
magisquam
matematice
in
et
iste
id
dicunt
exercitio
dicunt
et
'doctrina*
magis
quod
'disciplina*
1Cfr.thedefinition
SeeL. M.deRijk,Logica
condimento
estsaporii
conditio.
ofsapientia
: sapientia
II i, p.418.
Modernorum
H

11:47:07 AM

Etsicmagis
naturalis.
scientia
appellatur
quamscientia
quam,
perexercitium
adquiruntur
naturalis.
sitars. Et videtur
utrumdyaletica
Hic dubitatur
quodnon.Omnisarshabetunum
Sed dyaletica
habetpluresfines,Primo
Tulliumin sua Rethorica.
finemsecundum
non
est
Nulla
Item.
sientia
de omnibus,
ars.
speculatur
Topicorum.
Ergodyaletica
de omnibus,
ut habetur
ibidem.Ergodyaletica
Phisicorum.
Primo
speculatur
Dyaletica
estuniusgeneris
Primo
nonestscientia.
Item.Omnisscientia
Elencorum.
determinati,
est indeterminati
ut
dicitur
non
est scientia.
ibidem.
Sed dyaletica
generis,
Ergo
scientienon est scientia.Dyaleticaest huiusmodi,
secundum
Item.Instrumentum
nonestscientia.
Boecium
superPorphirium.
Ergodyaletica
Primo
esse
Ad oppositum
, quoniamdicitdyaleticam
patetper Aristotilem
Topicorum
habet
subiectum
et
Item.Omneilludestscientia
artem.
<et>
partes, prdprietates
quod
de subiectoet de partibus
subiecti.Sed dyaletica
habetsicutsubiectum
considrt
eteiuspartes
et proprietates
considrt.
Quodconcedo.
Ergoestscientia.
sillogismum,
est
et
Item
communis
Sed intende
scientia:
communis.
propria
duplex
quodduplex
verascientia,sicutmethaphisica,
et alia perquam
est: quedamper quamhabetur
modussciendi,sicutlogica.Dico ergoquod logicaest scientiacommunis
habetur
modumsciendiceterisscientiis
et ministrans,
secundum
Sepreparans
Avarroym
cundo
Metaphisice.
in contrario
Ad primum
Et dico quod duplexest
factum
respondeo.
argumentum
Dicoergoquoddyaletica
etnonprincipalis.
unum
finem
habet
finis:principalis
principnonprincipales,
sedhabetpluresfines
sicutexercitationes
lem,scilicetoppositionem,
et obviationes,
estars.
uthabetur
Primo
Etitadyaletica
Topicorum.
Ad aliuddicendum.
et specialis.Dico ergoquoddyaEstduplexscientia:communis
leticaestcommunis
scientia
ettalisbenede omnibus
Scientia
tarnen
speculatur.
specialis
nonde omnibus
Et sic obicitur.
Et perhocpatetsolutioad secundum.
speculatur.
Ad tertium
dicendum
est quod dyaletica
Uno modo
considerari.
potest dupliciter
et estgeneris
et sicnon
docens,et sic estparsphilosophie,
determinati,
inquantum
de omnibus.
Aliterpotestconsiderari
utens,et sic est instruspeculatur
inquantum
etspeculatur
mentum
deomnibus
et <est>generis
seusubiecti
indeterminati.
philosophie
utens
Et diciturdyaletica
alie scientieutuntur
modoargumentandi
inquantum
quem
versatur
circascientiam
sui subiectiqui
preparai.Diciturautemdocens
inquantum
dicitur
Etperhocpatetsolutio
adobiectiones.
sillogismus.
Item.Dicitauctorin littera
estarsartium
>*.Seddiver<
quoddyaletica
simodegramatica
dicitur
arsartium
excellit
omnes
aliasartes
excellentiam
:
per
quia
ad modumconstruendi
et litteras
ceteris
etsillabasordinandi
quantum
preparat
quem
Sed logicadiciturars artiumper excellentiam
scientiis.
quia excellitaliasscientias
ad modum
et diffiniendi
et ministrat.
scientiis
quantum
arguendi
quemceteris
preparat
Etsicpatetsolutio.
Item.Diciturquod dyaletica
Et est
omnium
metodorum.
prebetviamad principia
est acipsamethodus.
Ergoipsaprebetviama<d> seipsum.Solutio.Istadistributio
est:
idestaliisa dyaletica;
omnia*
sicuthic: 'ceium
accommodata
commodata,
; verum
tegit
aliaa se.Similiter
dicoinproposito,
sicutpatetinexpositione
litere.
prime
1Ourmanuscript
hasanomission
here.
apparently

11:47:07 AM

omnium
Sed metaphisica
viamad principia
artium.
Item.Dicit quod dyaletica
prebet
omnium
artium
ea, uthabetur
QuartoMetaphisice.
probando
prebetviamad principia
Nonergodyaletica.
omniumartiumsed
Solutio.Et dico quodutraqueistarum
prebetviamad principia
declarat
aliarumartiumsecundum
Nammetaphisica
differenter.
veritatem,
principia
Hancdifferentiam
MetasupraQuartum
ponitAvaroys
opinionem.
logicasecundum
phisice.
Sed contra.Metaphysica
est
estpriorin adquisitione
scientiarum.
Item.Dicit: dyaletica
non
in PrimoVeterisMetaphisice.
ut habetur
scientiis,
Ergodyaletica
prioromnibus
utdicitYsoaliarumscientiarum,
estpriorin aquisitione
estprior.Item.Gramatica
dorus.Nonergodyaletica.
ter:
estquodaliquascientia
Solutio.Adhocdicendum
potestesseprioralteraduplici
etomnes
aliescientie
sicmetaphisica
Sivianature,
autvianature
autviadoctrine.
reales,
etgramatica
etlogicam.
Seddyaletica
sicutnaturalis
etgeometria,
precedimi
gramaticam
aliis
et gramatica
namdyaletica
viadoctrine
omnesaliasscientias,
prparant
precedunt
modum
modum
modum
scientiis
sciendi.Namgramatica
construendi,
preparat
dyaletica
alicuiusscientie
Istismodisenimpotest
pervenire
aliquisadperfectionem
argumentandi.
et logicaprecedunt
Sic
Secundo
secundum
(2va)
supra
Metaphisice.
gramatica
Avaroym
duSedaliquascientia
viadoctrine.
aliascientias
potestesseprioralteraviadoctrine
via
sic
vel
Si
vel
via
via
nobilitatis.
pecedit
dyaleoriginis, gramatica
pliciter:
originis
Nammodus
sic dico quod dyaletica
ticam.Si via nobilitatis,
peceditgramaticam.
modumaraliisscientiis
via originis
construendi
pecedit
quempreparat
gramatica
Sed
modus
aliis
scientiis
logica
quempreparat
preparat.
arguendi
quemdyaletica
guendi
Et sic apparet
vianobilitatis
modumconstruendi
quempreparat
pecedit
gramatica.
Et patetsolutioad argumenta.
aliamet econverso.
quomodounapecedit
Et videturquodnon:
utrumdyaletica
Item.Queritur
possitprobaresua principia.
PrimoPhisicorum.
Aristotilem
secundum
Nullascientia
Ergo
probatsua principia,
fitper
cum sit scientia.Item.Omnisprobatio
nonprobatsua principia,
dyaletica
Boecium.Sed nichilest priusin scientiaipsisprincipiis.
Ergo
priora,secundum
scientianonpotestprobaresua principia.
Quarenec dyaletica.
Aristosecundum
methodorum
Contra.Dyaletica
principia,
prebetviamad omnium
Item.Circaidem
Et itaprobatsuaprincipia.
tilem.Ergoprebetviamad suaprincipia.
Sed
Aristotilem
et dyaleticus
secundum
versatur
QuartoMetaphysice.
metaphisicus
et
sua
QuartoMetaphysice.
probat principia,
Ergo dyaletica.
metaphisica
etquedam
suntprincipia
Adhocdicendum
: quedam
incomplexa.
complexa
quodduplicia
sednonper
suaprincipia
benepotestprobare
Dico autemquoddyaletica
incomplexa,
declarantur
mediumrealesed per mediumvocale.Que principia
per expositionem
Aristotilem
Namsecundum
Etsicpossibile
demonstrari.
suorum
terminorum.
principia
trminos
LibroPosteriorum,
cognoscimus.
inquantum
principia
cognoscimus
in contrario
Ad argumenta
ad hoc factaconcedimus.
A<d)
respondeo.
Argumenta
scientia
de
est
verum
sua
dicitur
nulla
scientia
cum
probat principia,
quod
primum
Et ideo dyaletica
est dyaletica.
etnonde scientiacommuni,
speciali
quemadmodum
dicendum
Ad
secundum
sua
potestprobare
quoddyaletica
potestprobare principia.
16

11:47:07 AM

termini
autemsunt
suaprincipia
terminorum;
perpriora,quoniamperexpositionem
Et sic patetsolutio.
priores;quaresua principia.
Here ends the firstlectio. Althoughour authorhas, in theforegoing
lines (see above, p. 11), argued the incorrectnessof the title proemium
in the opening
for the opening part of the Summule
, he calls it proemium
linesof the second lectio :
Etdividitur
inpartes
2va: Sed quia disputado,etc.Finitoproemio
tractatus.
incipit
duas.
Some observationscan be made about the firstlectio, (i) Like
all other early commentariesour glosses call Peter's work Tractatus
,
. (2) Our author apparentlydid not read scientiascientiarum
not Summule
in his text nor the second sentence opening with Sola enimdialetica.(3)
The only authors quoted by our Anonymousare Aristotle, Cicero,
Boethius, Isidore of Sevilla, Hugh of St. Victor, Petrus Helyas, and
Averroes. (4) His firstlectiocontainsa numberof interestingdefinitions
'
'
'
of the terms summa
, summula and 'ars'.
', 'tractatus'
, introductio'
As to the last term, our author gives a paraphrasingcommentaryon
the well-knownars-definition
which is foundin manythirteenthcentury
1 are
' and ' studium
treatises1. ($) Next the terms methodus
defined
and the differentusages of the terms 'scientia','sapientia', 'philosophia'
,
, 'doctrina'and 'disciplina'are discussed in an
'facultas','ars', 'methodus'
extensive way. (6) Finally, some questions are raised about the first
lemmataof the Summule
.
This introductorypart of the commentary,as it is given in the
firstlectio,is somewhat more extensivethan what is said by Guillelmus
Arnaldi. However, for the greater part the same items are discussed
and the discussionsshow remarkableresemblances.GuillelmusArnaldi's
commentaryseems to be of a somewhat later date than our anonymous
gloss. This may appear from Arnaldi's rejection of the distributio
which is stillaccepted as a correctexplanationof such phrases
accommoda2
as 'Deus creavitomnia' by our anonymous author^. Besides, Arnaldi
rejects the distinction via originisand via nobilitatisas a solution for
i SeealsoL. M.deRijk,Logica
II i, pp.174-17$.
Modernorum
Seealsothepreceding
article
ofthis
inVIVARIUM
series
7 (1969),(pp.120-162),
p. 124.Seealsobelow,
p. 2if.
3Seetheprevious
article
ofthisseries
OnTheGenuine
ofSpain's
Summule
TextofPeter
logicales.
Tractatuum
IV: Thelectura
ofArtsat Toulouse
in:
Master
Arnaldi,
byGuillelmus
(1238-44)
VIVARIUM
7 (1969),
p. 133.
3Seeabove,
p. i.
17

11:47:07 AM

the question of the priorityof grammarto logic1. Ifour date of Arnaldi's

work is correct (between 123^ and 124^, or at least before 1248)2
the presentgloss on the Summulemust have been writtenin the early
1240' s at the latest.
This anonymouscommentaryon the Summule
logicalesis incomplete
and containsonly the followingparts:
I De introductionibus
( irb-irb)
II De predicabilibus
(1 rb- 18va)
III De predicamentis
(i8va-24vb)
IV De suppositionibus
(24vb-29va)
V De sillogismis
(30^-32^)
VI De locis
(3 3ra~37ra)
VII De jallaciis (incomplete)
; 46ra-3vb).
(3
is noticeable, but it seems to
The place of the tract De suppositionibus
be well-reasonedin the opening lines of the tract De sillogismis
, where
the author says that Peter of Spain had discussed the parts of the syllogism beforeand now goes on to deal with the syllogismitself(30^).
Some more remarks on this commentaryare called for. First,
the lemma Caliditas enim is found in it and commented upon (f.
23vb), so that we must conclude that this interpolationalready octext which our authorhad at his elbow3. Second,
curred in the Summule
the jcos-interpolationis not found (33ra)4. Third, the example given
of the exemplumargumentationis interestingbecause of its couleurlocale:
. Item.Videtur
nil se3^va-vb
quodin exemplonil sequatur,quia ex particularibus
nil
in
quitur;ergo exemplo sequitur.
tamenbenesequitur.
ex particularibus.
Solutio.Nil sequitur
Exemplum
sillogistice
duosilload sillogismos,
sic reducitur
Et sic patetsolutio.Exemplum
quiaindefiunt
in
libro
iorum
Poster
Aristotilem
<
(33vb)
> quodpatetper
gismi,<
>.
malum
est
contra
affines
pugnare
'affines
estpugnare
contra
Vascones
contra
sedTolosanos
affines affines
malum
Vascones
contra
est'
pugnare
ergoTolosanos
in minoripropositione
sic:
in alio debetaccipiparticulare
Similiter
probatum
4
malum
est
contra
pugnare
affines
quoscumque
affines
contra
estpugnare
Bearnenses
contra
sedBigorianos
affines
affines
malum
est*
.
contra
Bearnenses
pugnare
ergoBigoreanos
Sicpatetreductio
exempli.
1Compare
onthisitem,
remarks
ourauthor,
op.cit.,p. 134
above,
p. 16,withArnaldi's
2Seeop.cit
.,p. 10.
3Forthisinterpolation,
6 (1968), pp. 3-4.
inVIVARIUM
ofthisseries,
article
seethefirst
Seeibid.,
pp.2-3.
I8

11:47:07 AM

So we find mentioned here the inhabitantsof Toulouse ( Tolosani

),
those of Navarra and part of Biscaya ( Vascones
)l, those of Bigorre and
Barn (Bigorianiet Bearnenses
), all of them people from the South of
France and (or) the North of Spain. The conclusion may be drawn
thatour commentarywas writtenin that region.
Finally, the tract on fallacies commented upon by our author is
theso-called Fallaciemaiores
, not the Fallacieminores
printedby Bochenski
in his edition.
2 - Two Glosses foundin Ivrea, Bibi. Cap. 79, and Rome, Biblioteca
Vallicelliana
, B. mise. 63
The manuscript79 (XIV) of the Biblioteca Capitolare at Ivrea2
(in Pimont, Italy) consists of 189 folios, not 181 as Dr. AlfonsoProfessionesays in his catalogue of the library.3 This manuscriptseems to
date fromthe second halfof the thirteenthcentury*.It measures 2^6 x
ijS mm and is not foliated,with the exception of the fourthpage which
is numberedf. 1. Four pages numbereda, t, c, and d precede.
The manuscript contains a complete copy of Peter of Spain's
Summulelogicales(ff. ir~97v) and nearly the complete text of his Syn(ff. 99r-i89r); the firstfolio (98) which contained the
categoreumata
lines
of
the lattertract,has been torn out, presumablybecause
opening
of a beautifulinitialin the opening lines of the Syncategoreumata.
A gloss commentaryon the Summulehas been written in a contemporaryhand on the folios c, <J,and in the marginsof the folios
ir-33v. The firstpages are partlyillegible as a result of damp stains.
FortunatelyI found in a miscellaneous codex of the Biblioteca Vallicelliana in Rome (cod. B. 63 misc., ff. 284-309) a commentaryon
the Summule
, the opening part of which shows a number of remarkable
resemblanceswith that of the Ivrea gloss. First I give a description
of this part of the Vallicelliana manuscript.
This part (2 84ra-309ra) certainlydates from the thirteenthcen1See]. G.Th.Graesse,
derlateinischen
derbekannteslatinus
oderVerzeichnis
Orbis
Benennungen
inallenTheilen
einem
undFlsse
derErde,nebst
deutschtenStdte
etc.,Meere,Seen,Berge
lateinischen
EinSupplement
zujedem
undgeographischen
lateinischen
Wrterderselben.
Register
Dresden
buche.
1861(London,
Utrecht),
p. 2o.
3Ivrea
isthemodern
name
fortheAncient
Eporedia.
*SeeG. Mazzatinti
andA. Sorbelli,
Inventari
deiManoscritti
delleBiblioteche
d*ItaliaIV (1894),
cod.79; Edizione
a curadiIloVignono,
Alba1967.
riveduta
[pp.1-20],
4Thecatalogue
hassec
. XIV.
wrongly
19

11:47:07 AM

tury. It has the heading logicetractatus(in a later hand) and contains

on the followingparts of the Summule
a gloss-commentary
:
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII

De introductionibus
De predicabilibus
De predicamentis
De sillogismis
De locis
De suppositionibus
Defallaciis

It ends as follows (308^-309^)

(2 84*8-29irb)
(29iva-293rb)
(293rb-296rb)
(296rb-298va)
(298^-307)
(307ra-3o8ra); breaks off
(308rb-309ra); only a few notes.
:

metarum
De sufficien-(309ra)-cia
quaresuntquinquet nonplureseque
queritur
autestex parteactus,autex
omnis
finis
Ad
hoc
dicendum
sophiste
quod
pauciores.
est
ex
sic
Si ex parterei,
sermonis.
Si
aut
ex
actus,
rei,
parte
redargutio.
parte
parte
ad animam.
sic duplici
ter: autex partereisecundum
se, autex parterei comparate
ad animam,
sic estfalsum,
Si comparate
Si secundum
se, sic estinopinabile.
quiaab
sicdupliciter
: autexpartesermonis
eo quodresestvelnonestetc
. Si expartesermonis,
- et sicestsolecismus
ad intellectum
-, autex partesermonis
superfluentis,
comparati
et sic est nugatio.DEO GRACIAS
The Vallicelliana glosses on Tracts II-VII are completelydifferent
from those given in the Ivrea gloss, but those on the firsttract of the
Summule
open in a similarway. I give the opening words of the Vallicellianagloss (2 84ra) :
scilicetex
ex duobusconficitur,
in Phisicis,omnecompositum
Ut vultAristotiles
et forma.Sed cumab eo quoddatesse unumquodque
materia
habeat,
perfectionem
Cum
et completur.
ab eodemperficitur
ab ilio a quo aliquidhabetessenecessario
cuiuset
a
esse
non
a
habeat
forma
naturale
materia,
compositum
ergounumquodque
estperfectio1
libetreinaturalis
.
forma
This is practicallythe same incipitas that of the Ivrea gloss, folio c.
It is true that folio c of the Ivrea codex is almost illegible as a
result of damp stains, but many parts are prettyreadablewiththehelp
of the Vallicelliana text:
ex materia
et forma.
s. tumex duobusconf
Ut dicit.... in Phisicis,
Sed cumab eo quoddatesse <
)l habeat,ab ilio a qupaliquid
Cum ergo.... q. . . que
.... completur.
ab eodemconficitur
esse, necessario
1There
isfollowed
to
word
thelatter
: estperfection
tobewritten
seems
, while
bya signreferring
abovethecolumn.
note(correction?)
anillegible
marginal
20

11:47:07 AM

habeatesse. . . forma
....
.... naturale
composi
esta forma1.
perfectio

a materia,
cuiuslibet
rei naturalis

As a matterof fact the resemblance ends after the introductory

part. I give the complete text of thispart, afterthe Vallicelliana codex:
in Phisicis,
omnecompositum
ff.284ra~va(= Ivrea79, ff*,
ca-da):UtvultAristotiles
ex duobusconficitur,
scilicetex materia
et forma.
Sedcumab eo quoddatesseunumab eodem
habeat,ab ilio a quo aliquidhabetessenecessario
quodqueperfectionem
et completur.
naturale
a forma
Cumergounumquodque
habeat
perficitur
compositum
estperfectio.
cuiuslibet
reinaturalis
forma
Undedicit:forme
esseet nona materia,
estcomparatio
veldistinguit,
triplex
(for:operatio?):
complet
opus,ordinaiet dividit
Cumergohomositquoddam
habeat
naturale,
compositum
oportet
quod a suaforma
et compleri.QuodnottAristotiles
in Phisicissub hiisverbis:uniuscuiusque
perfici
reiforma
estperfectio.
autemmateria,
Sedcumanimasitforma
hominis,
corpus
oportet
in libroDe anima:animaest
iuxtailludAristotilis
hominis,
quodanimasitperfectio
formasive perfectio
corporisorganiciphisicivitampotentiahabentis.Cumigitur
omneimperfectum
ut in libroDe
et animanatasit de se inperfecta,
perfici
appetat
animaPhilosophus
sive
attestatur,
hominem,
oportet
quodantequam
compleat perficiat
Perficitur
autema duobus,videlicet
moribus
et scienciis;
quodab alio compleatur.
in bonumoperando,
moribus
in verumspeculando.
Verumautemspeculari
scienciis
nonpotestnisi in aliquoalio mediante
arte,scilicetdoctrina.
Patetigitur
ex predictis
Quarevidendum
quodinteromniaaliaartemaxime
indigemus.
estquidsitars.
After these learned phrases, our author gives the well-known
Ciceronian definitionof ars and next the definitionwhich is frequently
foundin thirteenthcenturytreatises2.This definitionis here ascribed
to Aristotleand commentedupon.
Ibid
. : Arsautema Tulliosic diffinitur:
ad unumfinem
arsestcollectiopreceptorum
tendentium.
Ab Aristotile
in hunemodmdeseribitur:
arsestinnitatis
comfinitum
nature
si
se
miraculum
, rationis
,
consilium;
consideresf
pendium
imperiosum
insigne
quam per
minimam
maximam
invenies
; si veroad subiecta
reperies
quantitatem
applices9
potestatem.
verohuiusdiffinitionis
Maxima
estsubtilitas.
RecteeniminquitPhilosophus:
arsest
infinitum
tur
illud
de
se
artem
ad
maximam
duci
etc.,
est,
innitatis quia
per
quod
tatem.Hoc autemmiraculosum
fini
estin operibus.Et hoc estquodsubiungit
Philomiraculum
nature
Ubi enimnaturadeficit,
consilium.
, imperiosum
sophus:rationis
insigne
t et habundat,
arssubveni
ut patetin loripede8.
etc. Arsenim
si
se
Quam per consideres
minime
estquanti
nisicorpus.
tatis,cumnichilhabeatquantitatem
perse considerata
veroapplicata
Adsubiecta
maximam
continet
enimartispossunt
potestatem.
Precepta
adsubiecta
plurima
applicari.
1Compare
Robert
asithasbeenpreserved
inTodi,Biblioteca
Anglicus*
Comunale,
commentary
article
ofthisseriesin thisJournal
cod.4.Seeourthird
7 (1969),p. 2g andthefragment
inVat.
Lat.3022,ff.83ra-84vb
found
in:Vivarium
7 (1969),pp.123-124.
* Seeabove,
p. 17.
= strapfooted,
3loripes
i.e.limber.
21

11:47:07 AM

debemus
ceteris
Cumergosumus
artem,
pociusillaminquirere
quemodum
inquisituri
Hecautemestdialetica
vellogica.
omnibus
etviaminquisitionis
subministrat
preparai.
Thus logica or dialeticais introduced and several definitionsof it
and explained:
mentioned
are
De qua dicitAlgazelquodfinislogiceest sciencia,finisautemsciencieestfelicitas
estares( !) artium,
scientia
scientiarum
: dialetica
dicitAugustinus1
De hacautem
eterna.
dicitur
sinequanulla.Arsartium
scirefacit,
seitetsolascientes
perexcellentiam,
quesola
deorum
. Quesolaseitetc.Hocautemdicitur
ldeus
sicut' virgo
perexcellentiam.
virginum'
nulla
scirenisiperhanc.Sinequanullasubiungitur
Namnulluspotestperfecte
quoniam
haberinisilogicamediante.
scienciapotestperfecte
De hac autemdicitBoetius2:Hec est, inquam,scalarisdominapenetrans
(284rl>)
virtutum.
fastidia
scientiarum
et ad quarumlibet
aliarumvestigia
prebetincrementa
est
a termino
: primoenimincipit
dicitur
Scalaris
; deindecognoscenda
quiaestgradus
deindeestsillogismus
et tercioargumentum;
inquirendus.
propositio
veri
dialetica
cumsitinquisitiva
in PrimoTopicorum:
De hacautemdicitAristotiles
viamhabet.
metodorum
et falsiad omnium
principia
estarsarcium
etc.
: Dialctica
Tractatuum*
inprincipio
Ethocestquoddicitur
4
and ' summa9are discussed:
Next the terms introducilo9
in hiisTractatibus
et
in librissubconfusione,
autemquodea que dicuntur
Sciendum
rudiumet etiamaliorumtraduntur
in aliis ad introductionem
planomodo.Unde
Petri
siveTractatus
Introductions
sumula
: Incipiunt
in huncmodum
intitulatur
magisti
Hispani. 1
ad maiora.Introhominem
ab 'introduco
Et diciturintroductw
, -cis',quiaintroducit
sub
confusione
terminantur.
alibi
eorum
et
doctrina
est
ducilo levis(!) plana
que
sumatim
est levis(!) et compendiosa
Item.Nota quod introductio
(!)
aliquorum
de
terminantur.
in
ad
necessaria
ea
est
ingenerali
traditio
speciali
que
que
nondescendens,
adspecialia
communia
Suma( !) estquedam
comprehendens
compilacio
inevidentia
incidencia
?)
(*br:
utilia,
difficilia,
truncata,
explanans
exponens
supplens
etinpertinencia
de<re)linquens.
'
In the next passage the author explains the terms dialetica'
i
1
:
'ars9y scientia
, and 'methodus9
doctrina9, disciplina9
'
Sumule
Primoautemde divisione
littereaccedamus.
Ibid. Hiisvisisad explanationem
terinduaspartes.Primo
istaprincipali
Dividiturautemsummula
dicamus.
velTractatus
1CpDeordine
II i, p.439,n. 2.
Modernorum
II 13(38).SeeL. M.deRijk,
Logica
2 ps.-Boethius,
medievale.
di pedagogia
ed. Ducei(EddaDucei,Unsaggio
Dedisciplina
scholarium
Torino1967),p. 89:
StudiSuperiori,
dello Pseudo-Boezio.
scholariumn
Il "De disciplina
adscientiarum
natura
vestium
scalaris
varia
"Hecestenim(inquam
domina,
quepenetranti
lectio)
virtutum.
incrementa
fastigia
prebet
quarumlibet
3Notetheuseofthistitleforthework.
22

11:47:07 AM

secundotractatam
(!). Primaparsibi: Dialetica est ars etc.
ponitprohemium,
ibi: Sonus est etc. Ordopatet.Sicutenimignorancia
anteignoSecunda
nagacionis
sicprimaparsantesecundam.
Perprohemium
enimremovetur
ranciam
disposicionis,
Vel: sicutgenerale
veroignorancia
pertractatum
disposicionis.
negacionis,
ignorancia
antespeciale,
sicprima
parsantesecundam.
in duas,quoniam
in primaparteponit
Primaparsestpresents
Et dividitur
lectionis.
in
secunda
modum
diffinicionem
dialetice
et eiusinterpretacionem
;
procedendi,
tangit
dialetice
ibi: Sed quia disputacio.Primainduas: Primoponitdiffinicionem
; secundo
utibi: Dialetica autemdicitur.Primain duas.Primoponit
eiusinterpretacionem,
diffinitionem.
Secundo
ex eo infert
correlarium
(!), utibi: Et ideo in acquisicione.
Etsicpatetsententia
ingenerali.
leccionis
Circaistamleccionem
notare.Et primoad evidenciam
diffinicionis
quedampossumus
4
4
utrumistanominaquinqu,scilicet'ari', 'sciencia*
dialetice,
, doctrina*
, disciplina*
,
4
et metodus'
idemvelnon.Adhocdicendum
, sintidemvelutrum
quod}sta
significent
nominasupradicta
vel secundum
autemin
idemsuntin substancia
rem,differunt
conside
racionesive secundum
est scienciasive dicitur
raciones.Quoniamdoctrina
estindoctore.Quodpatetpereiusdiffinicionem.
estsermoprogrediens
Doctrina
prout
ab oredoctoris
autemdicitur
discipuli
proculexpellens.
Disciplina
prout
ignoranciam
estin discpulo.Undesic diffinitur
estquidam
habitus
mentis
a doctorein
disciplina:
Scienciaautemdiciturididemproutquies est in animaet
derelictus.
discipulum
ab
sic diffinitur:
Unde
scienciaest nobilispossessioanimi,que
eadem.
possidetur
distributa
incrementum
et avarum
(284)possessorem
per partessuscipit
dedignata
citoelabiturnisipublicetur.
Per primam
diffinicionis
particulam
patetquodsciencia
dicitur
ab eadem.
proutquiescitinanimaet possidetur
Illudidemest metodus.Et diffinitur
ad
sic: metodusest aliquodpreparamentum
in Primo1Topicorum:
dicentem
Quod patetper Aristotilem
aliquidperagendum.
inqualibet
estmetodum
invenire
exquapossimus
"Propositum
silogizare
quidem
negocii
facltate".
Et ideoartemmetodum
nominamus.
Arsautemdicitur
illudidemproutestiamactuinanima.Quodpatetperdiffinicionem
iushabitam2.
super
Here ends the parallellouspassage in the Ivrea and the Vallicelliana
codices. HenceforththeVallicelliana codex still shows some similarities
with the Ivrea manuscript,but theyseem to be quite incidental. From
this the conclusion can be drawn that the Ivrea gloss and the Vallicelliana gloss are differentbut apparentlygo back to the same source
for their introductorypart. As a matter of fact this common source
was also used by Robert Anglicus, as also appears from the similarity
oftheopeningsentences3.

i this
isthelastwordofIvrea
79,f.cb.
2Ivrea
has(f.da):perdiffinicionem
tullii
manifestatane
superius
3Seeabove,
p. 21,n. 1.
23

11:47:07 AM

I returnto the Ivrea gloss. On folio da the author continueswith

a numberof dubitabilia:
eorumque dicuntur
duo possumus
Hiis visisad evidentiam
dubitare.Primm
est
onequodestartium.j Secundum
sitarsvelnonf rati
dialetica
estde dictisin
utrum
littera.
in huncmodum.Et ostenditur
Circaprimum
proceditur
quoddialeticanonsit ars
rationibus.
multorum
ad
Quarum
primatalisest.Arsestcollectio
preceptorum
quatuor
nonest <ars)cquodprecepta
tendentium.
unumfinem
Quodprobabo.Ergodialetica
nontendunt
ad unumfinem.Maiorestquoniam
dialetice
suntmadialetice
precepta
finesquiaad diversa
ad diversos
tionesque tendunt
inferenda.
ximeproposi
argumenta
nonsitars.
Etsicpatetquoddialetica
Secundaratiotalisest quasiper idemmediumsumpta:omnisars tenditad unum
ad unumfinem
nontendit
nonest
seddialetica
finem,
(quodprobabo.)Ergodialetica
nontendat
inprimo
adunum
dialetica
ars.Quodautem
patetperAristotilem
Topicorum
etad obviationes
: ad exercitationes,
et ad
estad triasicutad tresfines
quoddialetica
disciplinas.
philosophie
in LibroPosteriorum
Tertiaratiotalisest.DicitAristotiles
quodomnisarssivescientia
siveproprietates
Sed dialetica
nonestunius
considerans.
est uniussubiectipassiones
non
est
dialetica
ars.
dialetica
non
sit
uniussubiecti
subiecti
Quod
(quodprobabo).
Ergo
est
unius
subiecti.
in huncmodum.Nichilquodestindeterminati
ostenditur
generis
in LibroTopicorum
ut dicitAristotiles
Sed dialeticaestindeterminati
quod
generis,
Sed
scientianon potestesse que de omnibus
numerum
una secundum
speculatur.
in
hoc
dicitur
dialeticaest de omnibus,
principio
quod
Topicorum
quodpatetper
viamhabet.Ergononestars.
methodorum
principia
quodad omnium
interaliasartesestars.
sic. Omneilludquodmanifestatur
Cuiusoppositum
probatur
estars.
interaliasartes.Ergodialctica
manifestatur
Seddialetica
estarsartium,
scienetiamquoddialetica
scientia
dicitet Augustinus
Item.Aristotiles
dialetica
estars.
tiarum.
ipsorum
Ergoperlocumab auctoritate
incontrarium
estars.Adargumenta
dicentes
Quodconcedimus
positum
quoddialetica
enimdicoquodduplexestfinis,
scilicetgeneralis
est.Adprimum
factarespondendum
tenditad unumfinem
scilicet
Et dicendum
et particularis.
quoddyaletica
generlem,
abinprobabili.
a falso,
verum
discernere
probabile
These comments and the followingones show remarkablesimilarities
with those which were found in the previous commentary (Paris,
B.N. Lat. 667^, f.2rb, above, pp. 11-12). However, this commentary
dicerequod sermo
adds some alternativesolutions (e.g.f.db : Velpossumus
et
ordinatus[est] ad movendumvirtutesapprehensivas
, scilicetoppinionem
ad
solutio
Et
hoc
subiectum
et
alias
est
,
quartum
patet
logices. per
fantasiam
circaomniaetestde omnibus
utensversatur
; inquantum
quia dialeticainquantum
nonestdeomnibus. . . etc.
estdocenSy
The gloss containsthe followingparts:
I De introductionibus
(ff.ca-7rb)
II De predicabilibus
(ff. 7rb- 11ra)
24

11:47:07 AM

III
IV
V
VI

De
De
De
De

predicamentis
sillogismis
locis
suppositionibus

(ff.11^-16)
(ff.16va-2 1ra)
(ff. 2 1 -3ovb)
(ff.3 ira-33vb).

It should be noted, however, that although the

commentaryon the
tracton suppositionis incomplete (it ends in the discussionof 6.13 ed.
dicta
Bocheski), it winds up with the words: et hec de suppositionibus
I
that
the
took
these
over
from
a
sujciant. suppose
copyist
glosses
treatise
and
added
the
clause-formulawhen he finishedhis
complete
laborious work.
Some more remarkscan be made on the Ivrea glosses. First*the
is not mentioned in these glosses, but this seems not
Caliditas-pssdLge
to be conclusive at all, since our glosses do not give a detailed division
of the text in thispartof the commentary.Second,
the^cos-interpolation
is not found,as appears fromthe divisiotextuswhich is
given on f.2irb.
so that we
Third, our glossatordoes not give an example of exemplum
cannot obtain from it the usual informationabout the
region where
our commentarycame into existence. However, such a hint is
given
elsewhere by our author. In his discussion of habitusand dispositiohe
a specieab homine
givesas an example (f.1ra): Et sic homoAnglicusdijfert
Tosolano(no doubt for: Tolosano
This
is
an
unmistakablehint to Tou).
louse as the place of originof these glosses. The argumentis the more
conclusive since the Summuletext proper in our manuscript
gives
contra
(f.23V) Italian names in the example of exemplum
(Mediolanenses
Laudenses;LaudensescontraPapienses
). Finally, on account of some additions to the comments given by the previous commentary(Paris,
B.N. Lat. 6675) 1 think that these glosses should be dated somewhat
laterthanthe precedingwork and thanGuillelmusArnalds
commentary
on theSummule.
Finallysome remarkscan be made on the Vallicelliana gloss. As
we have already seen (above, p. 20) this gloss is differentfrom the
Ivrea gloss but has the general introductionin common with the Ivrea
gloss. Their common source is pretty close to that which Robert
Anglicus used for the Todi version of his glosses1. The interpolation
Sola enimdialeticais not foundin the opening sentences of the Summule
text which our author had at his elbow. The Caliditasinterpolation
1Seeabove,
p. 23.

11:47:07 AM

however, was already found in his text, as appears from the divisio
textusgiven (f. 29va) of the lemma Dicitur alterum alteri opponi
etc. (ed. Bocheski, nr. 3.32). From the divisiotextusgiven (f. 298)
at the beginningof TractatusV the incipitof the Tract on fallacies is
mentioned: Disputacio est actus sillogisticus etc. As is known,
these are the opening words of the so-called Fallaciae maiores
, not of
the Fallaciae minoresprinted by Bocheski as TractatusVII. The work
seems to have been writtenat some place in France as maybe concluded
fromthe order of the namesGallia and Lombardiain the followingpassage (f. 299va-vb):
: "in mundo",
vel "inGallia"vel "in
de Sorteubisitet respondeatur
... si queratur
adhuccontin-(299vb)-git
Lombardia",
querereubisitSor.
No more explicit hintsat the place of originare found.
There are some interesting notes on the specific differences
9 and other items
9 and irrationale
' rationale
connected with the problem
of theuniversais(ff.3o6rb_va):
nr. .4$]quodhie est
de hoc quodipsedicit[ed. Bocheski,
Hoc habitoqueritur
aliud
racinale
MS), aliudirracionale.
in
"animalium
divisio
(irracionale
generis species:
et irracionale
suntdiffrencie
essefalsum,
Sedhocvidetur
ipsumgenus
quiaracinale
in species,sedin diffrencias.
dividentes
... ; ergononestdivisiogeneris
*
estquod 'rationale*
et *irracionale
Ad hoc dicendum
sumi,scilicet
possunt
dupliciter
velangelus.
Etsimiliter
velpotens
utiracione
racionem
reshabens
; quodidemestquodhomo
'irracionale*
utbosvelasinusetsicde aliis.Ethocmodo
utiracione,
, idestresnonpotens
* et *irracionale
* idemest
est divisiogenerisin species.Alio autemmodo*racinale
et
speciem,ut racionalitas
genericonstituit
quod formailla simplexque adveniens
ab alia specie,ut asinusab
irracionalitas
, que suntforme
perquasunaspeciesdiffert
in diffrencias.
Et hocmodoestdivisiogeneris
homine.
turperPorphirium.
auctorsic,alio modosolvi
Et si[c]obicis: sedintelligit
Qui dicit
costitutive
divisive
et
et
sed
differentie
divisive
costitutive
eedem
sunt
(
!),
generis
quod
speciei.Etsicnullaestobieccio.
est
: 'racinale
t de diffrencia
Posteaqueritur
utrum
i, sic dicendo
predicar
genuspossi
*
'
'
estanimai*
.
estanimai
animal*
estanimal*
*,vel volatile
y mortale
(aliterMS), irracionale
tilesin
DicitenimAristo
de diffrencia.
Et videtur
quodgenusnonpossitpredicari
de causaquod
ad interimendum
ubi ponittalemconsideracionem
SextoTopicorum,
si
ilia
est
in
:
littera
nonsitbeneassignata,
talis
"Rursum,
predicatur
plane
genus
que
sed de illisquibusdiffrencia,
nonenimde diffrencia,
de diffrencia,
genusvidetur
nonde
ut animaide homineet boveet de aliisgressibilibus
animalibus,
predicari,
si
Nam
ea diffrencia
de
dicitur.
(de)
MS)
(secundum
(unamquamunaquaque
que specie
et diversade unaspecie
multaanimalia
animaipredicaretur,
que MS) differenciarum
de
si predicaretur
de
Nam
diffrencie
"Amplius,
speciepredicantur".1
predicarentur.
1Topica
VI,144a 31-bi .
26

11:47:07 AM

diffrencia
vel speciesautinferiorum
nulla
aliquidspecie,nonestdiffiniens;
genere
enimdifferenciarum
de
omnium
amplissime
eoquodgenus
contingit generepredicari
dicitur"1.
de diffrencia,
Etsicbenepatetquodgenusnonpredicatur
quiasi genusde diffrencia
homo
diversa
Et
sic
diversa
ammaliade una specie
animalia.
esse<t>
predicaretur,
Verbigracia,animalpredicatur
de homine,quia animalconcludi
tur
predicarentur.
inhomine.
Esseilludquod <de>alteropredicatur
concluditur
ineo de2quopredicatur.
Preterea.
in homine.Si ergogenus
de homine.Ergoanimalconcluditur
Sedanimalpredicatur
velmortali,
de diffrencia
utanimalde racionali
in
predicatur
ergoanimalincluditur
velmortale
hacdiffrencia,
scilicetracinale
de specie,
. Ergocumdiffrencia
predicetur
habebit
inse differenciam.
inclusam
Sed habetin se genus.Ergogenusincludispecies
turinspecieracionediffrencie.
Etsicdiversa
animalia
essentinspecie,uthomine
vel
etsicde aliisspeciebus
animalia
animalis
dehomine
asino,
(animalibus
MS).Etsicmulta
uno. Quod est inconveniens.
Si verodicaturquodgenusdescendit
in
predicabuntur
et sic estidemanimainumero
idestmediante
diffrencia,
perdifferenciam,
speciem
essefalsum,
hocvidetur
nonpotest
quiaidemnumero
quodestinspecieet indiffrencia,
esseindiversis.
Sedspeciesitasuntdiverse.
non
erit
idem
scilicet
Ergo
genusnumero,
animal
estperpredicta
quodestin eis. Ergo(306)manifestum
superius
quodde difnonpredicatur
frencia
genus.
Adhocdicendum
etforma
etabstracta
quoddiffrencia
proutestquidracionis
simplex
et predicatur
abhocetnunc
de pluribus
et
in
est
speciebus
plusquamgenus,nonpredicaturde ipsa,quia tuncsimplicissi<m)a
resestdiffrencia
et nullasubicitse. Si vero
suma
diffrencia
tursecundum
et converti
turcumspecie,
quodestquidaggregativum
sicgenus
de
Sed
tunc
idem
est
diffrencia.
predicatur ipsa
diferencia
quodsuppositum.
Item.Notaquodomniscommunitas
a singularitate
Sedsi genusde diffrencia
procedit.
est quidsimplex,tuncsequeretur
inconveniens
proutdiffrencia
predicaretur
quod
omnis
a communi
tateprocedit.
Undenotandum
a
singularitas
quodcausaetcommunitas
Sed
dicit
non
Aristotiles
esse
universale
procedit.
singularitate
preter
quod
singulare
inlineapredic^mentali,
patetquiain Sorteet in Platoneet in quolibetalio individuo
suntomnesformesuperiores
Et procedunt
communes,
que universalia
appellantur.
illeforme
a singularitate
omne
hocmodo: in Sorteenimet in Platoneet in quolibet
esthumanitas
alioindividuo
etracioneillius
sibiessencialis,
particularis
que estforma
homo
forme
de Sorte.Animaenim
forma,
particularis
qui est communis
predicatur
illamformam
videns
illiusforme
inSorte,ipsaanimarecipit
similitudinem
particularem
illamab hiisetnunc
etabstrahit
etmodum
dicendi
de
etdatsibiquandam
communi
tatem
Unde non est dicendum
rei
formam
pluribus.
particularem
quod animaabstrahit
ab ipsare naturali,
naturalis
etaccipitquansedad similitudinem
illiusipsaconsidrt
et facitcommunem.
damformam
Sicutarchifaber
vult
facere
abstrahit
ab
archam
qui
ad cuiussimilitudinem
aliaarchaformam,
inSorteest
facitpluresarchasalias,similiter
et est animaiet corpusanimatum
animairacinale
et sunt
et corpuset substancia,
forme
Sortis
invel
Et
anima
alterius
individui
eiusdem
diverse.
particulares
speciei
tellect
communes
et abstrahit
eas ab omnimotuet materia,
<iv)afacitillasformas
ab illisformis
dicoquodabstrahit
similituEt animasumitquamdam
particularibus.
dinemquamfacitcommunem.
fora singularitate
racione
Et sic communitas
procedit
1Ibid.
y144a 28-31.
MS.
? eode]eodem
27

11:47:07 AM

in Sorte.Omnesalie superiores
formede
marum
que suntnaturaliter
particularium
tur.Et itaomniaque suntin rectalineasuorum
Sortepredican
superiorum
recipiunt
*
estanimai*
. Illaque sunta latereobliquam
ut 'Soresthomo*
re, homo
predicacionem,
idest
vel
ut
est
substancia
'rationale
'
substancie,
pars
predicacionem,
'differentia
cipiunt
est(substancia*
, idestpars)substancie.
The use of the common source for the introductorypart of these
gloss seems to point to the South of France as the place of origin,since
this source certainlycomes fromthatregion1. The date of composition
will be nearlythe same as thatof the Ivrea gloss.
3 - The Gloss Quia omnisnostrafound in Cremona, Bibl. Govern. 27
I found another gloss-commentaryon the firstfive tracts of the
Summuleand on the Fallaciae of Thomas Aquinas in a manuscriptof
of the Biblioteca Governativaat Cremona (cod. ij)2. This codex seems
to have been written in the last part of the thirteenthcentury. The
I-V are foundon ff. 69ra-i i9vb ; those on Thomas'
glosses on Summule
Fallaciae are incompleteand foundon ff. 1i9vl) (Incipiunt
fallaciefratris*
deAquino
Thome
) up to 124vb^#
The title of these glosses is given by a later hand on the top of
f. 691": ExpositiotractatusPetriHispani et FallaciarumSancti (!) Thomede
Aquino.
The firstglossopens as follows(f. 69ra) :
Diatetica est ars artiumet scientiascientiarumetc. Quiaomnisnostra
cognitio
in minusnotaet quantoaliquasuntmagiscommunia,
tanto
procedita notioribus
in cognitionem
eorumque traduntur
in
suntnobismagisnota,ideo ut deveniamus
Et illasunttria,scilicet
ab hiisque suntcommunissima.
libroisto,oportet
incipere
et cuipartiphylosophie
causa,librititulus,
supponatur.
The authorshipof the Summuleis discussed in this way (ibid):
scientiam
istiuslibriin
Petrus
fuitmagister
Causaefficiens
Ispanus,
quiaex quo recepit
istamsivedoctrinam
scolaresita quodperscientiam
se, scripsit
ipsam,siveinstruit
ad actum.Etperconseet deduxit
scolarium
intellectus
transmutavit
ipsosde potentia
quensfuitcausaefficiens.
1SeeVivarium
7 (1969),pp.2gand38ff.
2 Onf.124vatheoldnumber
.3689isfound.
27
3Theuseoffratris
waswritten
tlatthismanuscript
before
instead
ofsancti
shows
1323,theyear
ofThomas'
canonization.
Thefirst
works
dePersico.
contains
half
ofourmanuscript
byJohannes
28

11:47:07 AM

The divisiotextusappears to be a substantialelement of these glosses

(f. 69ra-rb);
incapitulos
libriintractatus
ettracta-(69
estdivisio
Formaverotractatus
ab)-tus
( !), et
in partes,doneedeveniamus
ad partesque habent
in partes,et partium
capitulorum
etindivisibilem.
sententiam
minimam
The title given by our gloss is interesting.This work is the firstI know
to mentionalso the title Sumule(69rb) :
PetriIspani
siveSumule
.
Tractatus
talisest: incipiunt
Librititulus
magisti
The Summule
are divided into twelve tracts (ibid.).
inpartes
deveniamus
ad divisionem
libri.Liberistedividitur
Hiisitaquesicdeterminatis
sunttractatus.
secundum
Que verosintpartespatebitin
duodecim,
quodduodecim
processu.
Only the firstfivetractsare commentedupon :
1
I De propositione
(69ra-86vb)
II De predicabilibus
(86vb-93va)
III De predicamentis
(93va-io7ra)
IV De sillogismis
( 107-112vb)
IV De locis
(1 12vb-ii9vb).
of the firsttract(69rb-va) :
I give the divisiotextus
in primaparteautoriste
in partesduas,quoniam
dividitur
Sedprimaistarum
partium
de quibusdam
determinai
depropositione
indeterminando
principiis
ipsiuspropositionis
Et in secundapartedeque habentse sicuttotumet partesad ipsampropositionem.
ibi: Propositio estoratio. Prima
Secunda
deipsapropositione.
terminai
parsdividitur
autor
in
necessaria
induaspartes,
ipse
quedam
principia
investigat
quoniam primaparte
et in secundapartedeterminat
de
ad diffinitionem
ipsiuspropositionis
principiorum
Secundaibi: Nomenest vox. Primain duas,quoniam
principiis
ipsiuspropositionis.
siveloyce
ad commendationem
inprimaparteponitquandam
dyaletice
propositionem
ea que suntnecessaria
ad diffinitionem
et in secunda
prinparteipse(69)investigat
Secundaibi: Sonus est quicquid etc. Primain duas,
cipiorum
ipsiuspropositionis.
illamad commendationem
dialetice
propositionem
quoniamin primapartepreponit
ibi: Sed quia disputatio.
Secunda
etinsecunda
procedendi.
parteipseponitordinem
in primapartefacitquoddictum
Primaadhucin duas,quoniam
est; in secunda
parte
Dici
tur
ibi:
autem
Secunda
dialetice.
dyaletica. Prima
ipse ponitethimologiam
illampropositionem
ad commenin primaparteipsepreponit
adhucin duas,quoniam
Secunda
ibi:
correlarium.
dationem
dialetice
etin secunda
quoddam
parteipsesubinfert
inprimaparte
Et ideo in acquisitionescientiarum.Primaadhucin duas,quoniam
rationem
cuiusdam
dicti. Secunda
ibi:
facit
estetinsecunda
quoddictum
parteipsereddit
Sola enim dyaletica.
1Thisprobably
ofthefirst
Seethedivisio
textus
tothefirst
tract.
isthetitlegiven
byourglosses
tract
depropositione
, f.69rb).
(indeterminando
29

11:47:07 AM

From the opening lines of our commentaryand from this divisiotextus

it appears thatour glosses commentupon a text which alreadycontained
1 and Sola enimdialetica2.
the interpolationsscientiascientiarum
There is an interestingnote on methodus
(69vb-7ora), which may
be comparedwith thatin the Gloss Cuma facilioribus(see above, p. 13;
see also below, pp. 34 and 47).
'
4
methodum
dialeticam
de eo quodipseappellat
advertendum
Et ulterius
, quod methodus
re
in
se
extra
secundum
et
Uno
modo
habet
duobus
modis.
quod
potest(7ora)accipi
Aliomodoacdevitans
strate
communis.
viabrevis
methodus
tuncappellatur
obliquitates
' methaforice
4methodus
est
sicut
methodus
sicut
et
hie.
similitudinarie,
Quia
cipitur
estscientia
ad terminm
brevisviaque citodeducit
vie,itadialetica
que citodeducit
inscientiis.
adterminm
Another interestingremark is made on the status of the arts of the
trivium.They are artesservilesi.e. those arts whichdiscussthemodusrei,
not resitself(7orb_va):
et
dicituresseordinata
ad aliasscientias
Verumesttamenquodnonsolumdyaletica
et omnis
et rethorica
verumetiamgramatica
nonsolumdicituretiamars servilis,
tasillorum
fatui
scientia
antiquorum
queestde modoreietnonde re. Etexhocapparet
interliberales
et rethoricam
artes,cum
dyaleticam
qui connumerabant
gramaticam,
aliasscientias.
se sedpropter
maxime
sintserviles,
eoquodnonsuntfacte(7ova)propter
Some additional remarks can be made on this work. First, the
interpolatedCaiiJitas-passageis commented upon in an extensive way
(io3rb~va). Second, the tract De locis contains a discussion of the
jcos-interpolation(1 13rl>). Third, that our glosses were compiled in
the Northof Italy(Bologna?) mayappear fromthe example of Exemplum
,
as it is givenby our anonymousauthor (1 13vb):
aliudparticulare
estquodperunumparticulare
peraliquodsimile
probatur
Exemplum
Mutinenses
contra
of
inhabitants
in
ut
Bononienses
hiis,
(the
Bologna)pugnare
repertum
estmalum.
contra
affines
ofModena)estmalum.
(theinhabitants
Ergopugnare
4 - The Compilations"Omneshomines"preservedin eight manuscripts
Msgr Martin Grabmannfound in six manuscriptsa commentaryon the
which certainlydates fromas early as the thirteenthcentury.
Summule
1Seealso69:etscientia
etregulans
etdisponens
scientiis
omnibus
scientiarum
, idestdeserviens
inomnes
intellectum
scientias.
2 Forthese
6 (1968),
inthisJournal
otthisseries,
article
seethefirst
andother
interpolations,
PP.2-4.
30

11:47:07 AM

As we have seen before, it is decidedly not the only commentaryof

those days, nor the earliest work of this kind. However it seems to
have enjoyed a large circulation in the thirteenthand fourteenth
centuryschools, since it is found in no less than eight manuscripts
datingall of them fromabout the second half of the thirteenthor the
firsthalfof the fourteenthcentury.
(a) Paris, Nouv.acq.lat. cod. 308 is a parchment manuscriptdating
fromabout the middle of the thirteenthcentury1
. The famouslibrarian
and keeper of the Parisian manuscriptsBarthlmyHaurau wrote on
f. ir the followingpeculiar notice:
survlin,fortancien,du commencement
du 13e sicle,prcieux
Manuscrit
pourla
matire
une

la
Pierre
fameux
lacune
tait
fin.
malgr
d'Espagne
thologien, un
converti
au catholicisme
Juif
quivivaitau 12e sicle.On a de luiunDialogue
Espagnol
lesJuifs
contre
des Pres.Nousavonsici unecompilation
, insrdansla Bibliothque
mais
certainement
de tousses traitsde dialectique,
anonyme,
contemporaine,
qui
n'ontpasencoret retrouvs.
en quelquesorteet trs
Cetabrgnousen dispense
certainement
ce manuscrit
estuniqueet entirement
indit.
No modern student of Mediaeval logic would like to be responsible
for those words, writtendown about a centuryago by such a famous
scholaras Haurau was.
The work is entitled Compilationes
supra tractatusmagistiPetri
on
of
It
breaks
offin the discussion of the
the
f.
3ra.
(!)
Yspanij
top
secundum
non
causam
ut
causam
in
VII of the Summule.
Tract
fallacy
Museum
, cod. 27.773. This manuscript
(b) Nuremberg, Germanisches
dates from about 1260 and contains ff. ioora-i29rb a tract entitled
bya later hand in the colopyon on f. 129rbas Compilationes
supraSumulas
Petri
a
It
is
all
on
the twelve
2.
Magisti
Hispani
complete commentary
tractsof Peter of Spain's Summule
. The manuscriptseems to come from
one of the Parisian schools.3
is found in
(c) Another thirteenthcenturycopy of these Compilationes
the BayerischeStaatsbibliothekin Munich, C.L.M. 22.294, ff. 13417ovb. The work is completehere, too.
1Lopold
latins
etfranais
les
aufonddesnouvelles
Delisle,Manuscrits
ajouts
pendant
acquisitions
annes
. Inventaire
intheendof
Partie
thiscodex
187^-91
II,Paris
1891,
alphabtique,
p.41,dates
thethirteenth
century.
2Fortheother
contents
ofthismanuscript,
seeL. M.deRijk,Logica
Modernorum
II 1,pp.54-5S

iS-i6o.
3Seeibid.
31

11:47:07 AM

(d) An almost complete copy is found in the famous library of El

Escorial (Real Biblioteca) in the miscellaneous manuscriptF. Ill 26.
It certainlydates from the thirteenthcentury. Our Compilationes
are
foundff.28ira-3o8ra.
(e) A complete copy of the work dating from the fourteenthcentury
is found in the Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothekin Vienna. The
codex V.P.L. 2389 (old number941?) containson if. ir-6or the commentaryon Peter's work which has this colophon:
(!)
opustractaum
Explicit
PetriHyspani
summa
Explicit
gallici.
magisti
et unus.
Deusestotrinus
munus
Scriptoris
The same hand immediately continues with the prologue: Omnes
ant . Ut dicit Aristotilesin principio
homines natura scire DESiDER
veteris methaphisice.Sed cum etc. (see below, p. 33). This prologue
contains
is found complete on f. 6or-v. This copy of the Compilationes
.
a numberof interpolations1
(f) The manuscriptMunich, C.L.M. 690^ originallycontaineda complete
copy of the work. This part of our manuscript(47r-$8r) seems to have
been writtenin the South of France in the second halfof the thirteenth
century.Between the folios 2Vand $3* two squires must have been
lost containingpart of the commentaryon Tract III up to the beginnings
of the commentaryon Tract VII (De fallaciis). From there on the text
:
is completeand endsf.
sinecarmine
vivat.
scriptor
Explicit
expliceat
sit
carmine
liber.
iste
liber.
Scriptor
Explicit
(g) I foundin the Biblioteca del Collegio at Osimo, Italy,an incomplete
. The manuscript (cod. VI, 49) dates from
copy of the Compilationes
about 1300 and consists of 320 pages and is not foliated. It opens as
in principio
Dei et beatissimeVirginis.Sicut scribitur
follows: Ad honorem
cum
naturevel
Sed
, omneshominesnaturasciredesiderant.
Methaphisicorum
aliquis appetitusnaturalisnon sitfrustra. . . etc. This copy breaks off
in the discussionoffiguradictionisin Tract VII. Then follows an inter, which abruptlyends in the
polated copy of Peter's Summulelogicales
firsttract.
1Theremaining
andOpus
theOpuscomputi
by
sphere
(6ir-7ir)contains
partofthismanuscript
andsomemetereological
estscientia)
notes.
Aroldishusanus
Fridericus
(inc.Computus
32

11:47:07 AM

(h) The miscellaneous manuscriptMunich, C.L.M. 4603 (old number:

Buranus103) consistingof 177 folios datingfromthe twelfth,thirteenth
and fifteenth
centuries,containson ff. i44ra-irba partialcopy of our
(it ends in De locis). This part is written in a thirteenth
Compilationes
.
centuryhandwriting1
The work gives rathershortglosses on the twelve capitulaof Peter
. I give the complete text of the firstlectio
of Spain's Summulelogicales
afterthe Parisiancopy (our nr a).
PetriYspany.Omneshomines
f. 3raIncipiunt
supraTractatus
compilationes
magisti
in principio
sciredesiderant,
ut dicitAristotiles
natura
Sed cumnatura
Metaphysice.
nonest frustra,
naturalis
vel aliquisappetitus
est
sequiturquod in nobispossibilis
HocenimestquodTulliusdicit:"natura
scientiarum
etvirtutum.
acquisitio
potentem,
ususproptum
redditartificem".
arsfacilem,
et
Quod autemsit in nobis[appetitus]
et possibilitas
scientiarum
respectu
appetitus
(receptionis)2,
potesthaberiper Averintellectum
tabulenude3paratead depictionem,
humanum
nullam
qui comparai
roym,
in
a natura
autem
habenti
actu.
sumus
sciresecundum
Quoniam
picturam
igitur
potentes
verbum
artemque nosfacilesreddatin sciendo,usumque
Tulli,eligamus
predictum
assumamus
faciatin sciendo.Arsenimnaturepotentiam
in
que nospromptos
redigit
facilitatem.
Interomnesautemartesprincipaliter
estilia que modum
docet
querenda
procedendi
inscientiis.
Hecautem
estloyca.
1
Sednotandum
duobusmodisdicitur.Logos
enimunomodoidemest(3rb)
quod loyca*
et
sermo
sic
dicitur
communiter
scientia.Alio
quod
<logica>*quelibetsermocinalis
modologosvellexisidemestquodratio
autem
hocdicitur
, et secundum
loycarationalis
Etsicproprie
scientia.
accipitur.
utdictum
inscientiis,
determinat
Quoniam
est,loycamodum
igitur,
procedendi
neque
cumaliisnequepostaliassedantealiasestaddiscenda.
Quodnoncumaliis,signifcat
in SextoMetaphysice
Aristotiles
cumdicit: "inanesest quererescientiam
simulet
secundum
modum
estmedicoinsipienti
Qui enimhocfacit,similis
quemdeclaratur".
et mortuus
esteger6.Et quialogicaestmodus
egroto et librosinspexit
quipropinat
scientiarum
omnium
et regularectificans?
eassimulque
sicutmanus
rectificans,
seipsam
rectificat
aliaorgana
et seipsam,
ideoarsartium
merito
nuncupatur.
Et notandum
idemsuntin submethodus,
ars,et scientia
quoddoctrina,
disciplina,
differunt
autematione.Diciturenimdoctrina
stantia,
proutest in doctore,quod
1Infact
ff.i3or-i77v
datefrom
the13th
century.
2supplied
from
, C.L.M.22.294.
27.773andMunich
Nuremberg
3thus
andMunich;
hastheusual
Paris
rase.
Nuremberg
supplied
from
theother
MSS.
s inane
Paris
Munich.
; inanum
Nuremberg
; malum
6Munich,
C.L.M.22.294has(f.134ra)
dedit
: quiprimo
bibere
libros
etpostea
egrotanti
inspexit
etmortuus
fecisset
esteger.
sibene
regulating.
33

11:47:07 AM

estsermoprogrediens
aboredoctoris
: doctrina
consimilem
patetpereiusdescriptionem
in animoauditoris.
habitm
Disciplinadiciturproutest in discpulo,
derelinquens
est habitusdoctoris
ex doctrina
in
disciplina
quodpatet(pereiusdescriptionem)1:
est
est
Methodus
Item.
derelictus.
Et
(3va)
prout quoddam
preparamentum.
discipulo
* methaforice.
Methodus
enimproprieest via
arshoc nomine'methodus
denominatur
estsemitacompendiosa
sic: methodus
stratecommunis
Undediffinitur
compendiosa.
est
et
artis
Et
traditio
devitat
devi
tates
tans.
compendiosa
quia
prolixitates,
obliqui
inprincipio
lindeAristotiles
methodus
hancmetaforam
nuncupatur.
Topicorum:
propter
invenire
a quo poterimus
methodum
de
quidemestnegotium
sillogizare
"propositum
idest
doctrinam
sive artem.Idem
methodum2
,
compendiosam
quolibetproblemate";
Et manifeste
ex eis
enimdiciturars proutactu, <id)estpreparamentum.
colligitur
multorum
ad unum
dataa Tullio: arsestcollectio
diffinitio
.
preceptorum
nemtendentium
rationis
nature
Itemalia: arsestnitum
miraculumy
compendium
insigne
imperiosum
innitatis
adsubstantiam
minimam
si vero
siperseconsideres
consiliumf
quantitatem9
reperies
applices
quam
ab
Item*.Estscientia
invenies
maximam
proutestinanimaet proutpossidetur
potestatem.
estnobilis
animi
: (3vb)scientia
anima.Quodpatetperdiffinitionem4
possessio
quedistributa
citoelabitur
nisipublicetur.
Itemalia:
etavarum
incrementum
possessorem
dedignata
recipit
ex
virtutis
collatione
virtutis
esthabitus
scientia
intelligibilis
contemplationem
acquisitus
per
rationalis.
interdoctrinam,
et differentia
convenientia
Sicapparet
methodum,
artem,
disciplinam,
etscientiam.
et in Secundoeiusdemquoniam
PrimiPosteriorum
in principio
Sed dicitAristotiles
cumscimuscausas.Ideohuiuslibricausasvideamus.Sed
scireunumquodque
opinamur
causaefficiens,
scilicet
suntgenera
utdicitidemineodem,quatuor
materialis,
causarum,
sitlibrietcuipartiphilosophie
Etadduntur
etfinalis.
duo,scilicetquistitulus
formalis,
inprincipio
libriinquiruntur.
cuiuslibet
Istasexopportune
supponatur.
Petrus
Causamaterihuiusoperisestmagister
Dico igitur
Yspanus.
quodcausaeffciens
insesiveinsuispartibus
cumdispositionibus
consideratus
alissivemateria
estsillogismus
Forma
et formatractandi.
est duplex:formatractatus
Causaformalis
eorundem.
Forma
libri.Que patebitin sequentibus.
tractatus
(4ra) est ordinatio
capitulorum
scilicet
est
estidemquodmodus
tranctandi
diffinitivus,
divisivus,
Qui quadruplex,
agendi.
alii
Duo primisuntde essescientie,
exemplorum
positivus.
improbativus,
probativus
totisubiectoet diffinitio
verode beneesse.Divisioenimdebetur
partibus
respondet
etinprobare
subiecti,
probantur
passiones
proprie
quoniam
partium,
probare
passionibus
UndeAristotiles:
addiscentes.
utilisestpropter
de suissubiectis.
Exemplorum
positivus
ut sentiatqui addiscit".Causafnalisest duplex:est enimfinis
"exempla
ponimus
Finis
eorumque in librodeterminantur.
intraet finisextra.Finisintraest cognitio
siveintelligentia
est cognitio
et remo
extraduplexest: propinquus
tus. Propinquus
tus:
tus triplexest: remo
Finisautemremo
Aristotilis
librorum
vel artisdyaletice.
ad
beatificado
anime
:
remotissimus
intellective,quam
remotior;
eloquentia;
sapientia;
et inmedi
mediatius
et remotius,
omnesscientiesecundum
(4rb)-atius
propinquius
final
iterordinantur.
1supplied
from
C.L.M.22.294,
f.134.
Munich,
2 methodus
Paris.
3item
Munich
; idemParis
, Nrnberg.
4diffinitionem
Paris.
, Munich
; inductionem
Nrnberg
34

11:47:07 AM

4titiAus
*
Introductiones1
PetriYspani.
Et dicitur
Tituluslibriest iste: incipiunt
magisti
4
sol
illumint
totum
ita
sicut
titulus
Sol
illumint
a Titan
mundum,
, quodest , quia
totumlibrum.lindequidam:abrasolibrititulo,paginaremanet
quasimuta.
autemrationali
quia tractatde sermone.
philosophie,
Supponitur
{Dubitabilia
)
ad formam
accedamus
ter pertractatis,
Hiis ita brevi
occurrun
tractatus,
antequam
tur
utrum
de
sitscientia
Dubita
dubitabilia.
Et dico
primo
dyaletica
possibilis.
aliqua
Tertio
una
vel
dictum
est
utrum
Secundo
sic.
sit
plures.
quia
quodsillogismus
quod
veri
indyaletica,
hochabeat
tatem.
utrum
subiectum
sitscientia.Et videtur
sic queritur:
utrum
Circaprimm
dyaletica
quodnon. Ortinis
non
tendit
ad
unum
finem.
arstenditad unumfinem.
Dyaletica
Ergononestarsvel
ad unumfinem
scientia.Probatiomaioris.Tullius:ars est collectiopreceptorum2
utilisestad tria:ad obviationes,
Aristotiles:
Probatio
minoris.
tendentium".
"dyaletica
et ad secundum
exercitationes,
philosophiam
disciplinas".
Ergotenditad tresfineset
estde corruptibili.
nonad unum.Adidem.Nulla(4va)nulla(!) scientia
est
Dyaletica
de corruptibili.
sua:
Ergononest scientia.Probatiomaioris.Boetiusin Arismetica
sui finem
est eorumque inpermutabilem
"scientia
sortiuntur".
Probatioassumptes.
de contingentibus.
Est enimdyaletica
Contra.De omnieo quod habetprincipales
estscientia.Dyaletica
esthuiusmodi.
causaset elementa,
possibilis
Ergode ipsaposin Topicis:"dyaletica
cumsitinquisitiva
sibilisectscientia.
Item.Aristotiles
veritatis,
viamhabet".Ergo,ab auctoritate,
ad omnium
methodorum
estscientia.
principia
estscientia.
hocprobantes
Dicendum
Ethabeorationes
quoddyaletica
procausa.Unde
concedoeas.Adprimum
dicendum
: principalis
etnonprincipalis,
quodduplexestfinis
sivegeneralis
et specialis.Finisgeneralis
estdiscernere
veruma falso.Qui
dyaletice
unusesttantum.
Finisverononprincipalis
sumi
turad obviationes
et cetera*.
Et iste
essemultiplex.
Adsecundum.
terconsideran:
ingenerali
potest
Dyaletica
potestduplici
vel in particulari.
Si in generali,
et perpetua
est. Si in particulari,
permanens
prout
scilicet
in
in
est
Sorte
vel
esteoquod
Platone,
prodyaletica
accipitur
corruptibilis
que
Sortecorrumpitur
(!)
corrupto
particularis
que in ipsoest.Incorrumptibile
dyaletica
autem
est.
semper
Nuncde secundo.Omnisscientiaunaestque est (4vb)uniussubiecti.Dyaletica
non
estuniussubiecti.Ergononestunascientia,
sed plures.Probatio
Aristotiles
maioris.
in PrimoPosteriorum:
"scientia
est uniusgenerisdeterminati,
parteset passiones
Probatio
in QuartoMetaphisice:
Aristotiles
considerans".
minoris.
"circaidemnegosive
et
tiantur
idest
circa
totum
ens
circaomnia.
Cum
loycus,metaphisicussophista",
circamulta,
subiecta
Item.Loycus
determinai
multas.
ergoloycus
negotietur
loyceerunt
de terminis,
de enuntiatione,
de sillogismo,
et de proprietatibus6
eorum.Illaautem
suntplura.Ergosubiecta
erunt
Illud
estsolumsubiecvidetur.
plura.Oppositum
loyce
1Forthistitle,seethethird
ofthisseries,
article
VIVARIUM
7 (1969),pp. 30and47-48.
2 other
hasprincipiorum.
MSS;Paris
3assumpte
Paris
, Munich
; minoris
Nrnberg.
4 Nrnberg
.
5multe
Paris.
6proprietate
Paris.
3S

11:47:07 AM

in ea. Seddesillogismo
determinatur
de quo principaliter
solumdetertumin scientia
in dyaletica
et omniaalia ad ipsumfinaliter
minatur
ordinantur.
principaliter
Ergo
in dyaletica.
Sed ab unitatesubiectiscientia
subiectum
est solummodo
sillogismus
dicituruna. Dyaleticaest huiusmodi.
Ergoest scientia.Quod concedo.
Ad probationem
interimo.
Maiorem
concedo.Minorem
Adprimum.
respondeo
quod
duplexest loyca,scilicetutenset docens.Undeverumest quodutenscircamulta
Aristo
tiles.Sedloycadocensversatur
tantum
circa
Et de taliin-(ra)-telligit
versatur.
Vel
die
est
minor
de
tali
intendimus
hic.
Et
subiectum.
quod
duplexet
proprium
determinet
earnsicutdictumest.Adaliuddicendum
quodquamvis
dyaletica
distingue
Ideosolumsillode terminis
tarnen
et<c>.,de omnibus
[de]ipsispropter
sillogismum.
unum
tantum
est
alterum,
subiectum,
propter
ubicumque
utrobique
quoniam
gismus
unum
est.
istiusscientie.Et videtur
sitsubiectum
Nuncde tertio,utrum
quodnon.
sillogismus
sit
instrumentum
eius.Tuncarguo:nichilunum
Dicitureniminferius
quodsillogismus
sicutmalleus
nonpotestesse
et instrumentum
et idempotestessesubiectum
eiusdem,
et materia
Sed sillogismus
fabriperquodfabricat
instrumentum
supraquamfabricat.
eiusdem.
est instrumentum
loyceper quemfacitfidem.Ergonon est subiectum
in scientia.
determinatur
inscientiade quo principaliter
Illudestsubiectum
Contra.
in dyaletica.Ergo est subiectum
in ea.
determinatur
De sillogismo
principaliter
dicendum
Quod concedo.Ad oppositum
quod idemet eodemmodoconsideratimi
Sed diversimode
et instrumentum.
nonpotestesse subiectum
sumptum
potestesse
sui
consideran
ad
constitutionem
hocetillud.Dicoergoquodsillogismus
quantum
potest
Ethocmodo
tam($rb)ex principiis
tionem
sive composi
complexis
quamincomplexis.
scilicetad fidem
ad quemordinatur,
ad finem
facere.
artis.Velquantum
estsubiectum
Ethocmodoestinstrumentum.
Then follows, in the Parisian manuscript, the title Capitulum
and not De propositionibus
introductionum
. That De introductionibus
, is the
correct title of the firstchapter of the Summule
, was already argued
in one of the previous studies of this series1 and it appears also from
the openingphrasesof the next lectiowhere our authorgives the general
divisionofthe Summule
(rb):
est
Dialetica est ars artiumetc. Cognitiscausishuiusoperisnuncaccedendum
turautemisteliberinduodecim
ad formam
tractatus,
capique estdivisiolibri.Dividi
deintroductionibus
tula.In primocapitulodeterminatur
, in secundode predicabilibus,
insexto
inquinto
delocisdyaleticis,
de sillogismis,
inquarto
intertiode predicamentis,
in nonode
in octavode relativis,
de locissophisticis,
in septimo
de suppositionibus,
in duoin undcimo
de restrictionibus,
in decimode appellationibus,
ampliationibus,
in
videbitur
Ubicapitula
decimode distributionibus.
processu.
incipiant,
1OnTheGenuine
ofa Commentary
IllTwoRedactions
s Summule
Text
upon
logicales.
ofPeter
ofSpain
inVIVARIUM
theSummule
7 (1969),[pp.8-61],
pp.29-30;47-48.Like
Anglicus
byRobertus
intheArts
at
Curriculum
Father
A.Weisheipl
Grabmann,
(inhisexcellent
Developments
study:
James
28
Mediaeval
Studies
n.
in:
in
Fourteenth
the
1^1-17^],
,
(1966),
13)
[pp.
p.
Century
Early
Oxford
for
forthewhole
work.Inmyviewthistitleisnotcorrect
thetitleintroductiones
takes
wrongly
SeeVIVARIUM
work
ofShyreswood's
either.
William
7 (1969),p. 30,n. 3.
36

11:47:07 AM

There is another gloss on this item in the second lectio. It is found as.
the firstdubitabileof this lesson ($vb-6ra):
Adevidentiam
eorumque proposita
Primodubidubitabilia.
sunt,quedamoccurrunt
taturde divisione
huiuslibri.Secundode dictisin littera.De primosic.
capitulorum
Dictumest (6ra) quodinprimo
determinatur
de introductionibus
, in secundode
capitulo
Contra.Totusisteliberintroductorius
est,scilicetinlibrosAristotilis.
predicabilibus.
in librosAristotilis.
est introductorium
Ergoquodlibetcapitulum
Ergonulla<est>
divisio.<
).
Adprimum
dicendum
sit,tamenilludprimum
quodlicettotusisteliberintroductorius
non solumin librosAristotilis
sed in capitulasequentia
Ideo
introducit.
capitulum
anthonomasice
.
( !) introductions
capitulum
nuncupatur
The meaningof the phrasears artium
, too, is discussedin thislectio
(6ra-rb):
Adaliuddicendum
dicitur
arsartium,
nonquodsitmelioraliisartibus,
quoddyaletica
sedquiadeservit
aliisartibus
sicutmanus
dicitur
omnibus,
orga-(6rb)-norum,
organum
nonquodsitmeliusorganum
aliisomnibus,
sed quiadeservit
omnibus
aliis.Sedista
nonconsonai
solutio
Ideo
dicendum
dicitur
ars
artium
expositioni.
quod
perexcessum,
nonquodsimpliciter
sitmaiorvelmelioraliisutratione
sedquiadatmodum
subiecti,
inomnibus
aliisartibus
etrectificai
omnes
aliasartes.
procedendi
The distributio
is adduced as an explanationforthe phrase
accommoda
methodorum
omnium
principia(6rb) :
'habetviamad omnium
Ad tertium
dicendum
methodorum
quod sic est intelligendum
'
scilicet
a
scientiarum
Similiter
hie:
'celum
omnia
aliarum
se.
; ergose;
principia'
tegit
' et
et *Deuscreavit
omnia
se. Undeestibi
; ipseestde numero
omnium;ergocreavit
distributio
accommoda.
Unlike the introductionthe glosses on the lemmataof the Summule
are ratherconcise. They do not containanythingnoticeable as compared
with the previous commentaries. Unfortunatelythe lemma on Exemplumdoes not give any geographicalname. Thereforethe origin of our
commentarycannotbe concluded fromit, as was possible for the other
commentarieshithertodiscussed. As a matter of fact I could not find
any clue to the school in which our glosses originated. However, it
should be noted thatthe oldest copies of the work came fromParisian
libraries[our items (a), (b), (e), (f) and (h)]. To be sure, one of them,
Munich, C.L.M. 6905 [our (f)] seems to have been writtenin the South
of France in the second half of the thirteenthcentury. From this the
conclusion might be drawn that, like the previous commentaries,
these glosses, too, originatedfromsome school in the South of France
37

11:47:07 AM

or the North of Spain and that this commentarywas introducedto the

Parisian Faculty of Arts, as early as the second half of the thirteenth
century.In this connection it should be rememberedthat Adenulfof
Anagni,who was a professorin Parisabout 1270, afterhis death (August
26th, 1289) left to the College of the Sorbonne a copy of Peter of
, from which it appears
Spain's Summulelogicalesand Syncategoreumata1
that Peter's work had alreadybeen introducedin Paris by the i2 7o's.
foundin MS Cordoba Bibl. del Cabildo1$8
- The Gloss Quia instrumentum
Heinrich Denifle pointed to a thirteenthcenturymanuscriptof
Peter of Spain's Summuleand Syncategoreumata
belonging to the Biblioteca del Cabildo at Cordova (Spain). He mentionedthe ancientnumber
3182. It must be the same manuscriptas that mentionedby Heine in
VII, p. 203 :
Serapeum
unddecathegor.
ausBoetii
XIII-XV.Fragmente
membrn.
syllab(!), M. Petri
lib.topic.
artium
ad
omnium
methodorum
:
Dialctica
est
ars
viam
dialctica
principia
Hispani
(beginnt
berdieseSchrift.
Vonverschiedenen
einesCommentars
DarnachFragmente
habens).
Hnden.
During my visit to this libraryin the autumn of 1968 I found this
manuscriptunder nr. i$8. It dates from the end of the thirteenth
century, with the exception of ff. ir-29v which contain a twelfth
and De categoricis
sillocenturycopy of Boethius* De topicisdifferentiis
. The second part contains the complete texts of the Summule
gismis
(73ra-1iovb). The latter work
(3ora-72vb) and of the Syncategoreumata
has thefollowingexplicit( 11ovb) :
sincatamagisti
petrihispani.
Expliciunt
liberexplicitiste.
LaustibiChris
te, quoniam
sitbenedictus.
Hicliberestscrip
tus.Quiscripsit
Then follow some straynotes (ibid.) on the four causes of the work
(causa ejpciensin istolibro estipse magister
). They apparentlyrefer
petrus
1Lopold
III (Paris1881), p. j :
dela Bibliothque
Nationale
desmanuscrits
Delisle,Lecabinet
exlegato
Petri
Inunovolumine
tractatus
etsincategoremata
, prepositi
magisti
Adenul
magisti
Hyspani
see
ofAnagni,
Adenulf
of1338.About
theSorbonne
Sancti
Thisisanitem
from
Odomari.
catalogue
III(Munich
Mittelalterliches
Geistesleben
M. Grabmann,
19^6),pp.306-322.
2 Chartularium
Universitatis
Parisiensis
I, p. 42.
38

11:47:07 AM

to the Summule
, since the syllogismis called the material cause of the ,
work.
Then follow (i i ira-i 26vb) the incomplete glosses on the Summule
mentioned by Heine. This commentarydoes not contain the usual
general introduction and immediately starts with the first lemma.
The anonymousauthor does not speak of lectioneseither. I give the
glosses on the firstlemma (inra_rb):
et completum
Diateticaest ars etc. Quiainstrumentum
proprium
dyaletice
dispuest sillogismus
ideo accedentibus
ad dyaleticam
tationis
necessarium
est
dialeticus,
de sillogismo.
est quoddamtotumcompositum
Sed quia sillogismus
haberenotitiam
et ad cognitionem
estcognicio
tociusnecessaria
cumpartes'
ex suispartibus
parcium,
et
sint
ideo
inmediate
ad
proxime
principales
sillogismi proposiciones,
cognicionem
necesseest proposi
tionumnotitiam
sive noticiam
Et ideo in
prehabere.
sillogismi
huiuscompilationis
sivede enunciacione,
de propositione
particula
prima
agitMagister
licetdiffrant
racione.Ethocsequendo
modum
Aristotilis
queidemsuntinsubstantia,
in quo determinai
Aristotiles
de enunciacione
in libroPeryarmenias,
que est pars
sic in istaprimaparticula
Procedit
autemMagister
materialis
huiusoperis
sillogismi.
de
determinai
enunciacione
et
hocest
MS),quiaprimo
(operationis
completa perfecta,
de inesse,secundode enunciacione
et diminuta,
de propositionibus
hocest
incompleta
de propositionibus
modalibus.
Et hecibi: Modus est adacensrei determinacio.
In the next lines our author continues (iiira_rb) his division of
what he takes to be the firstpart of the firstchapter (nrs. 1.01-1.27
ed. Bocheski). On f. iiirb he opens the discussion of the lemma
Nomen est vox etc. (nr. 1.04 ed. Bocheski) but aftera few lines
he abruptlycomes to speak of the definitionof dialeticaas given in nr.
i. o i of the Summule
, and the usual items are dealt with (ars, trivium
,
methodus
,
, dialetica docensand uteris(1 1irb-i 12ra). I give
quadruvium
two interestingglosses on methodus
(1 1irb-i 1iva) :
viarecta
devitans
Utsi quisvelletireab (11iva)
Etnotaquodmethodus
dicitur
obliquitates.
in duo equalia,ad extremitatem
dividens
circulum
ab (!) unaextremitate
diametri,
velcircumferenciam
; et tunciliaque esset
quampossetiresupraveliuxtadiametrum
diceretur
sibidiameter
methodus
alterius.
respectu
methodus
a 'meia',quodesttrans
Et dicitur
, et lodos'quodest via,quasitransvium
,
etrectadevitar's
Et ad huiussimilitudinem
dialeticadicitur
idestviabrevis
obliquitates.
metodus
tate,idestsineerrore.Qui enimsecundum
quiaestvia rectaet sineobliqui
nonerrat.
artem
operatur,
After some objections and their solutions our author continues his
discussionof vox. This order seems to point to a rathercareless compilation of our commentaryout of other glosses. In this connection
it should be marked that the glosses on Chapter I, which are finished
39

11:47:07 AM

on f. 12 iva, are immediatelyfollowed by a few glosses on Chapter V

(De locis; i2iva-i2 2ra) and some glosses on Chapter IV (De sillogismis;
122ra-i 26vb), which break offat the foot of f. i26vb.
Some furtherremarks on this commentarycan be made. First,
the divisionof the text given in the opening lines of this tractsuggests
but De
that the title of the firstChapter was not De introductionibus
The latter title is frequentlyfound in our later manupropositionibus.
As we have seen in the previous studies, the original
indeed.
scripts,
titleis De introductionibus.1
Second, the glosses on the firstitems of ChapterV unfortunately
so that any geographical indo not contain a discussion of Exemplum
dication such as given by most of the other commentaries,is missing.
Third,thediscussionof the interpolatedsentenceSola enimdialetica
artium(nr. i.oi ed. Bochenski)
disputtde principiisomnium
probabiliter
to
the
text
our
author had at his elbow, but
does not seem to belong
he quotes it in his comments(i i iva) :
omnium
viamadprincipia
idestadprincipia
habere
Diciturautemdyaletica
metodorum,
de
aliarum2.
aliarum
scientiarum,
quiaprobabiliter
disputtprincipiis
On the other hand the/cos-interpolationwas already in his text,
as appears fromthe divisionof nr. 5.04 ed. Bocheski (12 2ra) :
secundum
BoePrima(sc.pars)in duas(sc.dividitur),
quiaprimoponitdiffinitionem
in
tium,secundoexplanationem
ipsius,ibi: Est oratio in qua. Secundadividitur
In
secundum
secunda
entimematis
Aristotilem.
diffinitionem
In
quatuor. primaponit
ibi: Ycos autemidemest etc. In tertiaremovet
explanacionem,
ponitdiffinitionis
ibi: Si quis obiciat; et hic primoobicit,secundosolvit,
dubitationem
incidentem,
et sententia
in generali
ibi: Ad hoc dicendumest. Hec estdivisioistiuslectionis
;
in
littera.
inspeciali
patet
We see from the last sentence that our commentarygoes back to one
which had the usual division into lectiones.
Finally, this commentaryseems to have been compiled in the last
quarter of the thirteenthcentury. It seems to be of little use for the
reconstructionof the original text of Peter of Spain's Summulae.

1Seeabove,
p. 36f.
2 CfrLambert
Summula
ofAuxerre's
( adloc.).
40

11:47:07 AM

6 - The GloseSalamantine(by one master Bartholomeus?) found in

fourmanuscripts
The Parisian manuscriptB.N . Lat. 6433 contains among other works
an extensive gloss commentaryon the Summule.It formerlyhad the
numbersMCCLXXXII, 728, and 790. The firstpart (ff. a-h; i-i2)
dates from the fifteenthcentury. It contains among other works the
Logicaparva by Paulus of Venice (ff. ira-43vb), an anonymouscopy of
Thomas Aquinas' commentaryon the Posterior
Analytics(ff.4ra-72vb),
which is incomplete; next, aftersome blank folios (73-76) an anonysublimis
mous work beginningwith the words: Philosophice
speculationis
ductu
mundane
machine
universum
intuitus
ambitm
perspicacisinvestigations
omnium
essentias
rerum
virtutes
or
,
,
,
dinem,
proprietates
opera,
comprehendens
mensuram
1
2
It
to
be
an
etc.
incom,
,
effectus (77- 3vb). appears
pondus
plete copy of Peter of Spain's Scientiade anima, which was edited by
Manuel Alonso Alonso fromthe MS. Madrid, BibliotecaNacional 33 141.
Fromff.129ra up to i49vb an anonymouscopy of Caietanusde Thienis'
on De animais found2.
commentary
Next the anonymousgloss commentaryon the Summuleis found
(ff.i3ra-28vb).It opens as follows:
in PrimoPosteriorum
ad hocquodscientia
UtaitPhilosophus
de aliquare,
habeatur
notitiam
causeilliusreide quascientiam
triaexiguntur.
Exigitur
primoquodhabeamus
habere.
volumus
For the rest of the opening chapter,see below, p. 46.
The same incipitis found in another Parisian manuscript,Nouv.
acq. lat. 258, ff. 77r-i26v3. It has the old number R. 6954 (f the
du Roi) and originallybelonged to the abbey of Silos (where
Bibliothque
it was numbered40). It seems to date fromthe firsthalfof the fifteenth
1Pedro
Obras
I Scientia
deanima
edicin
libri
Barcelona
, segunda
1961.Father
Hispano,
Filosficas
didnotknowourmanuscript,
alsohasescaped
to De Raedemaker's
Alonso
which
attention.
deRaedemaker,
Unebauche
decatalogue
descommentaries
surleDe anima,
auXIIIe,
SeeJozef
parus
sicles
in:Bulletin
etXVe
XIVe
dela Socit
Internationale
dela Philosophie
Mdivale
purl'Etude
s (i963)>Louvain
1963,[pp.149-183],
(S.I.E.P.M.)
p. 170,nr.344,andibid.6 (1964),[pp.
119-1
34],P. I29.
2 SeeDe Raedemaker,
asfollows
a prioribus
., p. 170,nr.344.Itopens
op.cit
(i29ra):Quequidem
deanima
sunt.
inprimo
libro
determinvit
secundum
tradita
Aristotiles
deanima
Postquam
opiniones
nunc
determinat
inquatuor
Dividi
secundum
turautem
hicliber
antiquorum,
propriam
opinionem.
tractatus.
3Themanuscript
wasanalysed
Notices
etextraits
dequelques
latins
dela
manuscrits
byB. Haurau,
Nationale
Paris
VI(Paris
1893),pp.155-1
Bibliothque
$6.
41

11:47:07 AM

century1and contains an acephalous text of the Summulewith some

r
interpolations(ff. i r-71 ; it opens with: ad lineam,partesautemcorporis
in
the
middle
of nr. 3.16 ed. Bocheski2). On f. yiT
ad superciem
,
the same hand added the colophon: Explicitprimapars. Deo gratias.Amen
.
From ff. 7iv-76v an anonymousand incomplete copy of Theobald
is found (Incipittractatus
de naturaanimalium
of Placentia's Vhysiologus
).
on
2
occurs
in
a
6v
ff.
somewhat
abbreviated
Our commentary
jjT-i
formand is given as a collection of short notes. It is incomplete here.
The last glosses are on the modiof habere (f. i26r; nr. 3.38 ed. Bochenski), although the last entry is MOTUS AUTEM SEX SUNT ( =
nr. 3.36). Half of f. i2 6v and f. i2 7v contain meaninglessscribbles
and f. i2 7r a computistictable.
On f. i29r the same hand that wrote ff. jjT-ii6y opens a set of
on the lemmata of chapter I of the Summule
. It clearly bears
questiones
the stampof the thirteenthcenturygloss works alreadyknown:
estars.
f. i 29r: Dialetica estars artium. Modoobicitur.Dicitin textu:dialetica
nontendit
ad unumfinem,
seddialetica
ad unumfinem,
Contra.Quiaomnisarstendit
nonestars.MaiorpatetperThulium
etc.3.
(h in Rectoricis
(!)
ergodialetica
This work occurs from i29r-i4ov (last lemma: Lex contrariarum ;
nr. 1. 16 ed. Bochenski). Ff. I4ir-i42v contain other matter,written
in a laterhandwriting.
On f. 1431*a new tractbegins, written,again, by the hand which
wrote the Summulecommentaries.It opens as follows:
disecundum
diversos
<P)rimonotaquod consequentia
Sequiturde consequentiis.
estquo<d)dam
sic diffinitur:
Secundum
diffinitur.
versimode
consequentia
Bilingam*
et consequente
Albercumnotaconsequentie.
Secundum
ex antecedente
agregatum
tio
ex
et
conseest
antecedente
tm6
composita
proposi
ypotetica
quedam
consequentia
Secundum
rrandulfums(
!) veriorimododiffinitur:
quentecum notaconsequentie.
tisex antecedente
cumnotaconsequentie7.
estillatioconsequen
consequentia
1SeeLopold
1; seealso
depalographie
etdebibliographie
, Paris1880,pp.114-1
Delisle,
Mlanges
n.7.
below,
2Folio62rcontains
oftheSummule
ofthepenandf.62visalmost
Thiscopy
blank.
someexercises
ofExemplum
:
andgives
as example
maiorum
Tractatus
theso-called
contains
(19T-gsr)
fallaciarum
Desillogismis
Delocis
andAstoricenses
($r-i6r)isinterrupted
(f.gr).Thechapter
bythat
Legionenses
ion.Onf.8ra table
anddoesnotcontain
the
isnotcomplete
^kcos7V;which
either)
interpolt
(Sr~
materia
Insillogismorum
introducendos.
rulesis found.
ofsyllogistic
quinqu
(Inc.:Adpueros
seuregule
conclusiones
disponuntur).
3 Compare
above,p. 3.
4 Richard
(14thc.).
Billingham
s Albert
ofSaxony
(i3i6(?)-i39o).
6 Ralph
Strode
(c.i3o-c.i4oo).
7 Thefact
ofSaxony
ofconsequentia
that
thedefinitions
(c. 1349),Albert
Billingham
byRichard
andthelatter's
isgiven
thepreference
Strode
(c. 13o-c.
1400)arementioned
(d. 1390),andRalph
nottoolongafter
ofa dateforourmanuscript
insupport
canbeadduced
1400.
42

11:47:07 AM

There followsixteennotesand tenruleson consequentia

(143*- i49v).
Next fourrules and some notes on disjunctivepropositions(i49v-iir),
exclusive(iir~v); some commentson the regule
fourrules on dictiones
causati (iiv-i3r); on dictionesexceptive(i3v-i4v) and, finally,
(154V).
part of a discussion of the dictioneshabentesvim confudendi
Folio i ssT+y containsothermatter.
I found a third copy in the Biblioteca del Cabildo at Toledo
(Spain) cod. 94-27. This miscellaneous manuscript seems to date
fromthe second halfof the fourteenthcentury.It containson ff. ir-6ir
our commentary. Then follow some stray notes on logical topics
> ad proban(ff.6ir-63r; Inc. Nota hic quandam regulam <
On
f.
dam quamlibet consequentiam sillogisticam).
63V only eight
lines are found of a tract on Obligatio. Ine. (O)bligatio est quedem ars
mediante qua oponens (!) potest ligare respondentemut ad suum
placitum respondeat. Vel obligatio est ordinatio sive oratio mediante
qua quis obligatus tenetur affirmativevel negative respondere ad
obligtm. This is a tract on Obligatio, which in MS Vienna, V.P.L.
is ascribed to one Martinus Anglicus. Folio 64 is
4698 (ff.
blank. On ff. 6$r-68v an anonymouscopy of William of Heytesbury's
et diviso is found. (Inc. (A)rguendo a sensu
tract De sensucomposito
composito ad sensum divisum frequenterfallit consequentia).
Folio 69 is blank, too. On. f. yoT-86van anonymouscopy of Martinus
is found (Inc. Consequentia est quedam
Anglicus' tract De consequentiis
et
ex
antecedente
consequente cum nota consequentie)1.
agregado
are found. (Inc. Quoniam ignorantibus
On ff.87r-9vsome Suppositiones
veritates
terminorum
latent, ideo oportet suppositiones
suppositiones
volentiscire); next De Ampliationibus
(ff.96r-97v), and De appellationibus
same
The formertract has the
the
author.
(97v-ioov) seeminglyby
incipit: Sequitur de ampliationibusAmpliatio est acceptio terminipro
aliquo vel aliquibus ultra id quod atualiter (!) est. The second opens
as follows: Sequiturde apelationibus.Apelatio est proprietascomparandi
ad illud pro quo supponit subiectum mediante verbo quod est copula
illius propositionis.On f. ioov the colophon is found: Expliciuntnota. Deo gratias. F. ioir has again: Expliciuntapelationes
bilia apelationum2
1Another
intheVatican
befound
Urb.
Lat.
, 1419,f.6or.
Library,
may
copy
2 Thisisprobably
titleofthistract.
theMSErfurt,
thecorrect
Q. 24$,ff.233rAmplon.
Compare
deampliationibus
withthenames:Regule
thesametracts
arefound
where
237v; 24or-24iv,
,
deappellationibus.
Regule
43

11:47:07 AM

in quemidestspeculumpuerorum.Here a
(!) and then: IncipitTerminus
Nobile
fluens) upon Richard Billingham'sSpeculum
commentary (Inc.
seems to begin. It ends on f. 122v with the colophon: Expliciunt
iuvenum
Tractatus
. F. 123 is blank and ff. 124 and i2$r contain some stray
notes on logical subjects and some drawings.
As to the Toledo copy of our commentary,like the second Parisian
copy ( Nouv. acq. lat. 2^8) it gives the commentaryincompletelyand
in a differentredaction than it is found in the firstParisiancopy (B.N.

Lat., 6433).
In the Toledo copy the following parts are found. On Ch. I
: ffiT-2jy ; on Ch. II (De predicabilibus)
: ff.27^3 T;
(De Introductionibus)
: ff. 3r~4iv; on Ch. IV (here De
on Ch. III (here: De sillogismis)
: ff. 42r-6ir. As in the second Parisian copy (B.N.
predicamentis)
Nouv. acq. lat. 258) here, too, the whole commentaryhas the form
of note,the last of which given in this copy is :

duosmodosquosponitPhilosophus
ibifortase
f. 61r: <N)otaquaredicitur
(!) propter
habetfabulose
diciturf. Et in
ut f alashabetcelumet febris,
in QuintoMetafisice,
totum.
hocterminatur
The second Parisiancopy (Nouv. acq. lat. 2$8) ends with the same note,
whichreadsthere(f. 126v) :
Notaquod dicituribi fortasse
Quinto
propterduosmodosquos ponitPhilosophus
de gigante
habethominem
fabuloso.
ut allashabetcellm;febris
Metafisice,
The firstParisian copy (B.N. Lat. 6433) concludes the chapter De
as follows(f. 2 13vb):
predicamentis
aliimodiapparebunt,
se. Et dicitquodfortasse
sed
In istaparteexcusat
Fortasse
autem.
sunt.Et
dicitquod omnesilli modiqui consueverunt
dici, peneomnesenumerati
'
duosmodosquosponitPhilosophus
notaquoddicit'fortasse
QuintoMetafisice1,
propter
*
2
hominem*
dicitur.Et in
celum*
habet
ut Alias (!) habet
; de Alante(!) fabulose
, 'febris
cumAnte
materia
Predicamentorum
lectioet perconsequens
hocterminatur
(predicamentis)
etcetera.
etPost
(predicamentis)
From this comparisonit will be prettyclear that fromthe manuscripts hitherto discussed the MS Paris, B.N. Lat. 6433 contains by
far the best copy of the work, and that the two other manuscripts
have only rathernegligentabbreviations.Besides, the copy in MS Paris
1Aristole,
23,1023a8-2$,
esp.a 20anda10.
Metaphisics
2for:Atlas.
44

11:47:07 AM

B.N. Lat. 6433 is much more complete. There our work has the followingparts:
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII

On
On
On
On
On
On
On

De introductionibus
: ff. i3ra - 17 3rto
De predicabilibus : ff173rl> -184
De sillogismis1 : ff. i84rb-i9ivb
De predicamentis1: ff. I9ivb - 2 13vb
De locis
: ff. 2 13vb-2 3ra2
De suppositionibus
: ff.237- 247
: ff.247va-2^8rb.
Defallaciis*

The last chapter is incomplete and breaks off in the lemma Unde
sophiste etc. Folio 2$8v is blank.

'

During my recent visit to Spain (Autumn 1968) I found in the

Biblioteca Capitolare Colombina at Sevilla under nr. 7-7-7 (R. 12.479;
old numberon f. ir : 2^89) a complete copy of thisgloss commentary.
The manuscriptseems to date from the second half of the fourteenth
century.Our work is the only work containedin the manuscript,where
it is found from ff. 2ra-i6^ra (with i24M*, i28w*, 136^*, i42M*).
On the top of folio 2r a later hand wrote: Bartholomew
inprimam
partem
PetriHispani Its explicitruns as follows:
in infinitum
estdivisibile
in potentia
est
i6ra:Modoad secundum
quodcontinuum
frustra
dicoquodnon,qttiaillapotentia
nonestrespectu
ideononest
actusproximi,
frustra.
Et in hocterminatur
totusliberBartholomeij
lectio,et perconsequens
supraprimam
Deo gratias.
AMEN.
partem
petriispanide ordinepredicatorum.
magisti
So the supposed authorshipof one Bartholomeusseems to have
been taken from the explicitwhich was writtenby the same hand that
wrotethe whole text.
Unlike the othercopies, the Sevilla copy is complete:
I On De introductionibus:
II On De predicabilibus :

2ra-28ra
28ra-4iva

1Theorder
ofthetracts
benoted.
asgiven
hereshould
2Thepages
areblank.
23rb;
23$*;236r_v;
237*"
3theso-called
Fallacie
tobenoted.
maiores,
4S

11:47:07 AM

III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
XI
XII

On
On
On
On
On
On
On
On
On
On

De predicamentis
De sillogismis
De locis
De suppositionibus

:
:
:
:
:
Dejallaciis
De relativis
:
De ampliationibus :
De appellationibus :
De restrictionibus :
De distributionibus :

4iva-74vb
74vb-92va
92va-ii3vb
113vto123va
i2 3va-i46vb
146vb-1i ra
iira-i2ra
i2ra-i2vb
i^2vb-i^6ra
i^6ra-i6^ra.

The introductorypart of this commentaryruns as follows. I

give
the text afterthe Sevilla manuscript,Bibl. Capit. Colomb
. 7-7-7, f. 2ra:
UtaitPhilosophus
in Primo
Tosteriorum
habeatur
de aliquare tria
, ad hocquodscientia
turautemprimoquodhabeamus
notitiam
causeilliusreide quascienexiguntur.
Exigi
tiamvolumus
turquodsciamus
habere.Secundo
illamremab illacausadependere.
exigi
turquodillaresnondepend
Tertioexigi
abaliacausa.
<e>atabaliacausa,sivenonexistt
Et hicponitur
enimsubistisverbisactoritate
in PrimoPosteriorum,
ubi
Philosophi
dicit: scire autemopinamur
sednonsophistico
modoqui
unumquodque
simpliciter
estsecundum
accidens
cumcausam
arbitramur
agnoscere
perquamresestet quoniam
illiusestcausaet nonestcontingens
aliterse habere.Modoergoquiascireestremper
causascognoscere,
scirehunctractatum,
nobisscire
idcirco,cumnosvelimus
oportet
causas,lindevidendum
estquidsitibicausaeficiens
etfinalis,
(!), materialis,
formalis,
et quistitulus,
et cuipartiphilosophie
supponatur.
De primoestdicendum
estduplex.Quedamestuniversalis
et comquodcausaeficiens
alia
et
Universalis
et completadicitur
pleta,
particularis quodammodo
incompleta.
causaet noncausata.Particularis
et quodammodo
inipseDeus. Que est omnium
alia compilativa.
Inventiva
fuit
completa
duplexest,quoniamquedamest inventiva,
Aristotiles.
fuitmagister
PetrusIspanus
de ordinepredicatorum
Compilativa
(!).
The remarkson the other causae are the usual ones alreadyfound
in the previous tracts. When dealing with the title of the work, our
authorsays(2rb) :
a magistro
Tractatus
Petro
deordine
edicti(!);
Quistitulus?
Incipiunt
Ispano
predicatorum
videns
dificultatem
in logicahoc opusculum
ad utilitatem
scolarium1
qui
magnam
novorum
subcompendio
compilavit2.
1Thefirst
Parisian
Lat.6433)has:adutilitatem
etintroductionem
clericorum
novelorum
(B.N.
manuscript
Parisian
2$8 (f.jjv) andtheToledo
(!). Theother
manuscript,
Nouv.Acq.lat.
(f.2ra)
manuscript
add: adutilitatem
novelorum
studentium.
2 Toledo(f.2v) has:incipiunt
tractatus
a magistro
editi,idestcompositi,
Ispano
(!) de ordine
Paris
B.N.Nouv.Acq.lat.has(fj8r): Incipiunt
tractatus
editiidestcompositi
a
predicatorum.
deordine
Therest
ofthepassage
ismissing
inboth
magistro
petro
ispano
predicatorum.
manuscripts.
46

11:47:07 AM

The divisiotextusmakes it clear that our glossator (c.q. his source) .

had an uninterpolatedtext at his elbow (2rb):
liberistea primasuidivisione
libriaccedendo,
Modohochabitoad divisionem
(priInsecunda
difinit
Etinprima
dialeticam.
suedivisioni
marie
MS)induasdividitur.
ponit
dicendorum.
Secundaibi: Sed quia disputatio.. Primain tres.
ordinem
respectu
Tertioponitethimologiam
Primodifinitdialeticam.Secundoponitcorrelarium.
vocabuli.Secundaibi: Et ideo. Tertia:Diciturautemdialetica. Hec est divisio
lectionis.
As is easily seen, our author did not read the well-knowninter'
in his text. And he did not findthe addition
polation Sola enimetc/
9
et scientiascientiarumeither, as may appear from the firstlemma
(ibid.) :
Dicitergoprimosic: Dialetica est ars arcium,idestunade numeroliberalium
ad omniummethodorum
arcium,
principiaviamhabens. . . ., idestad principia
omnium
scienciarum
(!)
aquisitarum persillogismum.
When dealing with the firstlemma: Dialetica estars artium
, our author
seven
liberal
of
the
task
of
the
discussion
an
extensive
logic among
gives
'
containsa usefulhint at the
arts (2va_vb). The definitionof methodus'
regionin which our glossoriginated(2vb) :
Uno
Dicendumquod potestcapi dupliciter.
Quartoqueriturquid sit methodus.
Ut
(modo)propriesivestricte;alio modomethaphorice.
Propriediciturvia brevis.
velit
ilia
brevior
et
ire
via
est
dicitur
Zamoram,
ectior,
(si) quis
compendiosa,
que
methodus.
sic:
Methaforice
strictediffinitur
4icituresse scientia.Unde methodus
estquedam
methodus
viedevitans
devenitur
viabrevis
etutilis
obliquitates
longe
perquamcicius
adterminm
preoptatum.
The firstParisian manuscript (B.N. Lat. 6433) has a similar text
(i 3vb). Unfortunately,the MS Paris, B.N. Nouv. Acq. lat. 2^8 has an
abbreviatedtext of this passage (f. 8ov). Toledo gives (f. 4V) a somewhat differentreadingand omits the phrase Ut si quis.
The example of Exemplum
mentionsZamora again. I give the first
of
this
gloss (9vb):
part
Hie
. Et dicit quod
Exemplum. actor ponit quartamspeciemargumentations
autemestquandounumparticulare
aliud
exemplum
probatur
persimile
per
particulare
in eis. Ut 'Zamorenses
Taurenses
malum
contra
est; ergoSalamantinos
repertum
pugnare
Albenses
contra
malum
est'[quaremalum
estafines
afines
contra
est] quiamalum
pugnare
belm(!), quoniam
inferre
fitibimaxima
(!).
exstrages
Undenotaquod exemplum
nonmultumde necessitate
Namubicumque
concludit.
omnimoda
non tenet.
similitudo
fuerit,
tenet,sed assignata
aliqualidissimilitudine
47

11:47:07 AM

soletdiciquodargumentum
a similidisolvitur
Et hoc estquodcommuniter
perdiscontraTaurenses
malumest,
simile.lindenonsequiturquodsi Zamorenses
pugnare
contraAlbenses.
Salamantinos
NamforteZamorenses
quodetiamsitmalumpugnare
Taurenses
contra
nonpugnant
Albenses)
(corrected
from
aliquacausalicita; propter
quod
contra
Albenses
bonum
SedforteSalamantinos
est.NamsiAlbenses
estmalum.
pugnare
Termiorum1
ultralimites
velintse extendere
capiendo
quodsuumnonest,lieitumest
contra
eos2.
Salamantinos
pugnare
From this detailed discussion it is clear that the Spanish cities
Zamora, Toro, Salamanca and Alba de Tormes are all of them wellknown to our author. Zamora cannot be the seat of the school, since
the author speaks of the shortest way to Zamora (see the previous
quotation). The finalremarksfoundin our last quotation seem to point
to Salamanca as the seat of the school, which is quite obvious, too, for
general reasons. As a matterof factSalamancahad a cathedralschool as
early as the twelfthcentury3.King Alfonso IX of Len founded the
) of Salamanca probably c. 1227-28,
University (Studium Generale
at any rate at some date before his death in 1230*. We know from a
royal document issued by this king that as early as the end of the
1220*8 the original staffof the Universityconsisted of one legist,
three canonists, two masters of logic, two of grammarand two of
only the mastersof theologyare mentioned for
physics*.Unfortunately
the early period6. However, the firstattemptto found a universityat
Salamanca proved abortive. So King FerdinandIII of Castile, the Saint,
could become its second founderby issuing a charter of privilege in
12437. The prosperityof the universitydates only from the days of
1theriver
Albais called
after.
which
Tormes
2Thecopies
inParis,
found
B.N.Nouv.Acq.lat.
, 94-27donot
258andToledoBibl.delCabildo
onDelocis.
contain
thechapter
3SeeHeinrich
desMittelalters
bis1400Berlin
derUniversitten
DieEntstehung
188^(reprint
Denifle,
Graz1956),
p.479.
4 Seeibid.
andA. B. Emden,
TheUniversities
inThe
andH. Rashdall,
F. M.Powicke,
ypp.479-480
U.(Oxford
Middle
1936),
p.75.
Ages
s SeeJosM.deOnis,Memoria
enesta( = ofSalamanca)
elestado
dela instruccin
Universidad
sobre
dela
de1881 1882(Salamanca
al curso
acadmico
1882),p. 132,n. . Vincente
correspondiente
I Madrid
deensenanza
enEspaa
establecimientos
delasUniversidades
Historia
, colegios
, y dems
Fuente,
1884,
p. 29.
* SeetheChronic
illustrata
IV,p. 113.(Cp.Rashdall,
ap.Hispania
byLucasdeTuy(Tudensis)
eu.yop.cit.y
p.7,n.1).
7 Vincente
Historia
e interna
de
delaFuente,
Arteaga,
pragmatica
fcsperab
op.cit.,I, p. 89; hnrique
I La Universidad
deSalamanca
deSalamanca
la Universidad
1914),p. 19.It
(Salamanca
y losReyes.
ofthisact: enestami
Friars
isamong
thesubscribers
oftheBlack
thePrior
benoticed
that
should
e elDean,e elPrior
delospredicadores
deSalamanca,
e deenderaar
: ElObispo
carta
loayan
deveer
e Migael
deLen,
de
Munniz
Perezcalonigo
e el Guardiano
delosdescalos
... e Pedro
calonigo
Lamego.
48

11:47:07 AM

AlfonsoX, the Wise (El Sabio), who himselfwas an illustriousscholar

and, therefore,a worthy patron of the university1.It is this King's
charterof 124 which laid the basis of the main privilegesof Salamanca2.
As to the date of the composition, it may be remembered that
our commentaryis based upon an uninterpolatedtext of the Summule*
and that the set of questions found in the firstParisian manuscript
(B.N. Lat. 6433, (ff. i29r-i49v) betraysall the characteristicsof the
thirteenthcenturygloss works*. I feel inclined, therefore,to date the
workin the thirteenthcentury.
As to the ascriptionof the work to one Bartholomews
on the top of
f. 2r and in the explicitof the Sevilla manuscript,nothingcan be said
with certainty.This much is certain that the explicitis remarkablein
speakingof totusliber. . . supraprimampartemmagistipetriispani. etc.
The Sevilla copy gives a completeglosson the whole Summulae
, not only
does
the
refer
to the Summulae
on itsprimapars. Or
,
phraseprimaparsjust
should be referred to as secundapars?
whereas the Syncategoreumata
Such a referenceis not knownfromelsewhere.
I do not know of any (master?) Bartholomeusat Salamanca either.
He may have been a fourteenthcenturyredactor of the glosses, since
the occurrence of our glosses in manuscriptsdating not before about
1350 is certainlyremarkable. In spite of the thirteenthcenturycharacteristicsof our gloss and of the set of questions found in Paris,
B.N. Lat. 6433, ff. i29r-i4ov, the date of our Summulaegloss remains
uncertain. Further investigationsare needed.
7 - The Commentaryfoundin Montecassino362 VV
The Archivio della Badia (joined to the Biblioteca Abbaziale)
at Monte Cassino possesses a manuscript(362 VV ; at the bottom of
ii CasinensisN 716) containingthe text
p. 3: Isteliberestsacrimonaster
of Tracts I-VI of Peter's Summulaeinterspersedpartiallywith a commentary. Grabmann surprisinglyneglected* the informationgiven by
Dom. M. Inanguez O.S.B, in his catalogue of this library6.I start by
1SeealsoNoeZevallos
Liberales
in: Arts
libraux
etphilosophie
aumoyen
Ortega,
Alfonso
XylasArtes
- Montral,
de philosophie
international
mdivale
Canada
congrs
ge.Actesduquatrime
Paris1969,pp.627-629.
2 septembre
(27aot1967)Montral2 SeeRashdall
etc.,op.cit.,p. 76.
3beeabove,
p. 47.
Seeabove,
p. 42.
5op.cit.y
pp.69-70.
6 Codicum
Casini
Casinensium
I, (Montis
1928),pp.213-21g.
manuscriptorum
Catalogus
49

11:47:07 AM

giving Inanguez' description of this codex (which is numbered, not

foliated), with some additions and corrections:
p. i : Calendar
p. 2 : Some lines with physicalterms (Aer, sanguis, epar, vesica etc.)
p. 3 : 3a-i8b :
dequibusnovitetmentientes
nonmentiri
videlicet
maniInc.Duo suntoperasapientis,
inPrimoElenchorum.
festare
posse,uthabetur
These are theopeningwordsofthewell-knowntractentitledArsopponendi
. The tract is incomplete here. Other copies are found in
et respondendi
Paris, B.N . Lat. 16.390, ff. I7va-i93vb; 16.617, ff- I3ir-i6iv
(both copies with the incipit: Sicut (<U)t) scribiturin libro primo
elenchorum,duo suntopera sapientis,scilicet
etc.). A remarkable
version of part of this treatise,with a prologue, is found in Vat. Lat.
437, ff.46ra-2ra,where it opens as follows:
et respondendi.
Circaartemopponendi
tus de modoopponendi
Hie incipittracta
duodecim
Et
hec.
per que possuntprobari
primoponuntur
argumenta
ponuntur
homovultinmundo. . . .(46rl))
sivearteetquicquid
inomniscientia
omniaproblemata
etc.
Duosuntoperasapientis
The interrelationsof these copies (c.q. tracts) need some furtherinves.
tigation1
This part of our manuscriptis writtenin handwritingof the last quarter
of the thirteenthcentury.The remainderof it (pp. 3-339) was written
by a hand probablydatingfromthe firsthalfof the fourteenthcentury2,
after1323, as appearsfromp. 203h, where Thomas Aquinasis mentioned
as sanctusThomasby the same hand which wrote the text. This section
containsthefollowingparts:
pp. I9a-9i^:

The firsttractof Peter of Spain's Summule(De introductio

1SeeM.Grabmann,
des12.und13.Jahrhunderts,
DieSophismataliteratur
; Thesame,
op.cit.,
pp.38-40
EinBeitrag
desEinwirkens
der
zurGeschichte
vonDacien.
desoetius
eines
mit
Sophisma
Textausgabe
in:
dermittelalterlichen
aufdieAusgestaltung
aristotelischen
Disputation,
Logik
philosophischen
desMittelalters
derPhilosophie
undTheologie
zurGeschichte
i.W.1940,
36,1.Mnster
Beitrge
- Especially
asfound
intheopening
inVat.
linesofthetreatise
onepassage
Lat.
4537
pp.29-33.
ourattention,
needs
indeed.
2 Thedategiven
forthewhole
israther
conandGrabmann
(s. XIII-XIV)
manuscript
byInanguez
fusing.

11:47:07 AM

nibus
) with an interspersedcommentary.The latter begins as follows
(afterPeter's text,nrs. i.oi ed. Bocheski)1:
eorumque inpresenti
lectione
dicuntur
de primo
queramus
p. i9a_b):Adevidentiam
Et occasione
estarsartium.
huiusqueratur
verbomagisti
quandodicitquoddyaletica
quidsitars.
ad unumfinem
Adhoc dicendum
tenpreceptorum
quodarsestcollectiomultorum
et multarum
idestcollectiomultorum
documentorum
dentium,
que ordiregularum
illiusde quo principaliter
scilicetad cognitionem
ad unumfinem,
intenditur
nantur
enim
in
in
Omnes
et
omnia
arte.
documenta
Quod patet gramatica.
(p. i9b)
regule
ingramatica
orationem
ad hocsuntutcognoscamus
etcongruperfectam
quetraduntur
inloycaomniaqueibidicuntur
adhocsuntutcognoscamus
am.Etsimiliter
sillogismum
seetsuasspecies.
secundum
Dom Inanguez in his catalogue rightlysays2: SummulaeLamberti(viz.
more in Petri Hispani Summulassunt
Lambert of Auxerre) commentarti
this
Grabmann
information.However, Inanguez
rejected
dispositae.
was right,for the interspersedcommentarywas taken from Lambert's
Summula.As a matter of fact what follows after the phrase Ad hoc
dicendum
quod is almost literallythe same text as is founde.g. in MS.
Trojes 2402 (written in 1281) presumablyone of our best copies of
Lambert's works. Thus Montecassino
362 VV, pp. i9a-2ia, firstline =
follows
a passage in Montecassino
Then
ira_2rb>
Trojes 2402, ff.
pp.
_
2 ib 22a) which does not occur in the Troyes copy:
in totaloyca.Etsoletdicicommuniter
Consequenter
queritur
quidsitsubiectum
quod
de
et
eius
in totalogica. . . etc.
determinatur
!)
(
partibus
quoniam quo
sillogismus,
This note was apparentlytaken by our anonymousauthor elsewhere.
Then follows Peter's text (nrs. 1.02-1. 03 ed. Bocheski). The
commentaryopens as follows(pp. 23a-27a) :
Ad evidentiam
eorumque in hacpartedicuntur
primoquareloycusincipit
queritur
a sonoet nonab aliquoquodsitantesonum.Adhocdicendum
quodloycusestartifex
sermocinalis
. . . etc.
Lamberthas ( Trojes2402, f. 2rb) the same text. Again, our anonymous
author adds some notes which are not found in Lambert's Summula
.
Hence it clearly appears that what we have here is not an older re1without
theinterpolation
hand
atthetopofthe
: Solaenim
wasadded
diatetica
, which
byanother
page.
2op.Cit.
yp. 69.
3Foritsdate
andpublication,
seeVIVARIUM
9 (1969),
pp.160-162.
SI

11:47:07 AM

daction of Lambert's work but, on the contrary,a later commentary

in order to add some comments
which made use of Lambert's Summule
of
Peter's
Summule.
to the lemmata
Thus Peter's whole Tract I is interspersed with notes mainly
takenfromLambertof Auxerre'sSummula.
with an interpp. 91^-1 20a: Peter of Spain's TractII (De predicabilibus)
from
taken
Lambert's
Summula
, again.
spersed commentary,mainly
The commentarybeginson p. 93b :
cuiuslibet
istiuslibri,sicutin principio
In principio
libri,quinqusuntinquirenda,
cuipartiphilosophie
scilicet
queefficiens,
quefinalis,
queformalis,
quecausamaterialis,
fuit
PetrusYspanus
Causa
efficiens
)
<
Magister
supponatur.
>.
<
et predicatimi,
interpredicamentum,
Notadifferentiam
predicabile
quoniamprediin lineapredicamentali
senichilaliudest quamordinatio
camentum
predicabilium
a latereetinlinearecta.
subetsupra,
cundum
onwards the text may be compared,
From the phrase Nota differentiam
again,withLambert'swork ( Trojes2402, f. i8vb).
with an interspersed
pp. 120^-169^: Peter's TractIII (De predicamentis),
as
follows
which
(p. 121a):
opens
commentary,
inprincipio
Predicamentorum
Adevidentiam
ponuntur
primo
queritur
quare
predictorum
suntpredicamenta.
et ad quidvalent.Adhocdicendum
istediffinitiones
quoddecern
scilicetad hoc
ad suumsuperius,
Illa verodecernpredicamenta
possuntcomparari
de
ens
ens
cum
in
est
Et
sic
hoc
est
ens.
perpriusdicatur
quod
equivocantur,
quod
sunt
a substantia
de accidente.Et omniaalia predicamenta
substantia,
per posterius
Etsicdicuntur
accidens.
equivoca.
As a matterof factour best thirteenthcenturymanuscriptsof Lambert's
work do not contain a chapter on the categories, so that we must assume that just like William of Shyreswood's compendium1and the
did not discussthe Aristotelian
2, Lambert'sSummula
Logica Cumsitnostra
latermanuscriptsof Lambert's
a
in
However,
separatechapter.
categories
Universitaria
647 (S. XIV) do have a tract De prework, e.g. Padua,
is
in
this
fact,
dicamentiSy
but,
nothing else than the text of Peter's
tract of the same title together with interspersedcomments. Now,
these commentsoccur in the Montecassino
manuscript.So the comments
1Seetheedition
von
desWilhelm
inlogicam
DieIntroductiones
(fnach1267)
Shyreswood
byGrabmann,
undTextausgabe
Akad.d. Wiss.Phil.Hist.
in: Sitz.Ber.d. Bayer.
Literarhistorische
Einleitung
s IntroWilliam
Norman
Abt.1937,H. 10(Mnchen
Kretzmann,
ofSherwood*
1937),pp.30-104.
anintroduction
with
andnotes,
toLogic
duction
1966.
j translated
Minneapolis
2 SeeL. M.deRijk,Logica
and2,pp.413-451.
Modernorum
, II,1,pp.416-438

11:47:07 AM

found there, pp. i2ia-i69b are practicallythe same as what is given

by Padua Univ.,647, pp. 39b-66a, but the formertextis more extensive,
again1.
Peter's fourthTract(De sillogismis
), withoutcommentary
pp. 169b- 17
locis
without commentary
fifth
Tract
Peter's
(De
),
pp. I77a-i97a:
Tract
Peter's
sixth
), without com(De suppositionibus
pp. 197^203^:
the
It
has
:
explicit Explicittractatusde supmentary.
. Thomas Aquinas' work on
positionibusterminorum
fallacies immediately follows (Incipiuntfallacie sancti
Thome
):
attributedto Thomas Aquinas
Fallaciae
The
pp. 203b-229a:
pp. 229^-242^ A commentaryon the preceding work. It opens as
follows:
sive locissophisticis,
tis tractatus
totiuspreceden
Ad evidentiam
qui est de fallatiis
circascientiam
communes
que soientquericommuniter
questiones
quasdam
queramus
sitscientia.
Etvidetur
Et eritprimaquestio,utrum
quodnon,
sophistica
sophisticam.
et nonexistens,
nonestscientia
scientia
. . . etc.
iliascientia
queestapparens
quoniam
This commentarywas not taken from Lambert's tract De fallaciis.
Then follow the texts of Lambert of Auxerre's TractIII, IV, and V.
sillogistica(title added in a modern
pp. 242a-26ia: De argumentation
=
handwriting) Troyes2402, ff. 2ra-34rb.
dialetica(the same modernhandadded :
:
De
argumentation
pp. 26ia-279a
=
r
De locis)
Trojes 2402, ff. 34rb-43ra.
De
locis
sophisticis(no title given) = Trojes 2402,
pp. 279a-339a:
ff.43ra-7iva.
On p. 339b, aftersome notes, the colophon is found: EXPLICIUNT
TRACTATUS LOYCE DEO GRATIAS AMEN.
The pages 340-342 contain a numberof straynotes on logical subjects.
So this manuscript contains parts of Peter of Spain's Summule
(Tracts I-V), partlyinterspersedwith comments taken from Lambert
of Auxerre's Summulatogetherwith the Fallaciae ascribed to Thomas
Aquinasand the TractsIII, IV, and V of Lambert'sSummula.
1E.g.Montecassino
descendit
iustus
et
dicat
loicus
before
Postea
inserts
quoddeiustitia
queritur
quare
Sedadhuc
dicat
econverso
objection:
(Monteos.,
p. 123a;cp. Padua,p. 40a)another
gramaticus
differunt
solocasu.However
dicit
falsum
etvidetur
obicitur,
quoddenominativa
quando
quoddicat
hasan
starts
thediscussion
ofthepostpredicamenta
before
as.,p. i64b;Padua,
(Montee
62b)Padua
diciantepredicamenta
debeant
insertion:
Sedprimovidetur
, quoniam
quodpostpredicamenta
etideopredicaad cognitionem
valent
estsupra
dictum
predicamentorum
quodantepredicamenta
mentis
. . . etc.
preponuntur
S3

11:47:07 AM

As to the commentaryon Peter's work, it was takenfromLambert's

work (c.q. froman interpolatedtext of it) and suppliedby otherglosses.
It seems to be oflittleuse.

8 - Conclusions
A numberof general conclusionsmay be drawnfromthese studies
on the genuine text of Peter of Spain's so-called Summulelogicales
and on its date and place of origin. They will be brought out more
to my edition of Peter's logical works, which
fullyin the Introduction
will be publishednextyear.
I abbreviateas follows:
I, 2 = On The GenuineTextof Peterof Spain s Summule logicales
I, p. is [in VIVARIUM 6 (1968)].
not Summuleor
(1) The correct title of Peter's work is Tractatusy
Introductions.See II, 70-71; III, 13; 29-30; V, 17; 29; 33; 46.
, not De propositionibus
(2) The firstchapteris entitledDe introductionibus
as Bocheski has it. See III 14; 30; 47-48; V, 36; 40.
(3) Our earliest manuscriptsof the work already contain a number of
interpolations.I mentionsome of them:
. See II, 100;
(a) ed. Bocheski nr. 1.01: [scientia scientiarum]
V 17; 23547.
(b) ibid. : [Sola enim dialetica probabiliter disputt de principiis
omnium aliarum scientiarum].See II, 100; III 26-27; V 17; 23; 2S;
40; 47.
(c) The Caliditasinterpolation (nr. 3.32, ed. Bocheski) is
found in all the early commentarieshithertoknown. See I, 3-4; III,
o-i; IV, 136-138; V 18; 2g.; 30. However, Simon of Faversham
(d. 1306) rejected this passage as not authentic. See IV, 138. As a
matterof fact two of our earliestmanuscriptsof Peter's work omit the
.
Caliditas-pssge
maiorum
(4) All glosses give theircommentsupon the so-called Tractatus
, not on the shorter tract which was
Jallaciarumor Fallaciae maiores
edited by Bocheski in his edition of Peter's work. It is the longer
4

11:47:07 AM

tractwhich was part of Peter's work, not the shorterone, which seems
to have been added (c.q. substituted)at a later date (not before the
i2 8o's, I would guess). See III 30; IV 134-136; V 19; 26; 4^, n. 3.
(t) As to the originof Peter's work it seems to be of some importance
that the region of Southern France and Northern Spain, not Paris,
was the main scene of the earliest commentarieson the work. See III
38-39; IV, 139-140; V, 19; 2s; 28; 37; 38; 47fr.
(6) Since our earliest gloss commentariesseem to date from as early
as the i24o,s, Peter's work must have been written in the 1230^
at thelatest. See III, 40 ; V, 18 .
Leyden
FilososchInstituut
WitteSingel 71

SS

11:47:07 AM

Thomas

and Robert Grosseteste:

Gascoigne
Historical
and Critical
Notes
SERVUS GIEEN

may be more than one reason why that scholarly Chancellor

the
of
Universityof Oxford, Thomas Gascoigne, had a particular
There
. Beryl Smalley
devotion for his predecessor Robert Grosseteste1
who
linked
both
Chancellors
was
that
it
St.
Jerome
together
suggested
over the gap of two centuries.2As a matterof fact,Gascoigne's program
for the Universityin the mid-fifteenth
centurywas a patristicrevival
which proposed an effectiveand authentic reform of the clergy.
It was to bringthem to a more learned and less scholastic,more biblical
and less financialinvolvementin theirministry,particularlyin preaching.
It seemed to him that the combination of scholarship and spiritual
interpretationof the Bible found in Jerome's works, was the ideal
that ought to be imitated. In his day Gascoigne could not findanyone
who came so close to Jerome's spiritas Grosseteste.Odd to say, it was
precisely the unscholastic strain of Grosseteste's exegetical writings,
which to his contemporaries appeared obsolete and archaic, that
gained him the gratefulsympathyof Gascoigne.
These general and correct statementsmay be furtherillustrated
circumstancesand by referringto the background.According
various
by
to his own words Gascoigne startedcollectingmaterialsforhis principal
, in 14343. That same year he had
work, the Dictionarium
theologicum
1Thebasicstudy
"Thomas
isstillWinifred
A.Pronger,
onThomas
Gascoigne",
English
Gascoigne
inDNB,
LIV(1939),20-37;seealsotheexcellent
Review
Historical
, LIU(1938),606-626;
entry
ABiographical
totheUniversity
VII(1908),920-923,
Register
of
byR. L. PooleandA. B. Emden,
toA.D.ioo,II (Oxford,
19^8),pp.74^-748.
Oxford
2 Beryl
inComandBishop.
Grosseteste
TheBiblical
Scholar
, Scholar
, in Robert
Essays
Smalley,
Edited
ofhisDeath.
oftheSeventh
memoration
(Oxford,
195$)p. 96.
byD. A.Callus
Centenary
3 u. . . quamexpositionem
inAnglia
diocesi
inEboracensi
. . . egoThomas
natus,
Gascoigne,
etsecundum
ordinem
formam
tabule
secundum
annoDomini
vidiOxonie
14340
incepi
quando
exsacrascriptura
etexscriptis
collectis
deveritatibus
librum
seuscriptum
litterarum
alphabeti
lat.
Dictionarium
Thomas
et doctorum".
sanctorum
(MSLincoln
College
theologicum
Gascoigne,
thetitle
under
havebeenprinted
ofthiswork
Rogers
byJ.E. Thorold
118,p. 14a).Someextracts
the
from
selected
Locie libroVeritatum.
theological
illustrating
Gascoigne's
dictionary,
Passages
56

11:45:47 AM

obtained his mastershipin theology at Oxford1. Being no more an

undergraduate,he ventured to ask permission from the Greyfriars
to visit the famouslibraryof theirfriary.In those days there were two
libraries at Greyfriars:that of the undergraduatesand the other of
the friaryitself2.It is open to discussion whether this double library
was due to the reactionof the Friarswhen in 1412 theywere no longer
allowed to use the Universitylibrary3.In any case the young doctor
was anxious to see the libraryof the friary,forit containedthe precious
collection of importantbooks that Robert Grossetestehad bequeathed
4
to the Friars because of his love for Friar Adam Marsh'*. Among
them were manyautographsof the Lincoln Bishop*,and even a pair of
his sandals were jealously preserved there as relics6. Gascoigne must
have been fascinatedby this superb collection of books he needed so
much forhis work. No other librarywas used by him more assiduously
throughouthis academic career. He explicitlymentions in his Dictioand I46?,
nariumthathe worked there in het years 1434, 14s1
andState,1403-1448
ofChurch
sincetheselection
is by
condition
(Oxford,
1881).However,
andtheedition
abounds
inerrors
oftranscription,
aregiven
exhaustive
nomeans
myreferenses
themanuscripts.
from
1Emden,
p.746.
2 Gascoigne
this
tonote
inlibraria
sednoninlibrara
wasthefirst
conventus
fact,
e.g.: "estilleliber
librarie
inter
fratres
minores
Dueenimsuntibidem
Oxonie"
studentium.
(MSLincoln
College
lat.118,p. 16aandp. 89a.
lat.117,p. 19b);seealsoibid.p. 114aandMSLincoln
College
3Munimenta
Rolls
Series
ofGreyfriars
Acadmica
see
, 1868),p. 264.Onthelibrary
(ed.H. Anstey,
inOxford
TheGreyfriars
Hist.Soc.XX,Oxford,
R. W.
A. G. Little,
(Oxford
1892),pp.7-62;
Robert
Grosseteste
ofRobert
"TheLibrary
Grosseteste",
(ed.cit.pp. 121-145;N. R. Ker,
Hunt,
TheBook
Britain
Libraries
Medieval
(London,
1964),p. 141-142; K. W. Humphreys,
ofGreat
Friars
Provisions
, 1215-1400
(Amsterdam,
1964),p. 116.
oftheMediaeval
4 "Praeceteris
habuit
Adam
ordinis
etiam
familiarem
fratrem
deMarisco
Bathoniensis
dioecesis,
libros
etfamosum;
obcujusaffectionem
suos
insacratheologica
doctorem
eximium
Minorum,
in testamento
fratrum
Minorum
Oxoniae
Annales
vit".Nicolaus
conventui
omne
Trivet,
lega
alltheevidence
about
Grosse1845),p. 243.R.W.Hunt
hascollected
Hog,Londini,
(ed.Thomas
inthearticle
in note3. A copyofPeterComestor's
Historia
teste's
scholastica,
library
quoted
to Matthew
in Brit.Mus.MS Royal
Paris,maysurvive
4. D. vii.See
byGrosseteste
given
Matthew
Paris
Richard
Vaughan,
(Cambridge,
1958),
p. 15and129(note3).
5On Grosseteste
s autographs
Someyears
seeR. W. Hunt,
loc.cit.,p. 132-135,
138-141.
ago
a newMSwith
found
ofRobert
Grosseteste
viz.Vienna
S. H.Thomson
, sterreichische
autographs
ofGrosseteste",
MSlat. 1619.See hisarticle"AnUnnoticed
Nationalbibliothek,
Autograph
this
etHumanstica
Mediaevalia
However,
, XIV(1962),55-60,withonephotograph.
comparing
I cannot
convince
written
notesoftheBishop,
withother
authentic
handcertainly
photograph
itisthesame
that
hand.
myself
6 "Hecdominus
facta
de cirpis
Lincolniensis
. . . cuiussandalia
ego doctorThomas
episcopalia
inlibrara
conventus
fratres
minores
vidiet suntOxonieinter
Eboracensis
dioscesis
Gascoigne
studentium
fratrum"
sednoninlibraria
118,p. 89a).
(MSLincoln
7 "VidiOxonie
miillaOxonie
inter
fratres
annodomini
118,p. 14a);"vidi
1434o"
(MSLincoln
vidiannoChristi
annodomini
nores
117,p. 117b);"quod
1451etpostea"
(MSLincoln
scriptum
annoChristi
mmoCCCCmoquinquage1455"(ibid.p. 629a);"idem
pluries
opusegovidiOxonie
etantea"
sexto
simo
(ibid.
p.640b).
S7

11:45:47 AM

but we may safelysuppose thatfora long time he had been an intimate

friendof the Friars,so much so thatthe yearbeforehis doctoratehe was
presented with such a fine volume as Bodley 1981. This manuscript,
containingDe civitateDei of St. Augustineand Moralia in lob of St.
Gregory had even belonged to Grosseteste himself, who had made
subject notes and indexing symbolsin it. Modern scholars use it now
as the touchstonefor identifyingGrosseteste's handwriting.Evidently
Gascoigne became perfectlyacquainted with the books of the Friars,
and nowadays most of our knowledge about their librarystems from
and fromannotationsjotted down
passingreferencesin his Dictionarium
in the marginsofhis books.
That Gascoigne eagerlyconsulted the works of Grossetestein the
.
friarylibrarybecomes apparentat the firstglance into his Dictionarium
were
found
Winifred
No less than
A. Pronger2.
quotations
by
To a great extent these quotations are so full and copious that they
might prove very useful in tracingsome of Grosseteste's lost works,
or even in reconstructingthem, and also in preparing the critical
edition of other writingsof the Lincoln Bishop. From one of those
quotations it appears, for instance,that in 14$s a work Contraluxuriam
was still extant at Greyfriarsamong the autographs of Grosseteste.
It has been suggestedthat this work survivesin the Pavia MS Aldini
69, fol. Sr-Sjv*. However, apart fromthe factthatthe rubric "Sermo
beati episcopi LincolniensisregniAnglieapprobatusper ecclesiam velud
dieta beati Augustini"is not quite to the point*, Gascoigne's quotation
does not occur in this tract. The Aldini 'sermon' could be a fragment
fromthe
of the Contraluxuriam
, thoughits style seems to me different
In
an
order to make
identificationof
passage quoted by Gascoigne.
Grosseteste's work easier, I give here the full text from Gascoigne:
in primisquia omnis
scientes
te vobisab omnifornicatione
Luxuria. Attendi
dicenteApostolo:'Noliteerrare,nec fornicarii
estcrimenmortale,
fornicario
Dei possidebun
necidolisservientes
. . . regnum
[I Cor.vi,9-10].Necdicatur,
1Ina noteatthefoot
in1433,Gascoigne
offol.107a,written
librum
dedit
says:"istum
explicitly
fratrum
minorum
Oxonie"
from
suoconventus
subsigillo
mihisponte
S. H. Thomson,
(quoted
Grosseteste
TheWritings
Univ.Press,
1940],
[Cambridge
p. 27).
ofRobert
2 Other
ofVienna
citedare:St.Jerome
authors
St.Augustine
($otimes),
(2200times),
Hugh
St.Ambrose
Thomas
DunsScotus
St.Gregory
(44times),
(3^ times),
(110times),
(gootimes),
"Thomas
SeeW. A. Pronger,
Bonaventure
Hist.
(7 times).
Gascoigne",
(3$times),
Engl.
Aquinas
Rer.,UV
(1939),343Thomson,
loc.cit.p. 136.
, p. 181; Hunt,
Writings
* Therubric
offol.8$r.The sermon
isfarfrom
is intheupper
what
, however,
margin
being
manner
itdealsmainly
withsodomy.
forina tedious
theinscription
suggests,
i8

11:45:47 AM

sicutquidamimperiti
et ideononest.
estresnaturalis
dicunt,quodfornicatio
Scireenimdebetquodconiunctio
etpropagatio
mariset femine
peccatum.
prolis
resestnaturalis.
Sedpruritus
ardoret estuatio
et pudicarnis,
concupiscentialis
bundusmotusmembrorum
contraimprium
rationis,que sicut
genitalium
soletpropagari,
comitantur
improba
proles
semper
opusnaturale
pedissequa
quo
venerunt
nonde natura
sedde peccatoprimiparentis.
Si enimprimus
non
parens
nonessetaliquisardorconcupiscentialis
autinordiautpruritus
carnis
peccasset,
natusmotusmembrorum
sed sineomni
contraimprium
rationis,
genitalium
ardoreconcupiscentiali
et carnispruritu
et pudibundo
et inordinato
motuper
mariset femine
fieretpropagatio
coniunctionem
prolis.Concupiscentia
igitur
de peccatovenitet nonestnaturalis
que comitatur
opusnaturalis
propagationis
sed potiuscorruptio
est et nonipsumopusnaturale.
nature.Ipsadamnabilis
Et ipsasic inficit
in culpam,,
ipsamtotumreputatur
opusnaturale
quodpropter
Et
nisi
excusetur
bonum
matrimonii.
damnabilem,
per
quamgravissit culpa
fornicationis
et adulterii
et omnisillicitusususillorummembrorum
attendere
ut patetin diluvio
potestex penispropeccatocarnishumano
generiinflictis,
Noe et quandoperiitPentapolis
etc. Videetiamqualespedisigneet sulphure
in
fidelem
habeat
ut
David
luxuriam
Uriam
luxuria,
sequas
patet
qui propter
et sic in ceteris.Hec omniaet pluraalia bonacontraluxuriam
interfecit,
habetdominus
in quodamscripto
suocontra
doctorGrosseteste,
Lincolniensis,
ex
manu
sua
Et
illud
luxuriam,quod scripsit
scriptum manusua
propria.
propriaego ThomasGascoignevidi OxonieannoX1 14.55,et estinterminoresin libroregistrato
Lincolniensis
I.' Et dominus
'EpiscopusLincolniensis
in libropostdictum
illumscriptum
contraluxuriam
manusuapropria
scripsit
dominiLincolniensis
dominiLincolniensis
cum
XXIII,et tamenilludscriptum
manusuapropria
nonestin numero
dictorum
sedest
contraluxuriam
suorum,
contra
manupropriadominiLincolniensis
opusper se distinctum,
scriptum
Et illudscriptum
doctorisRobertiGrosseteste
luxuriam.
dominiLincolniensis
estinterfratres
Lincolniensis
minores
Oxoniein libroregistrato
I,'
'Episcopus
foliovicsimo
quinto,utvidiannoX1i4x.
Another work of Grosseteste that might be identifiedwith the
philo
help of Gascoigne, is his comment on Boethius' De consolatione
I
course
like
to
the
old
.
Of
would
not
error
of
sophiae
repeat
ascribing
the comment of William of Conches to the Lincoln Bishop2. Nevertheless,I want to give here a passage,attributedby Gascoigne to Grosseteste, which hitherto has remained unnoticed. It was even affirmed
that there was no such evidence at all in Gascoigne's Dictionarium*
.
Under the same headingLuxuriaGascoignequotes :
1MSLincoln
118,p.64a-b.
2 Seeonthisquestion
Thomson,
, p. 243-244.
Writings
3Ina noteonp. 243Thomson
issomemistake
inBaur'sconstruction
ofthetext
writes:
"There
ofGascoigne's
Liber
intheedition
Veritatum
neither
ofThorold
, which
nor,I amkindly
Rogers
informed
whohasreadthewholeMScarefully,
intheautograph
of
byMissWinifred
Pronger
ascribes
thecommentary
toGrosseteste".
Gascoigne
59

11:45:47 AM

enimnonamoresedspelucrietvoluptatis
commiscent
se cuilibet.
. . . meretrices
Lincolniensis
Hec dominus
, prosaprima,'felix
superBoiciumDe consolatione
vincula
et argentum
terre',hecmetro12o,id estaurum
gravis
quipotuitsolvere
a
linderecteappellantur
exeunt
mentes
hominum.
vincula
terra,que ligavit
que
necdiligere
homonec cognoscere
suum
terrequibusligatus
creatorem.
poterit
Lincolniensis
Hec ibidemsanctus
superxiimetroBoiciiDe consolatione1.
What gives relevance to this text is the fact that it does not occur
in William of Conches' commentary,at least not in the reliable thirteenthcenturycopy I consulted at the Vatican Library2.Of course this
passage may be found in one of the other manuscriptsof William's
comment, perhaps in such that had been erroneously ascribed to
Grosseteste*. In that case, Gascoigne might have been led into an
erroneous assumption. If, however, Gascoigne's quotation cannot be
traced, what truthlies in the affirmationof Arnoul Grban that he
freely excerpted Grosseteste's commentaryon Boethius for his own
purpose4? For Pierre Courcelle' s bare statementthat "the attribution
to Robert of Lincoln of a Latin commentary,thoughattestedsince the
fifteenth
century,has no foundationwhatsoever"5would then demand
furthercorroboration.It would be superfluousto say that Gascoigne's
quotation does not originatefrom Grosseteste's own copy of De consolatione which survives in the Oxford MS Trinity College 17, fol.
ir-42v, 9or-98v6. Although this text is interestingon account of
the indexingsymbols,subject notes and referencesto worksof Augustine
and Seneca in the Bishop's handwriting,it has no comments or explanationsin the margins.
It is especially the now lost notes of Grossetesteon the Pauline
1MSLincoln
118,p. 63a.
2Vatican,
thetwelfth
metrum
ofbook
MSlat.2o2,
where
fol.24va-26va,
Biblioteca
Apostolica
visere
Felixquipotuit
lucidum.'
"Felix
which
IVis expounded,
boni/Fontem
begins:
quipotuit
solvere
vincula".
gravis/Terrae
3FortheMSSseeThomson,
surlescommen"Etude
, p. 243f.,andP. Courcelle,
critique
Writings
doctrinale
etlittraire
Archives
histoire
de Boce(IXe-XVe
de la Consolation
mentaires
sicles),
dumoyen
ge,XIV(1939),129-131.
* "Accipite
militantes
hocopuscumecum
Parisius
acindisciplinae
scolares
gratiosi
palaestra
igitur
sedexdiversorum
imbecillitale
nonexnostri
sedsociale,
lumnonmagistrale,
formtm,
ingenii
eiuscommentatoris
dictis
Boetii
dignissimi,
excerptum,
putaLyconiensis
glossatorum
multipliciter
licetsubnimia
Traveth
ordinis
fratris
Nicolai
utrimque,
opussubtiliter
quidictum
praedicatorum
utiles
nonnullas
etiamglosalicetantiqussima
transcurrit
; ex quadam
brevitate,
applicationes
Boetium
Trudone
secuti
sumus
deSancto
tamen
Ronierum
quiasuper
elicuimus;
quem
principaliter
adpropositam
resecare
materiam
subservientia
etmulta
abreviavimus
satis
diffuse
paucum
scripserat
MSlat.9323,fol.3v;quoted
loc.cit.
Nationale
byCourcelle,
(Paris,
Bibliothque
disposuimus"
no).
s Courcelle,
loc.cit.95.
6SeeR. W.Hunt
inRobert
Grosseteste
(ed.cit.),p. 133.
60

11:45:47 AM

Epistlesand on theirGlossaordinariathatare oftenquoted in Gascoigne's .

However it is remarkablethat not all of the Epistles are
Dictionarium.
equally represented.Most of the cited passages are glosses on Romans
and I and II Corinthians.Only a few citationsof Galatians,I Timothy,
Ephesians,Titus and Hebrews have so far come to my notice and none
of Philippians, Colossians, I and II Thessalonians and Philemon1.
Yet I have systematically
gone throughonlyhalfof the two stoutvolumes
that take up Gascoigne's main work. Neverthelesswe may question
whetherGrossetesteactuallydid commenton all the Epistles,or should
Gascoigne's selection be so misleading?
Frequent use is also made of Grosseteste's commentaryon the
Psalms2.AlthoughGascoigne explicitlystatesthatthe Bishop expounded
the Psalter 'from the firstPsalm to the hundredthinclusively he
himselfprefersto quote from the later Psalms, which are explained
in a more continuousand orderlyfashion.As is known, up to Psalm 80
the commentaryis a rather confused selection of Dicta and sermons
which somehow or other deal with a Psalm text. Gascoigne certainly
was aware of the disorderin the work and possiblyhe knew the reason.
He noted that there were two copies of the commentaryin the library
of Greyfriars:one in Robert Grosseteste's handwritingand the other
'in a better script'*. That means that Grosseteste's copy was badly
writtenand probably was a working copy with the marginsfilled up
with scribbles and notes which only the author could understand.
It has been suggestedthat the 'better' copy survivesin MS Bologna,
ArchiginnasioA. 98r36.This manuscriptis indeed a beautifulbook with
1To giveanideaoftheproportion
from
thecomment
on
ofquotations:
34quotations
against
I cameupononly5 quotations
I andII Corinthians,
from
Romans,
27and26from
respectively
andHebrews.
andonefrom
Titus
Atthesame
time
twofrom
andI Timothy,
Galatians
Ephesians
onthePsalms.
from
thecomment
I came
across
30quotations
2Seenote24.Onthiscommentary
"Robert
Grosseteste
onthePsalms",
seeM.R.James,
Journal
inRobert
Studies
, p. 75-76;B. Smalley
Thomson,
, XXIII(1922),181-184;
Writings
ofTheological
Grosseteste
(ed.cit.)y
p. 76-77.
3 "Scripsit
centesimum
inclusive(MSLincoln
idemdoctor
usqueadpsalmum
psalterium
super
a psalmo
doctorem
ibipsalmi
usqueadpsalmum
primo
117,p. 640b);"exponuntur
pereundem
inclusive"
centesimum
118,p. 16a).
(MSLincoln
4 "Etnotaquodexponit
etmanu
suapropria
100inclusive
scripsit
usqueadpsalmum
psalterium
fratres
et registratur
estOxonieinter
minores
meliori
et opussuumsuper
scriptu
psalterium
manu
118,p. 151b);"psalterium
etscriptum
ff!"(MSLincoln
Lincolniensis
expositum
'Episcopus
; et psalterium
minores
Lincolniensis
fratres
suapropria
Oxonieinter
'Episcopus
registratur
4
Linibidem
Lincolniensis
domini
manu
suum
registratur
Episcopus
propria
quodnonscribitur
1
1
colniensis
Lincoln
ff'.w
8,p. 306a).
(MS
6Thomson,
MSis983,not893asThomson
oftheBologna
number
, p. j$. Thecatalogue
Writings
d*
Inventari
deiManoscritti
delle
Biblioteche
seeG.Mazzatinti,
Fora description
writes
bymistake.
XXXII
Italia.
, byA. Sorbelli,
(Firenze,
p. 123-124.
1925):Bologna
6l

11:45:47 AM

red and blue coloured initialsand a decorated frontpage. It is written

in a good Englishhand from the beginningof the fourteenthcentury.
By its colophon we are assured that the text was reproduced fromthe
From
original in the libraryof Oxford, doubtless that of Greyfriars.1
about io8-ii2, at least, the book was in Italy in the libraryof the
friaryof St. Dominic at Bologna2,but this does not presentdifficulties,
for it arrivedthere not earlier than 13863. So it remainsquite possible
thatGascoigneshouldhave seen it at Oxford. However, it maybe objected that no trace has been found of the pressmarkwith which the
English Franciscansused to sign their books. According to Gascoigne
it was marked 'Episcopus Lincolniensis ff'*. But the Bologna MS
displaysonly an old number 16. II. 17, which may referto the shelves
of St. Dominic's libraryat Bolognas In my opinion, also the colophon
makes it rather doubtful that the book should have belonged to the
Greyfriarsof Oxford. An Oxford Friar Minor copying the work for
his own use would probably not have said that the book was made
'secundum exemplar librorumlibrarie Oxonie'. In one way or another
he would have noted that the original was in his own library,not in
. The text rathersuggeststhat the book was copied
thelibraryof Oxford
on behalfof a man who did not belong to the Oxford community.But
there are other indicationswhich lead one to understandthat the MS
of Bologna can hardly be identifiedwith the 'better written' copy
Gascoigne saw in the Oxford libraryof Greyfriars.We find that the
Bologna copyisthad beforehim tworedactionsof Grosseteste'scomment
on Psalms 80 and 81, and he transcribedboth of them, the one after
the other6. The second redaction represents several even longer in1 "Explicit
fecisse
secundum
Lincolniensis
reperitur
ipsum
quantum
exemplar
super
psalterium
Amen"
librarie
librorum
Oxonie.
983,fol.i73vb).
(MSBologna
2FabioVigili
ofSt.Dominic
listoftheconvent
with
thewords
thisMSinhisfinding
mentions
Thislistwasmade
after
Psalterium."
"Linconiensis
1508andbefore
April
super
expositio
episcopi
deBologne
audbut
duXVIe
le
etlesBibliothques
sicle
FabioVigili
i12. SeeM.-H.Laurent,
d'aprs
e Testi,CV,CittdelVaticano,
lat.318^(Studi
MS.Barb.
1943),p. xxiiandi.
3Itdoesnotoccur
which
wasedited
madebefore
intheoldcatalogue,
1386,ottheconvent,
by
Fabio
M.-H.Laurent,
, p. 203-23^.
Vigili
* Seeabove
convents
usedbyFranciscan
cf.N.R.Ker,Medieval
Libraries
note27.Onthepressmark
Britain
(ed.cit.),p. xix.
ofGreat
s G. Mazzatinti,
loc.cit.p. 123.
6Thefirst
that
ofPsalm
81follows
onfol.63vb-6^rb.
80isonfol.6iva-63vb;
ofPsalm
exposition
and68vb-7ova.
Between
them
canbe readonfol.66rb-68vb
redaction
Thesecond
lies,among
Deconfessione
orsermon
thefirst
other
(Inc.: "Quoniam
cogitado
comments,
partofthetreatise
a student
redaction
ora
hominis
. . seeThomson,
, p. 12s and172).Thatinthesecond
Writings
as "inprecedenti
dicebat"
suchanexpression
from
isatwork
(fol.
psalmo
may
appear
secretary
68vb).
62

11:45:47 AM

sertions, especially in the notes on Psalm 81, but on the whole its
referencesto the sources are less accurate and less elaborate than in
the firsttranscript.Since it is hard to believe that Grossetestewould
have writtenboth redactions in his own copy, we must assume that
the transcriberof ArchiginnasioA. 983 collated more thanone book in
the libraryof Greyfriars.With these facts in mind it is now easier to
understandthe full sense of the colophon of the Bologna MS. We
need no longer be puzzled by those enigmaticwords 'librorumlibrarie'
as tautology,
^for the Bologna copy was made according to the books in
the Oxford library, insofar as they proved to contain Grosseteste's
comment on the Psalms: "Explicit Lincolniensis super psalterium
'
quantumreperitur ipsum fecisse secundum exemplar librorumlibrarie
Oxonie. Amen"1. It is tempting,though little less than arbitrary,to
propose the Vatican MS Ottobon. lat. 185, fol. i96ra-2ivb as a new
candidate for the 'better written' copy noted by Gascoigne2. Though
the fragmentof 20 folios, bound togetherwith Bonaventure's commen, is writtenin a beautifulEnglish
taryon the fourthbook of the Sentences
bookhandfromthe middle of the thirteenthcentury,we can produce no
fromthe Bologna
furtherevidence thanthat its text is notablydifferent
a
that
it
be
direct
be
a
hint
collation. This could
copy from
might
Grosseteste's autograph.
The close relationshipof Gascoigne and Grossetestehas recently
received a new confirmation.In 19^4 the Bodleian Libraryacquired a
little manuscriptthat probably once belonged to the library of the
FranciscanMission of Abergavenny.It is a notebook of Thomas Gas.
coigne, containing drafts relative to his Dictionariumtheologicum*
an
means
do
to
here
exhaustive
no
I
of
the
intend
description
By
give
. I just
book nor to investigateits exact relation to the Dictionarium
wish to say a word on the place that Grossetesteoccupied in thiswork
also of Gascoigne's. We are not surprised to find that here, again,
Grosseteste is one of Gascoigne's favoriteauthors. He is quoted no
less than go times. Frequentlyused are his comments on the Psalms
(17 times) and on I and II Corinthians(respectively7 and 14 times).
1MSBologna
aremine.
reads
Thomson,
, p. yg,erroneously
983,fol.i73vb.Theitalics
Writings
for
quantum.
quem
2 Vatican,
Biblioteca
MSOttobon.
Thismanuscript
was
lat.i8$,fol.i96ra-2ivb.
Apostolica
surlesSentences",
Archivm
"Commentaires
Franciscanum
Historicum
noted
first
,
Doucet,
byVictorin
XLVII
(i94)103.
3 Bodl.Libr.MSLat.th.e. 33.SeeNotable
in19^8(Oxford,
Guide
toanExhibition
held
Accessions.
I9S&)>
P463

11:45:47 AM

Other referencesto Grosseteste'sworks are: commentson II Timothy

(4 times), Romans (3 times), Galatians (twice), Ephesiansan I Timothy
(once), sermon Natis et educatis2(once). Once
(once), Proposition1
more we meet those emphatic, clumsy, egotistic assertions to the
effectthat he himselfhad seen Grosseteste's handwriting.A typical
page, of which a plate was reproduced in the guide to a Bodleian exhibition, mightbe transcribedhere. Having quoted a text of Grosseteste, Gascoignegives the reference:
doctorRobertus
Lincolniensis
Grosseteste,
David,superpsalsuperpsalterium
suapropria
et propria
manusuascripta.Et sic scripsit
mum68, in expositione
100inclusive.
Ethocopussuumsicscriptum
usquead psalmum
superpsalterium
vidiegoThomasGascoigne,
filius
et heresRicardiGascoigne,
manusuapropria
de Hunsslet,
mandrii
Eboracensis
domini
dicesis.Et hocopusdomini
quondam
manusuascripsit,
estOxonieinterfratres
Lincolniensis,
minores,
quodpropria
in libraria
conventus
et registratur
d'. Et annoChristi14^6
'opusLincolniensis
hoc opusvidiet hoc tuncscripsi.3
The theme of preachingand pastoral care is omnipresentin this
notebook, as could be expected froma man who was profoundlyconvinced that preachingwas panacea for all evils*. And again Grosseteste
provided useful texts. The notebook recommends the example of St.
Gregoryand thatof Robert Grosseteste.These men, takingthe Gospels
as their subject, expound all its contents, proceeding from the beginningand explaining one passage after the other. They were alive
to the true purportof a text. When, for instance, the text was dealing
1ThisProposition
forms
issued
at thePapal
or Propositio
partofthedocuments
byGrosseteste
became
Curiain 12go.SeeThomson,
, p. 141-147.Thepassage
Writings
byGascoigne
quoted
Dei omnium
facta
estecclesiarum
estin ecclesia
"Cumfacta
almost
appropriatio,
proverbial:
inGrosseteste's
memorandum
which
malorum
(MSLat.th.e. 33,p. 60).Itoccurs
perpetuatio"
butina more
sense
: "Cum
vero
ofSt.Nicholas,
wasreadaloudbyCardinal
religiosis
John
specific
malorum
firmata
estperpetuatio"
sitecclesiarum
(Brit.
pretactorum
appropriatio,
parochialium
fol.127ra).
Mus.MSRoyal
6.E.V,
2SeeThomson,
, p. 117.
Writings
3Bodl.Libr.MSLat.th.e. 33,p. 41.Cf.also:"etistedoctor
diversa
in7 scientiis
opera
scripsit
inquantitate
volu
excedunt
minis
etinsacra
liberalibus
etintribus
; queopera
theologia
philosophiis
testamentm
utegoiudico
etnovum
vetus
deLirasuper
totum
quividiillaopera
opusdoctoris
Oxonie
elecfuicancellarius
domini
Lincolniensis
manu
quando
posttertiam
ipsius
propria
scripta
Grosseteste
habet
annodomini
meam
adilludofficium
tionem
1444"(p. 29); "etidemdoctor
'Natiseteducatis',
suode curapastorali
insermone
veritatem
istam
idemetprobat
quiincipit
domini
scilicet
a propria
manu
etscriptum
vidiscriptum
Lincolniensis,
ipsius
quemsermonem
in Northfolchia."
fuitin Anglia
Roberti
doctoris
et,utdicitur,
Grosseteste,
(p.6o).
quinatus
as "inthecounty
ofSuffolk",
whereas
described
native
NotethatGrosseteste's
placeis usually
itisstated
tobeinNorfolk.
here
4 W. A. Pronger,
"Thomas
. Hist.Rev.,LIII(1938),617; LIV(1939),30-31.
Engl
Gascoigne",
64

11:45:47 AM

with prayer,they were carefulto definewhat prayeris, which prayer

findsacceptance by God and which not, on which conditions, what
results can be expected when a prayer is acceptable to God, why
God sometimesdoes not granta petition, why he prohibitsprayerfor
certain sinners and why we direct vocal prayers to God though He
knows the inmost secrets of our hearts1.It is obvious that Gascoigne
wanted his preachers humblyto instructthe people in the evangelical
way of life and that he would not appreciate any kind of oratorical
fireworksor scholastic quibbling.
In connectionwith a verse of Romans xv, where St. Paul professes
to have completed the preachingof the Gospel from Jerusalemas far
abroad as Illyricum, Gascoigne makes a personal confession that deservesto be quoted forits historicalinterest:
ut audientes
hec laudentDeumet optentquodomnis
. . . hoc dicitApostolus,
Deum
laudet
semper[cf.Ps. cl. 6J.Et etiamdicithoc,utalii homines
spiritus
eumin hoc operepredicandi
secundum
imitentur
vocationis
sue per
gradum
Eboracensis
Deum.Ego enimmiserThomasGascoigne
dicesis,filiuset heres
de Hunsslet,
vocatusdoctortheologie
olimet cancellarius
RicardiGascoigne
me misericordie
Dei ineffabili
ut meimisereatur
et deleatiniOxonie,offero
enim
non
Credo
tot
bona
tates
meas.
quod
predicavi
[utinam]
qui
predicassem
utdebui,necmodoorandietflendi.
nectotiens
LausenimDeo semper
predicavi
Eboraciet aliquandoLondoniis
in diversis
ecclesiis,
quodaliquandopredicavi
ecclesiisOxonie,et in comitatu
et in omnibus
Oxoniein diversis
locis,et in
et in villade Ledyset in Coventria
et Doncastrie
Pontefracto
et in Notyngham
etin Southsex
et in villade Scheen,nonlongea monasterio
et invillaEvesham
Omnisspiritus
laudetDeumsemper.
Syon,et in aliislocishienonnominatis.
Amen2.
There is anotherremarkin the notebook to which I would like to
call attention. As is well known, Gascoigne several times affirmed
1 "Solebant
etrectores
suispopulis
eissubditis
enim
omnia
episcopi
predicare
quatuor
evangelia,
idesttextm
etsicpostillare
a principio,
Et
inferre.
textm,
posttextm
incipiendo
exponendo
illaquepertinebant
declarabant
textm
declarabant
admaterias
contentas
ineodem
populo,
quando
enimtractabant
de oratione,
tractabant
etdeclarabant
textu.
artculos
con; quando
Exemplum
scilicet
Itemqueoratio
materiam
cernentes
Deoetquenon.Item
orationis,
quidestoratio.
placet
condit
ionesorationis.
Itemeffectus
orationem
Deo placentem.
Item
consequentes
que essent
nonconcedit
Item
dominus
dominus
nonorandum
petita.
quare
quare
aliquando
precipit
aliquando
in statu
salvandis
eodempeccati,
sicutJeremie
quamdiu
permanent
70
procertis
peccatoribus
idestnoliorare
'noliorare
dixit
dominus
utpenaeisdebita
hoc',scilicet
Ierusalem,
propopulo
contra
meadivina
eosconsummata
ulterius
est.Itemdeclarabant
differatur,
quiasententia
quare
occulta
cordis
sinevoce.Sicenimdeclaravit
oramus
vocaliter
ad Deumex quonovit
materias
doctor
et episcopus
Lincolniensis
Robertus
Grostet
..."
Gregorius
magister
quando
predicavit
(MSLat.th.e.33,p.28).
2 MSLat.
th.e.33,p.68.

11:45:47 AM


that Grossetestewas doctor sacre theologie de Oxonia'1. FatherDaniel
A. Callus pointed out that this expression does not necessarilyimply
that Grosseteste obtained his mastershipat Oxford. It may simply
mean that he was for some time Regent-masterin Oxford, a fact
which has hever been disputed2. However, Gascoigne might have intended to say that he obtained his degree at Oxford. In our notebook
4
the statement doctor sacre theologie Oxoniensis' is stressed by the
tis Oxonie missis Clementi iiii
words 'ut patet in litteris Universita
A
similar
eius
canonizatione'3.
text, also in the hand of
pape pro
end
of
the
treatise
De cura pastoraliin MS
occurs
at
the
Gascoigne,
Bodley 312: "Iste dominus Lincolniensis fuit doctor sacre theologie
Oxoniensis, ut patet in litera testimoniali quam post mortem eius
scripsitclerus Oxonie Clementi iv pape pro eius canonizationefienda"
(fol. 184V). Accordingto Gascoigne, a copy of thisletterwas preserved
at the AugustininAbbey of the Blessed VirginMaryat Osney (Oxfordshire)*. From a Barlow MS with the letters of Grosseteste Tanner
copied the note that Grossetestewas "doctor SS. Theol. Oxoniensis,
ut patet in litera univ. Oxon. missa Clementi iv papae, cujus copia
est prope Oxoniam in abbatia de Osney, in quodam nigro libro"s.

I do not know if there is any possibilitythat this black book* survives

among the books thatonce belonged to Osney Abbey. Could the letter
have been included in the Chronicleswhich now are among the Cotton
?
manuscripts6
At the same time one more point oughtto be emphasizedregarding
the texts we have just mentioned. Describing the various stages of the
attemptedcanonizationof Robert Grosseteste,Eric W. Kemp surprisingly statesthatafterthe firstrequest for canonizationunder AlexanderIV
(12 4-1261) no furthermove was made for some twenty-five
years.
He wondered why the Universityof Oxford should not have given
any answer when duringthe autumnand winterof 1286/7 the Bishop,
Dean and Chapter of Lincoln sought support for their petition. Now
1Soina noteinMSBalliol
"doctor
sacretheologie
Oxofol.181v.Theexpression
235;,
College
is found
niensis"
117,p. 30aand
4,fol.i7ra;MSLincoln
College
College
e.g.inMSLincoln
118,p. 306a.
9$b;MSLincoln
College
2 D. A. Callus,
Grosseteste
asScholar",
Robert
Grosseteste
"Robert
{ed.cit.)y
p. -6.
3MSLat.th.e.
33,p. 28.
4 "Etestcopiahuius
de Osney"
inmonasterio
canonicorum
litere
312,fol.184V).
(MSBodley
BritannicaHibernica
Bibliotheca
Thistextisreferred
(London,
1748),p. 347,note0.
byT. Tanner,
5Tanner,
Bibliotheca
S.
, p.348,note
6 SeeN. R. Ker,Medieval
Libraries
, p. 140141.
7 E. W. Kemp,
Robert
Grosseteste
Canonization
ofRobert
"TheAttempted
(ed.cit.),
Grosseteste",
p. 244-24^.
66

11:45:47 AM

it is evidentfromthe textsquoted above, thatthe Universityof Oxford

and its clergyhad already presented their plea to Rome nearlytwenty
years earlier, during the pontificate of Clement IV (126^-1268).
The 'litera testimonialis' they sent to the Pope thus constitutesthe
link between the firstmission of Nicholas Grecus duringthe papacy of
Alexander IV and that of Canon Simon de Worth promoted by Bishop
Oliver Sutton soon afterhis election in 1280.
It is my conviction that upon several other questions concerning
Robert Grossetestenew lightmay be thrownby a furtherexamination
of Gascoigne's works. The new edition of Gascoigne's Dictionarium
, which is being preparedfor the Oxford Historical Society1,
theologicum
will thereforebe welcomed by studentsof the Lincoln Bishop. On the
other hand, any outline of Gascoigne's personalitywill remaindefective
unlessfulljustice is done to the amountof ideas and inspirationGascoigne
derived from Grosseteste. I am aware of the difficultieswhich will
attend the investigationof the doctrinal and intellectual bonds that
linked both Chancellors. In such an essentiallyeclectic work as Gascoigne's theological dictionaryit is all but easy to segregatehis real
tenets frommere borrowingsor simplymentioned opinions. Furthermore, the quotations from Grosseteste's works apparentlyare determined by the Chancellor's pastoral anxiety to provide materials for
the instructionof his clergyratherthan selected on account of his own
doctrinal concern. Nevertheless, the historical and cricical notes to
which we limited ourselves in this paper may have sufficiently
proved
that the fate of the Chancellor, who in Dean's Register of Oriel was
4
describedas one of the most honourednames in the long roll of Oxford
University'2,is inevitablylinked up with his predecessor, who in his
century,even in the eyes of the foreignerSalimbene, was considered
'unus de maioribus clericis de mundo'.

Rome
IstitutoStoricodei Cappuccini

I Information
ABiographical
toA.D.ioo,
given
Register
byA. B. Emden,
oftheUniversity
ofOxford
II(Oxford,
1958),
p.747.
2 Ibid.
yp.746.
67

11:45:47 AM

L' ,, auto
du jongleur
biographie"
dums. Paris, B.N.ffr.

dans

un Dit

83J

J. ENGELS

manuscrit 837 de l'ancien fonds franais de la Bibliothque

Paris contient au feuillet 213 recto et verso un Dit
nationale
Le
anonyme en 68 vers octosyllabiques rimes plates, intitul Le
des livres
, c'est--dire "La dispersion de mes livres". Ce
departement
Dit fut dit en 1823 par Mon dans son Nouveaurecueil1
, lequel fournira plus tard des exemples aux dictionnairesde Godefroyet de ToblerLommatzsch. En 18$6, Victor Le Clerc lui consacra quelques pages
de la France2.En 1898, A. Tobler^
substantiellesdans VHistoirelittraire
proposa deux corrections.En 19 17, Lngfors*a signall'incipit d'aprs
le ms. 837, le seul, parat-il, avoir conserv le Dit. En 1932, Le
deslivress'est trouvinclus dans la reproductiondu clbre
Departement
recueil manuscritprocure par Omonts, mais cet vnement, ma
connaissance,ne lui a pas valu un regaind'actualit6.
Mon attention a t attire sur ce Dit pendant la prparation
?. Il
d'une tude sur Les noms de quelques manuelsscolairesmdivaux
contient en effetun assez grand nombre de titres, ce qui confre un
intrt particulier ce petit pome, par ailleurs bien compos et
1M. Mon,Nouveau
etXVe
desXIIe
etcontes
indits
defabliaux
recueil
, XIIIe
, despotes
, XIVe
franais
sicles
, 2 vol.,Paris,
1823,I, pp.404-406.
2 XXIII(Findutreizime
18^6,pp.99sqq.
sicle
), Paris,
3Zeitschrift
XXII= 1898,p. 94.
Philologie
furromanische
A. Lngfors,

tabli
auXVIe
sicle
antrieurs
Lesincipit
despomes
, rpertoire
bibliographique
franais
Paris
deM.PaulMeyer
Vaide
denotes
, vol.I (seulparu),
,[1917]
p. $8.
5Fabliaux
dumanuscrit
envers
duXIIIe
837dela Bibliosicle,
, DitsetContes
franais
fac-simil
franais
deFrance
del'Institut
souslesauspices
nationale
Debrousse)
, publi
(Fondation
parHenri
thque
Omont,
Paris,1932,pp.425-426.
6LeDitn'estpasmentionn
XXX1-LX
Romania
destomes
aums.837dans
lesrfrences
, Tables
parmi
secrtaire
deLesdain,
II,Paris,1958,p. 70.MmeA.-M.Bouly
(1902-1934)
Roques,
parMario
a bienvoulum'crire:
destextes,
et d'histoire
l'Institut
de recherche
de la section
romane
autrerfrence
aucune
dansnosfichiers,
dj
quecellesquevousconnaissez
"Jen'aitrouv,
rcent
oumme
relativement
mention
d'untravail
rcent".
etaucune
etl'dition
(Lngfors
Mon)
7 Parue
dansNeophilologus
LIV= 1970,pp.10-112.
68

11:47:22 AM

allgrementcrit. Comme il est devenu peu accessible, j'en prsente

plusloin une nouvelle dition.
Le ms. Paris, B.N. f. fr. 837, sur vlin, a t amplementdcrit.
La plus ancienne descriptionest due l'rudit du XVIIIe sicle Jean. C'est la notice 578 conserve
Baptistede La Curne de Sainte-Palaye1
la Bibliothque nationale dans le ms. 16g de la Collection Moreau2
des livresy est relev
aux pages 206-229. L'incipit du Departement
la page 217.
Sainte-Palayea mme fait excuter des copies de bon nombre des
textescontenusdans le ms. 837, qu'il a annotes de sa main; elles sont
conserves dans les mss. 2763-2767 de la Bibliothque de l'Arsenal*..
deslivresoccupe les ff.39r-4ovdu ms. Ars. 2765.
La copie du Departement
Nous disposons ensuite de descriptionsplus rcentes du ms. 837,
rdiges par Paulin Paris4, par l'auteur du Catalogue de 1868$, par
Omont (la plus dtaille)6 et par Faral-Bastin?.
On est gnralementd'accord pour admettre que l'criture du
manuscrit- auquel Faral-Bastinont attribu 1276 comme terminus
post quem le situe dans la findu XIIIe sicle. Les dates de composition
- des textes
- diffrentes
que renfermele
pour chacun d'entre eux
ms. 837 sont donc galementantrieures 1300. Je ne sais pas ce qui
des livres
a amen George L. Hamilton8 affirmerque le Departement
daterait seulement du XIVe sicle. D'autre part, la critique interne
du Dit exclut le XIIe sicle, notammentla mention du Doctrinaleet
du Graecismusy
et aussi la langue, en particulier les formes Chatones
1J'aitmissurla pisteparle renvoi
not.578"chezPaulin
Les
Paris,
"Sainte-Palaye,
laconique
dela Bibliothque
duroi. . ., VI,Paris,
manuscrits
184$,p. 404.
franois
2 Bibliothque
dela Collection
nationale,
inventaire
desmanuscrits
Moreau
Paris,1891,
parH. Omont,
deSainte-Palaye
deLa Curne
etsa bibliothque.
, sursestravaux
p. 141,etpp.201-221:Mmoires
la Liste
deSainte-Palaye
desouvrages
oucomposs
Cesdernires
pages
prpars
parLaCurne
remplacent
enappendice
deVancien
historique
langage
publie
(pp.25-28)au vol.X (1882)duDictionnaire
- L'ouvrage
deLionel
Medievalism
andtheideologies
Gossman,
, Theworld
oftheenlightenment
franois.
deSainte-Talaye
andwork
Press,
Baltimore,
, TheJohns
1968,m'est
ofLaCurne
Hopkins
Maryland,
arriv
treutilis.
troptardpourpouvoir
3Catalogue
desmanuscrits
dela Bibliothque
deVArsenal
Paris,
IH,1887,pp.96-102,
parH. Martin,
Voiraussil'Inventaire
etVIII,1899,pp.216-227.
d'Omont,
prcit
p. 212.
*Op.cit.
ypp.404-416.
- Dpartement
s Bibliothque
desmanuscrits.
desmanuscrits
tomepremier,
impriale
Catalogue
franais,
Ancien
fonds,
Paris,
1868,
pp.94-96.
6 Ed.cit.
Pourlescotes
dumanuscrit
laprsence
successives
dont
dans
lescollections
, Introduction.
estatteste,
dela Librairie
dsle XVIesicle,
voiribid.f
Gosselin,
parJean
garde
royales
royale,
PP.V-VI.
7 E. Farai
etJ.Bastin,
Oeuvres
deRutebeuf,
I, Paris,
1959,pp.11-12.
compltes
8Modem
VIII= i9io-i9ii,p. 6i2.
Philology
69

11:47:22 AM

et Theodelet
, largement postrieures, comme je crois l'avoir montr1,
1200.
des livresest crit la premire personne.
Le Dit du Departement
Le "je" s'adresse un public pour relater un certain nombre d'vnements de sa vie. Ces vnements ont inspir Victor Le Clerc le
passage que nous allons citer2. Aprs avoir dclar: "Le jeu, ce fatal
ennemi de Rutebeuf et de ses pareils, dut contribuersouvent faire
dchoir ceux-l mme entre les trouvresqui avaientle plus de talent",
il continue:
"L'exemple suivantva nous prouver que s'il n'est point ncessaire
"de croire, comme on l'a prtendu, que des membres du clerg
"soient les auteurs de presque tous ces pomes, on peut du moins
"supposer que plus d'un clerc devint trouvre, puis jongleur, et
"peut-trepls. En voici un qui, tout en se moquant de ces anciennes
"tudes, nous transmetde prcieux matriauxsur les livres des coles
"et les habitudesdes coliers. Il raconte, ou on lui faitraconteren vers
"faciles et nafs, comment, chapp de son couvent, il a jou ce
"funestejeu du tremerei
, o les jongleurs, ainsi qu'on le verra bientt,
et
"perdaientsouvent, comment il y a perdu lui-mme la collection
"entire de ses livres sacrs et profanes, dont il nous fait connatre
ou la dispersionen diffrentesvilles de France. La vo"le departement
cation de ce malheureux,qui n'a plus ni chape, ni manteau, ni cotte,
"ni tabard, n'tait pas trs-ardente;car les premiers manuscritsqu'il
"ait exposs ces fcheux hasards sont prcismentceux qu'il aurait
"d le plus respecter. [ . . .] On ne peut douter que ces plaintes d'un
"tudiantqui avait ainsi perdu, suivantson expression,toute sa clergie,
"et qu'on suppose tre devenu alors un rimeur en langue vulgaire,ne
"soient attribues un ancien lve des moines; car il finitpar promettre quiconque lui donnera de quoi racheter ses livres, de le
"recommander aux prires du chapitre, lorsqu'il sera revenu dans
"son couvent".
Dans ces lignes, l'historien expose, non sans brio, une conception
de la situation sociale et morale au XIIIe sicle - plus prcisment
de la dchance - de clercs devenantd'abord trouvres,puis jongleurs
ambulants,et qu'il taie d'une interprtationdu Dit. Cette interprtation part de l'ide que les vnements que le "je", aux vv. 1-60,
1Article
citde Neophilologus.
2 Article
littraire
delaFrance
citde['Histoire
, XXIII= 18^6,pp.99-100.
70

11:47:22 AM

prsentecomme autobiographiques,ont rellementeu lieu. Dans cette

hypothse,plusieursquestionsse posent.
La premire est de savoir qui est ce "je". Est-ce l'auteur du Dit
ou plutt r excutant? Au cas o ils sont distincts, les vnements
relats ne pourraientavoir t vcus par les deux la fois. De toute
faon, le "je", qui demande (vv. 61 sqq.) au public de lui donner de
l'argent, ne saurait se concevoir que comme l'excutant, mme si
celui-ci devait s'identifieravec l'auteur sinon, comme l'admettraitLe
Clerc, avec le "versificateur"du Dit. Cet excutant qui parle la
1
premirepersonne,je l'appellerai ici lejongleur.
La seconde question concerne la crdibilit des vnementsque
le jongleur relate sur son propre compte. Ds l'entre en matire, il
raconte son public que tout le monde lui demande ce qu'il a fait de
ses possessionset pourquoi il n'a plus de quoi s'habillerconvenablement.
C'est que tout a pass au jeu de ds, et la bonne chre. Il y a longtemps que cette folie lui a fait gaspiller ses biens, en particulierses
livres. Il n'est peut-tre pas de bourg en France o il n'ait laiss un
de ses manuscrits.Et le jongleur d'numrer 34 livres latins qu'il a
d abandonner de la sorte dans 28 villes. Lui-mme ne saurait les
racheter de sa vie. A moins de trouver des personnes gnreuses, il
aura donc perdu son bagage intellectuel. Pour stimuler la gnrosit
de son auditoire, il promet en terminantque, si un jour il retourne
dans son couvent, il feraprier au chapitrepour ses bienfaiteurs.
Que le jongleur se soit ruin au jeu de ds au point d'y perdre
mme ses habits et ses livres, ne parat pas d'emble invraisemblable.
En revanche, que dans cet tat de dnuement il destineraitl'argent
obtenu de personnes charitablesau seul rachat de ses livres, l'est dj
quelque peu. Sa bibliothque de trente-quatrelivrescomportediffrents
traits scolaires, parmi lesquels un A.B.C, et un Donat. Le jongleur
aurait-il conserv ces deux manuels lmentaireso autrefoisil avait
appris l'alphabet et le latin? Elle comporte aussi un Missel, un Antiphonaireet un Graduel.Mais ce sont l des livres de sacristie. D'ailleurs,
si quelqu'un avait l'ide de se promeneravec ces lourds volumes, sans
e
doute pas un jongleur prsumambulant.Notons aussi que YAntiphonair
et le Graduelse doublent, et qu'il y a deux Ovide et trois livres de
Psaumes.Cette bibliothque personnelle du jongleur est fantaisiste.En
et le Credo,de mme que VA.B.C.
outre, plusieursitems, tels la Patentre
1Surce terme,
dansToblerWrterabondante
voirla bibliographie
Lommatzsch,
Aitfranzsisches
and
OldFrench
notamment
buch
s.v.jogleor,
. . IV,i960,coll.1705-6,
Raleigh
Morgan,
"jogleor"
VII= I93"i94>
Kindred
Terms
2S, Romance
PP279~3
Philology
71

11:47:22 AM

et le Donat dj mentionns,sont des manuscritsminusculesexigeant

tout au plus quelques feuillets.Leur valeurtaitdonc minime. Auraientils t accepts comme enjeu au trmerel? Ainsi, de fil en aiguille,
rhistoricit du passage en vingt-huitvilles de France, o le jongleur
aurait vendu ses livres, se trouve mise en question. Son tour de France
n'est pas plus rel que sa bibliothque personnelle. Enfin,la faon
dsinvolte dont il envisage de retourner peut-tre un jour dans son
couvent,n'est pas celle d'un dfroqumisrablequi s'efforced'apitoyer
le public sur son sort. Manifestement,le jongleur lui-mme est fantaisiste aussi. Il n'est ni l'auteur du Dit, ni le "versificateur",mais simplementun personnagefictifdont l'excutantjoue le rle.
C'est dire que le Dit est un texte littraire; plus exactement,
une pice rire. Son comique rside dans l'numration de tant de
titres combine avec l'numration de presque autant de noms de
villes o les manuscritssont censs avoir t perdus au jeu l'un aprs
l'autre par le jongleur. Essentiellement,c'est l le thme du Dit du
des livres; dans la terminologieclaire de l'Ecole historicoDepartement
gographique, c'en serait le "motif", lequel d'ailleurs concide ici
avec le "type"1. Le procd littraire est connu par ailleurs. Stith
Thompson l'a analys, pour les contes populaires, dans sa discussion
taies, Chain taies)2.Je cite ce qui suit:
sur les Formulataies ( Cumulative
illustrates
thedifficulty
ofclassifying
on thebasis
A veryspecialgroupofstories
oftheactors.In thisgroupof
ofplotor ofthehumanness
eitherofcomplexity
situation
is simple,buttheformal
Thecentral
stories
theformis all-important.
a certain
arealmost
ofitassumes
; andtheactors
complexity
indifferently
handling
we callformula
Suchstories
or persons.
tales.
animals
ofactualnarrative.
talescontain
a minimum
Thesimplecentral
situation
Formula
out of a narrative
Butthepattern
servesas a basisfortheworking
pattern.
in thestory,
is interesting,
noton accountof whathappens
but
so developed
on accountof theexactformin whichthestoryis narrated.
Sometimes
this
ina sortofframework
whichencloses
consists
thestory
andsometimes
formalism
makesthecumulative
of
words
which
inthatpeculiar
tale.Inanycase,
pilingup
is always
andtheproper
narofa formulistic
theeffect
essentially
playful,
story
ofa game[. . .].
ofoneofthesetalestakesonall theaspects
rating
stories[. . .] haveaesthetic
Formulatales,especially
chainsand cumulative
is
formal
valueoftheirown.The essential
[ . . .p.
quality repetition
Les lments dgags par Thompson se retrouventdans le Dit.
The simplecentralsituation
: le jongleur a perdu ses livres au jeu, fait
1Stith
TheFolktale
.
, NewYork[1946],
pp.414-41
Thompson,
2 Op.cit.,
pp.229-234.
3 Op.cit.
yp. 229;p. 234.
72

11:47:22 AM

divers banal et du reste lieu commun; the exactformin whichthestory

is narrated
: le cumul des titreset des noms de villes; repetition
[as an]
essential
formalquality: le possessifde la premire personne, mon, ma,
etc. (41 fois, sur 68 vers, dont 29 fois avec un titre, et culminantdans
le mon couvent
); ce pronom + titre prcds de la conjonction et
la
(15 fois); prposition suivie d'un nom de ville (27 fois), prcde
en outre d'une formedu verbe tre(9 fois); rptitionde perdre(6 fois),
de laisser ( fois); de tout (7 fois). Ce que l'on pouvait tre tent
d'attribuer un vocabulaire fruste, se rvle tre un effetde style
voulu. Le cumul et les rptitionsassurent the essentialplayfuleffect
,
qui est renforcpar la plaisanteriefinaledu retour ventuelau couvent.
On peut mme assignerla place que le Dit, thoriquement,pourrait occuper dans les classificationsdresses par Thompson respectivement pour les "types"et les "motifs"des contes populaires. Dans celle
des "types"1,le Dit se situerait dans la section IV Formulataies, nos
taies, plus exactementparmi les nos 2000-2013,
2000-2199, Cumulative
Chains based on numbersor objects2. Dans celle des "motifs"3,il se
situeraitdans la section Z, nos 0-99, Formulas
, plus exactementparmi
4.
les n08 20 sqq.y Cumulative
tales. Tales arrangedin chains
Je disais: thoriquement.En effet,bien que les livres et les manuscrits puissent entrer dans les contes populaires5, les titres cits par
le jongleur classent le Dit dans le domaine savant. En fait, avec le
des livresnous avons affaire une "bibliothque imaginaire"
Departement
trs ancienne, antrieurede quelque trois sicles celles de SaintVictor et de Gargantuachez Rabelais. A l'agrment produit par les
cumuls, les rptitionset les enchanements,devait s'ajouter pour le
public forcmentassez cultiv auquel le Dit tait destin, le plaisir
intellectuelde reconnatre la vole tous ces titresfamiliersdes temps
d'tudes. Probablementaussi un peu la satisfactionde voir les manuels
scolaires sur lesquels ils avaient tant su, perdus au jeu et sems aux
quatrevents.
La constatationque la narrationpar le jongleur de la dispersion
de ses livres dans les diversesvilles est un procd littrairedtermin,
1A.Aarne
- S. Thompson,
andbibliography
Thetypes
, Aclassification
revision,
, second
folktale
ofthe
Helsinki,
1964.
2Ibid.
yp.522sqq.
3Stith
Aclassification
infolktales
elements
literature,
, ballads
,
ofnarrative
Thompson,
Motif-Index
offolkandenlarged
romances
, jest-books
, andlocallegends
, exempla
,fabliaux
, revised
,fables
, mediaeval
myths
6 vol.,Copenhagen,
edition,
19^^-19^8.
4 Ibid
., V, pp. 40sqq.
5VoirMotif-Index,
VI,p. 87(s.v.book),
p. 88(s.v.books),
p. 491(s.v.manuscript).
73

11:47:22 AM

achve d'liminer l'hypothse qu'il s'agirait d'vnements vcus.

L'interprtationhistorico-biographiquedu Dit par Victor Le Clerc,
en tout cas sous la forme labore qu'il lui a donne, ne recueillera
plus actuellement beaucoup de suffrages.Toutefois, le fait est que,
aujourd'hui encore, les biographiesdes potes du XIIe au XIVe sicle,
mdiolatins autant que vernaculaires, restent obnubiles de mythes.
C'est notammentpar oubli du principe de mthode que les lments
prsents comme autobiographiquesdans un texte littraire doivent
tre considrs, jusqu' preuve du contraire, comme relevant de la
fictionlittraire.
Aujourd'hui, le ms. 837 ne peut plus tre communiqu. Pour
des livres
, il faut se contenter du fac-simil
publier le Departement
ne soulve qu'un problme
dont
le
dchiffrement
Omont,
procur par
ou deux. La transcription"diplomatique" excute pour Sainte-Palaye,
prsente quelques menues erreurs,ainsi qu'un lapsus au vers 7, qui a
Mon a faitune mlectureau vers
historique.
pass dans son Dictionnaire
38.
Le texte du Dit conserv dans le recueil manuscritest une copie,
ne
qui
parat pas toujours fidle l'original. Dans cette dition, je
serai aussi conservateurque Mon, et ne corrigeraiqu'une seule faute
manifestede scribe,au vers 37.
Le choix de la ponctuationtait par momentsdifficile,notamment
devant les et enchanants. Enfinde mieux les faire ressortir,tous les
titres- tanttprcis et tanttdlibrmentvagues- des livresnumrs
par le jongleur,sontmunisd'une majuscule.
Le cas chant, j'ai fait tat des annotationsde Sainte-Palaye,des
traductions donnes par Mon dans son Glossaire, et des gloses de
Victor Le Clerc.
L' Altfranzsisches
Wrterbuch
de Tobler-Lommatzscha mis contribution l'dition-Mon du Dit, don til a recueilli la plupart des
vocables significatifs.Il tait d'autant plus indiqu d'en citer systmatiquement les lemmes qu'ils renvoient aux autres grands dictionsouventdes paralllesintressants.
nairesd'ancien franaiset fournissent
Quant aux livres liturgiques du jongleur, le lecteur intress
pourra trouver des informationsdtailles dans le livre de C. Vogel,
auquel il sera renvoy. Pour les livres scolaires, je renvoie ici une fois
Teachingin the Parisian
pour toutes au chapitre suggestifPreparatory
, aux pp. 97-1 24 de Garlandia, Studiesin thehistory
Colleges
ofthemediaeval
les
Astrik
Pour
L.
Gabriel,
Frankfurt,
1969.
university
quatre petits
par
74

11:47:22 AM

le lecteur pourra
et VAvionnet,
, le Theodelet
manuels,le Donet, le Catonnet
LIV = 1970, mais les atse reporter mon article de Neophilologus
des livresn'y ont pu tre insres temps.
testationsdu Departement
L'identification de plusieurs lieux-dits reste incertaine. J'ai
tir grand profitdu dictionnairetoponymiquede M. Gysseling,lequel
atteste les localits ds avant la date de composition du Dit.
Parfois, une traduction a t donne en note afin d'aider ces
lecteurs qui l'ancien franais ne serait pas aussitt transparent.
CV :
DC :
GY :

FO :

LC :
M

MG :
ms :
SA :
SC :
SD :
T

TL :
UT :
WL :

Sigles,en ordrealphabtique:
aux sourcesde l'histoiredu cultechrtien
Cyrille Vogel, Introduction
au mojenge, Spolte, 1966.
Dictionnairede droitcanonique. . ., publi sous la direction de
R. Naz, Paris, 193^-196^.
van Belgi, Nederlandy
M. Gysseling, ToponjmischWoordenhoek
en West-Duitsland(vr 1226), 2
, Noord-Frankrijk
Luxemburg
vol., Bruxelles, i960.
Le fac-simildu ms (voir ce sigle) publi par H. Omont aux
pp. 425-6 de Fabliaux, Dits et Contesen versfranais du XIIIe
sicle. . ., Paris, 1932.
Victor Le Clerc, article dans VHistoirelittrairede la France
XXIII = 1856, pp. 99-100.
M. Mon, Nouveaurecueilde fabliaux et contesindits
, des potes
XVe
et
sicles
, Paris, 1823,
franais des XIIe, XIIIe, XIVe
404-6.
pp.
Ibid., Glossaire
, pp. 455-98.
des livres qui se lit au feuillet 213 du
Le Dit du Departement
manuscritParis, B.N. f.fr. 837.
Les annotationsde Sainte-Palaye SC (voir ce sigle).
La copie du ms (voir ce sigle) excute pour Sainte-Palaye, et
conserve dans le manuscritde l'Arsenal 276^, ff. 39r-4ov.
Sainte-Palaye (J.B. de La Curne de), Dictionnairehistoriquede
Vancienlangagefranois,Paris, 1875-1882.
A. Tobler, article dans Zeitschrift
fur romanischePhilologie
XXII = 1898, p. 94.
Wrterbuch
Tobler-Lommatzsch,Altfranzsisches
(1925- ).
du mojen ge,
des
sources
historiques
Ulysse Chevalier, Rpertoire
, 2 vol., 1894-1903.
Topo-bibliographie
. . ., Londres,
R. E. Latham, RevisedMedieval Latin Word-List
1965.
75

11:47:22 AM

[LE DEPARTEMENT DES LIVRES]

i

12

i6

2o

Chascuns enquiert et veut savoir

Que je ai fet de mon avoir,
Et commentje sui si despris
Que n'ai chape ne mantiaugris,
Cote, ne sorcot, ne tabart.
Tout est al maie part.
Li tremeriausm'a abatu.
Par ma folie ai tout perdu.
Tout mon avoir et toz mes livres,
Grantpiea que j'en sui dlivrs.
En duel ai torn mon revel,
Quer je cuit que il n'ait chastel
En France que je n'i alaisse
Et de mes livres n'i lessaisse.
A Gandelus lez La Fert,
L lessai-je mon A.B.C. ,
Et ma Patrenostre Soisson,
Et mon Credo Monleon,
Et mes .vii. Siaumes Tornai,
Mes .XV. Siaumes Cambrai,
Et mon Sautier Besenon,

aladispersion",
TLII 1408ligne24.
(Ledepartement):
i (enquiert):
"s'informe".
MG467;TLII 1714ligne11.
3 (despris):
"dguenill,
TLVII3^7lignes
6 malepart):"audiable",
2^-6.
- (m'aabatu);
SCtranscrit
m1
a batu
"table
ouTonjoueauxdez"(Sy4).
, lapsus
7 (tremeriaus):
dans
SD(IX89a).
quia pass
v 10 : "Ilya longtemps
queje nelesai plus".
vu : "J'aichang
monplaisir
entristesse".
v 12 (Quer)
: SCetM: Quar.
de la Seine,
unequinzaine
dek.m.
Gandelu
dansle Dpartement
v i (Gandelus):
L'actuel
GYI 386b.
ausuddeLaFert-Milon;
v 16 (A.B.C.)
: TLI 43 ligne31.
mais
unms.avec
v 17 (Patrenostre):
TLVII483ligne
ton.Gebetbuch",
45,"me
plusexactement
unPater
noster
l'oraison
dominicale,
glosatus.
peut-tre
mais
onpourrait
v 18 (Credo):
Monloon
TLII 1024.9 (Monieon):
IC,lisant
glose"Laon",
(ms?),
voirUTII 2002b.
deGandelu;
Montlevon
aussi
30k.m.sud-est
songer
constitus
dela pnitence",
v 19 (mes.vii.Siaumes):
Les"sept
6, 31,
parlespsaumes
psaumes
37,o,101,129et 143dela Vulgate.
constituant
la "Cantique
des
119-133
de la Vulgate,
v 20 (Mes.XV.Siaumes):
Lespsaumes
montes".

v
v
v
v

76

11:47:22 AM

24

28

32

36

v 22
v 23
v 24
v 2
v 26
v 27
v 28
v 29
v 30
v 31
v 33
v 34
v 35
v 37
v 38
v 39

Et mon Kalendier Dijon.

Puis m'en revingpar Pontarlie.
Iluec vendi ma Letanie,
Et si bui au vin mon Messel
A la vile o Ten fet le sel.
Aus espices Montpellier
Lessai-je mon Antefinier.
Mes Legendes et mon Grel
Lessai-je Dun-le-Chastel.
Mes livres de Divinit
Perdi Paris la cit,
Et cels d'Art et cels de Fisique,
Et mes Conduis et ma Musique.
Grantpartie de mes auctors
Lessai Saint-Martin Tors.
Et mes Do[n]s est Orliens,
Et mes Chatons Amiens,
A Chartresmes Theodelet,

del'anne
oudessaints?
desftes
(Kalendier):
Uncalendrier;
Cf.TLII 178ligne3.
duDoubs.
dansle Dpartement
(Pontarlie^:
Pontarlier
TLV 337lignes
dasBuchdasdieLitanien
(Letanie):
enthlt",
1-2,
338ligne1, "meton.
TLV i68$ligne21; CK4.
(Messel):
"missel",
Salins
(Alavileol'enfetleseP:Onpeutnotamment
songer
(LC)ou Lons-le-Saunier,
duJura.
dans
leDpartement
lesdeux
"labonne
Lespices
Montpellier
(Ausespices):
comme
dessert
chre".
quel'onservait
taient
cf.TLIII1167ligneig.
rputes;
TLI 40$ligne3; CVg.
lesantiennes,
(Antefinier):
le livrequicontient
"antiphonaire",
a iciplutt
TLV 306ligne2. Aufond,
cevocable
le sensdelegendier
, voirle
(Legendes):
- (Grel)
suivant
deTL,"Legendensammlung,
: "graduel"
lemme
;
Legendenbuch".
(SA.LC)
TLIVosligne26,etCV,329.
de l'Eure-et-Loir,
Chateaudun
(Dun-le-Chastel):
(SA)dansle Dpartement
(Divinit):
"thologie"
(54); TLII 1969ligne38.
TLI 2lignes
21-2:"hier
art= Grammatik
(Art):MG4^8: "Magie,
?".divination";
TLIII 1883ligne1.
"mdecine"
ou "sciences
naturelles",
(Fisique):
TLII 669ligne
ofthe13th
andlater
writers
(mesConduis):
43. "Medieval
century
applied
conductos
somedegree
oflooseness
tocertain
Latin
of
thename
(orconductum
songs
), with
inthemiddle
thenthto 13thcenturies".
G. Reese,Music
, Londres,
1941,p. 201.
ages
mall'abrviation
SC,rsolvant
; SAajouteen marge
pourpar,transcrit
piti
(partie):
! - (auctors);
TLI 687ligne39.
partie"
"p[oulr
deFO,laquelle
: SCetMconservent
laleondoues
esttoutefois
unefaute
manifeste
<Do[n]s)
Avant
decopiste.
a reconnu
icilepetit
Donat.
T,Sv4
la forme
SCtranscrit
de M, chacones
(Chatons):
de FOavec-t-,La faute
correctement
,
a tsignale
parT.
(Theodelet):
SCetMlisent,
rimeimparfaite
oucorrigent,
-s.Lamme
(Donns-Chatonnet
)
selitencore
auxvers332-3
dela Farce
demaistre
Jehan
Jenin.
77

11:47:22 AM

4o

44

48

A Roem mes Aviones.

Mes Ovides est Namur,
Ma Philosophie Saumur.
A Bouvines delez Dinant,
L perdi-je Ovide le grant.
Mi Regimentsont Bruieres,
Et mes Gloses sont Maisieres.
Mon Lucan et mon Juvenal
Oubliai-je Bonival.
Estace le grantet Vigile
Perdi aus dez Abevile.
Mes Alixandresest Goivre,
Et mon Grecime est Auoirre,
Et mon Thobie est Compiengne
- Ne cuit
que je jams le tiengne
Et mon Doctrinal est Sens.

de la Seine-Maritime.
dansle Dpartement
Le ma sansdoute
Rouen
tamen
v 40 (Roem):
Mimprime
dumotsuivant.
lettre
Roen.
parlapremire
dansle Dpartement
TLIII 1857ligne42.- (Saumur):
deMaine-et-Loire,
v 42 (Philosophie):
duNord
oeutlieulabataille
de1214,mais
lapetite
v 43 (Bouvines)
: Cene'est
paslacommune
sa
quelques
villeBouvignes-sur-Meuse
k.m.au nordde Dinant
(GYI 177a,autrefois
dansl'industrie
de la dinanderie.
rivale
aumoyen
legrant)
"estlenomsouslequel
esthabituellement
v 44 (Ovide
gele pome
dsign
Paris
Gaston
desMtamorphoses",
disait
litt.Fr.XXIX,
djen 188g dansVHist.
p. $08,
note2.
aux"rgimes
desant"
ou"desprinces",
: TLVIII618ligne10.Onpeutsonger
v 4$ (Regiment)
vers
unlivre
dedroit
duvers
suivant
mais
letitre
Gloses
canonique".
L'expression
pointe
plutt
law"estatteste
dsle onzime
sicle{WL,398s.v.
au sensde "canon
animaram
regimen
- (Bruieres
>: Ona lechoix
localits
dumme
entre
diverses
nom
; voirGYI 199.
regentia).
Voirlanoteprcdente,
DCV 972et
auDcret
deGratien.
v 46 (Gloses):
Sansdoute
la Glosa
le choix,
Ona denouveau
voirGYI 6gia et696a.
TLIV38$ligneig.- (Maisieres):
- (Bonival):
tait
lei deceverbe
v 48 (Oubliai):
LCimprime
Oubliiai
, tort
syllabique.
puisque
cellesitue
dansl'arrondissement
dece nom,onprfrera
Parmi
lesdiffrentes
localits
deChteaudun;
voir(771443-4.
- (Vigile
): Stace.
): Virgile.
v 49 (Estace
v go (Abevile):
le choix,
voirGYI 34-$.
Ona encore
MG456: "Estmisici pour
de Gauthier
de Chtillon";
v gi (Alixandres)LC: "1'Alexandreis
- (Goivre):
MG476:
sonhistorien".
Letitre
esttropvague
Quinte-Curce,
pourtrancher.
dansce casil s'agirait
de Coeuvres-et"Nomde villecorrompu".
LCgloseCoeuvre;
VoirGYII i1a.
30k.m.estdeCompigne.
dans
leDpartement
del'Aisne,
Valsery
en 1212; TL
d'Evrard
de Bthune,
mort
v 2 (Grecime):
latine
Le Graecismus
, la grammaire
del'Yonne.
dansle Dpartement
IV604ligne19.- (Auoirre):
Auxerre
v 3 (Thobie):
LC:"leTobias
deMatthieu
deVendme";
V.L.log,933-80.
Migne,
de Ville-Dieu;
v gg (Doctrinal):
latined'Alexandre
Le Doctrinale
metricam
, la grammaire
TLII 1980ligne
del'Yonne.
2.- (Sens):dansle Dpartement
78

11:47:22 AM

$6

60

64

68

L perdi-je trestoutmon sens.

Ainsi com je vous ai cont,
Jamsne serontrachat
Mi livre en trestoutema vie,
Toute ai perdue ma clergie,
Se je ne truisaucune gent
Qui me doingnentde lor argent;
Autrementne les puis ravoir.
Or li doinst Diex sens et savoir
Qui m'en donra, par tel couvent
- Se je
reviengen mon couvent
Je feraiproier en chapitre
Que Diex ses pechiez li aquite.
deslivres
.
Explicitle Departement

doctrine"
v 60 (clergie>:
"science,
(SA);cf.TLII 478-9.
v 62 (doignent):
"donnent"
(5/1).
tort,
formelle
v 6$ (partelcouvent
>: "avecmapromesse
que";cf.TLII 988.Mimprime,
SAcomprend:
duvers67.
"l'estat
cequinevapasavecchapitre
convent.
quimeconvient",
Till988.
v 66 <couvent>:
TLII 246-7.
v 67 (chapitre):
"Kapitelssaal",
): "quitte
sans
v 68 (aquite
raison,
(SA); Mimprime,
acquite.
pardonne"

79

11:47:22 AM

Books

Received

filosofici
Durando
diS. Porziano
. Elementi
dellaterza
M.T.BeoniobrocchieriFumagalli,
dell'Istituto
diStoria
alleSentenzie".
dellaFilosofia
del"Commento
Publicationi
redazione
La NuovaItalia1969pp.XXII-141.L. ioo.
di Milanonr17. Firenze,
dell'Universit
derKommission
frdie HerausThomasvon Sutton,Quodlibet.
Verffentlichungen
Band2. Herausgegeben
Geisteswelt.
Texteausdermittelalterlichen
gabeungedruckter
- Haba.Verlag
derBayerischen
vonMariaGonzlez
unterMitrbeit
Schmaus
vonMichael
In Kommission
bei derC. H. Beck'sehenVerlagsbuchderWissenschaften.
Akademie
Mnchen
1969.L-681 S. und4 Tafel(mitZitateundSach-undPersonenhandlung
index(S. 661-681).DM 92,-.
numerus
editionis
currens
Alberti
, Tomus
VII,ParsI (huius
8): De anima.
MagniOperaOmnia
stroicko.m.i. 1969;XXIIund284 Seiten.Einzelpreis:
EdiditClemens
146.- DM,
: brosch.132162- DM. Subskrip4pnspreis
Halbleder158- DM, Halbpergament
Mnster.
146- DM. VerlagAschendorff
DM, Halbleder142- DM, Halbpergament
Alberts
desgrossen
Kommentars
Schriften
DieserBandisteinBestandteil
_zusmtlichen
als BandXVIbereits
erschienen
Kommentar
vondemderMetaphysikdesAristoteles,
istindieserAusgabe
diesesWerkes
zudenbisherigen
ist.ImUnterschied
Druckausgaben
worden.
benutzte
lteregriechisch-lateinische
dievonAlbert
Uebersetzung
hinzugefgt
wurde
edierteUebersetzung
Handschriften
DiesevonManuelAlonsonurnacheinigen
weiterer
neu
unter
Handschriften
bearbeitet.
frdie vorliegende
Benutzung
Ausgabe
weilhierbereits
deshalbvon Bedeutung,
ist besonders
Der Inhaltdes Kommentars
der arabischen
Philowirdzu der abweichenden
Interpretation
genommen
Stellung
des
die
den
60er
der
in
der
nach
Einheit
insbesondere
erstMji
Intellekts,
Frage
sophen,
Averroismus
und
die
Geister
zum
lateinischen
des
13.
Jahrhunderts
Jahren
erregte
fhrte.
XIV
Tomus
Alberti
Omnia,
Opera
Magni
i . SanctidoctorisecclesiaeAlbertiMagniordinis
codicum
critico,
edenda,apparatu
manuscriptorum
operaomniaadfidem
praedicatorum
curavitInsti
tutum
Alberti
instruenda
indieibus
notis,prolegomenis,
MagniColoniense
Bernhardo
praeside.
Geyer
Treslibros
et quaestiones.
TomusXIV, ParsI, Fase. 1: SuperEthica.Commentum
kuebel. Mnster,
ediditWilhelmus
1968. XIV und
Aschendorff,
prioresprimm
brosch:100- DM.
brosch:11- DM. Subskriptionspreis:
219 Seiten.Einzelpreis:
denzu Beginnderfnfziger
enthlt
Der BandXIV der EditioColoniensis
Jahredes
Alberts
Kommentar
undbisherungedruckten
in Klnverfassten
XIII. Jahrhunderts
diedreiersten
Bcher.
Zunchst
erscheinen
zurNikomachischen
EthikdesAristoteles.
die vonAlbertbenutzte
istin einembesonderen
DemTextdes Kommentars
Apparat
die im Text durchKursivdruck
des RobertGrosseteste
beigegeben,
Uebersetzung
sichvonder grossenAristotelesist.DieserKommentar
unterscheidet
hervorgehoben
in strengem
Sinnebietet,
einen
Textkommentar
er
nur
dass
nicht
dadurch,
paraphrase
undmitderchristden Inhalterlutert
sondernauchmitzahlreichen
Quaestionen
Mitteldes lateinischen
setzt.Da er derersteKommentar
lichenEthikin Beziehung
Ethikdes Aristoteles
alterszurNikomachischen
ist,stellter einenwichtigen
Beitrag
denn
dar. Der Bandist nurbroschiert
zur Frageder Aristotelesrezeption
lieferbar,
2. Faszikel
sollmitdemnochfolgenden
dieserFaszikel
4 und5 enthlt)
(derdieBcher
sowie
frdiesenHalbband
desBandesXIVbilden.Das Titelblatt
denerstenHalbband
werdendannkostenlos
oderHalbpergament)
die Einbanddecke
(in Halbleder
mitgeliefert.
80

11:47:29 AM

Le latin

mdival

et la

langue

des chartes*

JACQUES MONFRIN

historiensdu Moyen ge, moins qu'ils ne soient spcialiss dans

les
poques les plus tardives de cette priode, vivent parmi les
Les
chartes latines. Mais ils sont plus attentifsau contenu qu' la
forme. Il leur importe de connatre les faits qui sont rapports, les
circonstances qui ont entour ces faits, les institutionsdont chaque
affaireparticulire rvle le fonctionnement.La langue, en tant que
telle, ne les intressepas directement; s'ils sont amens l'examiner,
c'est pour des raisonsqui restenten dehorsdu domainede la linguistique.
Elle est pour eux un lment de critique, parmi d'autres, comme
l'aspect de l'criture, la qualit et la formedu parchemin,la disposition
du sceau, et bien d'autres dtails. La graphie,dans ses menues particularits, la grammaire,le vocabulaire, le rhytmedes phrases d'un acte
sont-ils en accord avec les usages que l'on remarque dans les autres
pices certainementmanes de la chancelleriedont il prtendsortir,cet
acte est authentique et directementutilisable pour l'histoire; si, au
contraire,les discordancesdominent,il y a des chances pour qu'il soit
faux.
En revanche,ceux qui, comme la plupartd'entre nous, s'intressent
d'abord l'histoire de la langue latine au Moyen ge n'ont pas t
souvent tents d'examiner ces petits textes dont le formalisme,le
manque de varit les rebute, non sans quelque raison.
A y regarderde plus prs, ils constituentpourtantune source de
* Texted'uneconfrence
de l'Universit
donne
enfvrier
voorLaatLatijn
1970 l'Instituut
d'Utrecht.
Lelatin
des
doitauxpublications
deMM.Cl. Brunei,
direicitoutce quecetexpos
Jetiens
etformules
dans
lesVariae
t. 3 (192s); A. J.Fridh,
destudes
chartes
latines,
, dansRevue
Terminologie
undKnigsurkunde
Archiv
Kaiser
deCassiodorc,
, dans
Stockholm,
1956;P. Classen,
reskript
frDiplomadesInstituts
tik
, Graz-Kln,
19^7{Mitt,
, i (19ss) et2 (19^6); H.Fichtenau,
Arenga
fursterreichische
de monreauxtravaux
, Ergnzungsband
gnrale,
XVIII),et,d'unemanire
Geschichtsforschung
maitre
Tessier.
Georges
grett
8l

11:45:45 AM

renseignementsfort apprciable. Tout d'abord, partirdu moment o

le choix de la langue est libre, ce qui se produit lorsque les rdacteurs
d'actes ont leur disposition une langue vulgaire ct du latin, et
lorsque les rgles institutionnelleset juridiques ne leur interdisentpas
l'emploi de cette langue vulgaire,le recours au latin est l'indice d'une
certaine vitalit de cette langue dans le milieu o ils vivent. Or, nous
savons au fond assez mal la connaissance relle du latin que pouvaient
avoir certainsmilieux mdivaux.
La qualit du latin employnous donne une information
supplmentaire. Comme les chartes ont l'avantage d'tre, par nature, dates et
localises, les formes, les tours et les mots que l'on y relve peuvent
tre situs exactement dans le temps et dans l'espace; ils constituent
donc des matriauxde choix pour l'histoire de la langue. Nous arrivons
une prcision que les textes littrairesne permettentpas toujours. De
plus, ce matriel est immense. Dans la plupart des cas, nous avons plus
de documentsqu'avant longtempson ne pourra en tudier; cela n'empche d'ailleurs que dans certainssecteursprcis, et il fautbien le dire,
des secteurscruciaux, la documentation se faitrare. Elle n'est pourtant
jamais totalementabsente.
Comme ceux de tout texte crit, les rdacteursde chartes,ou plus
gnralementd'actes, utilisentdes mots qu'ils disposentdans une forme,
une structuregnrale. Je traiteraisparment i) de la structuregnrale des actes et de leur style,de la forme.J'essaieraide montrerque les
chartes constituentune sorte de genre littraire,mineur si l'on veut,
mais traditionnel,car il est li celui de Vepistolalatine, et de suivre,au
cours du Moyen ge, l'histoire de ce genre legu par l'antiquit comme
presque tous les autresgenreslittrairesmdivaux; 2) du vocubulaire.
Etant donn dans bien des cas la nouveaut des choses signifies,le
matriel lexical legu par l'antiquit a subi des remaniementstels que
son analysene peut plus tre conduite comme une tude de tradition.
Si l'on embrassed'un regardd'ensemble les milliersd'actes que nous a
laisss le Moyen ge, des originesau XVe sicle, on s'aperoit que, du
point de vue de la forme,ces actes se distribuenten deux types. Les uns
ont une allure subjectiveet sont rdigs la premirepersonne,du type
"Talis, Dei gratia Francorum rex. . . mandamus" ou "Ego talis notum
faci quod vendidi"; les autres, moins nombreux et d'un usage limit
dans le temps, se prsententsous la forme objective et sont rdigs
la troisimepersonne: "Notum sit omnibusquod talis fecit". En remonconnaistantaux origines,on s'aperoit que les Romains de la Sptantike
82

11:45:45 AM

saientces deux typesd'actes et que, dansles grandeslignes,leur structure

taitdj peu prs ce qu'elle est au Moyen ge.
Je n'insisteraigure, parlantde la forme,sur les actes de rdaction
objective que les diplomatistesappellent "notices", assez frquentsdans
les premiers sicles du Moyen ge, parce qu'ils sont souvent extrmement secs et se bornent narrer un fait ayant des consquences
juridiques. Ils ne deviennent intressantspour nous que lorsqu'ils
empruntent l'autre catgorie, dont nous allons parler dans un instant,
quelques-unes de ses parties. Plus tard, sous la plume des notaires du
XHIe sicle et des sicles suivants,apparaissentdes actes galementen
formeobjective. Leur rdaction obit des rgles si prcises qu'ils ne
peuventdonner lieu qu' des observationsmineures.
En revanche,nous aurons une large moisson d'observations faire
sur les documentsrdigs la premirepersonne. Vous connaissezleur
dispositiongnrale, dont je rappelle trs brivementl'essentiel, tant
entendu que l'un ou l'autre des lments qui vont tre numrs
peuvent manquer. On trouve d'abord le nom de la personne de qui
mane l'acte (la souscription): "Ego talis" suivi du nom de celle
laquelle il est adress: 'tali' (l'adresse) et d'une formule de salut:
'salutem'. Vient aprs ce que les diplomatistesappellentun prambule,
c'est--dire une ou plusieurs phrases, exprimant une vrit gnrale
d'ordre moral, qui trouveou est cense trouverson applicationdans les
dispositions prises: du type par exemple "Il est bon d'acqurir des
biens spirituelsqui ne prirontpas au moyen de biens matrielsdont la
mort nous spare 'ou bjen' Le bon ordre d'un royaumefait la gloire
d'un prince".
On arrive souvent ensuite directement l'nonc des dispositions
prises: dans le premiercas : "Par consquentje donne tel tablissement
religieux,dont les moines prierontpour moi, telle terre", ou bien, dans
le second cas "J'ai donc prescritde porter remde tel ou tel abus".
Souvent s'intercale entre les deux lments un troisime, qui expose
l'occasion et les raisons de la mesure: par exemple - je prends notre
deuxime cas, celui du royaumeordonn - "On m'a rapport que les
de telle provincese livrent des abus".
officiers
L'acte peut tre complt par des formulesgarantissant
l'excution
des dispositionsou menaantles contrevenants.Il se termine,du moins
en principe,par une date de tempset de lieu.
Cette architectureest, dans ses grandes lignes, inspire par des rgles
qui ont pris corps bien avant la chute de l'empire romain,rgles appli3

11:45:45 AM

ques la rdaction des lettres prives, aussi bien qu'aux actes des
empereurs, qui se prsententla plupart du temps comme une lettre
adresse un fonctionnairecharg d'excuter la volont du prince.
1) Souscription,adresse, salut.
Nous les trouvonspartout. Il suffitd'ouvrir n'importe quel recueil de
lettresde Cicron ou de Pline: "Marcus Quinto fratrisalutem".
2) Prambule.
La ncessit de ne pas commencer sans un exorde ressortit la fois la
rhtoriqueet la philosophiepolitique et morale.
Les rgles de la rhtorique,telles qu'elles ont t dgages par les
Grecs de l'poque hellniste,puis par les Romains, indiquaientque tout
discours, toute lettre devait dbuter par quelques propos destins
frapperet retenirl'attention et la bienveillance des auditeursou du
destinataire: c'est la "captatio benevolentiae", fondementde toute la
topique de l' exorde. L'une des ides les plus souventexploites est celle
du sentimentd'insuffisanceque ressentcelui qui prend la parole ou, la
plume, sentimentsincre ou non: ce qui est modration chez les uns
peut tre habilitchez les autres.
Les philosophespartentd'un autre point de vue, que Platon, par
exemple, dveloppe dans les Lois: le souverain ne doit pas imposer sa
volont par la force, mais par la persuasion. Il ne doit donc pas formuler
ses volontsex abrupto
, mais, dans un prologue, exposer la ncessitet la
des
mesures
justesse
prises. Cette manire de prsenterles choses est
aussi celle de la prdicationmoralisantedes Stociens.
L'usage du prambule est constantds qu'une lettre a un certain
caractrede solennitet adopte un stylesoutenu. Dans la correspondance
de Cicron, aussi bien parmi les lettres expdies par lui que parmi
celles qu'il recevait de ses correspondants, les prambules sont frquents. Mais, ce qui situe bien le niveau du styledans lequel ils sont de
rgle, c'est que, lorsque le grandorateur crit son frreQuintus ou
son ami Atticus,lettresfamilires,il n'use jamais d'un pareil procd.
En revanche, la chancellerieimpriale, dans les dernierssicles de
l'Empire, s'en sert systmatiquement:elle a de manire dfinitive
adopt le style noble, impos dsormais pour longtemps aux actes
mdivaux. L'empereur n'en vient jamais au fait: il commence par
exprimer une vrit gnrale, le plus souvent de caractre moral, qui
n'a pas de rapportavec le contenude la lettre,mais y conduit.
Il conviendraitsans doute de nuancerces indicationstrs gnrales,
mais je n'insiste pas. L'tude de M. Fichtenau, en mme temps qu'elle
fournitde nombreux exemples de cette pratique, en retrace l'histoire
84

11:45:45 AM

avec une grande pntration. On pourrait, propos de la Narratio

,

donne
lieu
la

du
fait
rdaction
et
la
de
lettre,
qui
l'expdition
l'expos
puis de la partie principale, dcision ou ordre du prince, requte du
sujet, faire des observationsparallles. Sur ces deux points, il est bien
clair que nous ne trouvonspas normalement,dans la lettre prive, la
mme rgularitque dansles documentsissusdes bureauxde l'empereur.
En revanche, la date apparat dans les unes aussi bien que dans les
autres.
Il n'est pas tonnantque les chancelleriesde l'antiquit aient suivi
les rgles de l'Ecole. Elles employaient souvent des rhteurs qui
appliquaient les rgles de leur art, comme les chancelleries du Moyen
ge emploierontles clercs; et il me semble voir un air de familleentre
tous ces plumitifs gage.
Ds qu'elle futorganisede manireun peu complexe, l'glise chrtienne prit modle sur l'administrationcivile, et nous voyons les papes
couler l'expression de leur volont dans les mmes moules que les
empereurs. On peut donc dire que, vers la finde l'antiquit, les faits
sont assez nets et rvlentune pratique bien entre dans les moeurs. La
lettreofficielle,civile ou ecclsiastique,estune formeun peu particulire,
solennelle et sans abandon, de Vepistolalatine, et soumise, comme elle,
aux principes de la rhtorique.
Pour les actes privs le problme est un peu diffrent.Les formulaires tablis par les juristes proposent, mme si le contrata la forme
d'une epistola
, des mises en formetrs spciales. Il y a l un problme
qu'il n'est pas ncessaire de traiterdans l'expos gnral que je tente
aujourd'hui.
Ce qui a t dit jusqu'ici fait donc apparatreque, dans sa structure,la
chartemdivale est l'hritiredes actes publics et des lettresde l'antiquit. La discussionque les diplomatistesont introduitesur ce point, se
demandantdans quelle mesure les actes du haut Moyen ge reprsentaientbien la traditionromaine, ne nous concerne gure: car ce qu'ils
ont en vue est la porte juridique des actes. Je crois que du point de vue
de la forme,tout le monde est d'accord pour trancherdans le sens de la
continuit.
Elle se rvle aussi dans les dtails de rdaction et de style. Voici
quelques exemples. Lorsqu'un acte est adress une personne dtermine, ce qui est le cas le plus habituel, on la nomme dans la formule
initiale. Mais il parat peu courtois de la dsigner seulement par son
nom, ou par le pronom tu ou vos, dans le texte: on utilisera, en lui
8*

11:45:45 AM

tua, excellentiatua, etc. Tradition

parlant, des tours du typeJraternitas
qui veut que Ton dise aujourd'hui sa majestaux souverains,sonexcellence
un cardinal de 1'Eglise romaine. Vous
un ministre,et son eminence
verrez par quelques indicationsqui vont suivre que cette habitude est
fortancienne. Le processus qui a abouti ces formuless'est pratiquement tout entier droul au cours de l'antiquit.
Au dpart, on dsigne la personne dont on parle ou qui Ton parle
par un mot abstrait.Les exemples sont nombreuxchez les comiques, et
restentfrquentschaque foisqu'un auteur veut donnerun tour vif son
discours: "Sed eccam ipsa egreditur nostri fundi calamitas", dit un
personnagede VEunuquede Trence, lorsqu'il voit apparatreune jeune
personne trop habile dpenser les deniers de son soupirant. Dans un
autre registre,celui de l'lgie amoureuse, l'amant dira de son amante
"Amormeus
, Dilectiomea". L'objet aim est dsignpar le
, Mea amoenitas
nom du sentimentqu'il fait prouver, et le pronom possessifsouligne
que ce sentimentest prouv par celui qui parle. Enfin,celui qui crit
peut dsignerson correspondant(ou celui qui parle son interlocuteur)
le distingueparticulirement: "Majestas
par le nom d'une qualit qui
tua" dit Horace, "Tua pietas" dit Pline en s'adressant l'empereur.
Ce dernier usage finitpar contaminerle prcdent: tuusest alors
employ dans tous les cas, si bien que l'on en vient dire parlant une
tua. Et nous arrivonsau tour si frquent
personne,Dilectiotua, Amoenitas
au Moyen ge.
On pourraitclasserles appellatifsde ce type,tels qu'ils apparaissent
dans les chartes,en trois catgories:
tua, Prden, Beatitudo
1) Qualit que possde le correspondant:Sanctitas
tia tua. C'est le tour Majestastua.
2) Qualit qui situe le correspondantpar rapport celui qui parle:
Fraternitas
tua.
Sentiment
3)
que le correspondantfait prouver celui qui parle:
tua, Dilectiotua. Au dpart, le possessiftait la premire
Reverentia
personne et insistaitsur le sentimentprouv par l'crivain (c'est le
tour Amormeus), ensuite, la seconde personne, il souligne comme
l'manation qui sort de la personnede l'interlocuteur.
Dans l'pistolographie chrtienne des premiers sicles, nous
assistons une floraisonde ces appellatifs: Benignitas
,
, Dignatio, Gravitas
Excellentia.
D
Prudenti
, ignitas,
a, Pietas, Amplitudo
L'esprit crmonieuxet formalistede la cour de Constantinopleet
de celle de Ravenne s'empara de ces dsignationset les codifia: on eut
dementia;
toute la srie des titulaturesrservesau souverain: Aequitasy
86

11:45:45 AM

Excellentia
, Gloria, Mansuetudo
, Pietas; celle des grands personnages
Beatitudo
celle des grands personnages
,
Sanctitas;
ecclsiastiques:
Eminentia
Celsitudo
,
, Magnicentia
; on eut aussi les titres
laques:
rservsaus infrieurs:Devotio
, Diligentia, Experientia
; puis les simples
titresde courtoisie: Fraternitas
, Gratia, Potestas
, Prudentia.
Le latin mdival puisera abondamment cette source en bouleversantsans doute le schma qui vientd'tre esquiss; mais au fondil ne
feraqu'amnagerune situationacquise.
Prenons au hasard un autre secteur, celui des verbes d'ordre, si
frquentsdans les actes publics. Le Bas-empireutilisaitdj avec prdilection les tours que nous trouverons si souvent du type censemus
destinandum
. On pourraitsouligneraussi cette
, decernimus,
jubemus,volemus
se
traduit
tant
affecte
de prcautions: l'enveloppepolitesse
qui
par
ment, par des priphrases nombreuses, des formules attnues, de
l'expression d'une volont sans appel; puis le souci d'viter la forme
subjective: l'crivainne s'introduitque le plus tardpossible.
Enfin,il faut bien rappeler ce fait si connu: c'est pendant la fin
de l'antiquit que se sont tablies les rgles du cursusqui prconisent,
pour les finsde phrases,certainesalternancesde syllabesaccentues et de
syllabesatones, concidantavec une dispositionparticulirede la coupe
des mots, rythme intensifqui avait remplac le rythme tonal des
clausules classiques.
Lorsque les bouleversementsdu IVe et du Ve sicle eurent ruin l'empire romain,les principesanciensne furentpas pour autantabandonns.
Diverses circonstances,d'ailleurs, en favorisrentla survie. En premier
lieu, je l'ai dj dit, le stylede chancelleriedes empereurset des hauts
fonctionnairesavait t adopt par les papes et les vques. Et comme
les structuresde l'administrationecclsiastique se maintinrentau milieu
des royaumesbarbareset continurent fonctionner,elles perpturent
les anciennes rgles de l'art d'crire: nous ne faisons l que relever
l'application un cas particulierd'un fait trs gnral et bien connu,
mme si la discussionsubsistesur quelques modalits,en particuliersur
le possible maintien, au Vile sicle, de quelques bureaux d'criture
lacs. D'autre part, le hasard voulut que le souverain ostrogothThodorie, install Ravenne, et qui avait acquis une sorte d'hgmonie au
moins morale sur les autres rois barbares, s'assura les services, pour
rdigeret expdier ses lettres,d'un homme qui mit tous ses soins les
bien tourner, l'instar de la chancellerieimpriale, Cassiodore, et que
cet homme eut l'ide de runirles meilleurschantillonsde son savoir
7

11:45:45 AM

fairedans un vaste recueil de lettres,les Variae, qui jouit aussittd'une

grandediffusionet fututilis comme modle.
Ainsi nous sommes, avec la langue des chartes,en pleine tradition
romaine: l'art de les crire faitpartie du legs de l'antiquit, au mme
titreque tantd'autres habitudesintellectuelles.
Comment cette traditiona-t-elle t perptue au Moyen ge? C'est ce
que nous allons maintenantexaminer, en considrant la fois les problmes relatifs la structuregnrale des documents et ceux qui concernent les faitsgrammaticaux.
Je rappelle que, lorsqu'on s'intresse particulirement ces derniers,au dtail de la graphie,de la morphologieet de la syntaxe,il est de
bonne mthode de ne fonderl'tude que sur les documentsoriginaux,
les copies tant suspectes d'altrations (en fait il s'agirait plutt ici de
corrections) de toute sorte. Les romanistesconsidrent depuis longtemps les chartes comme d'excellents tmoins, dats et localiss, des
formes de la langue; les germanisteset les anglicistes aussi. Ils ont
fortementinsist, surtoutdepuis quelques annes, sur la dfiancequ'il
convient d'avoir l'gard des copies. Peut-tre d'ailleurs sont-ilsalls
un peu trop loin. Les originauxsont souventl'aboutissementde procdures complexes, qui altrent le caractre immdiat de leur criture.
D'autre part, certains cartulaires, compils une date de bien peu
postrieure aux actes qu'ils runissent,offrentde ceux-ci des textes
qui mritenttoute confiance.Je pense au magnifiquecartulairede l'abbaye de Sainte-Foi de Conques, en Rouergue, ou ces recueils o les
Templiers des diversescommanderiesdu Midi de la France recueillirent
les titresde leurs possessions. C'est une affairede cas d'espce, et une
tude diplomatique et critique doit, dans tous les cas, prcder le
.
dpouillement linguistique1
Cette rserve de mthode faite, il suffirade dessiner grands
traits l'volution du latin des chartes, parce que l'histoire de cette
traditiona t mainte fois tudie. Je voudrais toutefoissoulignerplus
fortementqu'on ne le faitparfoisqu'elle parat solidaire du fluxet du
refluxgnral de la culture au cours du Moyen ge et se diversifie la
foissuivantle temps et le lieu.
L'poque mrovingiennea la fcheuse rputationd'tre l'un des
points extrmesdu reflux.Les choses sont sans doute un peu plus com1 J.Monfrin,
dansRevue
deLinguistique
dedialectologie
LeMode
detradition
etlestudes
desactes
crits
Romane
, t. 32(1968).
88

11:45:45 AM

plexes. Toutes les tudes conduites sur la cinquantaine d'originaux

qui s'chelonnent entre 629 et 750, de Clotaire II Ppin, Maire du
Palais, ont en effett conduites par des romanistesqui se sont surtout
attachs dpister les traits qui annoncent ou mme attestent les
volutionsromanes.A les voir du point de vue de la traditionlittraireet
, on s'aperoit qu'elles sont fidlesaux modles
stylistiquede Vepistola
le
antiques:
prambule est particulirementsoign et dveloppe des
considrationsmorales dans la traditionimpriale. J'empruntel'exemple suivant l'ouvrage de M. Fichtenau: Thodose II avait crit, en
449 : "Boni principiscura vel primavel maxima est, quietem provincialium propitia sollicitius mente tractare, quibus quanto plus fuerit
humanitatisinpensum,tantoproniusamor devotionisincumbit".
Clotaire II reprend,vers la findu Vie sicle: "Usus est clementiae
principalis nicessitatem provincialium vel subjectorum sibi omnium
populorum provida sollecicius mente tractare et pro quiete eorum
quaecumque juste sunt observanda indita in titulis constitutioneconscribere,quibus quantumplus fueritjustitiaeadque integritatis
inpensum,
tanto proniusamor divutionisincumbit".
M. Fichtenau, qui rapproche les deux textes, souligne une modificationintressante: humanitasa t remplac par justitiaet integritas
:
le vieux concept antique de l'humain,de l'humanismepeut-tre,disparat devantdes vertusplus prcises, antiques aussi, mais adoptes par le
christianisme.De plus, humanitas
, vid de son sens ancien, tendaitalors
et

prendre un sens concret

dsigner l'hospitalit ou les prestations
dues aux officiersroyaux en mission; les thologiensd'autre part s'en
servaientpour dsignerl'un des aspects de la natureou l'une des natures
du Christ. Il n'tait pas sa place ici. On pourraitrpterbien des fois
l'preuve et la faire,non plus sur le prambule, mais sur la structurede
l'expos ou du dispositif.On constateraitque les formulesse dveloppent, s'accumulent, mais se renouvellentpeu. Elargie aux textes transmis dans de bonnes conditionspar des copies, et aux textesdes formulaires, recueils de modles prparspour aider les scribes de chancellerie
dans leur travail, l'tude donne, de faon constante, des rsultats
analogues.
Il faut toutefoissouligner un aspect important,c'est le manque
d'homognit de la tenue littrairedes documents. Parfois quelques
lignesbien venues, o l'on sent l'exprience des crivainsde chancellerie du Bas-empire,sont brusquementsuivies de phrases effroyablement
gauches les choses vont mme si loin parfoisque l'ensemble n'a gure
de lien -, comme si les rdacteursavaient insr dans leur prose incer89

11:45:45 AM

taine des restes d'antiques formulesmutiles au point qu'assurmentni

eux ni leurs lecteursne pouvaientles comprendre.
Si, examinantmaintenantnon plus la structure,mais le dtail de la
grammaire,nous prenons 1'ensemble des faitset non pas seulementles
'fautes', nous constatonsque cette langue est, elle aussi, un mlange de
traditions et d'innovations. Tout compte fait, les conclusions sont
singulirementsemblables celles que l'on tire de l'tude de Grgoire
de Tours, de Frdgaire,de la correspondanced'Avitus ou de Didier de
Cahors. Dsir de fidlit la traditionantique, maladressedans l'utilisation des lments de culture transmis,exagrationset incohrence
d'hommes qui connaissaientles procds rhtoriques,mais qui n'ont pas
hrit en mme temps du sens littrairencessaire pour les bien employer, parce qu'ils sont isols dans une socit devenue trangre ces
raffinements,parfois gauchissements conscients de la tradition: le
remplacementhumanitasen est un exemple, et peut-treun symbole.
Au niveau du dtail de la langue, incertitudequi laisse s'infiltrerde
nombreuxvulgarismes.
On sait comment les choses changrentau temps de Charlemagne
et qu'en deux-tiers de sicle, des environsde 780 850, la vie intellectuelle fitde tels progrs que l'on parle courammentde Renaissance.
Les actes diplomatiques bnficirentde l'impulsion donne par le
souverainaux tudes; l'assez grand nombre de pices conserves,pour
une priode qui s'tend encore sur tout le IXe sicle, dontla rpartition
gographiqueest un peu meilleure qu'aux ges prcdents,devraitpermettre des analyses plus fines que celles qui ont t conduites pour
l'poque mrovingienne:le travailattendencore des ouvriers.
Les tudes dj faites montrentquand mme avec quel retard la
rforme carolingienne exera ses fruits: l'installation dfinitiveau
Palais des premiers matres trangers,Paul Diacre et Alcuin, date de
782. Or, c'est seulementau dbut du rgnede Louis le Pieux, vers 818820, que la langue des prceptes impriauxest vraimentpure et sre
d'elle mme. Il a fallu prs d'une quarantaine d'annes pour que le
travaildes rformateurspasse dans les faits. L'activit prcoce du petit
cercle littrairede la cour masque parfoiscette ralitsociale.
L'ordonnance gnrale de Vepistola,prambule, expos, formules
impratives,change peu et sur des points importantspour les diplomatistes,sans doute, mais ngligeablespour nous. Les anciennes formules
sont remplaces, la chancellerie de Louis le Pieux, par de nouvelles,
plus claires et mieux ordonnes; sous Charles le Chauve (840-877)
quelques notaires, Vmancipant dans une certainemesure des modles
90

11:45:45 AM

traditionnels,se sont appliqus soigner la langue en choisissantleurs

mots et leurs expressionsnon sans tomber parfoisdans l'artifice et la
prciosit, et imposer leur style,grce un judicieux quilibre des
propositions,une allure oratoire et priodique" (G. Tessier).
Malheureusementnous manque encore 1'tude qui feraitapparatre
comment s'est fait le renouvellementdes formules,et quelle source,
au cours de leur travailrdactionnel,les notairesont puis. Jepense que
le recueil des Variaede Cassiodore, ceux des lettresdes papes Lon et
Grgoireont d grandementles aider : mais tout cela serait vrifier.Il
ne faudraitpas sparer d'ailleurs l'tude des actes de celle des lettres:
certainsl'ont si bien senti qu'ils ont suggr, tort sans doute, que le
recueil de la correspondance de Loup de Ferrires aurait pu tre
constituavec l'ide de servirde formulaire.
Je n'ai parl jusqu'ici que des documents mans de la cour. On
commence, surtout lorsqu'on arrive vers la fin du IXe sicle, avoir
quelques textes provenantdes diversespartiesde l'empire, et pouvoir
suivre ainsi le rayonnementde l'oeuvre carolingienne. Publiant les
diplmes d'Eudes, roi de France (888-898), mon collgue et ami,
M. Robert-Henri Bautier a cru remarquer que certains passages des
actes du souverain sont calqus sur les requtes prsentes par des
intresssoriginairesde la Septimanie et de la Marche d'Espagne. On
voit alors apparatreau milieu d'un texte correct, sinonais, des phrases
qui ne dpareraientpas un diplme du Vile sicle : "Monasteriiqui est
situs"; "vergit a villa Paulus vel ad ipsos stagniosusque ad proedicto
gradu". L'instituteurcarolingienn'est visiblementpas pass par l.
Un travail trs suggestifet qui n'a ma connaissance jamais t
entreprisde ce point de vue consisterait rassemblertous les textes
diplomatiquesdu IXe sicle et en tudier la latinit: nous mesurerions
ainsi le rle qu'ont pu jouer pour l'puration de la langue et l'amlioration de la rdactiondes centreslittrairesactifscomme Tours, Angers,
Orlans, Lyon.
De-ci de-l, nous aurions mme une vue sur les rgions plus
recules: je pense par exemple Tassez belle srie des chartesdu IXe
sicle conserves aux archives de Rodez, au milieu des montagnesdu
, sur les contrefortsmridionauxdu Massifcentral.
Tagusruthenicus
C'est en tout cas dans cette voie qu'il faudrarsoluments'engager
ds que l'on abordera l'tude des Xe et Xle sicles. Le matriel est
abondantet assez bien rparti. On peut esprer en disposer commodment, lorsque les recueils de pices originalesantrieuresau Xlle sicle
serontrunis Nancy pour la France du Nord, par les soins de M. Jean
91

11:45:45 AM

Schneider, Toulouse pour le Midi par ceux de M. Philippe Wolff.

La prsentationgnrale reste fidleaux deux types: lettre(charte)
et relation impersonnelle des faits (notice). Le second est en nette
croissance et sa pauvretrdactionnellenous engage le laisserde ct.
Une certaine libert dans la rdactiondes prambules,des exposs, des
clauses excutivesou comminatoires(menaces contre les contrevenants)
Y a-t-ilconcirendentles chartesplus savoureuseset plus significatives.
dence ou discordance avec la carte des centres littraires?Je ne peux
qu'essayer de vous livrer une impressiond'ensemble. En Lotharingie,
dans la rgion de Reims (avec Flodoard, Gerbert et Richer), autour de
Fleury (avec Abbon et Thierry),dans la valle de la Loire (avec Fulbert
et Yves de Chartres),en Normandie (avec Lanfranc,au Bec-Hellouin) la
bonne qualit des chartes est en harmonie avec ce que nous savons de
l'activit des coles.
L'influencede ces derniresparatprofonde,et il n'est pas douteux
qu'elles mettent en circulation un assez grand nombre d'hommes
capables de tenir honorablementla plume. Un exemple privilgi est
fournipar l'tude des chartesde Cluny,fondeen 9 10. Dans les premiers
temps de la fondationdu comte Guillaume, cette rgion n'avait pas t
touche par la rformecarolingienneou au moins les effetsn'en avaient
t que passagers: les documents, rdaction et langue, sont d'une
barbarie effroyable,comparables aux pires spcimens mrovingiens,
avec en moins les souvenirsincohrentspeut-tre,mais bien reconnaissables, de la traditionantique qu'avaient conserve ces derniers. Les
philologues y ont puis, sans beaucoup de systmemalheureusement,
quelques indicationssur la chronologie de faitsromans (par exemple la
chute des dentalest, d intervocaliques),mais l'tude autrefoistentepar
Marc Morel (thse de l'Ecole des chartes, 19 14), jamais publie, probablementperdue, devraittre reprisede fonden comble.
Ce n'est que trs lentementque les actes reprennentforme, au
cours du Xle sicle et au Xlle, soulignantd'une manire trs suggestive
qu' Cluny on n'avait jamais vu dans l'activit littraireautre chose
qu'un moyen. Il faudraattendrele temps de Pierre le Vnrable, pour
que la situationsoit rtablie.
Dans le Midi aquitain, qui au Sud de Saint-Martialde Limoges et
Saint-Cybardd'Angoulme parat un dsert intellectuel, les choses ne
sont pas plus brillantes.Tel sermentde fidlitprt vers 98 Isarn,
vicomte de Lautrec, par Frotaire, vque d'Albi, en Languedoc, est
peine intelligible."De istahora in antea non decebra Froteriusepiscopus,
filius Ermendructae, Isarno, filio Rangardae, de sua vita ni de sua
92

11:45:45 AM

membra,quae in suum corpus porttper quae o perda, ni non enganera

sua persona suo damno, suo sciente".
Nous sommes l mi-cheminentre le latin et la langue vulgaire.
Les rdacteurs vont jusqu' employer cette dernire au milieu des
phraseslatines, quand leur ignorancene leur permettaitpas d'exprimer
autrementleur pense. M. Brunei a publi quelques actes de ce typeau
chartesen langueprovenale.
dbut de son recueil Lesplus anciennes
Ils sont
dats des environsde 1030. Des raisonsde caractreformel- en particulier le souci de consignerun sermentdans les termes mmes o il a
t prononc (Nitharda peut-treeu une ractionanalogue en transcrivant les rdactions vulgaires des Serments de Strasbourg) - ont pu
jouer. Mais l'ignorance a eu une large part: "Breve memorabiledes mas
del Pug . . . que compred AgambertGauda ad alo ... et post ec istum
mansum supradictum comparavit.. . w. On est videmment dans un
milieu o la connaissancedu latin se perd. Et c'est ainsi que la langue
vulgairese rpanditdans les actes mridionaux,en Rouergue, en Languedoc surtout,au Xlle sicle.
Mais tandisque de grandsterritoiressont en traind'tre perdus pour le
latin,les rgionso la traditiondes coles carolingiennesrestefortement
implante, Italie du Nord (Milan, Pavie, Ravenne, Florence, Bologne)
plus tard l'Allemagne et la Lotharingie,continuent travaillersur les
mthodesde rdactiondes lettres.Le dveloppementet la rgularisation
des institutionsroyales et seigneurialesexige un personnelbien form,
susceptible d'tablir rapidementdes pices claires et correctes. Vars
dietaminis, produit de la Renaissance du Xlle sicle, va l'en rendre
capable. Il s'agissait de formuler nouveau les rgles de rdaction qui
s'taient passablementobscurcies, en recourant une fois de plus aux
prceptes thoriques antiques, aux modles fournispar Cassiodore et
Grgoire le Grand, mais en utilisant aussi l'exprience des sicles
immdiatementprcdents. On retrouvale plan rigoureuxde l' epistola
,
avec ses diverses parties, l'arrangement euphonique des mots et des
; la languefutnaturellementpure.
priodes, le cursus
Cette technique n'est qu'un aspect du grandmouvementlittraire
que vous connaissez bien. Jamais le latin des chartes n'a t aussi
proche de celui de la littrature. On trouveraitfacilementdans les
rgionsde haute culture quelques morceaux dignes de figurerdans une
anthologie littraire: l'quilibre est presque parfaitentre la prcision
technique et la sobre et ferme lgance de la forme. L encore une
93

11:45:45 AM

tude plus fine ferait apparatre des divergences locales. Certaines

rgions,dans le Midi notamment,restent la trane.
Mais ce progrs contenaiten lui-mme un germe de mort. Une fois la
formule heureuse trouve, on fut tent de s'en resservir chaque
occasion, et la rdactionlibre et personnellefitplace une dpendancede
plus en plus grande l'gard d'un formulaireprtabli, qui offraitdes
modles appropris la naturede chaque acte. D'autre part, le dveloppement des tudes juridiques amena les praticiensdu droit intervenir
de plus en plus dans l'tablissementde ces formules.Au souci de bien
dire se substitua,ou au moins s'ajouta, celui d'une efficacitjuridique
aussi parfaiteque possible; on arrive dans ces conditions des modes
d'expression tout faittechniques. Des partiesqui n'taient pas essentielles, comme les prambules, si intressantspour nous, n'apparurent
plus que dans quelques catgories particulirementsolennelles d'actes.
De plus, dans tout le Midi de la France, puis peu peu dans le
Nord, la rdaction des actes fut confie des spcialistes,notaires et
tabellions, dont toute l'initiative du point de vue rdactionnelconsistait choisir dans un manuel la formuleconvenable et la complteren
fonction des particularitsdu contrat. Les chancelleries des grands
fodaux et du roi de France s'enfermentaussi dans la routine.
La coupure avec la vie littraireest dsormaistotale. Il est bon de
rappeler que vers le mme momentune coupure semblable est en train
de se dessinerentre la langue de la thologie et de la philosophie,qui se
rduit une sorte d'algbre, et le latin traditionnel.Nous arrivons
l'ge des spcialisations.
Cela est si vrai que la renaissance des lettres antiques, au XVe
sicle, demeurapratiquementsans influence,en France, sur la rdaction
des actes. Assurmentquelques esprits de plus ou moins grande envergure, employs la chancellerie royale, purent rdiger en latin
rnov avec soin et mme coquetterie quelques lettresd'Etat, mais il ne
s'agit plus ici de la langue des chartes. Les choses se passrentun peu
autrementen Italie, o l'humanismemarqua une empreinte plus profonde, et o c'est un Coluccio Salutati,par exemple, qui est chancelier
de Florence. De mme, la chancelleriepontificaleet, dans une certaine
mesure, la chancelleriede l'Empire. Mais ceci est une autre histoire.
Et nous ne pourrons que constater, au terme de celle que nous
venons d'essayer de narrer,que c'est juste au moment o l'acte latin a
conquis la perfectionde sa formeque quelques groupes commencent
l'abandonner, dans la France du Nord, au profitdu franais.Il se passe
94

11:45:45 AM

l quelque chose de trs diffrentde ce que nous avons vu dans le Midi

o l'ignorance avait impos l'usage de la langue vulgaire. Elle est utilise, dans le Nord, la suite d'un choix dlibr. Si une preuve formelle
tait ncessaire, nous la trouverionsdans le fait que l'identit de main
tablit, dans un grand nombre de cas, que les mmes hommes usaient
et sans le moindre embarras, de l'une ou de l'autre
indiffremment,
langue. Il serait videmmenttrs important,pour mesurerla vitalitdu
latin,de bien connatreles raisonsde ces choix. J'ai eu l'occasion de dire
ailleurs qu'elles ne m'apparaissaientpas nettement,malgr le grand
nombrede cas particuliersque j'ai examins. Probablementfaudrait-ilen
considrerinfiniment
plus. Nous sommes obligs d'avouer que, pour le
moment,quelque chose nous chappe.
Donc, la languedes chartes,modele sur celle des lettreset actes du
Bas-empire,finit,aprs avoir pendant sept ou huit sicles, vcu sur les
traditionsde l'antiquit tardive,par acqurir, vers la findu XHe sicle,
une allure originale, mais en mme temps elle s'enfermaitdans les
troites limites d'une langue technique, abandonne un corps de
spcialistes.
J'ai indiqu en commenantque la question du vocabulaire des chartes
devait tre traite part1. Assurment,une notable partie de ce vocabulaire se trouvaitdj dansles textesdu Bas-empire.Il est peine besoin de
faire remarquer que ce n'tait dj plus le vocabulaire classique. Au
mouvementnaturel, aux modificationset l'enrichissementdus plusieurs sicles d'usage s'ajoutent l'influencede la vie chrtienneet, dans
le secteur qui nous intresseici, celle de nouvelles conditionspolitiques
et sociales; les juristesnotamment,du 1erau Vie sicle, ont labor une
terminologieparticulire.
L'utilisation que font les rdacteurs de chartes de ce matriel
lexical peut s'inscrire dans l'histoire d'une tradition; comme la
structurede l'acte ou les formules,les mots passent de gnrationen
gnration,et l'on peut quelques fois valuer, grce leur prsence, le
niveau de formationde ceux qui les emploient. Mais ces mmes rdacteurs taient constammentamens dsigner des ralits nouvelles,
souvent trs spciales, structuressociales, institutions,produits de la
terre,faonsagricoles,mesuresde toute nature,pour lesquelles le latin,
1 Jemepermets
derenvoyer
auxquelques
rflexions
auColloque
surlesstructures
quej'aiprsentes
de1*
sociales
duLanguedoc
etdel'Espagne
aupremier
duvocabulaire
des
, Apropos
Aquitaine,
gefodal
structures
sociales
duHaut
duMidi
Moyen
, t. 80(1968),pp.611-620.
ge, dansAnnales
95

11:45:45 AM

mme tardif,ne fournissaitaucun terme appropri. Il ne peut tre ici

question de suivre une tradition; 1'innovationest indispensable. Cette
innovationconsiste,soit changerle sens d'un mot prexistant,soit en
adopter un nouveau.
Dans le premier cas, les difficultssont pour nous trs grandes: il
est souventextrmementdlicat de retrouverla ralit du Haut Moyen
ge derrirele mot des juristes romains. A l'incertitudedu vocabulaire
vient s'ajouter celle o nous nous trouvonsdevant bon nombre de ces
ralits. Les choses sont videmmentbeaucoup plus claires lorsque le
got classicisantou plutt le pdantismede certains rdacteursd'actes
en proconsul
.
transforme,
, ou un vicecomes
par exemple, un comesen consul
Certains mots du latin de Cicron ont, d'ailleurs, sans aucune ambigut acquis droit de cit, avec un sens nouveau, dans la latinit
mdivale: milesdsigne videmmenttoujours un chevalier.
Dans les premiers sicles du Moyen ge, les mots nouveaux proviennentsurtoutdes dialectes germaniquesparls par les envahisseurs.
Ils sont pour la plupart bien identifis. Certains ont t peu peu
liminsau furet mesure que la socit se transformait
; un plus grand
nombre sont passs dans la langue vulgaire et, par consquent, ont t
dfinitivementadopts.
Vers le Xle sicle, c'est par des empruntsaux languesromanesque
le vocabulaire s'accrot. Celles-ci sont dsormais parfaitementconstitues et ont conquis leur autonomie. Et comme ceux qui tiennentla
plume sont tous bilingues,ils introduisentdans les textes latinsdes mots
de leur parler, en les affublantd'une terminaisonlatine; les exemples
sont nombreux,dans tous les pays romans.
de sicle en sicle et de province
Comme les ralitssontdiffrentes
en province, nos documents ont un vocabulaire forthtrogne: nous
sommes d'entre de jeu avertisd'avoir tenircompte de la chronologie
et de la gographie. D'o de grandes difficults: les articles d'un
dictionnairealphabtique tant soit peu gnral ne permettentpas, si
bien informset si tudis soient-ils, de rgler les difficultsparticulires que prsentent bien des mots techniques rencontrs dans les
chartes. On les rsoudra,ou au moins on les rsoudramoins mal par des
tudes consacres des groupes de mots bien dtermins: lexique de
l'agriculture, lexique des relations sociales, etc., considrs comme
un systme,dans une rgionet une poque donne.
En effet,les mots ne sont pas isols ; voquant chacun une notion
plus ou moins prcise, ils se dfinissentpar rapport au mot voisin; le
domaine de l'un cesse o commence celui de l'autre. Tel mot peut voir
96

11:45:45 AM

son sens modifi,restreintou largi suivantque tel autre faitpartie ou

non du systmeemploy. Il convientdonc de fairel'inventairedes mots
qui couvrentun champ conceptuel donn: par exemple pour ceux qui
dsignentle statutjuridique des individus,les travauxdes champs, les
mesures,etc. L'inventairene suffitd'ailleurs pas. Les conditionsd'emploi, l'environnement,la frquence, le caractre usuel, banal ou, au
contraire, exceptionnel, doivent tre soigneusementnots. Il faudrait
dfiniravec soin la rgionet la priode que l'on veut tudier,de manire
qu'elle prsente priori le maximumd'unit.
Lorsqu'on pourra disposer, pour une poque donne, d'un
certain nombre de monographies, il sera intressant d'tablir des
cartes- cartes par mot (aire d'extension du mot avec ses sens) et cartes
pointsde l'enqute pour dsigner
par notion (mots utilissaux diffrents
la mme ralit). Dans certainscas particuliers,on pourra recherchersi
le mot a survcudans les patois et la toponymie.
A partirdu XHe sicle, la situationchange. Les textes plus nombreux se recoupent suffisamment
pour que notre connaissancedes faits
soit assez prcise. Ds lors, les problmes de vocabulairesont beaucoup
moinsgraves.On chappe peu peu ce cercle vicieux o l'on se trouve
enfermlorsqu'on n'identifiebien ni les ralits ni le sens exact des
mots qu'utilisent les contemporainspour en parler. D'autre part, en
mme tempsque la rdactiondes actes s'amliore, et finalementse fige,
le vocabulaire se stabilise.
Dans les perspectivesde l'expos d'aujourd'hui, tablirle sens des mots
qui font difficultne suffitpas. L'inventaire doit tre complet pour
permettrede mesurerl'tendue et la qualit du vocabulaire utilis dans
chaque rgionet chaque poque.
Il y a quelques annes encore, une telle entrepriseeut t chimrique. Les techniques nouvelles permettentaujourd'hui de l'envisager.
L'tablissementautomatiqued'index de vocabulaire et de concordances
est une chose courante, qui se pratique en plusieurscentres. Le Laboratoire d'Application des Sciences l'Etude des Langues Anciennes de
Lige n'envisage que le latin classique. A Pise, le Centro Nazionale
Universitariodi Calcolo Elettronico s'est attach au dpouillementdes
oeuvres de saint Thomas d'Aquin. Le Centre de TraitementElectronique de Louvain a dj consacr plusieurs publications des sources
narrativesmdivales. Les problmes propres aux documents diplomatiques ont t abords de manire systmatiquepar la Section de
Documentation automatique de l'Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire
97

11:45:45 AM

des Textes, sous la directionde Mme Fossier,et le Centre de Recherches

et d'Applications linguistiques de la Facult des Lettres et Sciences
humaines de Nancy. Les tudes thoriques, assez avances, ont port
sur deux pointsnouveaux. A cot de Vindexverborm,ces laboratoiresont
essay d'obtenir un classement du vocabulaire l'intrieur d'un
lexique organis. Les faitssont enregistrsde telle manireque la machine effectueles regroupementsnotionnels et fournisse la demande,
avec toutes les prcisions de date et de lieu, et toutes les rfrences
utiles, l'ensemble des mots se rapportant une notion donne. D'autre
part, ils ont tentune analysedes structuresqui permet de regrouperet
de comparerautomatiquementles divers lments du discours diplomatique de l'ensemble des actes enregistrspar la machine.
J'ai insist,dans la dernirepartie de cet expos, sur un aspect trs
particulierdu latin des chartes, celui du vocabulaire. Il ne se pose pas
exactementdans les mmes termes,je pense, dans les autressecteursdu
Moyen ge latin.
En revanche,j'ai essayde montrerque pendantla premirepartie
du Moyen ge, l'histoire de ce que j'oserai appeler un 'petit genre' - un
tout petit genre - littraireest au fond trs semblable celle de genres
mieux tablisdans le monde lettr. Tout n'a t qu'une lente adaptation,
lente rlaborationde la traditionantique jusqu' la cration, du Xlle
au XHIe sicle, d'une formule nouvelle, ne de l'ancienne, mais qui
vivradsormaisde sa vie autonome.
Un tout petit genre littraire:mais son videnteutilitl'a amen
se glisserpartout, et les chartessont les uniques tmoins de l'usage du
latin dans certaines rgions de la France, o aucune oeuvre vraiment
littrairen'a vu le jour. A se glisser partout et tre trs accueillant
aux formesparles: pour peu que l'crivain ne soit pas trop savant, il
nous livre quelques traitsfugitifsde ce que pouvait tre, entre le Vie
et le XHIe sicle, le latin vivant, et ainsi son tmoignageest souvent
irremplaable.
Paris,
Ecoledeschartes
.

98

11:45:45 AM

Notice

sur Jean

Thenaud

J. ENGELS

la Noticebibliographique
surPierreBersuire
x, j'ai signal2que le
frremineurJeanThenaud avaitconsacr cet auteurun passage
Dans de sa
Margaritede France, mais le tempsm'avait manqu pour le
retracer. Puis, Thenaud s' tant lui aussi occup de mythologie, la
question se posait tout naturellementde savoir dans quelle mesure il a
t tributairede VOvidiusmoralizatus
de Bersuire. Je livre ici le rsultat
de recherches assez complexes, car la bibliographiede Thenaud s'est
rvle des plus embrouilles.
THENOT
Commenons par dbroussailler le terrain. Au tome VI de la Table
, parue en 19483, du Cataloguegnral des manuscrits
gnralealphabtique
de
la
franais
Bibliothque nationale Paris se lit l'item suivant: "thenaud (Le Fr. Jean), Posies, n.a. 1870. - Science potique, 2081 *. Et
sept lignes plus loin: "thenot. Voirthenaud". La notice du premier
manuscrit, Nouvelle^ acquisitions 1870, a t rdige par Omont*
comme suit:
1870. Discourset recueilde plusieurs
coqs l'asne,superscriptions,
epistres,
oraisons,
chos,odeset huictains,
depuisiig jusques 1569et
epigrammes,
i*77.
Posiesde LyonJamet,
etc.- Tabledespicesentte
Marot,Brusquet,
Thenot,
- Aubasdutitrela signature
duvolume.
: Debart.
dela venteJ.Pichn(1869).
No. 493ducatalogue
v et 96feuillets.
XVIesicle.Papier,
Rei.maroquin
vert,
io sur170millimtres.
du baronJ.Pichn.
au chiffre
1 vivarium
II = 1964,
pp.62-124.
Sigle:Notice.
1 Notice,
pp.74-.
3 Bibliothque
desmanuscrits
nationale.
Table
desAncien
Catalogue
gnrale
gnral
franais.
alphabtique
etNouveaux
etP. Per(N1-33264
fonds
(N1-IOOOO),
) etdesNouvelles
acquisitions
parA. Vidier
VI(5Z), Paris,
tome
rier,
1948,
p. log.
B.N.Cat.gn.desmss.fr.
/(Noa1-3060),
Nouvelles
Paris,
acquisitions
franaises
parH. Omont,
1899,
pp.297-8.
99

11:45:54 AM

C'est sans doute de cette notice que provientle titrePosiesaccol par la

Table gnralealphabtiqueau ms. n.a. 1870. L'inspection du manuscrit
une Eptrede Thenot Robinen vers
rvle qu'il contientaux ff.72v octosyllabiques rimes plates, commenantpar: "Robin mon amy pour
aultant / Qu'en ceste ville on va saultant / Pour la paix faicte a
l'Espaignol/". Elle a t inspirepar le traitde paix qui venait d'tre
conclu Crpy entre Franois1eret Charles Quint. La Table en tte du
recueil indique (p. iiir) non seulement la date de 1^44, mais aussi que
l'auteur de VEptreest Huguenot. Ceci ne va pas du tout pour un Jean
Thenaud, frre mineur. Je puis donc abandonner ce Thenot1 aux
historiens littraires du seizime sicle, quitte noter que l'item
thenaud prcit de la Table gnralealphabtique,devra tre ddoubl.
JOANNES THENAUDUS
D'autre part, le catalogue de la Collection Dupuy de la Bibliothque
nationale signale que le volume 1022, un recueil de lettresde Calvin et
d'autres thologiens du XVIe sicle, contient deux lettres adresses
Calvin par un JoannesThenaudusoriginairede Bourgess. L'une (f. 172),
autographe,a t expdie de Zurich en avril i$6; l'autre (f. 167) de
Pinchow en Pologne, en date du 21 juillet 1^63. La notice du catalogue
ne rappelle pas qu'elles avaientdj t publies parmiles Operaomniade
Calvin dans le Thesaurusepistolicuscalvinianusdu CorpusReformtorm*,
comme aussi deux autreslettresautographesdu mme au mme conserves dans le ms. Genve 1135, aux ff.4$ et 106, lesquelles sont dates
Pinchow i$6o et i$646. Ce mme Thenaudus est mentionn?dans deux
1 Jesignale
du
a citle ms.B.N.n.a.1870dansle lemme
enpassant
Porcher
Brusquet
queJean
Dictionnaire
desLettres
sicle
, Fayard,
Paris,
, Leseizime
19^1,p. 137.
franaises...
2 B.N..Catalogue
dela Collection
Paris,1899,pp.12^-8;III
, parL. Dorez,I (N8i-oo),
Dupuy
etTable
Paris,
1928,p. XVI;p. XVIII.
(Introduction
alphabtique
parS. Solente),
3 Ibid.
I,p. 128.
4 Jedoiscette
landeLausanne.
l'rudition
duprofesseur
Henri
rfrence
Mey
= Calvini
5 Pourcems.,voirC(orpus)
Brunswick,
1872,
X,pars
R(eformatorum
) XXXVIII
posterior,
dela Ville
dansla Bibliothque
raisonn
desmanuscrits
conservs
<&_
Catalogue
p. xxxiv;J.Senebier,
deGenve
, 1779,pp.288-9.
Rpublique
6 L*Index
lesnumros
autorum
XX,1879,col.657,s.v.Thenaudus
) relve
(CRXLVIII= Calvini
ensuite
detrouver
dansl'dition
duCR,etquipermettent
les
lettres
d'ordre
que quatre
portent
oellesont timprimes.
Ce sont:n2426pourle ms.Dupuy
le volume
etlespages
102,f.
n 3267pourle ms.Genve
113,f.4(CR
XVI,1877,coll.98-102);
172(CRXLIV= Calvini
XLVI = Calvini
102,f.167(CRXLVIII=
XVIII,1878,coll.227-8);n3985pourle ms.Dupuy
113,f.106(ibid.,
lems.Genve
coll.223-4).
Calvini
XX,1879,coll.69-71);n4063pour
1 Voirlesrenvois
hactenus
inXXIvolumina
Indices
dans
l'Index
historicus
XXII,
operum
(CRL = Calvini
edita
Io.
, 1880,col.460),s.v.Thenaud
IOO

11:45:54 AM

lettres, de fvrieret d'aot 15^9, adresses par Petrus StatoriusTonvillanus Calvin1, et dans une lettre de juin 1$6o adresse par Calvin
Statorius.2
Il fallaitrunir toute cette documentation,car la correspondance
des rformateurs
parat fournir peu prs tout ce que nous savonssur ce
de Bourges, que l'annotateur de la lettre 2426
Thenaudus
Joannes
de
. Jeune homme, il s'tait rendu
Vir
caeteroquinignotus
qualifie
instruit
Genve pour y tre
par Calvin lui-mme dans la religion
rforme.Peu aprs i$6, il quitte Zurich pour Pinchow, o il collaborera la premire traductionprotestantecomplte en polonais de la
Bible, laquelle sera imprime Brest-Litovsken 156^. En 1^60, il se
marie avec une Polonaise, comme il dit, ut me, quumprimm
,
fieriposset
4. Son ge, ses concarnistentationibus
, mundiac patriaeillecebrisliberarem
victions religieuses et sa situation sociale excluent que ce personnage
soit identique celui qui en iii5, quand il partit pour le Levant,
devait tout de mme avoir au moins vingtans, et qui antrieurement
: JrereJehanThenaudymaistrees ars, docteuren
lS3S5 signait son Voyage
des
et
Je peux donc laisser
theologie gardien freresmineurs Angoulesme.
ce Thenaudus l'attentiondes thologiensseizimistes.
LE GARDIENDES CORDELIERSD'ANGOULEME
Continuons de dblayer. Les Annalesde Wadding6 relvent pour 1282
qu'en cette anne fut commence Angoulme la constructiond'un
couvent? de frresmineurs, le premier de la custodie de Saintonges.
Elles relatent ensuite quelques vnementspostrieurs concernant ce
couvent: En septembre 1557 mourut Jacobus Magnelotus, qui en avait
t le gardien pendant dix ans. Peu aprs, Michael Grelet lui succda
dans cette fonction,mais il futpendu par les "hrtiques"en 1^68. Suit
alors cette phrase: Hunepraecessit
;
fraterJoannesThenaudiDoctorTheologus
Mellinensis
Abbas. Le conex
apud Cenomanos
Apostolica
postea dispensatione
1 Nos3004et3098(CRXLV= Calvini
XVII,1877,coll.425-6et602).
2 N3209(CXLVI
= Calvini
XVIII,1878,col.102).
Surcette
Diepolnischen
dansNew
TestadeL. Stefaniak,
voirl'article
traduction,
Bibelbersetzungen
XL=
dans
W= 1958-9,
Elenchus
Biblica.
ment
Studies
(p. 331,5),signal
bibliograpbicus
pp.328-333
!99P-67*,n 1041.
4 N 3267.
6 Cette
dateseratablie
plusloin.
L. Wadding,
minorum
Annales
. . ., II,Lyon,
1628,pp.492-3;2edition
V,
parJ.M. Fonseca,
donne
voirinjra
, p. 90,note1 (pource sigle,
,
Rome,1733,p. 118(xxii);rfrence
parBlau
p. m).
7 Surcecouvent,
citinfra
voirl'ouvrage
deNanglard
, p. 110.
IOI

11:45:54 AM

texte ne prcisant pas de combien d'annes ce Joannes Thenaudi

prcda Michael Grelet, il fautconsulterune des sources de Wadding1,
F. Gonzaga.
En effet,le paragraphedes Annalesn'est gure que le rsum d'un
chapitre du De origine seraphicaereligionis.2 Gonzaga, ayant relat
comment vers 1^62 la tombe de la comtesse Beatrix Britanniafut
ouverte, affirmeque les faitssont attestspar des lettres conserves
Angoulme, et crites en 1564, alors que le vnrable Pre, frre
Ioannes Thenaudi, docteur en thologie, tait gardien du couvent;
celui-l mme qui ensuite, avec la dispense du Saint Sige, allait devenir
abb de Mlinais prs du Mans: Dictorum
fidemfaciunt,quae Engolismae
literae, anno Domini 1564 , conscriptae
asseruantur
, V.P. F. IoanneThenaudi
tuncGuardiano
DoctoreTheologodicticonuentus
, postea veroMellinensiapud
3.
Abbate, ex sanctSedisdispensatione
Cenomanos
A premirevue, on diraitque cette phrasefasseallusion au personnage qui nous intresse. Pourtant,mme si son ouvragen'est postrieur
que d'un quart de sicle aux vnementsrapports, Gonzaga doit se
tromper, ne ft-ce que dans les dates. Non qu'il faille accorder trop
d'importance celles donnes en 1584 par La Croix du Maine. Dans sa
il consacre Jean Thenaud, dont il estropie le noms, la
Bibliothque*,
brve notice suivante:
es arts,docteuren Theologie,
desfreres
Frereiean thavovd,maistre
gardien
l'an ii2. & 1523.Il a escritle voyage
de
ou Cordeliers
mineurs
d'Angoulesme,
de leande SainctDenis.
Paris,chezla veufue
Hierusalem,
imprim
La provenance de ces deux dates est trop incertainepour y baser une
conclusion. Mais il y a d'autres arguments.
En effet,l'dition par Nanglarddu Pouilld'Angoulme permet de
prciser et de corrigerles assertionsde Gonzaga et de Wadding concer-

1 Cf.E. Frascadore
delle
etH. Ooms,Bibliografia
, Florence,
1964-5;
Bibliografie
francescane
p. 68;
p. 66.
* Franciscus
De origine
franciscanae
, eiusque
, deregularis
progressibvs
seraphicae
religionis
Gonzaga,
eius
aclegibus
administrations
obseruanciae
Rome,
, admirabilique
1587,
in*titutionc,
propagationef
forma
5. Francisci
).
(Conuentus
Engolismae
pp.678-80
* Gonzaga,
op.cit.,p. 679.
4 Premier
1584,p. 267.
Maine
. . . Paris,
deLaCroix-dudusieur
volume
dela Bibliothque
5 II n'estpasle seul cefaire.
auxpp.333et473desa
Terrand
En1563,le P. Labbeimprimera
enpassant
NovaBibliotheca
, surlaquelle
qu'iln'ya pasde
je reviendrai
plusloin.Remarquons
onena prisparfois
comme
l'habitude.
d'unaccent
raison
affubler
aigulee deThenaud,
pour
I02

11:45:54 AM

nantle couventde cordeliers1. Dans une liste des "Gardiensconnus", on

trouve Jean Thenaud2, avec la date de 9 dcembre 1^14, qui fut donc
lu une bonne anne aprs son retouren France. Il va de soi que, gardien
ds 1514, il ne pourraitl'tre encore en 1562. Sur la liste, Thenaud est
suivi immdiatementde Nol Gurin, avec la date de 27 juillet 1^41.
C'est pourquoi Leproux(p. 33; p. 38, note $8) admet que Thenaud,
grce la faveurdont il jouissait auprs de la famille royale, aura t
continuellementrlu dans la charge, triennalemais renouvelable, de
gardien jusqu' sa mort, suppose survenue en 140/41. Cette conclusion est sans fondement.Certes, Thenaud a joui de la faveurde la
familleroyale, de mme du reste que la communautentire: en ii,
on voit Louise de Savoie lui faire don de quelques jardins pour y btir
son nouveau couvent3. Mais il fautobserverque, jusqu'au XVIIe sicle,
la liste des "Gardiensconnus", le terme le suggredj, est tout fait
fragmentaire.Puis, il faudraittablird'abord que Thenaud seraitrest
Angoulmeet y seraitmorten 140/41. Est-ce le cas?
l'abb

de mlinais

Le Touill Angoulmese tait sur le passage ventuel de JeanThenaud,

gardien partir de 1514, l'abbaye de Mlinais*. 11 faut se tourner
ailleurs. Haurau a dressune liste des abbs, en compulsantle cartulaire
de l'abbaye, conserv la Bibliothque Sainte-Genevive dans un
manuscritdont il n'indique pas la cote. C'est l'actuel ms. 67^, une
copie, mais excute sur les originauxen 1727. Il provientde l'ancienne
abbaye Sainte-Genevive Paris, depuis 1624 chef d'ordre de la congrgation de France des chanoines rguliers6, laquelle l'abbaye de
1 Signalons
Britannia,
Beatrix
dont
letombeau
futouvert,
estBeatrix
enpassant
quelacomtesse
XIIIdeLusignan;
dela Noblesse
veuve
deBourgogne,
deHugues
II,p. 432,etDictionnaire
Nanglard
etBadier,
. . ., parDe la Chenaye-Desbois
XII,Paris,
1868,col.$6$.
2 Nanglard
II,p. 437.
3 Nanglard
II,p. 433.
4 Pourl'abbaye
Mlinais
commune
dechanoines
l'Evangliste
(actuellement
rguliers
Saint-Jean
fonde
en 1138et doteen 1180 parHenri
II Plantagent,
roi
Saintede la FlcheColombe),
duDpartement
dela Sarthe
lesnoms
deliet
voirDictionnaire
d'Angleterre,
topographique
comprenant
etmodernes
etR. Latouche,
anciens
Paris,
II, 19^2,p. 592; L. H. Cottineau,
Rpertoire
parE. Valle
desabbayeset
B.Haurau,
II,coll.1811; 1814.- Ajouter:
,Mcon,
1939,
prieurs
topo-bibliographique
GalliaChristiana...
B. MariaMellinensis.
XIV,Paris,18^6,coll.600-2;il imprime
parerreur
5 H. Stein,
ourelatifs
Vhistoire
descartulaires
deFrance
, 1907,
, Paris
gnrale
franais
Bibliographie
dums.dansle Catalogue
desmanuscrits
dela Bibliothque
Saintep. 331,no240$.Voirla notice
Genevive
I, Paris,
II,Paris,
6-7,
1893,pp.330-1.(Autome
1896,p. 930b,lignes
parCh.Kohler,
aulieude "Saintlire"Saint-Jean
l'Evangliste"
Jean-Baptiste".)
6 Universit
dejadis aujourd'hui
Sainte-Genevive
deParis.
LaBibliothque
, Paris,
19^1,p. 14.
IO3

11:45:54 AM

Mlinais s'est rallie en 163^. Haurau ne semble pas avoir connu, pas
plus que Cottineau, le recueil manuscrit60 82, du XVIIe sicle, lequel
contient aux ff. 404-63 une copie partielle et fort dfectueuse du
aussi quelques renseignements
indits.
cartulaire,mais fournissant
Il ressortdes entresdu ms. 675, comme Haurau l'avait not, et du
ms. 608, que les cinq derniersabbs de Mlinais*- avantqu'en 1607 le
titreabbatial ftaboli et la mense de l'abbaye annexe par Henri IV au
Collge des Jsuitesde la Flche rcemmentcr furent: 1) Ludovicus
Chantereau (1^19-1^295); 2) JoannesT(h)esnaud6 (1^29-1^42/3); 3)
Felix Goyvrot ou Goevret (1 543-15$ -);
4) Nicolaus Bruslard de
de
Crosne
Bruslard
(1591 -). Les dates
Sillery(1 61-191); s) Jacobus
de Gonzaga
l'affirmation
Bruslard
dmentent
de
Nicolas
de l'abbatiat
qu'il y avait Mlinais aprs 1^64 un abb nomm Ioannes Thenaudi.
S'agit-il d'une simple confusionde dates? En d'autres termes,le Ioannes
Thenaudi, gardien du couvent franciscain d'Angoulme, dont parle
Gonzaga, est-ilmalgrtout le mme personnageque le JoannesThenaud,
abb Mlinais de 1529-1^42/3? Les entres des mss. 675 et 608 ne
permettentpas de l'affirmer.La qualificationde "frre"qu'elles prtent
l'abb, en mme tempsque celles de "prtre", "docteuren thologie"
et "aumnier du roi", n'y suffisentpas. C'est sans doute pourquoi
Haurau n'en soufflemot.
La confirmationvient d'un tout autre ct. En effet, le ms.
Genve fr. 167? contient un trait sur la Cabale compos sans aucun
doute, comme nous verronsplus loin, par le frremineurJeanThenaud.
Le copiste du manuscrita ajout une note, mal dchiffrepar Senebier8,
mai3 dont Thorndike^ a donn une transcriptioncorrige: "Ce livre a
escript franoysgryueldemon, a AngiersPour Reverend pere en Dieu
F. I. Tenaud Abb de Mellynays 1536 Le 19e de May". Le tmoi1 Renseignement
fourni
parlems.608,f.404*.
* Voirlanotice
deKohler,
dans
leCatalogue
dumanuscrit
I,pp.313-.
Jbid.
3 et2 d'enbas.
tp. 314,lignes
dansles
deMlinais
Jen'aidispos
surl abbaye
Notice
historique
quesurle tarddeP. Chevalier,
etartsd'Angers
nationale
dela Socit
Mmoires
, 1851,II, pp. iSJ-70.Cette
, sciences
d'agriculture
duMans,
netraite
auxArchives
conserves
basesurdespices
intressante
communication,
pasde
Thenaud.
d'tre
nomm
s LouisChantereau
en 1529.C'estsansdouteparcequ'ilvenait
sedmit
vque
debiographie
dansle Dictionnaire
deMacon
, VIII,1959,col.397).
franaise
(T. deMorembert
6 Tenault
dansle ms.608,f.4o$r.
dela Ville Rpublique
f J.Senebier,
dans
la Bibliothque
conservs
desmanuscrits
raisonn
Catalogue
deGenve
, 1779,
pp.418-20.
Ibid.,
p.420.
L. Thorndike,
science
andexperimental
AHistory
, VI,1941,
p.43note70.
ofmagic
I04

11:45:54 AM

gnagede ce copiste crivant Angers, quelques kilomtresde Mlinais,

et en i 36, donc pendantl'abbatiat de Thenaud, met l'identit de celuici avec le gardiend'Angoulme hors conteste.
F. Secret1 attribue la nomination du frre mineur comme abb
de Mlinais l'influencede Franois1er. Le roi auraitvoulu rcompenser
ainsi le fidleserviteurde sa familleet le tirerde I' "extrmepauvret"
dont il s'tait plaint lui. Pourtant,Thenaud n'tait pas abb commendataire. Le ms. 608 (f. 4o$r) signale au contraire qu'il tait le dernier
abb rgulier. Son lection pourraitdonc tenir simplementau dsir de
ramenerl'abbaye une plus stricteobservance, en mettant sa tte un
religieuxde pit prouve. Esprons qu'un jour on dterrerala bulle
de dispense dont parle Gonzaga, et qui permettraitsans doute d'y voir
plus clair.
Les deux fonctions tant incompatibles, il faut admettre que
Thenaudavait cess d'tre gardien Angoulmeen prenantpossessionde
l'abbaye de Mlinais, c'est--dire le 16 fvrier 1^29. La dernire
priode de sa vie, qui s'tendra jusqu'en 1^42/3, n'a pratiquementpas
jou de rle dans les tudes sur Thenaud. C'est de ces tudes qu'il
convientmaintenantd'indiquer les principauxjalons bibliographiques.
PRINCIPAUX JALONS BIBLIOGRAPHIQUES
DU SIEURDE LACROIX-DU1) Le PREMIERVOLUMEDE LABIBLIOTHEQUE
MAiNE. . . , Paris, 1^84, p. 267, donne la notice sur Thenaud, sous le
nom estropide thavovd, que nous avons dj cite supra, p. 102.
Sigle: La Croixdu Maine.
La notice a pass avec quelques menues diffrencesd'orthographe
dans Les Bibliothques
franoisesde La Croixdu Maine et de Du Verdiery
nouvelle dition, I, Paris, 1772, p. 92.
.
Sigle: La Croixdu Maineet Du Verdier
Voici cette notice :
"jeanTHAvouD(Frre),Matres Arts,Docteuren Thologie,Gardiendes
"Frres
Mineurs
ou Cordeliers
l'an i$i2 & 1523.Il a critle
d'Angoulesme,
de
la

Paris
veuve
chez
de Jeande Saint-Denis.
Hirusalem,
"voyage
imprim
2) bibliothque historique de la France...,

par Jacques Lelong,

1 Secret
combiner
de Thenaud
lestmoignages
(p. 142et note4), le premier
pourl'abbatiat
etparHaurau,
soussilence
le problme
produits
parWadding
passe
chronologique
qu'ilsposent.
PourlesigleSecret
, voirinfra,
p. 111.
10s

11:45:54 AM

nouvelle dition par feu Fevret de Fontette, IV, Paris, 1775, p. 380,
no 15691* (cf. Notice
, pp. 74-5).
Fevret
.
Je garde ce sigle, parce que c'est sous ce nom que la
Sigle:
d'ordinaire
cite. En ralit, elle est de la main de J.-L. Barbeau
est
note
de La Bruyre, l'diteur du tome IV aprs la mort de Fevret (voir
Mercier-aci-dessous).
C'est une note additionnelleau no. 15691 du tome II, Paris, 1769,
p. 46, qu'on me sauragr de reproduireici :
de France,ou Chronique
"15691.*Ms. La Margarite
abrgedes Roisqui ont
filsde Japhet,
s
VIII.inclusijusqu'Charles
"rgn Gaules,depuisSamoths-Dis,
la Comtesse
Frre
ddie Madame
"vement,
thenaud,
Jean
par
d'Engoulesme;
: in-fo.
"Mineur
en vlin,estentrelesmainsde M. Mercier,
Abbde S. Lgerde
"Ce Manuscrit
de l'Auteur,
nidansla CroixduMaine& duVerdier,
Il n'estquestion
"Soissons.
duPrologue
Onapprend
"nimmedansWading.
quisuitla TabledesArticles,
que
deLouis
anne
duRgne
en 1508.
a tfaitla onzime
XII.c'est--dire,
"cetOuvrage
de Monseigneur
deMolins
la correction
se soumet
"L'Auteur
Franois
, qu'ilappelle
de Franois
"sonprcepteur
Sl irradiateur
, & qui parottrechargde l'ducation
Louisede Savoye,
& depuisRoisousle nomde
filsdela Comtesse
" Angoulesme,
dontlesdeuxpremiers,
estdivisentroisTraicts,
I. CetOuvrage
"Franois
qui
le tiers,ne sontpresqueque desExtraits
desfauxOuvrages
de
environ
"forment
ans
Annius
&c. publisen Latinenviron
Manthon,
"Brose,
auparavant
par
vingt
"de Viterbe.
ne
ungrand
nosChroniqueurs
service:il ditque 'voyant
a crurendre
"L'Auteur
&
si
autres
des
Princes
Gaulois
comme
traiter
Franois
Pharamond,
depuis
que
enlumire
& enlangaige
tpardevant,
"'n'eussent
maternel,
(il a) vouluproduire
de nostre
histoire
ditenation& gent,parlaquelle
"'l'antiquenoblesse& vtust
n'acdni
l'onpourra
comment
la Monarchie
de France
"'videmment
cognoistre
& prou"'donnlieus Monarchies
Perse,Grce& Romeenvtust
d'Assyrie,
la nostre
& annichiles,
... lesautres
vesse,maislesa surmontes
huydfaillantes
ouParties
commence
entire
& inconcussible'.
Chacun
desTraits
"'seuledemeure
la
des
faits
avant
&
les
considrations,
Rois,
aprs
quiconcerChronique
"parsept
de leurtemps,& les
illustres
nent chaqueRoi, l'Auteurindiqueles Hommes
faits
"principaux
trangers."
3) Barthlmy mercier, abb de l'abbaye Saint-Lger Soissons, a
rdig, entre 1772 et 1779, troisnotes sur JeanThenaud, dont deux indites et la troisimepasse peu prs inaperue.
a) Mercier a annot de sa main, sans doute pour son propre usage, un
. Cet exemplaire est conexemplaire de La Croixdu Maine et Du Verdier
serv la Bibliothque nationale sous les cotes Rs. Q^. 205-210 (cf.
de la Bibliothque
nationale
, Auteurs,
Cataloguegnraldes livresimprims
et
Frre
Thevet
Andr
col.
, grand
541,
LXXXV, 1925,
J. Adhmar,
106

11:45:54 AM

desroisde Franceau XVIesicle, Paris, 1947, p. 89).

etcosmographe
voyageur
Sigle: Mercier-a.Ce sigle renverraaux annotationsmarginalesde la
p. 92 du vol. I.
Voici celles qui concernentdirectementThenaud:
defrance,
ou
thenaud,frereMineur,a compos,en 1508,La Margarite
"Jean
desRoisde france
VIII.dedie la Comtesse
"Chronique
jusqu'Charles
abrge
Manuscrit
infoliosurvelinquej'ai communi(Louisede Savoye)
"d'Angoulme
dansla Bibliothquiena donnunenotice(assezimparfaite)
qu M. Barbeau
de la Francedu P. le Long,Tom. IV. Pag. 380, N 15691*.
que historique
a critplusieurs
autres
dontj'ai vueslesnotices.)
manuscrits,
"(Thenaud
ouvrages
nosdeuxBibliothcaires,
"Ce Thenaud
inconnu
l'a taussi Wading.Philibert
"Mareschal
etSciences
, Sr. de la Rochedanssa GuidedesArts
(Paris,1598,in 8)
des Cordeliers
aussi,Pag. 368,Jeanthavoud,Gardien
"indique
d'Angoulme
Auteur
duVoyage
"comme
de Jerusalem;
enquoiil paroitn'avoirfaitqu'abrger
"LaCroixduMaine.Maittaire
Annalium
Tom.2, Pag.gg) indique
(Indices
Typogr.
"thenaud,Jean,Le Voyagede Oultremer.
Paris,in 12 sansautreindication.
"Andr
Cordelier
de la TerreSte,
Thevet,
, n Angoulme
, et quifitaussile Voyage
"doitavoirparldesonconfrere
Thenaud
duLevanin40,
, soitdanssaCosmographie
"soitdanssa grandeCosmographie
in folio,soitenfin
universelle
dansses Hommes
"illustres
en 2 vol.in folio.(Voirles tablesde ses Ouvr.)w
avecleursPortraits,
b) Mercier a publi ensuite dans L'EspritdesJournauxVIII = 1779,
I, pp. 201-76, de NouvellesRemarquesCritiquessur les deux premiers
Volumesde la Bibliothque
gnraledes Ecrivainsde l'Ordre de S. Benot
, p. 74; p. 109). Sous le lemme Berchorius
, il
par Dom Franois (cf. Notice
traitebrivementde Thenaud la p. 212.
Sigle: Merder-b.
J'ai connu ce passagegrce F. Fassbinder,Das Lebenunddie Werke
des Benediktiners
PierreBeruirey
Bonn, 1917, p. 13, note 4 (cf. Notice
, p.
chez
Fassbinder
les
cotes
des
mss.
et
B.N.
89). Corriger
443
2081,
lesquels appartiennentau Fonds franais.
Dans Notice
il
, p. j, o j'ai mal appliqu la note** de Mercier-by
faut barrer entirementla troisime ligne d'en haut, et mais la fin
de la ligne prcdente.
Ici encore, on me saura gr de reproduirece passage difficilement
accessible:
Pierre.
"berchorius,
Jenereleverai
pastouteslesinexactitudes
quisontdanscet
"Article
deuxnotes,l'unesurle nomFranois
: Jemeborne faire
decetEcrivain,
"l'autre
sursa traduction
de Tite-Live.
i. La CroixduMainele nomme
Berchore
,
"d'autres
Bercheure
Bercenne
; DupinBercheur
, & Berseur
, & Montfaucon
, sansdoute
Il sembleque,commeil s'appellelui"parunefautede copisteou d'imprimeur.
"mmeBerchorius
rendresonnomen Franois
comme
, on devroit
parBerchoiref
107

11:45:54 AM

"nousrendons
, Maglorius
, &c.; nanmoins
Gregorius
parGrgoire
parMagloire
je
"douteencore,parla raisonque voici: JeanThenaud,
au
Cordelier,
qui crivoit
du 16eme.siecle,s'exprime
ainsidanssaMarguerite
"commencement
deFrance
(*) :
Pierrede Bersuyre
, qui fitle Dictionnaire....,futpremirement
Cordelier,
ou Bressuires
(en LatinBersuria
"'puisMoine& Prieurde S. Victeur'.Bersuire
"Bescorium
de Thouars;Pierre,
na trois
) estunepetiteVillede Poitou,Election
de cetteVille,ce quil'auroit
"lieuesde Poitiers,
faitsurpouvoittreoriginaire
Berseur
nommerde Bersuire
renduen
, & parcorruption
; qu'il auroitlui-mme
Le Cordelier
nousapprenant
Thenaud
"LatinparBerchorius.
que Pierreavoitt
il parotqu'onpeutl'encroiresurle vrai
avantde se faireBndictin,
"Cordelier
de Tite-Live
de cetEcrivain.
2. La Traduction
"surnom
Franoise
parBerchoire,
dansnosBibliothques,
Manuscrits

"dontil existediffrens
(**) futimprime
en
i
i
Edition
il
"ParischezGuill.Eustace& Franois
dont
in-folio,
,

Regnault,
y
unExemplaire
survelin,maisquin'estpointla premiere.
"avoitchezM. Gaignat
de Maffliers,
cellede Parisenla grand'
rueSt.Jacques
, sansnom
"J'aivuau Chteau
format
des
de
2colonmais
caracteres
Vrard,
in-folio,
i486,
petit
"d'Imprimeur,
la premiere
Dcade.Cettelere. Editionde i486 estde la plus
ies, contenant
ne
la Caille,Orlandi8cnos Bibliographes
Franois
raret;Maittaire,
"grande
Latinsde PierreBerchoire,
ds
"l'ontpointconnue.Les Ouvrages
imprims le
ceci me
souventcopis 8cabrgsdansles Monasteres;
"XVe.siecle,furent
l'exclamation
qui, la finde sontravail,
puriled'unde ces Copistes
"rappelle
s'crie: Veredicere
d'enthousiasme
Berchoire,
possum
pourson confrere
"plein
"
venter
talem
Monachum
&
portavitgenuit.
qudbeatusfuit qui
filsde
desRoisde France,
"(*) C'estuneChronique
depuisSamoths-Dis,
abrge
"Japhet,
jusqu'CharlesVIIIddieparl'Auteur Louisede Savoye,merede
dansla Biblioen 1509.Voyezla Noticede ce Manuscrit
I, 8ccompose
"Franois
N
Il appartient
IV.
de
la
Tom.
France,
15691*.
380,
pag.
thquehistorique
8cde celledesBelles M. de Fncemagney
de l'Acadmie
Franoise
"aujourd'hui
lettres.
un Ste. Genevieve,
8tc.Le plusanciende
"(**) Il y en a deuxen Sorbonne,
le Traducteur
Bertheure
nomme
"Sorbonne
, 8cl'autreBerthuren.
c) Enfin,de la main de Mercier est la note, concernantThenaud, de la
fiche colle sur la feuille de garde du ms. Ars. 061, contenant le
Traitde la Cabale en prose de cet auteur.
Sigle : Mercier-c.
de la
Cette note n'est pas signale dans le Cataloguedes manuscrits
Secret
de l'Arsenalpar H. Martin, V, Paris, 1889, p. 31.
(p.
Bibliothque
140) la croyaitd'un bibliothcairede l'Arsenal, mais son contenuet son
critureexcluent tout doute.
En voici le texte:
en prose,parJeanthenaud,Cordelierd'An"Traitde la CabaleChrtienne,
en vers,dans
ddi

I.erparuneEpitrededicatoire
Franois
ouvrage
"goulme;
par lui composs,
"laquellel'Auteurse nommeet rappelled'autresouvrages
et dont
sa Cabalemetrifie
"entr'autres
, dontcelui-cin'estque le dveloppement
108

11:45:54 AM

infoliosurvelinest la Bibliothque
du Roi,N 7236,olimp6.
"leManuscrit
Franois
I. Dansle 3.echapitre
"CeManuscrit[-ci]
prsent
paroittrel'original
dela croix,suiviedeplusieurs
donnela figure
"du.eTrait,JeanThenaud
autres
en lettres,
Crucis
) dontil
d'aprsle Traitde raban maur(deLaudibus
"figures
en versfranois
lesverslatins.M. le Baronde Heisspossdeunsuperbe
"traduit
foiset dontje
"MS.*de ce Traitde RabanMaurqui a t imprim
plusieurs
un autreManuscrit
aux Religieux
"connois
de S.teCroixde la
qui a appartenu
Paris.
"Bretonnerie
a compos
"Ce JeanThenaud,cordelier,quoiqu'inconnuaux Bibliographes
enproseetenvers; ilssont la Bibliothque
du Roi,except
"plusieurs
ouvrages
deFrance
celui-ciet la Marguerite
de france,
, especed'Histoire
"pourtant
gnrale
in

de
"dont
un
beau
sur
M.
de
MS.1
folio,
velin,
j'ai procur
foncemagnel'Acad"
mie franoise
etde celledesBellesLettres...
4) PAULIN paris, Les manuscrits
franois de la Bibliothquedu roi...,
Paris, I (1836), pp. 286-93; IV (i840> PP- 136-44; VI1 0 848), pp.
78-82.
Sigle: PaulinParissuivi de la tomaison.
A propos des deux premires notices, l'auteur lui-mme dclare
dans la troisime: "J'ai pniblement ttonn en dcrivant ces deux
volumes; je me suis tromp, puis je me suis corrig et j'ai laiss subsisterbien des incertitudes"(VII, p. 79). On ne sauraitmieux dire.
Cite (VII, p. 79) La Croixdu Maine(etDu Verdier
). Aucun renvoi Fevret.
trois
fautes
du
tome
VII. A la page 78, derd'impression
Corriger
nire ligne, dans la rfrenceinterne "Voy. Tome III, pp. 136 144",
lire "Tome IV". A la page 79, ligne 19, corriger "p. 3^3" en "p. 333".
A la mme page, ligne 20, corriger"Terraud" en "Terrand".
A Paulin Paris remontele lemme Thenaud
(Jean) par Blondeau dans
la Biographieuniverselle
ancienneet moderne(Supplment)..., tome 84,
Paris, i8$7, pp. 26-7. A la p. 27, col. 1, lignes 14-^, "le P. Montfaucon" est une coquille pour "M. Paulin Paris".
Les items 2, 3 et 19 des Noticessur quelquesmanuscrits
de la Biblioont
Louise
de
Savoie
et

son
thqueimprialequi
appartenu
fils Franois1er
faisantsuite La Bibliothque
de Charlesd'Orlans, comte Angoulme,
au
chteaude Cognacen 1496 , p.p. Ed. Snemaud, Paris, 1861, pp. 63 ; 72-3,
ont t extraitsde Paulin Paris.
, Palestine)de
g) ch. schefer, Le Voyage Outremer
(Egypte,MontSinajr
Jean Thenaud. . . (Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir
l'histoire de la gographiedepuis le XlIIe jusqu' la findu XVIe sicle,
V), Paris, i8[8]4 (repr. Slatkine, Genve, annonc pour paratre),pp.
iii-xc (introduction); pp. 1-145^(dition annote).
109

11:45:54 AM

.
Sigle: Schefer
Cite (p. lxxxiv, note i) La Croixdu Maine (de mmoire); a utilis
des Vertus
Fevretpour la Margaritede France; Paulin Parispour le Triomphe
Il cite plusieurs passages directement d'aprs les
et la Cabale mtrifie.
manuscrits,sans toujoursen indiquer les cotes.
6) J. NANGLARD,Pouill historiquedu diocse Angoulme,3 vol., Angoulme, 1894-1900.
Sigle: Nanglard.
de
alphabtiquedes tablissements
Signal par H. Lematre, Rpertoire
Vordrede saintFranoisdansVouestde la Francedu XlIIe au XIXesicle, dans
Revue histoire
franciscaineVI = 1929, p. 322, et par Leproux(voir
ci-aprs).
Ce pouilldu diocse d'Angoulme, c'est--dire "l'tat de son personnel, avec celui de ses ressourcesmatrielleset religieuses" (I, p. 1),
contient (II, pp. 432-4$) une histoire fort dtaille du couvent des
cordeliers, base sur les pices d'archives.
, Recherches
7) j.-M. CARR, Voyageurset crivainsfranais en Egypte
IV
et
V
et
d'histoire
de
l'Institut
de philologie
archologie,
(Publications
franaisd'archologie orientale du Caire, 2 vol.), Le Caire, 1932; 2e
d. revue et corrige,Le Caire, 19^6, I, pp. 2-4; p. 11.
Sigle: Carr.
Sur prs de 800 pages, deux seulementsont consacres Thenaud.
Si j'inclus l'ouvrage quand mme dans cette bibliographie,c'est parce
qu'il situe le cordelier en chef de file des nombreux Franais qui ont
visit et dcrit l'Egypte entre le dbut du XVIe sicle et le milieu du
XIXe.
A utilis Schefer.
en Orient
, Paris, 1939, pp.
8) m. leproux, QuelquesfiguresCharentaises
Thenaud
. . .).
du XVIesicle,Jean
19-38 ( Voyageurs
.
Sigle: Leproux
Ce chapitrenous intresse deux titres: il utilise les donnes sur
Thenaud fourniespar Nanglard, et il prsente une analyse dtaille du
(la pice de rsistance).Malheureusement,le reste est
Voyaged1outre-mer
rapportde deuxime sinon de troisime main, de sorte que littralement tout doit tre vrifi. Les coquilles abondent. Ainsi, la p. 3$,
note 2, le nom de Fevret de Fontetteest devenu Feretde Fontenette
; la
110

11:45:54 AM

p. 38, note 9, celui de Lazare Sainan est devenu Sarreau.A la mme

sont fantaisistes.
page, note $6, les cotes du ms. de la Cabale mtrifie
a
la rfrence la
aux
trouv
thenaudisants.
J'ai
L'ouvrage chapp
du Dpartementdes imprims.
B.N. dans le fichierBiographies
,
9) j. L. blau, The Christianinterpretation
of the Cabala in theRenaissance
Columbia UniversityPress, New York, 1944 (repr. Kennikat Press,
New York, 1965), pp. 89-98; pp. 121-44.
Sigle: Blau.
A utilis P. Paris.
et kabbalistede la Renaissancedans''
, voyageur
10) F. secret, JeanThnaud
dfhumanisme
et renaissance
, Travauxet documents
, tome XVI =
Bibliothque
1
39-44.
*9S4> PPSigle: Secret.
A utilis Mercier-cy
Paulin Paris, Scheferet Fevret(remplacer Fevret
dans la note 3 de la p. 139).
par Schefer
Spcialiste de la Kabbale, M. F. Secret tudie Thenaud sous ce
biais particulier. Trs utilement, toutefois, il a tenu rappeler les
tapes des travaux consacrs cet auteur, notammentdepuis Schefer.
Plusieursnotes en bas de page seraient prciser ou revoir.
A Secretremonte la notice de la Bibliographia
franciscanaXI =
no.
2180.
I9S7, p. 78,
11) marie HOLBAK,Untmoignage
inconnusurle rayonnement
rasmien
dans
Ventourage
de Franois1er,dans Nouvellestudesdyhistoire
immdiat
prsentesau Xe congrs
dessciences
Romei9, Editionsde l'Acadmie
historiques
de la Rpublique Populaire Roumaine, Bucarest, 1955, pp. 265-84.
Sigle: Holban.
Aucun renvoiexplicite Fevret
ou Secret
.
, PaulinParisySchefer
Cet article d'une lve d'Abel Lefranc est certainementl'tude
la plus suggestivesur Jean Thenaud publie jusqu'ici. Mme Holban y
annonaitun ouvrage prochain sur cet auteur, mais elle m'apprend en
date du 18 juillet 1970 qu'elle n'a pas encore t mme de le faire
imprimer.Ce sont sans doute le titreun peu vague de son article et les
circonstances de l'dition qui ont amen qu'il a pass peu prs
inaperu1.
1 C'estla bibliothcaire
del'Institut
del'Universit
MlleE. Kern,
d'Utrecht,
franais
quim'a
larfrence
dans
laRevue
littraire
dela France
d'histoire
, g6 = 19^6,p. 4.
signal
III

11:45:54 AM

LA MARGARITE DE FRANCE
Le premier ouvrage crit par Thenaud parat avoir t la Margaritede
France, acheve en i$o8. Dix ans plus tard,un manuscritse trouvait la
Librairie de Blois. Il est signal dans l'inventaire1dress en 151S par
Guillaume Petit2, dont une copie, antrieure 1^30, a t conserve
dans le ms. Vienne 2^483. L'inventaire comporte une liste des Aultres
livresque le Royportecommunment
, c'est--dire qui se trouvaientdans les
caisses de livresqu'il avait sa suite pendantses nombreuxvoyages.Sur
cette liste de dix-huitlivres,se lit l'item suivant: 399. La Marguarite
de France et Cronicque abrge de tous les roys qui furentjamais en
France, escript en parchemin la main, couvert de veloux cramoisi.s.
Ce manuscrita-t-ildisparupendantun dplacementde Franois1er? En
de la librairiede Blois
tout cas, il n'est plus mentionndans VInventaire
dress lors de son transfert Fontainebleau en i446. A partir de ce
l'absence de cet
moment, force nous est de constater, avec Mercier-cy
ainsi
de
tout
la
de
France
de
,
autre7, dans la
que
Margarite
exemplaire
Bibliothque du roi.
1 Pourcetinventaire
Notice
surlesanciens
d'une
. . ., prcdes
: Concordances
catalogues
p.p.H. Omont,
a treprise
avecdesadditions
et
Notice
Paris,
1903(pp.v-xi).Cette
parOmont,
bibliographiques
dela Bibliothque
danssesAnciens
inventaires
etcatalogues
nationale
desplanches
, Introducdiffrentes,
a tditparOmont
dans
lui-mme
tion
etconcordances
, Paris,1921(pp.6-12).- L'inventaire
Blois,
Fontainebleau
etParis
auXVle
etcatalogues
inventaires
Anciens
.. ., I, Lalibrairie
sicle,
royale
Paris,
1908,
pp.1-154.
taitdj l'impression
montexte
C'estseulement
l'dition,
quej'ai puconsulter
quand
a commenc
publier
en1902,sousletitre
Inventaire
celled'Omont,
queP. Arnauldet
parallle
desarchives
LeBibliographe
moderne
international
deBlois
en15/8,dans
duchteau
dela librairie
, courrier
main
Omont,
dontla description
estdeseconde
etdesbibliothques
(vol.VIsv.).Contrairement
a
etconc.,
1et2),Arnauldet
. . ., 1903,p.vi,notes1et2 = Introd.
1921,p. 6,notes
(Concordances
entre
lesdeuxditions
diffrences
euaccsaums.Vienne
2^48.Certaines
parl.
s'expliquent
2 SurGuillaume
trsestim
de Bud,voirL.
etbibliophile",
"humaniste
ce dominicain
Petit,
nationale
delaBibliothque
Lecabinet
desmanuscrits
, Paris,
III,1881, pp.17^-7,etM.-M.dela
Delisle,
etdeGuillaume
d'rasme
Bud.
. ., Paris,
Lacorrespondance
1967,
Garanderie,
p. 313;pp.97sv.
3 Tabulae
Palatina
Vindobonensi
asservatorum
codicum
... in Bibliotheca
II,
, Vienne,
manuscriptorum
VI =*1902,
LeBibl.
mod.,
1868,
pp.iosv.
p. 96;Arnauldet,
Delisle,
desmanuscrit
Cabinet
*,m,p. 176,noteg.
s Anciens
sicle
etParis
auXVle
Blois
inventaires
etcatalogues.
. ., I, Lalibrairie
,
, Fontainebleau
royale
IX = 190$,
a 398,non399;Marguerite
, nonMarguarite
mod.,
(LeBibl.
Paris,
1908,
p. j.Arnauldet
P. 392).
6 Edition
Omont
cite lanoteprcdente,
pp.1^5-264.
7 SiArnauldet
silaMargarite
deFrance
IX = 190$,p. 392)a pusedemander
signale
(LeBibl.mod.,
dansle ms.B.N.f.fr.
neserait
dansl'inventaire
deBlois,
sansnomd'auteur
9$$,
pasconserve
- il ignorait
lems.
deJean
Fevret
Thenaud.
omisdeconsulter
c'estque- ayant
Certes,
qu'ils'agit
etsonauteur
tantt
etdesvices),
tantt
9estappel
Marguerites
hystorial(l)es,
(desvertus
Marguerite
en
deChabannes
Jean
maisc'estJean
senomme
"Frere
Massue,
quia ddisachronique
Jehan",
Ancien
Cat.desmss.
. impriale
. Dp.desmss.
1868,p. 163,et
, I, Paris,
1497.Cf.Bibl
fonds
franais,
II 983etDupuy
P. Paris
VII,pp.316-34.
igault
976.)
(Alap. 316,comprendre
Ill

11:45:54 AM

Quant au beau manuscritin-folio,sur vlin, que l'Abb de SaintLger a dnich vers 1774 et qu'il a procur l'acadmicien E. L. de
, -c), il n'a pas non plus t retrac2.
Foncemagne1( Mercier-b
aucun
Actuellement,
exemplaire de la Margaritede Francen'est
signal, ni en France ni ailleurs. Toutefois, mme si les manuscritsde
cette chronique ont d tre peu nombreux, il n'est point exclu qu'il
s'en cache un dans tel ou tel fonds. Ainsi, pour un autre ouvrage de
Thenaud, Holban (p. 26^, note 2) a identificomme tel un manuscritde
Lningradpourtant dj amplement dcrit par Laborde. Il faut donc
avoir l'il au guet. Evidemment,ce qui complique ici les recherches,
c'est que dans les catalogues les titres Margarite("perle") et Chronique
sont fortfrquents.
En attendant, nos renseignementssur la Margaritede France se
limitent quelques citationscueillies dans les ouvragesde Thenaud; aux
quelques remarques faitespar Mercier de Saint-Lgersur le manuscrit
dcouvertpar lui ; et la notice de Barbeau dans Fevrety
que Metcier-aa

avec
"assez
raison
Ces
reviennent
imparfaite
qualifie
renseignements
crite par Thenaud dans la onzime anne
ceci : La Margaritede Francey
du rgne de Louis XII (en io8), futddie la comtesse d'Angoulme
Louise de Savoie, mre du futurroi Franois1er, et soumise par lui la
correctionde MonseigneurFranoisde Molins, son matreet inspirateur.
C'est une espce d'Histoire gnrale de la France, sous la formed'une
Chronique abrge des rois qui ont rgn s Gaules jusqu' Charles
1 Etienne
Laurault
de Fdicemagne
a notamment
surla
(1694-1779)
publidesdissertations
desroisdeFrance
etsurlaquestion
desavoir
silacouronne
tait
alors
lective
ou
dynastie
premire
VoirBiographie
tome
hrditaire.
MedievaXVII,Paris,
i8$6,coll.69-70;L. Gossman,
gnrale...,
lism
andthe
..., Baltimore,
1968(Index,
ideologies
oftheenlightenment
p. 371).
2 Unexamen
desnombreux
conservs
la Bibliothque
nationale
Foncemagne
pouss
papiers
uneindication
surlesortdecemanuscrit
livrerait
deFrance.
delaMargarite
VoirlaTable
peut-tre
citesupra
III( K), 193$,p. 108a.
, p.99,note3,tome
gnrale
alphabtique
auxArchives
Moulin
La collection
de l'Acadmie
trois
de
contient
franaise
autographes
2 lettres
des
(1749et s.d.)et unepice(1777)signe
Foncemagne:
gnral
parlui (Catalogue
desbibliothques
deFrance.
Paris
etnouveau
del'Institut
manuscrits
, Bibliothque
, ancien
publiques
fonds
p.p.
etJ.Tremblot,
12,du11aot,
coteFoncemagne
sans
M.Bouteron
1928,
anne,
p. 31).Lalettre
estadresse
Mercier
maisnetraite
Mercier
[deSaint-LgerJ,
pasdumme
sujet.Comme
yest
deSteGenevive
SteGenevive",
"Bibliothcaire
d'avant
elledoitdater
1772.
appel
La bibliothque
de l'Institut
de France
unseulautographe
de Foncemagne,
possde
plus
aussisurunsujetdiffrent,
rcent
dansle vol.2714(voirmme
(177g)mais
Catalogue,
p. 43^).
Levol.4677/6
del'acceptation
contient
letexte
desfonctions
d'exetparBrquigny
parDacier
delasuccession
cuteurs
deFoncemagne
testamentaires
desmanuscrits
desbiblioth(Catalogue
gnral
deFrance
deVInstitut
deFrance
, tomeLIV,Paris
, Bibliothque
ques
publiques
(Supplment
) parJ.TremblotdelaCroix,
nefont
denotre
manuscrit.
1962,p. 98).Cesquatre
pages
pasnonplusmention
MllePauleChatel,
archiviste
del'Acadmie
bienvoulu
me
d'avoir
franaise,
Jeremercie
delalettre
unephotocopie
12.
Moulin,
procurer
Foncemagne
"S

11:45:54 AM

VIII inclusivement: partirdu dluge jusqu' la destructionde Troie, et

de l jusqu' Jules Csar; puis, partir de Pharamond, le chef franc
lgendaire descendant du Troyen Priam, jusqu' l'poque contemporaine. Mais, "voyant nos Chroniqueurs ne traiter que des Princes
Gaulois & Franoisdepuis Pharamond,comme si d'autres n'eussent t
pardevant", Thenaud prtend remonter, au-del de Pharamond,
jusqu' Samoths-Dis, fils de Japhet, celui-ci troisime fils de No.
L'ouvrage, introduitpar une Table des articles et un Prologue, est
divis en troisTraits, commenantchacun par sept considrations.Les
deux premiers,qui constituent peu prs le tiers,ne sontgure que des
extraits du Pseudo-Brose etc. publis en latin environ vingt ans
auparavant par Annius de Viterbe. Avant la chronique des rois, et
aprs les faitsqui concernentchaque roi, Thenaud indique les hommes
illustres l'poque et les principauxfaitstrangers.
Ce dernierprocd, appliqu peu auparavantdans le Supplementum
de Philippe de Bergame1,nous fait regretterla perte de la
chronicarum
de
. On constate dans la notice sur Bersuire ( Mercier-b
Margarite France
)
Thenaud
que
pouvait tre bien inform.Son effortde lgitimerles rois
de France en reliantleur origine un anctre troyen,Pharamond,est
simplementmdival. Que l'auteur remonte plus haut, jusqu' Samoths-Dis, est importantpar l'utilisationd'Annius de Viterbe. On connatle scandale,qui a continude retenirles espritsjusqu' aujourd'hui2,
caus par ce dominicain faussaire: A partir de 14983, sous diffrents
titres*,il publia en latin des textesfabriquspar lui de toutes pices, en
les attribuant des auteursde l'antiquit tels que Manthon*et Brose6.
Mais avant le scandale, il y eut le succs, notamment Paris o entre
1^09 et 151$ quatre ditions au moins se succdrent chez diffrents
imprimeurs,dont Badius7. L'insertion ds io8, dans sa chronique,
d'extraits d'Annius montre Thenaud conscient de ce qui tait dans le
vent.
1 Bibliographie
rcente
dansP. O. Kristeller,
The
contribution
orders
torenaissance
ofreligious
thought
andlearning,
The
American
Benedictine
Review
XXI,i = 1970,p.41; Vivarium
III,pp.128-9.
2 Bibliographie
rcente
etancienne
dansR. Weiss,Traccia
diAnnio
da Viterbo
,
perunabiograa
Italia
medioevale
e umanistica
V = 1962,pp.42^-41
etquelquesF. Secret,
daViterbo
. Ajouter
Egidio
uns
desescontemporains
deViterbe
etSamuel
XVI= 1966,
, I,Annius
, Augustiniana
Zarjati
pp.371sv.
3 Gesamtkatalog
derWiegendrucke
com.. ., BandII,Leipzig,
1926,n 201(Rome,1498,dition
en216ff.);n2016(Venise,
mente
sanscommentaire,
36ff.).
1498,
4 VoirCatalogue
deslivres
dela Bibliothque
nationale
tomeCXXII,Paris,
, Auteursy
gnral
imprims
1933,coll.693-7.
5 PourManetho,
voirF. Jacoby,
DieFragmente
derGriechischen
Historiker
, III,C, 1. Band,
Leyde,
19*8,
pp.S'"i6 Pour
ibid.,
Beros(s)os,
pp.364-97.
7 Eni12,aveclettre-ddicace
Guillaume
en 151g.Ph.Renouard,
BiblioPetit;rimpression
II4

11:45:54 AM

FRANOIS DU MOULIN DE ROCHEFORT

Sans doute, il est difficiledvaluer la part qu'il faut faire ds cette
Franoisde Molins, la Margaritede
poque l'inspirationde Monseigneur
Francetantle premierde ses critsque Thenaud lui soumetpour correction. La biographie de ce personnage nous est enfinmieux connue,
grce surtout trois articles de Mme Holban1. Franois du Moulin de
Rochefort, depuis 1501 familier de Louise de Savoie, prcepteur de
Margueriteet de Franoisd'Angoulme, grandaumnierde Franois1er,
sera dsign par celui-ci pour l'vch de Condom mais vinc, et
finirasa vie en 1^26 comme abb de Saint-Maximin Micy-surLoire.
ouvert
aux
ides
Rochefort
en
nouvelles,
1^17 avec
Toujours
s'employa
Guillaume Petit faire inviterErasme en France. C'est Rochefortqui
introduisitauprs de Louise de Savoie Lefvred'Etaples, lequel en iiS
lui ddia en retour sa De Maria Magdalena Disceptatio
. C'est encore
Rochefort,sous le nom de FranciscusMolinius, qu'Erasme ddia en 1^24
son Exomologesis
siue modusconfitendi2.
En revanche, mme aprs les
de
Mme
les
crits
de Rochefortn'ont pas encore
Holban,
publications
t compltementinventarisni, partant, tudis. Le peu d'attention
qu'on a accord longtemps ses crits semble toutefoistenirbeaucoup
plus aux vicissitudesde l'histoire littrairequ' leur valeur propre. Ce
sera aussi le cas de Thenaud, avec une seule exception dont nous allons
parler.
LE VOYAGE D'OUTREMER
Trois ans aprs avoir ddi Louise de Savoie sa Margaritede France
,
Thenaud entrepritun voyage au Levant dont la relation nous a t
conserve seulement dans un imprim*rarissimedu XVIe sicle: Le
etdesuvres
deJosse
desimpressions
Badius
Ascensi
us, imprimeur
ethumaniste
1462-1
535,II,
graphie
semontrera
vis
Paris,
1908(repr.
[1963]),
djquelque
pp.3-7.En1516Badius
peuplusrserv
visd'Annius
VoiraussiA. Renaudet,
ethumanisme
Paris
(ibid.t
p. 389inmedio).
Prrforme
lespremires
d'Italie
deParis,1953,p. 618avecla note2, laquelle
guerres
pendant
(1494-1517),
treretouche.
manderait
1 M. Holban,
Autour
dulivre
d'heures
deMarguerite
deValois
dansMlanges
Prvan
Lesbelles
, Paris,
duMoulin
etlaquerelle
deRochefort
delaMadeleine
etRenaissance
dans
Humanisme
lettres,
1934;Francois
H = l93Sy
; Holban.
PP-26"43et 147-71
2 P. S. Allen,
roterodami
Des.Erasmi
, V,Oxford,
1924,pp.411-2(cf.XII,1958,
Opus
epistolarum
Index
cette
maintenant
E. Droz,Chemins
del'hrsie
onserapportera
, p. 139).Pourtoute
question
deseconfesser).
manires
I, Genve,
1970,pp.1sv.(Quatre
3 Surcetimprim
voirnotamment
: LaCroix
duMaine
duMaine
etDuVerdier
; LaCroix
; Mercier-a
;
n20537:4ed.,1843,IV,p.448,5ed.,1864,V,
Hain,1838,II,ii,p.408,n15466;Brunet,
coll.778-9;Graesse,
1867,VI,2,p. 113;Brunet,
I,col.757;Schefer
, p.lxxxiv;
, 1878,
Supplment
II S

11:45:54 AM

, ... et
Voyageet itinaire[sic] de oultremer, faict par FrereJehanThenaud

.
.
.
au
les
On
vend
.
a
Paris
en
la rue
premirement Angoulesme
jusques Cayre
- Paris (s.d.). Petit in -8,
Dame
V
Nostre

Sainct
Nicolas
.
Neufve
enseigne
64 ff. ...I. En 1884, Scheferen a procur une excellente rdition
annote, avec ample introduction2,de sorte que je peux me borner
quelques points controverss.
Rappelons d'abord certaines dates de l'itinraire, qui ne sont pas
toujours rapportes exactement. Parti Angoulme le 2 juillet 15-11,
Thenaud dbarque Alexandrie le 2 fvrier1512 n.s., pour arriverau
Caire le 25 mars suivant.Il repartiradu Caire le 14 octobre 1512, pour
rentrer Angoulme le 6 mai 1513. Ces dates liminentl'hypothse,
admise par Schutz,d'une impressiondu Voyageen 1512.
Le texte imprim n'a pas t rdig pendant ou immdiatement
aprs l'expdition. Il est postrieur janvier 1515, parce que Franois
Angoulme y est appel "roy et empereur" ( Schefer,p. 2); voire
postrieur 1523, parce que la prise de Rhodes par Soliman y est
mentionne ( Schefer
, p. lxxi; p. 124). En d'autres termes, ce texte n'a
t rdig que dix ans, ou plus, aprs le voyage qu'il entend dcrire.
Thenaud crivait-il entirement de mmoire? Avait-il pris dj des
notes en cours de route? A-t-il ds son retour faitune premire rdaction, qu'il a labore plus tard avant de l'envoyer l'imprimeur?Nous
l'ignorons. Nous ignoronsmme quand le texte conserva t imprim.
Aussi y a-t-il un dcalage d'une vingtaine d'annes entre les dates
avances pour l'dition princeps: 1512 (Schutz); vers 1513 (Carre,p.
ii, note 1); vers 1520 (Cioranesco), entre 1525 et 1530 ( Schefer
, p.
lxxxiv); 1530 (Atkinson,avec point d'interrogation); en 153 1 ( Holbany
p. 266); aprs 153 1 (Holbanyp. 283).
Le titre, sans date, ne donne pas non plus le nom de l'imprimeur.
Il comporte une figure,consistanten 3 croix, dont deux blanches sur
La littrature
dela Renaissance
G. Atkinson,
, Rpertoire
...,
gographique
bibliographique
franaise
Acritical
literaParis,
1927,n42,pp.48-9,p. 425(Fig.29);D. C. Cabeen,
bibliography
ofFrench
sixteenth
ed.A.H. Schutz,
II,The
turet
N.Y.,1956,p. 43,n407;Catalogue
century
gnral
Syracuse
deslivres
dela Bibliothque
nationale
tomeCLXXXV,
Paris,19^9,col.462; A.
, Auteurs,
imprims
delalittrature
19^9,p. 660,n210^4.
duseizime
sicle
Cioranesco,
, Paris,
Bibliographie
franaise
Lanotice
dibibliografia
storica
M.daCivezza,
, Prato,
723dans
etnografica
Saggio
sanfrancescana
Paulin
Paris.
j879,p. 89remonte
1 Cetitre
Le titre
a treproduit
en
estcitd'aprs
le Catalogue
dela Bibliothque
nationale.
dansAtkinson.
fac-simil
2 OnliraaussiLeproux.
Enrevanche,
auVoyage
lespages
consacres
et sonauteur
onpeutngliger
Trente
ansdejeunesse
dansR. de Maulde
La Clavire,
Louise
etFranois
deSavoie
Iery
51s),
(1485-1
deSavoie,
et"Roi"
deFrance
Louise
Paris,
,
189$,pp.321sv.,etdansPauleHenry-Bordeaux,
Rgente
Paris,
i94,
pp.69sv.
II6

11:45:54 AM

fond noir (Atkinson,p. 48), mais qui, ma connaissance,n'a pas t

rattache une imprimeriedtermine. Il mentionne que les exemplairessont en vente Paris, dans la rue Neuve Notre Dame, l'enseigne
saint Nicolas. C'tait l'adresse successivementdu libraire Jean Saint
Denys, de sa veuve Claude, et de leur successeur Pierre Sergent1.On
peut donc songer eux, sinon comme imprimeurs, leur marque2
faisantdfaut, du moins comme vendeurs. Mais pour fixerla date de
l'dition princeps,cela n'est gure utile, le premierexerantle mtier
de i 52 1-153 1 ; la seconde de 15-31-15-33 ; le troisimede 1532-1547.
Sainan3a attribu FranoisRabelais plusieursempruntsau Voyage.
Un seul est absolument certain, tant donn qu'il est accompagn du
nom de l'auteur. Il se lit dans GargantuaXV* : "Si de ce vous esmerveillez, esmerveillezvous daventaigede la queue des beliers de Scythie,
que pesoytplus de trentelivres, et des moutons de Surie, es quelz fault
(si Tenaud diet vray) affusterune charretteau cul pour la porter,
tant elle est longe et pesante". La phrase provient du chapitre II du
, p. 43). Comme Gargantuaa t publi en 15345, il
Voyage( Schefer
semble que nous tenionsun terminus ante quem de l'dition princeps.
Je dis : il semble, car il n'est pas tout faitexclu que le grandliseur que
non dans l'imprimmais en manuscrit.
futRabelais, ait lu le Voyage
Sur le titrede l'dition princeps,Thenaud tale ses qualits: matre
s arts, docteur en thologie (deux degrs dont on ne sait toujours
pas quand et dans quelle universitil les a obtenus), gardien des frres
mineursd'Angoulme. Il paratimpensableque Thenaud auraitsign, et
faitimprimer,son Voyageen tantque gardien,aprs qu'il eut quitt son
1 Ph.Renouard,
esimprimeurs
etB. Moreau,
Paris
d.J.Veyrin-Forrer
,
parisiens
Rpertoire
dePh.Renouard,
Paris,
196$,p. 389;p. 39f(rdition
Imprimeurs
parisiens...,
1898).
2 Ph.Renouard,
desXVe
etXVle
Lesmarques
sicles
;
, Paris,
1926,pp.330-1
parisiennes
typographiques
pp.332-3.
3 L. Sainan,
s'il ne
Revue
destudes
rabelaisiennes
vrifier
, VIII= 1910,pp.3^0-60.Il faudrait
Sainan
la prsence
enoutre
du
de
signale
correspondances.
(pp.353-4)
s'agitpasparfois simples
duCinquime
livre
ditions
imdanscertaines
nomdeTenault
J.Boulenger
(chap.XXXouXXXI).
ennote(Rabelais,
uvres
sansexplication
de la Pliade,
, Bibliothque
Tevaulty
compltes
prime
douteuse
etla datetardive
decechapitre,
Paris,
1941,p. 866).Vul'authenticit
je n'entiens
pas
compte.
S'agissant
la version
de chronologie,
vient
d'tre
je citele passage
d'aprs
originale,
laquelle
danslesTextes
Littraires
Calder
dite
, Genve-Paris,
Franais
1970.Letexte
(p.
parRuth
primitif
seulement
menues
auxversions
diffrences
104)prsente
quelques
parrapport
d'orthographe
desuvres
de Rabelais,
Cf.l'dition
Garnier,
compltes
Classiques
parP. Jourda,
postrieures.
, chap.XVI,pp.6-6.
Paris,1962,I, Gargantua
s Eni3,
suivre
sil'oncroit
devoir
M.A.Screech
deGargantua
Littraires
,
, Textes
Franais
(dition
cite,pp.xl-xlv).
II7

11:45:54 AM

couvent pour prendre possession de l'abbaye de Mlinais en fvrier

1529. Par une autre voie, cette conclusion rejoint globalement celle
de Schefer
: le texte conserv dans l'dition princeps a t rdig entre
1^23 et le dbut de 1^29: il devait tre imprim, ou du moins sous
presse, cette derniredate.
Le Voyages'inscritdans la longue squence des rcitsde plerinages
ad loca sanctadont le prototypereste VItinerarium
Egeriae(? Ve sicle)1,
et qui aurontencore la faveurau XVIe sicle. L'abb de Saint-Lgernote
ce propos: "Depuis 1420, les Cordeliers sont en possession de garder
les lieux saints o ils ont une Communaut, plusieurs Cordeliers
franoisont fait ce voyage, et ont ensuite publi leurs relations"2. Et
aprs avoir cit l'exemple de BonaventureBrochardet de JeanBoucher,
il passe Andr Thevet3, et suppose que celui-ci doit avoir parl de son
confrre Thenaud, soit dans sa Cosmographie
du Levant
, soit dans sa
universelle
, soit enfindans ses Hommesillustresavec
grande Cosmographie
leursportraits.Mais une lecture assez srieuse de ces trois ouvragesm'a
faitconclure que ce jeune mule de Thenaud, n comme lui en Angoumois et profsdans le mme couvent, ne le mentionnenulle part.
[Ce qui prcde tait dj compos l'imprimerie,lorsque j'ai pris
connaissance de la notice consacre au Voyagedans Jean Babelon, La
bibliothque
franaisede FernandColomb(Paris, 1913, p. xxxi; pp. 209-10).
Babelon cite une note du bibliophile svillandclarantqu'il avait achet
son Voyagepour quatre deniers Lyon en i3. Cette date fournitun
nouveau terminusante quem sr de l'imprim, tout en confirmantla
datation tablie plus haut. Toutefois, l'intrt de la notice ne s'arrte
pas l. En comparant la reproduction du titre de l'exemplaire de la
Bibliothque colombine Sville avec celle de l'exemplaire de la
Bibliothque nationale Paris, on constate que ces titres ne sont pas
identiques. La diffrencela plus flagranteest la faute d'impression
Itinairedans l'exemplaire de la B.N., comme dans celui du British
Museum (cote: G 7064), tandisque l'exemplaire de Sville a correctement Itinraire
. La mise en lignes du titreaussi est diffrente.
Il ne s'agit pas d'une simple rimpression,ou nouveau tirage,avec
seulementdes titresdiffrents.Dans l'exemplaire de la B. N., qui a 27
lignes par page, l'explicit se lit au verso du f. 64, tandisque dans celui
1 Itinerarium
christianorum
etalia
Itineraria
et Weber,
edd.Franceschini
CLXXV,
Corpus
Egeriae
Turnhout,
196$,pp.27sv.
geographica,
2 Cette
erselitMerci
a, danslamarge
gauche.
phrase
#Mercier-a.
voirNouvelle
tome45, Paris,1866,coll.
SurAndr
Thevet,
biographie
gnrale...,
desLettres
sicle
, s.v.;Dictionnaire
, Leseizime
, Paris,
127-8;G. Atkinson,
franaises
op.cit.,Index
VIH,p. 247*,n820.
i9i,p. 664;Bibliographia
franciscana
II8

11:45:54 AM

de Sville, qui n'en a pourtantque 26, 1'explicit vient dj au recto du

f. 64. Comme Graesse l'avait pressenti,et contrairement 1'opinion de
.
Schefer
(p. lxxxiv), il y a donc eu deux impressionsdistinctesdu Voyage
Peut-on prciser leur chronologie? Dans l'exemplaire de Sville, le
verso du f. 64 est pris par le colophon que voici: Cynist le voyagede
nou uellement
a Paris
Hierusalemfaict
/ parjrereIehanthanoud. . . Imprime
pour la veufuedefeu lehan sai[n]ctdenysa le[n]seigne.S. Nicolas, avec,
en-dessous, la marque de Jean Saint-Denys. La Croix du Maine vindicatus: l'item dans sa Bibliothque
, le nom estropi de Thenaud inclus,
d'tre
loin
fantaisiste,provientde ce colophon. L'adverbe nouvellement
,
celui-ci
certes
au
XVIe
sicle
"rcemment".
contient,
que
peut
signifier
Mais, "imprim rcemment" ne va pas du tout dans le contexte; le
termedoit faireallusion une nouvelle impression,dans laquelle notamment la faute du titre a t corrige, et le colophon et la marque
ajouts. Cette nouvelle impression,ayantt excute chez la veuve de
Jean Saint-Denys,doit tre postrieure la mort de celui-ci, survenue
entremarset dcembre 1^3 1. La veuve tantmorteen 15*33, la nouvelle
impressionne sauraittre de beaucoup postrieure cette anne-l, et
est en tout cas antrieure l'achat de l'exemplaire de Sville en i3.
Quant l'dition princeps, reprsente par les exemplaires de
Paris et de Londres, et qui est celle rdite par Schefer
, postrieure
1^23 (prise de Rhodes), elle ne sauraittre de beaucoup postrieure la
mort de Jean Saint-Denysen 1531. Globalement: l'dition princeps,
par JeanSaint-Denys,se situe entre 1523 et 153 1 ; la seconde dition,
par sa veuve, entre 153 1 et 153^.
J'ai trouv la rfrence Babelon dans le fichiermanuscriten 84
volumes,sur lequel le ProfesseurJacquesMonfrinde l'Ecole des chartes
a bien voulu attirer mon attention: Rpertoire
gnralalphabtiquedes
, rdigespar mile Picot (f 118), pour servir
ches bibliographiques
Vhistoirelittraire
des XVe, XVIeet premire
moitidu XVIle
, principalement
sicle, vol. 78 ( Tem-Tolom
le
dans
ms.
Paris
B.
N.
Nouv.
)
acq. fran.
des manuscrits
23270 (cf. Nouvellesacquisitionsdu Dpartement
pendantles
annes1924-1928, Inventaire
sommaire
p. H. Omont, Paris, 1929, pp.
56-8 = Bibl. deVc. desch. LXXXIX = 1928, pp. 291-3). Le rpertoire
contients.v. Thenaud14 fichesnumrotesde 896 909, pour lesquelles
PaulinPariset Schefer
ont t utiliss. Sigle: Picot.]
Fevrety
TRADUCTION DES EPITRES DE S. PAUL
A propos de Rhodes, o il fit escale pendant son retour du Caire,
119

11:45:54 AM

Thenaud exprime l'ide que le Colosse, l'norme statue d'Apollon en

airain qui se dressaitautrefois l'entre du Golfe, avait tendu son nom
l'le entire. Pourtant,il rfutel'opinion de ceux qui allaientjusqu'
aux habiadmettreque saint Paul avait adress son Eptre ad Colossenses
tantsde Rhodes. Puis il conclut: "De ceste maniereay escripten nostre
translationdes Epistres du glorieux Monsieur Sainct Pol qui seront
"
, p. 126).
produictes,Dieu aydant,bientosten lumiere ( Schefer
Cette traductiondes Eptres de S. Paul, Holban (p. 283) suppose
que Thenaud pourrait l'avoir attaque au moment de la ferveurreligieuse du cercle de Meaux, fonden 1^21 par GuillaumeBrionnet.Plus
importantest de savoir si Thenaud a men cette entreprise bonne fin.
Cela ne ressort pas avec vidence de la phrase prcite. En tout cas,
jusqu' ce jour aucun manuscritni aucun imprimn'en a t signal.
JEANTHENAUDMYTHOGRAPHE
Paulin Paris (VII, p. 79) reconnat Thenaud comme l'auteur de deux
: un Traitdes Divinitspotiqueset un "court
ouvrages mythographiques
traitde la Lignede Saturne
, compos pour Louis XII, au momentde la
du
Milanois
(msc. 7488)". Il note que "Labbe1 dans sa Nova
conqute
in
Bibliotheca2
, qu'il attribue
, 16^3,
40, p. 3^3, cite la Lignede Saturne
JeanTerraud"3.
, sans
Schefer(pp. lxxiii-iv) traite seulement de la Lignede Saturne
Il
en
un
bref
et
cite
du
donne
rsum
deux
la
cote
manuscrit.
indiquer
a
ddi

cet
t
montrant
Franois d'Angoulme.
que
ouvrage
passages
Secret(p. 139, note 3) constateque "La descriptionde la Lignede
Saturnedans [Schefer]diffrede celle de P. Paris", et rappelle (p. 140,
note 1) que Snemaud, renvoyant P. Paris, avait signalde Thenaud le
.
Traitdes divinits
potiques
Holban (p. 266, note 4) remarque que Thenaud a crit la Lignede
Saturneen 1510 pour le jeune Franois d'Angoulme.
En ce qui concerne d'abord la Lignede Saturne
, on voit que ces
savantsne sont d'accord, ni sur le contenudu trait,ni sur le personnage
auquel il futddi. En revanche, tous les quatre ne fonttat que d'un
seul manuscrit.Pourtant,ds 1857, Blondeau* avait signalchez Mont-

1 Surl'rudit
deJsus...,
dela Compagnie
nouvelle
Labbe,voirBibliothque
Philippe
polygraphe
dition
IV,Bruxelles-Paris,
1893,coll.129^-1
328.
Bibliographie,
parC. Sommervogel,
2 Philippus
1 vol.,Paris,165^3.
Bibliotheca
sive
C'estle
Nova
librorum
mss.
Labbeus...,
specimen...,
Bibliotheca
aveclen^4: Nova
deSommervogel,
n48delaBibliographie
qu'ilnefaut
pasconfondre
2 tomes,
Paris,
librorum...,
16^7.
manuscript,
3 Voicil'item
.
Laligne
deSaturne,
deLabbe,
parFr.leanTerrand
p. 333(!): MMXIII.
*
Art.citsupra,
p. 109.
I 20

11:45:54 AM

fauconla mentiond'un manuscritdu trait,autreque celui cit parLabbe.,

En effet,Montfaucon1fournitpour la Bibliothque du roi les deux
itemssuivants: i) 7488. De la ligne de Saturne. 2) 7947. La ligne
de Saturne, par Jean Tenaud.2. On sait* que cette partie de Montfauconremonte la remiseau net, peu auparavant(en 1730), du catalogue rdig par Nicolas Clment en 1682-83. Aussi les deux items se
trouvent-ils,identiquement libells, dans Clment*, sous les mmes
cotes que chez Montfaucon, mais suivis entre parenthses des cotes
(808 et 1^13) qu'ils avaient dans le catalogue des frresDupuy, rdig
en 164^5. Ici, le second item intercalefiere devantJean Tenaud.Finalement, les deux items se retrouventdans le second catalogue de Nicola^
Rigault,rdig en 1622, libells comme suit: 1 134. Chronique de la
ligne de Saturne. et 2139. La ligne de Saturne, par frere Jean
Tenaud. 6.
C'est dire qu' partirde 1622 la Bibliothque du roi possdaitdeux
manuscritssur la Ligne de Saturne: l'un anonyme,l'autre attribudj
Jean Tenaud. Quant la priode antrieure, Le Cataloguedes bibliothquesdu Roy Paris rdig vers 1560, sans doute par Jean Gosselin?,
mentionnedeux manuscritsanonymes: outre le ms. 969. Cronique de
la ligne de Saturne.8, le ms. 1047. La ligne de Saturne. L'ordre
royalde France.9.
La "substance"10
seulementdu catalogue Dupuy (164$) a pass dans
la Nova Bibliotheca(16^3)" de Labbe. Pour nos deux items, cela signifie
1) que la mentiondu manuscritanonyme808 a t entirementsupprime la page 32 1 2) que, la page 333, dans la mentionprcite12du
manuscrit15:13, non seulement le nom de Tenauda t victime d'une
fauted'impression,tantdevenuTerrand,
maisaussila cote,devenueMMXIII
.
1 B. de Montfaucon,
Bibliotheca
bibliothecarum
nova...,II, Paris,1739,p. 792a;
manuscriptorum
P. 79Sa.
2 Lareproduction
deMontfaucon
dansMigne,
desmanuscrits
Dictionnaire
... , Paris,
185-3,
partielle
cesdeuxitems
et7947(col.774).
I,omet
7488(coll.768-9)
prcisment
3 Anciens
etcatalogues
inventaires
dela Bibliothque
Introduction
etconcornationale
, p.p.H. Omont,
dances,
Paris,
1921,p. 42.
Anciens
inventaires.
. ., IV,LaBibliothque
Paris
auXVlIe
sicle
, Paris,
1911-13,
royale
p. 41; p.63.
s Anciens
inventaires
Paris
auXVlIe
sicle
..., III,LaBibliothque
, Paris,
1910,p. 44; p. 76.
royale
* Anciens
inventaires
... , II,LaBibliothque
Paris
auXVIle
Paris,
sicle,
1909,p. 320 = p.
royale
486;p.370= p.499.
7 Anciens
inventaires
etconcordances,
.. ., Introduction
Paris,
1921,p. 21.
8 Anciens
inventaires
. . ., I, Lalibrairie
Blois,
etParis
Fontainebleau
auXVIe
Paris,
sicle,
1908,
royale
p. 310.
9 Ibid.,
p. 314.
10Anciens
inventaires.
. ., Introduction
etconcordances,
Paris,
1921,p. 35,note2.
11Op.cit.,Supplments
VII,VIIIetIX,pp.269-360.
12Supra
, p. 119,note3.
I 2I

11:45:54 AM

Ce double accident a t gros de consquences. Il a d'abord amen

Paulin Paris (VII, p. 79) mal interprterLabbe, en identifiant tortle
ms. MMXIII de la Nova Bibliothecaavec le ms. 7488. Ce faisant,il
confondaitle manuscritLa lignede Saturnede Thenaud, cot successivement 2139, ii3, 7947, avec le manuscritanonyme ( Chronique
) De la
1
cot
successivement
1
de
Saturne
Nous
verrons
,
808,
7488.
34,
ligne
qu'une autre consquence concerne le Traitdes divinitspotiquesqu'il
attribuait (ibid.) aussi Thenaud, sans indication de cote, et dont le
titre seul reparatradans la suite chez Blondeau, Snemaud et Secret(p.
140, note 1).
Avant de passer l'examen de ces deux manuscrits,je dois encore
signaler que, ds 1868, chacun d'eux a faitl'objet d'une brve notice,
en changeant encore une fois de cote, dans le premier volume du
franais1. Comme on n'a pas encore fait tat de
Cataloguedes manuscrits
ces notices, je les reproduisici sous leurs cotes actuelles, qu'on voudrait
croire dfinitives:B.N. f. fr. 1358 et 2081, par lesquelles je les dsignerai dsormais. Voici d'abord la notice du manuscritanonyme2:
13^8.
etde saligne,commenant
Io De Saturne
conclusion
me
par: Puisquenaturelle
vousservir,
et
finissant
nulle
veultincliner
.
.
...
occasion
par:
monseigneur.
ne mesauroit
desmouvoir.
et Temporis
2 Fortune
commenant
(fol.13)par:
dialogus,
faiz
tu?- Jem'esbas desfaire
. . ..
Tempsque
Papier,dessincolori.XVesicle.- (Ane.7488.)
Voici ensuite l'autre notice3:

2081
Frere
La Sciencepoeticque,
JehanThenaud,commenant
par
par: [PJour
vie
sontencestuy
forslongue
ce queplusieurs
monde,quiautrechosenedemande
... etfinissant
par:
habebat.
Pectuset oralee,caudamserpentis
XVe
sicle.
7947.)
(Ane.
Papier.

Le rappel de la cote ancienne 7947 montreque ce ms. f.fr.208 1, malgr

le titre La Sciencepoeticqueque lui donnent les rdacteurs du Catalogue,
est identique celui qui jusque-l s'intitulait La ligne de Saturnepar
.
JeanTenaud. Inspectons-le.
r
A suivre
1 Bibliothque
desmanuscrits.
desmanuscrits
. Tomepremier.
impriale.
Dpartement
Catalogue
franais
Ancien
del'empereur,
fonds,
Paris,1868.
parordre
publi
2 Ibid.,
p.217.
3 Ibid.,p.3s.
122

11:45:54 AM

On The Life of Peter of Spain, The Author of The

called afterwards Summule
Tractatus,
logicales
L. M. DE RI JK
i - PopeJohnXXI ( Peterof Spain) as theauthorof theso-called
Summule logicales
an attemptwill be made to sketch the life of the authorof the
so-called
Summule
, a preliminaryquestion of major importance
Before
should be answered: is the author identical with Peter of Spain
(Petrus Hispanus) who in 1276 became Pope under the name JohnXXI?
An alternative question may be added whether, or not, the famous
logician was a Black Friar,as was sometimesmaintained.
As to the latter problem, Heinrich Denifle published1 in 1886 a
OrdinisPredicatorum
)
catalogue of Dominican writers (Tabula scriptorum
which he had discovered at the Abbey of Stams (Austria). This catalogue,
which musthave been composed before the year 13 112has the following
entry:

nr.63: Fr<ater> PetrusAlfonsi

summalas
(!) logicales3.
scripsit
hyspanus
To be sure, as early as 1889 Denifle explicitlyrejected this attribution*
and joined the view commonlyheld before thatthe later Pope JohnXXI
was the authorof the Summule.In the 1930^, however, the attributionto
Petrus AlfonsiO.P. as given by the Stams Catalogue foundan obstinate
defender in father H.-D. Simonin O.P.5. Simonin took6 this Petrus
Alfonsifor the one who, according to a local tradition,still alive as late
1 SeeHeinrich
zurGelehrtengeschichte
desPredigerordens
frLiteraturund
in:Archiv
Denifle,
Quellen
II (1886),pp.165-248.
Kirchengeschichte
2 SeeP. Mandonnet,
Descrits
deSaint
Thomas
1910,pp.
authentiques
(Freiburg,
Switzerland)
d'Aquin
ofthiscatalogue,
with
twoother
wasmade
87-90.Anewedition
together
catalogues,'
byG.Meeri etChronica
ii Pignon
seman
. Accedunt
Stansensis
etUpsalensis
O.P., Laurent
Catalog
Scriptorum
Catalogi
ordinis
fratrum
histrica
O.P. in: Monumenta
vol.18,
O.P.,curaG. Meerseman
praedicatorum
Rome1936.
3 Loc
. laud
Munic.
traduntur
, p. 233,MS.B (Toulouse,
488(91))adds:quecomuniter
pueris.
- E. Chatelain,
SeeH. Denifle
Chartularium
I (Paris
Universitatis
Parisiensis
1889),
p. 541, n. 1.
5 H. D. Simonin
doctridePetrus
d'histoire
in:Archives
O.P., Les"Summulae
Logicales"
Hispanus
naleetlittraire
dumoyenge
Petrus
O. P. in:
; thesame,
g (1930),pp.267-278
Hispanus
Magister
Fratrum
Praedicatorum
Archivm
s (193j), pp.340-343.
6 Op.cit., p. 268.
123

11:45:59 AM

as the seventeenth century and supported by an inscription in the

cloister1, belonged to the convent of Estella in Navarra (between Pamplona and Logroo). As a matterof fact, the informationgiven by the
Stams Catalogue has been repeated, and probably copied from it, by
two other catalogues2.Besides, some more informationon the subject is
centuryDominican writerLuis of Valladolid. His
given by the fifteenth
3:
Tabulaecontain the followingpassage onJraterPetrusHispanus
de natione
PetrusHispanus,
nr. i 2: Frater
summam
Castelle,
scripsit
logicalem,
Tractatus
in quo libroviamfacilemad
nuncupatur,
que [...] ut communiter
ac tradidit.
invenit
Itemdictavit
dialeticam
et composuit
acquirendam
eleganter
et totum
officium
beatiDominici,
nostri*.
patris
hystoriam
Here the famous logician is identifiedwith the author of the Legenda
sancii Dominici.Well, this author was fatherPetrus FerrandiHispanus,
who died between 12^4-^9 (probablyas earlyas 12^4)5 and so Luis put
our logician's life-time in the firsthalfof the thirteenthcentury.
It should be noticed thatthisdate does not fitat all with the date of
the Summule
logicalesas supposed by Simonin6, who located the work in a
Black Friars' circle and dated it in the verylast yearsof the thirteenthor
the beginningof the fourteenthcentury.
Following Nicolao Antonio, who as earlyas 1788 rejected Peter of
, Simonin also
Spain's authorship of the so-called Summulelogicales?
1Quoted
Historia
III.
generalis
byJ.Lopez,
2 Laurentius
doctrina
O.P. Cataogus
, edited
Pignon
quiclaruerunt
Jratrum
byP. G. Meerseman,
Petrus
Alfonsi
summulas
mentioned
above,
logicales,
Hispanus
scripsit
p. 123,n. 2. (nr.91: Frater
Thesameentry
without
theaddition
ina
traduntur
(quaeetc.)isfound
quaecommuniter
pueris).
wasdiscovered
Annconvent
atPrague,
which
oftheSaint
O.S.B.,
catalogue
byAuer:SeeP. Auer
in: Institutum
Einneuaujgejundener
derDominikanenschriJtstellert
historicum
FF.Praedicatorum
Katalog
adS. Sabinae
Parisiorum
Romae
dissertationes
histori
cae,fase.
II,Lutetiae
1933,
p. 107.
3 Seealsobelow,
pp.134-137.
*Chronica
DieFabulae
von
, ed.M. Canal(Rome1932),p. 39.SeealsoH. C. Scheeben,
Ludwigs
1
inParis
Praedicatorum
imChor
vonSt.Jacob
Fratrum
derPredigerbrder
Valladolid
, in: Archivm
('930. PP-3-263],P-2SSs SeeH. Chr.Scheeben,
Praedicatorum
2 (1932),[pp.329Ferrandi
Fratrum
Petrus
, in:Archivm
Petro
sancii
Dominici
auctore
Ferrandi
Ordinis
, in:Monumenta
347],p. 331.H.-M.Laurent,
Legenda
16(Rome193O
Fratrum
Praedicatorum
Introduction,
histrica,
[pp.195-260!,
pp.197-198.
* Op.cit.
yp. 276.
7 Nicolao
Hisopinion
wasadhered
Rome1696,II,pp.2-54.
Biblioteca
vetusf
Antonio,
hispnico
Tobe
Ordinis
Praedicatorum
tobyEchard;
seeQutif-Echard,
, Paris1719,I, pp.485-486.
Scriptores
withLaurent
latecatalogue,
wereacquainted
rather
andEchard,
whoonly
sureAntonio
Pignon's
Alfonsi
made
thePope's
reliable.
didnottake
toPetrus
theattribution
rejected
byPignon
They
only
asgiven
inthelistofJohn
XXPsworks
since
theSummule
arenotmentioned
byPtolemy
authorship
are
andbecause
ofthemedical
oftheworks
which
character
ofLuccainhisHistoria
ecclesiastica
attributed
tothis
Pope.
124

11:45:59 AM

pointed to a manuscript1of the Cathedral Library of Sevilla (Spain)

containing,he supposed, a master Bartholomeus' commentaryon the
which has this explicit:
firstpart of the Summule
totusliberBartholomei
lectioetperconsequens
Etinhocterminatur
superprimam
deordine
.
Petri
predicdtorum2
Hispani
Magisti
partem
For the rest, thismanuscriptevidenceforthe authorshipof a Black Friar
named Petrus Hispanus3is not unique. There is a note to be foundin a
fifteenth
centurymanuscriptat Erfurt,AmplonianaF 263 (f. 29v):
diciflosortuslibriAristotilis.
fratris
P.H. quepossunt
istesuntsumule
Compare the BerlinmanuscriptLat. Qu. 87 (datingfrom1463):
PetriHispani
ordinis
.
textus
sumularum
f.63r: Etsicestfinis
predicatorum
magisti
is
Surelythe traditionof some Black Friar as the author of the Summule
the
in
Biblioteca
ProvinI
found
much older thanthe fifteenth
century.
cial at Tarragona(Spain) a copy of GuillelmusArnaldi's commentaryon
writtenby the same hand that
the Summulewith the followingexplicity
wrote the whole work:
. quas
ptri
yspanideordine
predicatorum
magisti
Expliciunt
glosulesupratractatus
Toloseinartibus.
arnaldi
//etdiete
composuit
regens
guillermus
glosulas
magister
demarroncules
nes(?), quasipsemet
scripsit.*
glosulesuntbernardi
This manuscriptbelonged to the libraryofthe CistercianAbbeyofSantes
Creus, near Tarragona,and was writtenin the South of France, probably
at Toulouse, about 1280s, I would guess.
One has to remark,however,thatthecommentaryitselfgives (f. 1ra)
tractatus
as the title of Peter's work: Incipiunt
p. hispani, without
magisti
1 Simonin
with
ofanyacquaintance
ofthismanuscript,
didnotknow
theshelf-mark
(nottospeak
andeven
of
s lackofscientific
ofSimonin'
Itischaracteristic,
indeed,
accuracy
it),nordidAntonio.
remarks
that
hebarefaced
theunfair
hisreaders,
est,
(op.cii.,p. 270): "Lemanuscrit
wayoftreating
Autumn
libraries
tosomeSpanish
I found
thismanuscript
assezancien".
during
myvisit
parait-il,
Seenextnote.
itisa fifteenth
1968.Infact,
century
manuscript.
* Sevilla,
iswhat
I
cod.7-7-7(R. 12.479),f. i6^ra.Thework
Biblioteca
Colombina,
Capitolar
have
called:
Glose
Salamantine.
See,below
p. 126.
3 Itshould
the
oftheSummule
oftheabout
innosingle
benoted
wellthat
300I know
manuscript
iscalled
author
Petrus
Alfonsi.
Bibi.Prov.cod.27,f.irb.SeeL. M.deRijk,OnTheGenuine
s Summule
Text
ofPeurofSpain*
in
atToulouse
Master
ofArts
IVTheLectura
Tractatuum
Arnaldi,
(1238-44)
logicales.
byGuillelmus
vivarium
7 (1969),[pp.120-162],
p. 121.
* Seethestudy
inthepreceding
mentioned
note,
p. 120.
US

11:45:59 AM

We may conclude from this that

the addition de ordinepredicatorum.
at his elbow which
GuillelmusArnaldihad a manuscriptof the Summule
did not call Peter a Black Friar.
The anonymousauthor (presumablya magisterBartholomeus)of a
1
commentarywhich I have entitled Glose Salamantine dating from the
fourteenth,if not the thirteenth,centurygives the same title to Petrus
in
Hispanus and appears to have read the addition de ordinepredicatorum
the
Summule
:
of
his copy
de ordine
GloseSalamantine
: Compilativa
(5c. causa)fuitmagister
petiusIspanus
in logicahocopusculum
dificultatem
subbrevi
Qui vidensmagnam
predicatorum.
<
>
compilavit.
compendio
dicitur
isteesse:Incipiunt
tractatus
editia magistro
Adsextum:'quistitulus?',
petro
in logicahocopusdificultatem
deordine
; qui vidensmagnam
predicatorum
yspano
subbrevicompenclericorum
novellorum
etintroductionem
culumad utilitatem
diocompilavit2.
The Dominican Philippusof Ferrara(firsthalfof the 14thcentury),who
wrote a commentaryon some tracts of the Summule
, which has been
Lat
.
ff. 8ora-io8vb,
Vatican
Vat.
the
in
3043,
Library,
preserved
the
as
the
causa
of
Summule
Petrus
mentions3magister
, but
efficiens
Hispanus
Peter
was
a
Friar
he
that
Black
the
work
:
title
of
in the
afterwards
says
fuitmagister
Petrus
: Causaefficiens
f. 8ora-rb
Yspanus
compoquihunelibrum
Libri
titulus
talis
tractatus
Petri
est:
suit
(8orl>)
Incipiunt
maistri
deordine
Yspani
tquifuitpostea
fratrum
predicatorum.
Finally,the manuscriptRipoll2 i 6 writtenby several hands datingfrom
about 1300 may be pointed out. It contains a rathergood copy of the
and gives the colophon writtenby the same hand which wrote
Summule
the work (f. 4rb): Expliciunttractatusmagistipetri ispani de ordine
.
predicatorum*
The onlyconclusion sound philologycan draw fromall thisis, that,
fromas earlyas the 128o's up to the fifteenth
century,Peter of Spain, the
1 SeeL. M. de Rijk,OnTheGenuine
VSome
Summule
Text
logicales.
Anonymous
ofPeter
ofSpain's
in:vivarium
8 (1970),
TheThirteenth
From
onTheSummule
Commentaries
Centuiy
[pp.io-j],
Dating
pp.41-49.
2 Seeibid.
yp.46.
3 f.8ora:Incipiunt
fratrem
secundum
Ferr.ord.pred.dialetica
tractatuum
rationes
Phylippum
Primo
libriquatuor
causeassignantur.
librietcuiuscumque
istius
etc.Inprincipio
quesitcausa
isfound
inmirror
thefollowing
efficiens etc.- Onf.io8vb
(!)
Quiscriscit
writing:
colophon
incelisPhilippus
nomine
Vivat
felix.
cumdomino
vivat.
scribat
semper
* Barcelona,
216.
deAragony
cod.Ripoll
Archivo
dela Corona
I 26

11:45:59 AM

author of the so-called Summulelogicales

, was sometimesconsidered to
have been a memberof theBlack Friars'Order. It shouldbe remembered
that there is no single manuscript evidence for the authorshipof a
PetrusAlfonsi1,so thatSimonin's specificthesisof the authorshipof this
Dominican is withoutanysupportfromthe manuscripts.

However, other strongevidence can be put forwardin support of the

traditionalview thatthe Petrus Hispanus who afterwardsbore the tiara,
was the author of the Summule.Since Pope John XXI certainlywas a
secular priest2, the identificationimplies an absolute rejection of any
memberof a religiousOrder as the authorof the work.
First,FatherM.-H. LaurentO.P. has pointed^ to some chronicles,
all of which antedatethe StamsCatalogue and give some evidence forthe
Pope's authorship.One of them even contains an explicit assertionof
JohnXXI's authorshipof the famoustreatise on logic. In 1297, about
fourteenyearsbeforethe StamsCatalogue was composed, the chronicler
Ricobaldo of Ferrarapublishedhis HistoryofRomanPontiffs
, in which the
later Pope's authorshipis explicitlystated:
seditmenses
menses
VIII,diesI, et cessavit
VII,
XXI,natione
Johannes
Hispanus,
inscientiis
diesVII.Hicelectus
a Gregorio
fuitCardinalis
X. Hicmagnus
Magister
plusdelectabatur
reliquisin negotiis.Cui nomenfuitMagister
quamomnibus
inlogicacomposuit*.
Petrus
Hispanus
qui Tractatus
Special attentionshould be paid to the factthatRicobaldo here mentions
the Summulewith their original title Tractatus
5. The other testimonials
1Seeabove,
p. 123,n. g.
2 Sowhen
V Ricobaldo
ofFerrara
four
cardinals
ordained
enumerating
byPopeGregory
explicitly
ofTarenRerum
itaicarum
mentions
IX,col.140)Peter
(Historia
scriptores
Imperatorum
ap.Muratori,
oftheDominican,
whilesuch
taise'sandBonaventura'
s membership
Orders,
resp.Franciscan,
ismissing
inthecaseofPeter
: HicGregorius
mention
ofSpain
viros
sapientia
quatuor
praestantes
adcardinalatum
Consilio
secundum
eiusopinionem
etconsilium
adscivit,
agebatur,
captum
quorum
ofTarantaise
inOrdine
Praedicatorum
sc.quemdam
(sc.Peter
magistrm
O.P.),quisibiinpapatu
Minorum
fratrem
de Bagnareto,
Bonaventuram
successit
Ordinis
(as Innocent
V), magistrm
alium
Petrm
estfunctus
dietus
XXI,etquartum
magistrm
Johannes
quimoxpapatu
Hispanum,
virum
scientia
Seefurther
below,
aequepersimilem.
pp.i$2,1^3,n. 3.
3 M.-H.Laurent,
inDivus
Dominicain?
Thomas
Matre
Pierre
39(1936),[pp.3-4$],
d'Espagne
fut-il
p.40ff.
Historia
in:Rerum
itaicarum
edited
Romanorum
IX,col.181,
Ponticum
scriptores
byL. A.Muratori
intheanonymous
Lires
theparallellous
,
ofthePopes
(cap.72),subanno12JJ.
passage
Compare
inBergamo,
DeltaIV34,quoted
Bibl.Civica,
below,
preserved
p. 153,n. 3.
s Seethestudy
mentioned
above(p. 126,n. 1),p. 54.
127

11:45:59 AM

adduced by Laurent in support of the Pope's authorshipof the famous

treatise,certainlyare of minor importance,since theymake only clear
thatPope JohnXXI, was considered ' magnusin philosophia'1and 'magnus
sta, loycusetdisputator
However, in connectionwith
atquetheologus'2.
sophy
Ricobaldo's assertion,theycarrysome weightin favourofthetraditional
view of the Pope's authorshipof the Summule.
Msgr. BernhardGeyer thoughthe had found a text which would
prove the Pope's authorshipof the so-called Summule.In fact he just
founda remarkablepiece of evidence for Pope JohnXXI' s highrenown
as a logician. A manuscriptof the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (cod.
4008 dating,it seems, fromthe end of the thirteenthcentury)contains
of the hand of Nicolas of Pressoir (De
quodlibetales
theological Questiones
Pressorio, De Torculari)^. In a quodlibetdated (f. 39) anno domini
tertioimminente
solemnitate
MCC septuagsimo
pascbali (= March 1274) the
is
followingpassage found:
dixitquodsolusChristus
veroSententiarum
f.42va-vb:
fuit
postmortem
Magister
soliusanimesedcarnis
homononexunione
etanime,nontarnen
eo modoquod( !)
facithomines
ceteridicuntur
coniunctio
etanime,
homines,
quiaceteros
corporis
sed
verofaciebat
unum
Christum
hominem
hominem
(42vto)
assumptio,
utriusque
eumutriusque
HecfuitoppinioMagisti,
utpatettertio
faciebat
libro
coniunctio.
dist.XXII.
in triduonon fuithomo,
teneturquod Christus
communiter
Verumptamen
' Cesaresthomo Cesare
dixerint
ista
est
vera:
'
quod
quamvis
aliquiphilosophi
etiamnonexistente.
Ut dicatur:Cesarsemperest homopropter
habitudinem
estCesar*
necessariam
huiusad hoc; sicutistasemper
estvera: 4Cesar
, ipsoetiam
nonexistente.
*
cardinalis
tusculanus
quodista: Cesar
Verumptamen
qui modoest,determinavit
'
nomen
de
nonestveranisiquando
estCesaripsononexistente
(quiaMS)predicatur
de stercore*.
stercus
nomine,
Well, it is Peter of Spain, the later Pope JohnXXI, who was cardinalof
Tusculum in March 1274s.
1 SoPtolemy
Kerum
resXI,col.1291).The
italicarum
ofLuccainhisAnnales
(ed.Muratori,
scripto
in 130$.The
seems
tohavebeenfinished
first
inwhich
thisnoteis found,
partoftheAnnales
8 (Berlin
novaseries,
textoftheMonumenta
Histrica
Germaniae
184reads:
,
1930),
p.
Scriptores,
u
Friar
doesnotcallourauthor
a
inscripturan.h
should
benoted
thattheBlack
Ptolemy
magnus
member
ofhisOrder.
2 SoSalimbene
inthe
written
in1288,
edited
diGuido
diAdamo
O.F.M.)inhisCronica
(Ognibene
Monumenta
Germaniae
histrica
1913),p. 304.Thetextwill
, Scriptores
, 32(byOswald
Holder-Egger,
bequoted,
below
p. 14$,n. g.
3 Hewasactive
in1282,canon
inParis1293
ofBayeux
asa theologian
about1273-74,
archdeacon
anddiedJanuary
26,1302.
* Geyer
ore"
asa result
ofmisreading.
cti
usdestricti
: "stri
(loc.cit.)hasthesenseless
phrase
* Seebelow,
pp.129and1^2.
128

11:45:59 AM

*
Fairlyspeaking I cannot see why Geyer1and others2see this as a
positiveprooffromcontemporaneousevidence thatthe Petrus Hispanus
who wrote the so-called Summule
logicalesis to be identifiedwith John
XXI. The passagefromNicolas of Pressoiris a precious piece of evidence,
indeed, for the high renown the later Pope John XXI enjoyed as a
is to be foundnowherein the Summule
logician. However, his determinatio
3
For
that
.
or in the Syncategoreumata
matter,the ratherplastic expression
would make us think, indeed, of an oral utteranceof
stercusde stercore
Peter of Spain, and so does the perfecttense 'determinavi. Probablywe
cardinalisqui modo( hic) (= in Paris) est. Peter
have to read: tusculanus
in
mighthave visitedParis March i 274 duringthe Council of Lyons.
The studies by Fr. Cristoforo, R. Stapper* and G. Petella6 and
others7may be referredto in which the identityof the famouslogician
and physicianwith Pope JohnXXI has been shown.
Romanorum
II 1710 (Vothast)
I only referto the RegestaPonticum
,
where Pope John XXI is mentioned explicitly as the author of the
:
Summule
, which are called by theiroriginalname, Tractatus
Petrusanteadietusest nationeHispanus,Ulissipone
natus,Julini
Magister
de Vernusi
in ecclesiaBraccarensi
medicus,ex archidicono
flius,professione
a Gregorio
Braccarensis
cardinalis
Tusculaarchi
X, episcopus
episcopus
designatus
anno 1273 renunciatur,
ad summum
nus in concilioLugdunensi
postmodum
Multoscomposuit
duodecim
ascendit.
,
libros;e.g. Tractatus
, Loycalia
pontificatum
siveThesaurum
inIsaacum
de dietis
mentorm
Summam
, Commentarium
experi
pauperum
et particularibus
8.
universalibus
1 Bernhard
Zuden
desPetrus
in: PhilosoSummulae
und
Lambert
von
Auxerre
logicales
Hispanus
Geyer,
derGrresgesellschaft
o(1937),[pp. 1-S13J,
Jahrbuch
pp.S1
phisches
2 SoJoseph
intheexcellent
Introduction
tohisedition
ofthelasttracts
oftheSummule
, p.
Mullally
Ferreira
XVI.AlsoJoao
below,
(study
quoted
p. 130,n. 4), p. 367.
3 Gey
Deappellationibus
tothetract
isuseless,
since
Peter
doesnotsaythere
er's reference
anything
like'Cesar
estCesar*.
ofsuchpropositions
Thishasalready
beenremarked
about
thetruth
byI. M.
oftheSummulef
intheIntroductio
tohisedition
Bocheski
p. XI.
*identit
* Francesco
e dell
DiPietro
di
recordato
daDante
nelcanto
12delParadiso
Cristofori,
Hispano
XXI
Giornale
Arcadico
in:
Nuevo
luicon
ilPapaGiovanni
,
3 (Milan
1890).
s R.Stapper,
di
senese
inSiena
Pietro
in:Bullettino
Hispano
XXI)edilsuosiggiorno
(PapaGiovanni
storia
424-431.
(Siena1898),
pp.
patria
*identit
6 Giovanni
in:
dantesco
inSiena
Gull
dePietro
e poipapacolfilosofo
Petella,
, medico
Ispano
6 (Siena1899),
distoria
senese
Bullettino
patria
pp.277-329.
7 G. Battelli,
e pontefice
diGiovanni
XXIin: Il VICentenario
Pietro
medico
colnome
filosofo
Hispano
del Comitato
catolico
a DanteAlighieri,
Bullettino
Dantesco,
1918,p. 102.
perl'omaggio
di storia
Di unmaestro
nelParadiso
dello
studio
senese
senese
Dantesco
in: Bullettino
D. Barduzzi,
delle
critica
28(Siena1921),pp.417-429.
inRivista
distoria
G. Bilancioni,
Pietro
Ispano
patria
11 (1920-22),
andsocial
mediche
e naturali
Political
scienze
histor
of
Douglas,
pp.49-67.Langton
London
the
1908.
ofSiena,
Republic
Tothistestimonial
theauthor
ofMSMadrid,
thecolophon
beadded
where
Bibl.Nac.3314may
129

11:45:59 AM

Besides, Simonin's view of a Black Friar as being the author of the

has to be considered ratherquestionable since in all the notSumrnule
anonymousmanuscriptsbut one Peter of Spain is referredto as magister
instead of Jrater. Since the members of religious orders, even when
active magisti
withoutany
, were nearlyalwayscalledf rater,not magister
furtheraddition1, this has to be considered an additional evidence
againstthe view thata memberof a religiousorder was theauthorofthe
In thisconnectionit deservesour attentionthatat the ProvinSummule2.
cial Chapter of the Black Friarsheld at Pisa in i 340 it was decided that
the masters of that Order were obliged to use the Tractatus
writtenby
not
Petrus
,
Hispanus:
Jrater,
magister
veroin loycalibus
totamet duoslibrosadminus
artemveterem
de arte
Magisti
artemveterem,
novaperficiant
de Tracet, postquam
compleverint
diligenter
suasassumant
sollicite
tatibus
lectiones3.
magistiPetriprorudibus
Thus we have some importantevidence thatas earlyas 1340 the official
leaders of the Dominican Order did not hold such a famousauthor as
Peter of Spain was, fora formermemberof theirOrder*.
An old catalogue of the Dominican libraryof Santa Caterinaat Pisa
been
adduced as a piece of evidence againstPeter's membershipof
has
the Dominican Order. It was supposed to have been dressed as earlyas
1278s. It has this entry:
nr.4$: Tractatus
loycales6.
magistipetriyspani
callshimself
Petrus
: Egoigitur
liberalium
artium
doctor
sublimitatis
, philosophi
hispanus
portugalensis
decor
acproficue
rector
medicinalis
. . . . etc.Seebelow,
gubernator,
facultatis
p. 138.
1 SeeQutif-Echard,
I (Paris1719),p. 48b. SeealsoR. Stapper.
Ordinis
Praedicatorum
Scriptores
isfound
inthePisacatalogue,
mentioned
below,
p. 130,
op.cit.,p. 11, n.2. Anoticeable
exception
2 Cp. R. Stapper,
Mnster
XXI.EineMonographie.
i.W. 1898,p. 11,n. 1, who
Papst
Johannes
thefifteenth
Erfurt
mentioned
F. 263.
(ibid.)as theonlyexception
Amplon.
century
manuscript
Carreras
Lanacionalidad
Seeabove,
histrica.
Rectificacin
portuguesa
p. 12$.SeealsoJoaquin
yArtau.
i (Madrid
dePedro
in:LasCiencias
Hispano
1934),
pp.378-384.
3 SeeActa
Provinciae
Komanae
Thomas
O.P.
(1243-1
capitulorum
provincialium
344)edidit
Kaeppeli
Taurisano
Dondaine
instruxit
Innocentius
auxiliante
Antonio
O.P. in: MonuO.P., praefatione
in
iswrong
XX(Rome1941),p. 319.Kaeppeli
menta
Ordinis
Fratrum
Praedicatorum
Histrica
ofafter
veterem
anddidnotwrite
witha capital
a comma
after
rudibus
instead
tractatibus
putting
letter.
*Professor
in:
dePedro
e osseuscomentadores
O.F.M. (AsSmulas
JoaoFerreira
Hispano
Logicais
inpointing
totheprescriptions
deEstudos
Colectnea
3 (19^2),[pp.360-394],
p. 368,n. i) isright
ismentioned
asfrater
Thomas.
attheChapter
ofArezzo
in131,where
Thomas
made
Aquinas
s So Msgr.
whoedited
DieBibliothek
vonSanta
zuPisa.Eine
Caterina
Pelster
it. (Franz
Pelster,
deshl.Thomas
in: Xenia
Thomistica
ausdenZeiten
vonAquin,
3 (1925),pp.
Bchersammlung
249-281).
6 Pelster,
op.cit.,p. 257.
130

11:45:59 AM

We findhere Peter's famouswork on logic mentionedunder its original

name, Tractatus.It should be noticed indeed that the author is called
notj rater,in this list which is supposed to contain the books
magister9
O.P.
bequeathed to the Pisa Conventby a certainJraterProynus
As a matter of fact this brother is told by the Chronicle which
containsthe list of books, to have been one of the foundersof the Pisa
Convent1. It was actuallyfoundedas earlyas 12222. The Chronicleitself
was dated 1248 by a later hand in the margin,and the date was changed
by Pelster into 1278. All well considered, I would take this evidence
to be useless formore thanone reason. (1) The basic cataloguemayhave
been dressed in 1248 as the marginalhand added (Pelster's change of
this date into 1278 is withoutany foundation).However, since the date
of the definitiveredaction of the list is uncertain,- Thomas Aquinas is
Thomas(after 1323 !) - and manyentriesmighthave
mentionedas sanctus
been added afterwards,the date of our entry (nr. 45) is not certain
either. (2) The Black Friar Albert the Great is mentioned as magister
Albertus (nrs 28 and 46) and brotherMoneta of Cremona (d. 1235) as
magisterMonetus (nr. 33). Therefore Simonin seems to be perfectly
rightin rejectingthiscatalogueas plaidingagainsthis thesis^.
I thinka more reliablepiece of evidence of thiskindmaybe foundin
an old catalogue of the Sorbonnelibrary.It has the followingentry:
et Sincategoreumata
Tractatus
XLVI,nr.6: inunovolumine
magistiPetriHyspani
SanctiOdomari.Incipitin 2 fol.: Modo
ex legatomagisti
Adenulfi,
prepositi
Precium
XIIsol.*.
, inpen.: estexcelsa.
queritur
Since Adenulf of Anagni died on August 26, 1289, Peter's Tractatus
must have been considered, then, in the Parisian
and Syncategoreumata
circles the work of some secular priest.
In thisconnectionit maybe pointedout that,in his DivinaCommedia
,
ParadisoXII, 133-135",Dante let St Bonaventuremention the famous
logician, author of the dodicilibelli (i.e. the twelve chaptersof the socalled Summulelogicales
) as PietroIspanowhile Thomas Aquinas is called
X
Tommaso
(Paradiso II, 133-13$; 143-144):
fra
1 Seeibid.,
p. 2^6.
2 Seeibid.
yp. 2^3.
3 H.-D.Simonin,
Petrus
O.P.in:Archivm
Fratrum
Praedicatorum
g(1935),(pp.
Hispanus
Magister
340-343),
P. 341,n.3.
4 SeeLopold
Lecabinet
desmanuscrits
delaBibliothque
III(Paris
Nationale
Delisle,
1881),
p. gy.
HI

11:45:59 AM

 qui conelli
Ugoda SanVittore
E PietroMangiadore,
e PietroIspano
Lo qualgilucein dodicilibelli;
Mi mossela infiammata
cortesia
Di fraTommaso,
e il discreto
latino1
The date of the Summule
, as assumed by Simonin, was bound to get him
into the greatest difficulties.The above-mentioned testimonials in
conjunction with the fact that quite a lot of manuscriptsof both the
and the Syncategoreumata
Summule
certainlydo not date from later than
the middle of the thirteenthcentury2and that our oldest commentaries
antedateby manydecades the date of compositionsupposed by Simonin,
make his thesis quite untenable. Moreover, the oldest gloss commentaries extanton Peter of Spain's Summule
should be referredto. The fact
those
that just
,
datingfromthe Pope's own life-timecall him magister
notfrater*ycan indeed be takenas a proofof decisive strength.
Finally, it should be remembered that if Lus of Valladolid's
testimonial,in which Petrus Hispanus is made a Black Friar too, would
be accepted, we would have decisive evidence against Simonin's
.
supposed date of the Summule*
From the above evidence the followingstatementscan be made with all
due certainty:
(i) duringhis life-timePeter of Spain, the author of the so-called
Summulelogicales (more correctly named Tractatus*
), is considered a
secular master
1 Laurent,
tothenoticeable
fact
that
Dante's
textdidnotgiveany
op.cit.,p. 45points
although
reason
totakePietro
asa Black
hiscommentor
of
under
theinfluence
Friar,
Hispano
(presumably
thetradition
intheStams
embodied
made(towards
ofthe
Catalogue)
1389)Petera member
Dominican
hispredecessors,
Order.
dellaLana,
da
Pietro
andFrancesco
However,
Jacopo
Alighieri
Butididnotmake
suchmistake.
Seethenext
note.
2 Whencommenting
sonPietro
Dante's
Manducator
et
uponthispassage
says:Itemet Petrus
Petrus
induodecim
Tractatus
libellos
Dantis
quifecit
(P. AUegherii
Hispanus
logicales
partitos
super
comoediam
commentarium
daButi
ed.V. Nannucci,
Florence
ipsius
genitoris
1845,p. 637).Francesco
isevenmuch
inhiscomment:
more
fumaestro
Pietro
diSpagna
chefecelitrattati
Questo
explicit
dellaloicacheincominciano:
Dialetica
estarsetc
In dodici libelli: questo
fumo
dodici
di Francesco
Pietro
daButisopra
la Divina
libri,li qualifecelo dettomaestro
Spano.(Commento
diDante
Commedia
ed.C. Giannini
III,Pisa1862,p. 378.
3 Guillelmus
Arnaldi
(c. 124$),Robertus
Anglicus
(c. 1270,orevenc. 1240).Seethepresent
author's
studies
ontheir
invivarium,
AJournal
forMediaeval
commentaries,
published
Philosophy
AndTheIntellectual
inTheMiddle
Life
andpp.14and26.
7 (1969),pp.125-127
Ages
Seeabove,
p. 124.
s Seeabove,
p. 126,n. 1,p.54.
132

11:45:59 AM

() as from about 1280 he is called magisterPetrusHispanusde

OrdinePraedicatorum
(to be sure, never1JraterPetrusHispanus)in some
of
the
Summule
, or commentariesupon them
manuscripts
OrdinisPraedicatorum)
(3) the Stams Catalogue ( Tabula scriptorum
finishedin 13 11 is the only2document to call himJraterPetrusAlfonsi
O.P. y while all other documents of that kind, which, for apart, even
antedate the Stams Catalogue, identifyhim with the later Pope John
XXI
(4) No singlemanuscript,neitherthose which give the additionde
nor those which
PetrusHispanusy
to the name magister
ordinepredicatorum
Petrus
him
Petrus
call
, gives
Hispanus
Alfonsias the author's
just
Magister
name
($) The dates of both the oldest manuscriptsextantof the Summule
and the oldest commentariesupon this work make the authorshipof a
PetrusAlfonsi,who is supposed by Simoninto have belongedabout 1300
to the Conventof Estella in Navarra^,quite impossible.
Generally speaking, i.e. apart from Simonin's particularview on the
matter, it should be remarked that, when all pieces of evidence in
logicales
supportof Pope JohnXXI's authorshipof the so-called Summule
are weighed out againstthose suggestingthe author's membershipof the
Dominican Order, the scales are fartipped in favourof the formerview.
Peter's membershipof the
I speak on purpose of argumentssuggesting
Black Friars' Order, for just the odd combination amagisterpetrus
n
hyspanusde ordinepredicatorumfoundin some manuscriptsof the work,
or of a commentaryupon it, ought to make the reader suspicious as to
the reliabilityof the additionde ordinepredicatorum.
However, theremustbe some explanationof the wrongattribution
of our work. Several hypotheseshave been put forwardto explain the
to the Black FriarPetrus Alfonsiin the Stams
attributionof the Summule
Catalogue.
Laurent*has pointed to the fact that one of the firstbiographers
1 With
mentioned
theonly
above,
exception
p. 126.
2 Itshould
allother
tothe
that
sources
adduced
benoticed,
indeed,
goback
bySimonin,
apparently
LuisofValladolid's
Tabulae
Stams
werenotmentioned
, which,
however,
Catalogue.
bySimonin,
from
a tradition
different
thatoftheStams
andPignon's
seemtocomefrom
(Set
catalogues.
of
DieTabulae
von
thedefender
Valladolid
H.Chr.Scheeben,
, etc.,p. 241).Truly
Ludwigs
speaking,
nottothe
oftheSummule
hastopayhismajor
a Black
Friar's
tothistradition,
attention
authorship
intheStams
later
andrather
isolated
notefound
Seebelow,
somewhat
Catalogue.
pp.134ff.
3 Thiscloister
wasfounded
1260.
notbefore
Op.cit.,pp.43-44133

11:45:59 AM

'
of St. Dominic, the founderof the Black Friars Order, was the Dominican Petrus Ferrandi, also called PetrusFerrandiHispanusor possibly
PetrusHispanus.His work on the life of St. Dominic, the Legendasancii
Dominici
, was widely known among the Dominicans. According to
Laurent it is quite possible that in the firsthalfof the fifteenth
century
were attributedto Petrus Ferrandi Hispanus O.P. by Luis
the Summule
of Valladolid O.P., since he identifiedthe composer of the Legenda,
fromwhich the oldest officewas taken, with the author of the logical
treatise. It seems plausible, indeed, that Luis of Valladolid could have
confusedboth famousauthors. However, as an explanationof the wrong
attributionin the Stams Catalogue to a fraterPetrus Alfonsi(not : Jrater
PetrusFerrandi)Laurent's solution is ratheruseless. It can only explain
the fifteenth
centurywrong assignations,but by no means the entryin
the Stams Catalogue. Besides, the combinationfound in the attribution
made as early as in a
PetrusFispanusde OrdinePredicatorum
to a magister
and
thirteenthcentury manuscript1,
dating, accordingly, before the
Stams Catalogue, cannot be sufficiently
explained by Laurent's position.
Grabmannsuggested2to stick to PetrusAlfonsiHispanusO.P. as the
'
authorof a logical summa
to
, however, to take the title Summule
logicales1
refer to the Summatotiuslogicae which is wrongly numbered among
the Opusculaof Thomas Aquinas3. As a matter of fact the latter work
must have been written by some Spanish author4. Geyer has already
remarked*that the title Summule
logicalesis too unequivocal in its usage
to be takenforthe title Summatotiuslogicaeysince the formerapparently
designatesa textbook for neophytesin logic, whereas the latter seems
to referto a more extensive treatiseon logic. I thinka more decisive
argumentagainstGrabmann'sposition is thatthe Summatotiuslogicaewas
certainlynot writtenuntil the middle of the fourteenthcentury,as has
been proved by Pierre Duhem6. In the last edition of his studyon the
1 Seeabove,
p. i2$.
2 Martin
desPetrus
undFunde
zudenphilosophischen
Grabmann,
Schriften
Forschungen
Handschriftliche
XXIin: Sitzungsberichte
Akademie
derWissenderBayerischen
, desspteren
Johannes
Papstes
Hispanus
Phil.
-Hist.
schaften,
9 (1936),
Abteilung
[pp.3-137],pp.24-2$.
3 Edited
omnia
curaetstudio
R.P. Petri
5. Thomae
Mandonnet,
Opuscula
Aquinatis
byP. Mandonnet,
Tomus
Ord.Praed.
V,Parisiis
1927,
pp.1-162.
Cp.tract.
Namdicimus:
into
nosinlogica
: lingua)
VI,cap.2: Hocfacimus
(tobecorrected
vulgri.
' ; ubi 'eVestarticulus.
V (DepraedicaSotract
'elcorere
mio
edition,
(Parma
p. 84b,ii46-48.
ly
a 'Praga*
'civ
'civis*
mento
itate'ut(tebe read:et)'Pratensis1
(tebe read:
ubi):sicutdicitur
Parma
andBraga).
edition,
p.j?1*-16.
Bragemis
5 Op.Cit.
fp.12.
6 Pierre
etle mouvement
in: Revuede Philosophie
Lemouvement
absolu
7 (1907),
Duhem,
relatif
Paris1913,
deVinci
Etudes
surLonard
Troisime
Thesame,
Srie,
pp.320ff.
[pp.26^-272].
134

11:45:59 AM

works of Thomas Aquinas, Grabmann rightlydoes not repeat this

1
suggestionon the authorshipof the Summatotiuslogicae.
Geyer himself proposed2 a third hypothesis, saying that our
Summulemight have been confused in the Stams Catalogue with the
which were composed about the middle of the i 3th centuryby
Summule
the Dominican Lambertof Auxerre. The authorof the Catalogue might
have known, according to Geyer, that a Dominican had writtensuch a
text-bookand identifiedit with Peter of Spain's famouswork and, then,
the French Dominican with a Spanishone, whom he could have known
. I must confessthat,
fromother sources as JraterPetrusAlfonsiHispanus
to my mind, Geyer's hypothesiscontainssome suppositionswhich afe
not likely in themselves,such as the confusionof a Spanish Dominican
with a French one and, especially, of an author named Lambertus
with
some Petrus.Moreover, in the thirteenthcentury Peter's work was
3
, which name
commonlyreferredto as Tractatus, not as Summule
logicales
was not in frequentuse before 1400 and, even then, always appeared
beside the original name, Tractatus.In short: like Laurent's position,
Geyer's does not seem to explain the puzzling fact of some incorrect
attributionsmade as earlyas the thirteenthcentury.
I think,in order to explain this, three traditionsshould be distinguishedin what mightbe called the 'Dominican error' :
(a) the general view, foundin a few manuscriptsof the work and
in some commentaries,that Peter of Spain, the author of the Tractatus
,
had belonged to the Black Friars' Order
(b) the morespecificview, embodied in the Stams Catalogue, that
a fraterPetrusAlfonsi
HispanusO.P. was the authorof the famouswork
another
(c)
specific tradition, extant in Luis of Valladolid, that
the Peter of Spain who compiled the Tractatus
, is identical with the
Peter of Spain who composed the LegendasanctiDominiciand the Office
of the Saint's Feast, i.e. PetrusFerrandiHispanusO.P., who died as early
as the i 2o's.
As to the general thesis [(a)] of a Black Friar as the author of the
it may be noticed thatthe work was presumablywrittenin the
Tractatus
North of Spain and foundits firstdiffusionin the South of France*.So it
was a popular work in thatBlack Friars' doradolong beforeit succeeded
in intrudinginto the Parisian circles. As a conservative and highly
1 SeemyIntroduction
totheedition
ofthework.
2 M.Grabmann,
DieWerke
undEindeshl.Thomas
von
Eineliterarhistorische
Untersuchung
Aquin.
Dritte
stark
erweiterte
Mnster
fhrung.
1949,pp.238-242.
Aufgabe,
3 Op.Cit.
tpp.S12-1
3.
Seeabove,
p. 126,n. 1, p.
13

11:45:59 AM

orthodox scholar, Peter is likely to have been in close touch with the
Dominican circles in that region. It certainlyis not to be considered a
mere coincidence that our best manuscriptof the Tractatus
comes from
the Dominican Convent at Avignonand that one of the oldest copies of
the probablyfirstcommentaryextant upon the Tractatuscalls Peter of
Spain in a contemporaneouscolophon (not in the text itself,to be sure) a
Black Friar1. I feel sure thatthe Dominican Conventat Toulouse played
an importantrle in the earlydiffusionof Peter's work2. Whoever wants
to explain the 'Dominican error' adequately should trace back his investigationsto the timebeforethe StamsCatalogue (i 3 11). The authorof
this catalogue seems to have been influencedby a traditionmuch older
thanthatof his own days. As faras the period about 1300 is concerned,
Peter's work, no doubt, continued to enjoy such a peculiar favourin
Dominican circles, that from about that time, especially in Italian
manuscripts,Thomas Aquinas' Tractonfallacies is frequentlyfound in
and takes the place
combinationwith the firstfivetractsof the Tractatus
of Peter's tracton fallacies.
The specifictraditions[(b) and (c)J of frater PetrusAlfonsiHispanus
0 .P. orJraterPetrusFerrandiHispanusO.P. as the supposed authorsof the
Tractatusshould be estimated in this frame-work.As was said before,
Simonin's thesisof the authorshipof one Petrus Alfonsiwho lived at the
end of the thirteenthcentury, is definitelyuntenable because of the
existence of older manuscriptsof, and commentarieson, our work. For
that matterI would thinkthat the author of the Stams Catalogue - or
betterhis source - had anotherPetrus Alfonsiin mind. There is a document datingfromSeptember 6, 124^ extant reportingthe InfanteDon
Afonsoof Portugaltakinga solemn oath in Paris beforeKing Louis IX of
France. Among the prominentPortugueseswho attendedas witnesses,a
is founds. His presence
JraterPetrusAlfonsiHispanusde ordinepredicatorum
in Paris in the 124o's, no doubt in the ConventofSaintJacques,mayhave
led afterwardsto the confusionof this prominentPortuguese (Dominican), Petrus(Alfonsi)Hispanuswith another prominentPortuguese, our
) Hispanus.
(secular priest) Petrus( Julini
1 Secabove,
p. 125.
* Seebelow,
p. 147ff.
J Forthetext,
III,ed.AdeMagalhes
deD. Sancho
IIe D. Afonso
seeFreiAntnio
Crnicas
Brando,
isPeroGarcia,
ofBraga.
treasurer
witnesses
Porto
theother
Basto,
1946,
among
p.96.Incidentally,
I think,
ina jeering
on
Cancioneiro
Colocci-Brancuti
whoisfound
heisthesame
(intheso-called
poem
of
XofCastilia
ofonePeter
Alfonso
Halle1880),where
heisinthecompany,
(ed.Molteni,
again,
Spain:
136

11:45:59 AM

As to the Dominican PetrusFerrandiHispanus' supposed authorship

of the Tractatus
, found with the fifteenthcentury Dominican Luis of
it
can
be explained to some extentby the general thesisof a
Valladolid,
Black Friar'sauthorshipas it was stillalive as late as the fifteenth
century1
and the conjecture made by Luis himself,or one of his sources, thatthe
famousauthor of the Tractatus
, known under the name Peterof Spain,
musthave been the same as the Peter of Spain ( PetrusFerrandiHispanus)
who was the composer, no less famous in Dominican circles, of the
.
LegendaSanctiDominici

To sum up our results: thatour author was made a Black Friar in some
manuscriptsand commentariesmight be explained as a result of the
basic formof what I have called the 'Dominican error' The uncertainty
of the thesis of a Dominican's authorshipseems to betray itself in a
syncretisticview such as hold by the Dominican Philip of Ferrara that
Peter afterwards
was a Black Friar2. The fact that somechronicles not
all
of them, it should be remembered^-, call a specific
decidedly
Dominican as the authorof the Tractatus
, mustbe viewed in the lightof
the basic fact that neithera manuscriptof the work nor a commentary
whatsoevermade upon it call an Alfonsior Ferrandithe author, so that
one would feel inclined to explain the occurrence of specificnames in
the chroniclesas just a resultof a chronicler'squite understandableneed
to give more exact information.
Pero
decompanha
queeyoramengua
Nem
Pero
Espanha
Garcia
Pero
, nem
Nem
Pero
Calego
Non
irn
comego.
E bem
vol-o
Maria
,
juroporSanta
nem
Espanha,
Pero
Garcia
,
QuePero
Nem
Pero
,
Galego
Non
irn
comega.
I think,
inthis
isthesame
mentioned
thePerod'Espanha
Petrus
Alfonsi
whointhe
poem
Hispanus
as is
ofPeroGarcia
attended
theInfante
Afonso'
s oathinParis,
notourPeter
ofSpain
company
andJuan
a
Carreras
assumed,
Terrats,
e.g.byJoaquin
commonly
Apports
hispaniques
yArtau
Tusquets
chrtienne
deVOccident
Cardinal
Mercier,
(Chaire
1962,pp.17-18;
philosophie
i960),Louvain-Paris
Pedro
Parasituar
nahistoria
dafilosofa.
J.M.daCruzPontes,
Hispano
Portugalense
Braga
1968,p. g.
1 Seesome
ofthemanuscripts
ofthat
time,
above,
p. 12t.
2 Seeabove,
p. 126.
3 Seeabove,
p. 127.
Forthat
there
have
beensome
more
ofthename
Peter
ofSpain
whoweremember
matter,
people
oftheBlack
Sowasonej rater
in1260Friars.
Petrus
oftheConvent
atBordeaux
O.P.prior
Hispanus
I37

11:45:59 AM

2 - The Lije oj Peteroj Spain ( PopeJohnXXI)

Up to now little is known about Peter's familyor earlycareer. He must
have been born in Portugal,for in replyon a gratulationreceived from
the King of Portugal on the occasion of his election as Pope, Peter
clearlyrefersto Portugalas his nativecountry:
eratet imbrefecundo
mensilconspersa
Regisexultatio
tripudii
Dignasiquidem
nam
terra
, titulos
lius,
ipsius progenuit
adeptus
quem
apostolice
agnoscitur
dignitatis
Mensnostra
Te
disposuit
nam
litteris
SedisApostolice
ad Te
visitare,
precipue
nativi
etiamsolimateria
zelumsincere
caritatis
accendit
etad
confovendam
summis
favoribus
virtus
Nos
inducit1.
personam
regiam
originis
The only complete manuscriptextant of Peter's Scientiade anima2has
this colophon (ed. Alonso, p. 4986-I3):
artium
, liberalium
doctor,phylosophice
hispanus...
Portugalensis
EgoigiturPetrus
medicinalis
facultatis
inscientia
sublimitatis
decor,acproficue
rector,
gubernator,
Procuiuscomplemento
de animadecrevihoc opusprecipuum
componendum.
actionibus
completusest liber de
divinebonitatis
exaltetur.
largitas
gratiarum
HISPANO
PORTUGALENSI
ANIMA
APETRO
EDITUS.
Some justifieddoubts about the authenticityof this colophon have been
raised3, but they do not concern the informationabout Peter's origin
fromPortugal.
His fatherwas a Julianus,as appears froma Bull of Pope Urban IV
dated October 28, 1263 where Peter is named: magisterPetrusJulini
archidiaconus
Bracharensis
etc.4. In a document dated January,1275 he is
called Magister PetrusJulini TusculanusEpiscopuset Sedis Apostolice
Cardinalis*
. The same surnameis foundin Paris, B.N. Lat. 6988, f. SjT
Acta
Ordinis
Fratrum
Praedicato62; hediedOctober,
1279.SeeC. Douais,
capitulorum
provincialium
Toulouse
rum
1894,pp.82; 160;233;242.
(1239-1302),
1 Vatican
intheDictamina
. SeeRegesta
MS.Vat.Lat.3977,f. ijow(occurring
Berardi)
Library,
Romanorum
ed.Potthast
(Berlin
187$),nr.21.249.
Ponticum
2 Foranother
deanima
B.N.Lat.6433,ff.77ra-i23vb),
(Paris,
copyoftheScientia
(incomplete)
V Some
s Summule
Text
seeL. M. de Rijk,OnTheGenuine
logicales.
Anonymous
ofSpain*
ofPeter
8 (1970,)p. 41.
TheThirteenth
Commentaries
Century
(invivarium
Dating
from
3 SeeMissMaria
inedito
doLiber
deconservando
sanitate
de
daRochaPereira,
Ummanuscrito
Helena
eascontroversias
Pedro
Pedro
, Porto
1962,p. 8andJ.M.daCruzPontes,
Hispano
Portugalense
Hispano
daAlma.
Coimbra
doutrinais
descolo
XIII.Aorigem
1964,p. 19.
Itscomplete
inA. Moreira
deSanta
de Sa,Pedro
daIgreja
texthasbeenprinted
, Prior
Hispano
195),pp.10-12.
daSedeBraga
deGuimaraes
eArcebispo
Maria
, inBiblos
30(Coimbra
s Quoted
Brando,
op.cit.,cap.44,p. 314.
byAntonio
138

11:45:59 AM

m. P. Julini Antonio BrandQ

( Notabilebonumde ebotomiasecundum
that
that
Peter
had
surname
after
Saint Julian, the patron of his
says
or
after
his
father
The latterseems to be
Rebolo2.
Julio
parish-church,
the more obvious explanation, since the former could suggest an
illegitimateorigin, which would have prevented Peter fromaccepting
ecclesiasticalgrades,not to mentionthe malevolentuse ofthisfactwhich
would certainlyhave been made by his ennemiesand those chroniclers
who were not sympathetictowards Peter because of his supposed3unfavourableattitudetowards the Mendicants. Furthermorehe is called
DominusPetrusHispanus
, dietusPetrus
Juliniby Ptolemyof Lucca4.
Peter's belongingto some noble familyis commonlyassumed*anl
as a matter of fact he is sometimes called a relative of one Egidius
Reboli's. In a donation act this descendent of the noble familyof the
Reboli is called Peter's blood-relative(consanguineus)6
. This testimonial
fits in well with Brando's. For that matter, Stapper's argument?
for Peter's havinga noble and rich father,since the latter was able to
send his son to pursue his studies in Paris, seems not to be quite conclusive, for if his fatherwas an impecunious man, Peter might have
enjoyed himselfin the protection of some rich person who put his
expectationsin Peter's promisingcapacities.
From the fact that after his death John XXI bequeathed several
houses to the cathedralof Lisbone8, Stapper concluded that Peter was
born in Lisbon, but he mighthave acquired them when he was deacon
1 Thisshort
tract
not&jr-<)oT
ashasbeenindicated
A
Thorndike-Pearl
Kibre,
(ff.87rrv,
byLynn
inLatin
Si
(London
Catalogue
ojIncipits
Scientific
ofMedieval
Writings
1963),
p. 14^^)hastheincipit:
in omnitempore ; it is followed
necessitas
fuerit
diete
secundum
bya tractDeordinatione
andtwoothers
Constantinum
entitled:
Deordinatione
diete
inpotibus
andDeiuvamento
etnocumentes
vini
Deflebotomia
another
tract
estpertractare
(Inc.:Presents
(uptof. 88r)Nextfollows
negocii
which
isanonymous
hereandintheother
mentioned
breviter)
(opcit.,
byThorndike
manuscripts
orvariously
ascribed
Salornitanus
of
Maurus
; Gualterus;
anonymous
[Galienus
p. 1086)either
oftheParisian
Riardus
Thebody
allthese
tracts
which
Salerno,
to,
Anglicus]).
belong
manuscript,
dates
from
ofthefourteenth
thefirst
I owethisinformation
tothekindness
of
quarter
century.
MissMarie-Thrse
d'Alverny
(Paris).
2 Op.cit.,p. 305.
3 Cp.below,
p. 142.SeealsoStapper,
op.cit.,pp.95-104.
SeehisHistoria
ecclesiastica
Rerum
italicarum
,ap.Muratori,
XI,p. 1176.Forother
evidence,
scriptores
seeR.Stapper,
IV4 (Mnster
XXI.EineMonographie.
Studien
Papst
Johannes
Kirchengeschichtliche
inW. 1898),p. 2,n.4.
5 SeeStapper,
op.cit.,pp.3-4.
6 Institutio
Reboli
eius
Ulixbonensis
, decani
, etJohannis
Capelle
proanimabus
Egidii
consanguinei
PapeXXI,
inUlixbonensi
etbeneficiati
See
Ecclesia.
Letombe
deipapiinViterbo,
Siena1887,
Christofori,
p.338.
7 Op.cit.,p. 3.
8 SeeStapper,
op.cit.,p. 2,n. 2.
I39

11:45:59 AM

of thatcity. However, the assumptionof Lisbon as being his native city

can be based upon some other information.First, in his chronicle,the
so-called Jordanus,(who was in fact, the papal penitenciaryPaulinus
nationeUlissiponensis1
Minorita(d. 134^), calls Pope JohnXXI: Johannes
.
Furthermore,in his chronicleof D. Afonso,III cap. 43, AntonioBrando
says that Peter was born in thatpart of Lisbon which was called Lisboa
in his own days2. There seems to be no reason to challengethe
Occidental
reliabilityof these testimonials.
Differentdates have been put forwardconcerningPeter's birth.
His eighteenthcenturybiographer,JohannesTobias Kohler, assumed^
that when he ascended the papal throne Peter must have been aged
about go years, since, on the one hand, no chronicler calls him too
youngforbecominga Pope and on the otherhand, Peter promisedhimself a long pontificate*.Stapper is quite right in rejectings this view
because of Peter's teaching in Siena as early as 124^. Stapper himself
adopted6 the second decade of the thirteenthcenturyas the approximativetime of Peter's birthand he is followed by all modern scholars.
However, Stapper's view seems itselfto be based as well on a mere
guess comparable with Khler's. As a matter of fact, Stapper started
from the supposition that when becoming professor of medicine at
Siena, Peter must have been about thirtyyears old. To my mind this
is withoutsufficient
foundation.Why Peter maynot havebeen fourtyor
at
that
time? I thinkif one makes the most of all the inold
fiftyyears
formationwe have of Peter's life,more certaintycan be reached.
Peter was at Siena as earlyas January11, 124^, where his teaching
medicine is evidenced forthe years 1246 and 12487. He remainedthere
until May, i2$o8. Earlier he had studied medicine (at Salerno, or at
Montpellier?) probably about 123^. The so-called Summulewere
writtensome yearsbefore,in the early 1230's, presumablyin the North
1 SecExcerpta
exJordni
chronico
Italicae
medii
aevi
de
, siveDissertationen
ap. Muratori,
Antiquitates
moribus
, cet.adannum
, regimine
IV,p. 1008.A manu, ritibus,
SOO.Milan1738-42,
usque
religione
'
Chronicle
Polonus
Lat.Qu.291,written
1331) addstoPolonus'
ofMrtius
about
(MSBerlin.
script
decivitate
XXInacione
thewords:
Ulisbonensi
in: Monumenta
; seeed. Pertz
Yspanus
Johannes
entry
histrica
Germaniae
XXII,
, Scriptores
p. 443.
1 Op.cit.
y(above,
p. 136,n.3),pp.304-30$.
3 Johann
Nachricht
von
XXI
Pabst
Tobias
Khler,
, Gttingen
1760,p. .
Johann
Vollstndige
4 Seebelow,
pp.1^3,n.3.
s Op.cit.,p. 2,n. 3.
6 Op.cit.,p. 2.
7 Seebelow,
p. io.
8 Seebelow,
p. 11.
Seebelow,
p. 146.
140

11:45:59 AM

of Spain1. Peter is likelyto have leftParis in i 2292, where he had studied

for manyyears, as we are told by his Bull Flumenaque*. So we have to
put his arrivalas a youngman*at the Universityof Paris about 1220*. If
our surmisesbe correct- and I thinkwe have to put it in thisway -, the
only conclusion we can possiblydraw is that Peter was born not later
thanabout 1205.
If he was really born about 120^, he was well into his seventies
when he was elected on the Papal See (September 1, 1276).
In my view there are three facts which affordsome additional
supportto thisconclusion. First,we are told by several chroniclersthat
Peter promisedhimselfa long pontificatesince he had fullconfidencein
what is called his sapientia
, no doubt his medical skill6. This reason as
to strikethe attentivereader. Peter does
himself
is
Peter
bound
givenby
not appeal to his age, but to his skill as a physicianto prolong his life,
apparentlybecause he was alreadyan aged man; otherwisehe would have
referredto his promisingage, indeed.
Second, the election of just a man like Peter of Spain on the Papal
See is remarkablein a way. Peter was a scientistto thebackbone. When
called upon to the papal dignityhe wished to pursue his scientificwork
and even had a special study built in his palace at Viterbo?. He was
supposed to have been more interestedin science thanin his duties as a
Stapper 9(op. cit., pp. 112-113) seems to be rightin takingthe
Pope8.
i
quedamstoliditaswhich Martin Polonus is speaking of? on account of
JohnXXI, for thatkind of clumsinessin practical matterscharacteristic
of the closet scholar. In September, 1276 this had the great advantage
thathe was not engagedinto the eager controversybetween the Angiovinian-Frenchpartyand the Italianpartyin the College of Cardinals. As
is known, afterthe death of GregoryX, January10, 1276 the famous
1 Seethestudy
above(p. 126,n. 1),p. gg.
mentioned
2 Seebelow,
p. 147.
3 Seebelow,
p. 144.
abannis
teneris
, seebelow,
p. 144.
s Petella,
inParis
asearly
studied
thatPeter
as 1223.SeeJ.B. Petella,
Lesconnaistoo,assumed
devenu
sances
d'unmdecin
etcritique
in:Janus.
Archives
pape.Etude
oculistiques
philosophe
historique
delamdecine
etpourlagographie
internationales
2 (Amsterdam
mdicale
1897pourl'histoire
70-596],
98){pp.403-420;
p.417.
6 Ptolemy
ofLucca,Historia
ecclesiastica
Rerum
italicarum
, (ap. Muratori,
XI,p. 1177,
scriptores
writes
suaintentione
about
XXI'sdeath:
etsuasapientia
frustrates,
John
,
exspirat
quiacredebat
confidebat
sicut
dicebat,
longo
tempore
posseistadignitate
ipseinterdum
(i.e. thepapaldignity)
gaudere.
SeealsoR.Stapper,
., pp.36; 107; 111; 113.
op.cit
7 SeeStapper,
op.cit.,pp.108,n.2; m, n. 3.
8 SeeRicobaldi
Romanorum
ofFerrara,
Historia
, text
Ponticum
above,
quoted
p. 127.
Chronicon
Germaniae
Monumenta
histrica,
, ap.Pertz,
XXII,
Scriptores
p. 443.
141

11:45:59 AM

French scholar Peter of Tarentaise,who, unlike Peter, was well-versed

in political affairsand had the leading rle in the College of Cardinals
about the middle of the i 27o's1 was unanimouslyelected Pope (Innocent
V). Unfortunatelythe new Pope soon came under the influence of
Charles of Anjou, King of Sicily, who succeeded in bringingthe Pope
on the Angiovinianside. AfterInnocent's prematuredeath, on June 22,
i 276, the Italianpartyin the College of Cardinalsprevailedand on July
ii, 1276 an Italian, Ottobono Fieschi, was elected, and assumed the
name of Adrian V. He died as early as August, 18 of the same year.
When the Cardinals went into the conclave in September, they numbered no more than nine: apart from Peter of Spain, five Italians and
threeFrenchmen2
. The Italianpartypresumablydid not hold it expedient
to elect their leader Giovanni Caetano Orsini, who was by farthe most
giftedcandidate, then for the new Pope. It is on his advice that Peter
was elected^. The Dominican historian Ptolemy of Lucca somewhat
bitterlyremarks*that as a Pope our Peter was put in leading strainsby
Orsini*. This much seems to be certain,thatPope Johnwas wise enough
to make use of Orsini's abilityand experience as a Curia cardinal. No
doubt, Orsini saw in Peter of Spain a man who would be an acceptable
Pope as long as he could not himselfbear thetiara6. As faras politicswere
concerned Peter of Spain is likely to have been a compromise figure
withinone yearto an
whose electioncould soon bringthe thirdsedisvacatio
of
end and whose pontificatewould give some delay a decisive struggle
forpolitical influencebetween the Frenchand Italianparties.
I think, both parties considered John XXI a transitionalPope,
about whose election both parties could soon come to terms?.Well, a
1 SeeStapper,
op.cit.,p. 31.
2 Their
arementioned
names
byStapper
op.cit.y
p. 3$,n.3.
3 Thecontemporaneous
SabaMalaspina
Vat.Lat.3972,f.
chronicler
writes
(MS,Vatican
Library,
Tusculanus
Petrus
133v): Ex industria
domini
et sagacitate
Yspanus
Johannis
Gaytani
predicti
Rerum
italicarum
adapicem
VIII,p.
assumitur;
scriptores
dignitatis
(ap.Muratori,
apostolice
episcopus
872).
*Historia
Rerum
italicarum
ecclesiastica
XI,p. 1176:Hie(i.e.Johannes
XXI)
, ap.Muratori,
scriptores
domini
utfertur,
statim
constitutionem
Consilio,
(sc.theLyons
Ordonnance) revocavit,
fuerat
suepromotionis.
auctor
cuius
nutu
multa
Gaitani,
faciebatf
Johannis
eoquod
principalis
5 Orsini
oftheGrey
Minorum
Annales
was(since1263,seeLucasWadding,
I, p. 26^)Protector
nodoubt,
towards
thisOrder,
XXItoa very
attitude
Friars
liberal
andinduced
which,
PopeJohn
wasbound
tocause
theDominicans
sorrow.
6 There
notpaidduring
whowere
oftheCuria
theofficials
wasquite
a lotofturmoil,
indeed,
among
a sedisvacatio.
SeeStapper,
op.cit.y
p. 24.
7 Thisdoesnotmean
andcapaciofSpain's
Peter
onmypart
about
atalla lowopinion
personality
intohis
ofgrowth
someyears
after
timethat
itwould
nothavebeenforthefirst
ties.Besides,
hisownwayandbewent
toleadtheChurch,
a Popewhodidnothaveanyambition
before
office,
142

11:45:59 AM

candidatefor a transitionalPope must be either old or of bad health1.

Pope JohnXXI seems to have enjoyed a good health as we are told by
the chroniclerswho explicitlyspeak of the Pope's pride of it2. Therefore
he is likelyto have alreadybeen a sufficiently
aged man at the time of his
election to satisfythe specificpolitical requirementsof those days.
Besides, Mr da Cruz Pontes has drawn our attentionto the fact
thatPeter of Spain frequentlyappears to ignoreopinionson controversial
matters (as those concerning the origin of the human soul and its
hylomorphiccomposition) which were commonly known about the
12bo's. Thereforethe conclusion seems to be correct thathe studiedat
an earlier date than 1230. This, too, makes it necessary to date his
birth-daybefore 12 1o, at least3.
So 1 think we have serious grounds to put Peter's birth-datenot
laterthanabout nog*.
Peter mayhave completed his firsteducation at the Cathedralschool of
Lisbons. Then he was sent to the famouscenter of logical, philosophical
and theologicallearningof those days,the Universityof Paris.
Like anotherforeignstudentin the Universityof Paris, Alexanderof
Hales (towards 1186-1249), who went to Paris about 1200-01, Peter
mayhave been about fifteenyearsold at his arrivalat Paris. Six yearsof
studies were required fromfuturemastersand so he is likely to have
finishedhis studyof the Artscurriculumand gone over to the Facultyof
Theologyin order to studysacred science not laterthanabout 1226. As a
matteroffactin the Bull Flumenaque viveissuedby JohnXXI on April 28,
1277, the Pope declares to the bishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier, that
cameanimportant
Torefer
Pontiff.
totwofamous
inmodern
times:
LeoXIIIand
only
examples
XXIII.Theshortlived
to PopeJohn
XXI(Sept.,1276- May,1277)makes
it
John
reign
granted
forustojudge
hisabilities
about
asa Pope.Fora clearsurvey
ofhispapal
etgestes
impossible
,
faits
seeStapper,
Artur
Moreira
deSa,0 PapaJoo
e Politico
14andProf.
op.cit.,pp.39-1
XXI,Filsofo
,
Porto
1949,
passim.
1 Totakeourexamples,
LeoXIIIwassobadly
illatthedayofbis
again,
(seethepreceding
note),
election
that
andenemy
friend
feltsurethat
hewould
diebefore
hiscrowning
he
day(however,
recovered
anddiedonly
after
five
XXIII
agedof93years).
who,too,was
twenty
years,
PopeJohn
seenasa 'transitional
oldwhen
hewaselected.
77years
Pope',wasnearly
2 SeeStapper,
op.cit.,p. 111, n.3.
3 Jos
Maria
daCruzPontes,
Pedro
Parasituar
nahistria
dafilosofia,
in: Rivista
Hispano
Portugaleme
de Filosofia
e as controvrsias
portuguesa
24 (1968),p. 12.Thesame,Pedro
Hispano
Portugalense
dontrinais
dosculo
XIII,Coimbra
1964,
p. 246.
* Seeabove,
p. 141.
5 Prof.
dePedro
inColectanea
O.F.M.,OsEstudos
deEstudos
JooFerreira
Hispano
g (1954),pp.
a clearsurvey
ofwhat
Peter
havestudied
there.
gives
I9_I97)
may
143

11:45:59 AM

when comingto Paris he has been veryyoungand thathe is still rememberingthe manyyearshe spentin thatfamousUniversityto studyvarious
sciences:
Nos tarnen
meritis
in Dei
patrisfidei,licetinsufficientibus
qui Habrahe
typum
tueritenemur,
Ecclesiagerimus
et propterea
etiamsingularis
ipsamspecialiter
Studium1
affectus
Inilliusnamque
accendit.
quemad idem,ab olim,concepimus
ab annisteneris
variisscienciis
inibistudiose
laribus
diucius
observati
vacavimus
et,
secusdecursus
sedentes
earumlibamenta
plurimos
perannos
ipsarum,
sapidissima
veresapiencie
NobisDominusmaiestatis,
Dator,induisit.
quantum
gustavimus,
illud
oblivisci
non
etc.2.
possumus
Propter
quod
Peter speaksof variousstudies ( variaescientiae).Paris was an outstanding
center for logical, philosophicaland theological learningin those days.
Althoughnot everyword of a Papal Bull should be takenentirelyserious,
is likely to referto the
the phrase variisscienciisinibistudiosevacavimus*
for
the
that
Peter
studied
there logic, physics,
obvious
rest,
fact,quite
and
In
he
fact
is
metaphysics
commonly described by the
theology.
chroniclersas a manwho studiedall branchesofscience. So theanonymous
author of the AnnalesBasileenses*
calls him in omnibusdisciplinisinstructus
s proves that Peter obtained the academical
and his title clericusgeneralis
grades in all these branches6.
The question arises who possibly were his mastersin Paris. We have
firstto make shortwork of such pious fancieswhich make him a faithful
adherentto Thomas Aquinas?. Such a hypothesisis untenableon chronological grounds,since Thomas is supposed to have come to Paris forthe
1 Sc.generale
ofParis.
, viz.theUniversity
2 Found
intheDictamina
Berardi
ofNaples),
Lat.3977,f.i7or;
Vat.
(Bernard
e.g.Vatican
Library,
The
Bibl.Municipale,
cod.761,ff.228r v; Paris,
B. N. Lat.14.713,
ff.2o9v-2ior.
Bordeaux,
eIa
a portuguese
translation
istobefound
inArtur
text
with
deSa,Pedro
Moreira
Hispano
complete
deParis
da Biblioteca
22
in: Boletim
da Universidade
dellj") da Universidade
de Coimbra
crise
1. Seealsoibid.,
manubetween
ofsome
(Coimbra
19^4),pp.16-2
p. 13andp. 14,fora photostat
scripts.
3 Fora comparison
I givethecorresponding
from
a BullofHonerius
IV's: M.... ineiusdem
passage
libamina
laribus
obversati
deilliusdulcedine
libavimus
annos
secusdecursus
studii
grata
perplures
this
ofvarie
letter
doesnotspeak
sedentes
....". Asisseen,
seiende.
ipsius
Ed.Pertz.
Germ.
Mon.
Hist.
XVII,p. 200.
Scriptores
s SeePtolemy
ofLucca,
Historia
Ecclesiastica
Rerum
italicarum
XI,p. 1176.
ap.Muratori,
scriptores
6 SeeDuCange,
mediae
etinfimae
Glossarium
latinitatis
, s.v.clericus.
i So Pietro
Thomas
XIIIe delprincipio
delsecolo
delXIVin: Divus
C. M.,Gliscolastici
,
Castagnoli
etTheologia,
dePhilosophia
Commentarium
3 (Piacenza
478-^1^;4 (1927),
1926),(pp.281-309;
p.288.
PP-lSS~l74;49-*62),
144

11:45:59 AM

firsttime in the years i 24^-48 and Peter then, already stayed in Siena.
Besides, Prof. Joo Ferreira has succesfullyshown that also doctrinal
divergenciesmay be adduced againstit2.
As to Albert the Great's supposed^ mastershipof Peter of Spain,
. JohnBuralliof Parma, O.F.M., (c. 1209-89) is
thingsare not different1
not likelyto have been one of Peter's mastersin Pariseither.We are told
by Salimbene that,as Pope, Peter had the intentionto appoint Johnof
Parma to the dignityof Cardinal but that the former's sudden death
preventedhim fromaccomplishingit. Ferreirathinksit possible thatthe
Pope wished to honour his former master*. However, chronology
seems not to be in favourof this surmiseand Salimbene does not give a
reason of thatsort eitherbut only refersto Peter's and John's congenial
way of thinkings.This is the more striking,I think, since Salimbene
obtained his informationsfrom Parisian circles6. The Pope's intention
can be explained well by his acting under the influenceof the powerful
Cardinal Orsini (who was Protector of the Minorites?), as has been
suggestedin factby Ptolemyof Lucca8.
The assumptionof William of Shrerwoodas havingbeen a teacher
of logic of Peter of Spain's commonly held up to now is not tenable
either, as will be proved latere Peter may have studied logic under
JohnPagus and Herveus Brito, who were the great mastersof logic in
Paris duringthe thirddecade of the century.As to Peter's theological
1 Joo
Temas
deCultura
Sobre
a posio
doctrinal
dePedro
in:
Ferreira,
Filosoca
Portuguesa.
Hispano
deEstudos
Colectanea
(19^4),pp.48-56.
2 SobyJ.Mullally,
The
Summulae
ofPeter
Notre
DameIndiana
logicales
1945,Introduction,
ofSpain.
Itshould
benoted
that
didnotrepeat
itinhisrecent
work
Peter
, Tractatus
p.XVIII.
Mullally
ofSpain
And
Selected
Treatises
Wise.1964,p. 3.
, Milwaukee,
Syncategorematum
Anonymous
3 SeeFerreira,
OsEstudos
dePedro
op.cit.(above,
, p. 202.
p. 17,n.4),p. 54andhisarticle
Hispano
Seeibid.,
p.54,n.1andp. 202.
s Salimbene
di Adamo,
Chronicon
Et
, ed. Holder-Egger
(seeabove,
p. 128,n. 2) p. 30411-20:
notandum
frater
deParma
habuerit
muitos
mordaces
occasione
doctrine
Johannes
quod,quamvis
abbatis
doctrines
ofJoachim
ofFiore),
habuit
tarnen
muitos
(i.e.theheretical
Joachym
quieum
Inter
Petrus
dilexerunt.
cardinalis
et postea
quosfuitmagister
Hyspanus;
quifactus
ipseidem
factus
cumessetmagnus
et disputator
XXIvg,
papaJohannes
sophysta,
loycus
atquetheologus,
misit
insehabebat.
deParma,
Johanne
quisimilia
profratre
]. Voluit
[
ergoPapaquodsemper
esset
cumeo inCuria,
etcogitabat
eumfacere
m, sedmorte
cardinale
nonpotuit
facere
preventus
Namcamera
cecidit
et mortuus
de
est.(= Salembene
quodmente
conceperat.
superPapam,
Nuova
edizione
critica
a curadi Giuseppe
Cronica.
Scalia(Scrittori
Italia,
n. 232,Bari
Adam,
1966),
Ip. 4434-16).
6 Cp.ibid.,
Hecomnia
habui
a magistro
Faventino
Benedicto
p. 3oo3-3x:
supradicta
phisico,
qui
interfuit
Nammultis
annis
etaudivit.
Parisius
studuit
etmultum
etcommendabat
fratrem
diligebat
de Parma.
Johannem
7 Seeabove,
p. 141.
Seeabove,
p, 142.
IntheIntroduction
ofPeter's
tomyedition
works.
logical
I4S

11:45:59 AM

studies, he might have followed the lectures given by Alexander of

Hales, who as a secular master taughttheologyin Paris as fromabout
1220 and was one of the firstto teach the famous Sententie
of Peter
Lombard(the Sententie
had recentlybeen approvedbytheLateranCouncil,
William
of
i2i$).
Auvergne(c. 1180-1249), too, who taughttheology
in Paris up to 1228, when he was consecrated bishop of Paris by Pope
GregoryIX, and William of Auxerre, a confidantof GregoryIX's, may
have been among Peter's mastersof theology.But all such surmiseshave
to be checked, indeed.
Up to now Peter is commonly supposed to have left Paris for Siena,
Italy,wherehe was on January11, 1245 and became a teacherofmedicine
at the Universityfrom 1246-^q1. However, he must have studied
medicine before in a center which enjoyed a renown great enough to
make an enterprisingtown such as Siena invite from there mastersto
teach at its beginninguniversity.To be sure, the studyof medicine as
taughtas Paris in the firsthalf of the thirteenthcenturywas certainly
not bound to draw the attentionof the communalauthoritiesof Siena to
that city. In factthe ParisianSchool of Medicine alwaysstood farbelow
those of Salerno and Montpellier2. I think, these two universitiesare
certainlyfarmore plausible as candidatesforPeter's studyof medicine.
As a matter of fact the Universityof Montpellier was sometimes
mentionedas the place where Peter followed lectures of medicine. In
his Historiaecclesiastica
D. Rodrigo da Cunha asserts^that Peter lefthis
natal countryfor Montpellier in order to study medicine there. Unfortunately,nowhere in the Universityrecords of Montpellier Peter's
name is found*.Such argumente silentiois not decisive, however, and
it still remains possible thathe studiedat Montpelliers. Meanwhile, the
1 Forhisstay
atSiena,
seebelow,
p. io.
2 SeeH. Rashdall,
I (Oxford
andA. B. Emden,
TheUniversities
F. M. Powicke
1942),
ofEurope
DieEntstehung
derUniversitten
Berlin
desMittelalters
bisl4oOy
i88$(reprint
p. 322.Cp.H. Denifle,
Graz19^6),p. 7,andGordon
andFourteenth
ParisandOxford
intheThirteenth
Universities
Leff,
AnInstitutional
andIntellectual
Centuries.
NewYork,
London,
1968,pp.177and
Sidney
History.
180.
3 D. Rodrigo
daCunha,
Historia
ecclesiastica
(Lisbone
1635),
p. 152a-b.
4 I have
1(i 181searched
forhisname
invaininA.Germain,
deMontpellier
deVUniversit
Cartulaire
enumerated
andmanuscript
documents
1890andinalltheother
1400),Montpellier
by
printed
Manuels
Henri
inhisBibliographie
Stein
deFrance.
descartulaires
ourelatifs
Vhistoire
gnrale
franais
debibliographie
c.
IV,Paris1907,
historique
pp.353-3
s SeealsoJoo
OsEstudos
dePedro
whocomes
Ferreira,
Hispanot
(p. 210)tothesame
pp.203-210,
conclusion.
146

11:45:59 AM

Universityof Salerno, famousfor its medical studies, too, mighthave

been the place where Peter studied medicines. The records of this
universitydo not give any evidence for it either. However, I feel
inclined to locate Peter's medical studies in Montpellierbecause of his
with the South French region. To supportthisview
apparentfamiliarity
we have to investigatePeter's possible residence afterhis stayin Paris.

As to Peter's departurefromParis, I thinkwe will not be farfromthe

truthin associatingit with the generalexodus fromParis in 1229.
As is known1,on Shrove Tuesday, 1229, as a result of the punishment of perfectlyinnocentstudentsfor outragescommittedby some of
their companions the day before, a conflictbroke out between the
turbulentinmates of the Universityand the municipal authoritiesand
even Queen Blanche of Castille, who was regent, then. The masters,
using the singularway of protest expresslyconceded to them by royal
authority,suspended their lectures. Since the suspensionturnedout to
be rather ineffectual,the masters resolved, if justice were not done
them withina month, to suspend all teachingfor a period of six years.
By decree of March, 27, published by the twenty-oneprovisorsof the
University,it was forbiddento anyoneto reside in the cityor diocese of
Paris forreasons of study. Althoughwe know fromother evidence that
this decree was not fullyobserved2,the great mass of the mastersand
scholars left Paris, No doubt, many of them accepted the invitationof
Henry III of England to join the rising universitiesof Oxford and
Cambridge*.Others retired to the smaller studiagenerabaor cathedral
schools in France (Toulouse, Orlans, Rheims, and especially Angers)
Italyand Spain. The fourteenthcenturyhistorianBernardGui saysin his
Chronicon
(writtenin 13 11) :

1 Forthefullest
account
oftheaffair,
seeMatthew
ofParis,
Historia
.... (written
contemporaneous
in1236),
Fora clear
oftheevents
andtheir
onthedevelopIII,pp.166-168ed
survey
impact
oftheParisian
ment
seeRashdall;
TheUniversities
InThe
Powicke,
Emden,
University,
ofEurope
I (Oxford
Middle
andFernand
VanSteenberghen,
InTheWest
Aristotle
, The
Ages
1942),pp.334-343
OfLatin
Louvain
Aristotelianism,
19s5*pp.78-88.
Origin
2 SotheDominicans
tookadvantage
ofthesituation
toestablish
intheUniversity
themselves
when
intheautumn
of1229their
Roland
ofCremona
could
hischair
oftheology.
inaugurate
companion
SeeC. E. Du Boulay
HI(Paris1666,reprint
Historia
Unirersitatis
Parisiensis
Frankfurt
(Bulaeus),
Main1966),
p. 138.
3 SeeRashdall
etc.,
op.cit.,p. 336.
147

11:45:59 AM

MCCXXIXfactafuitParisiusinterscholares
AnnoDominipraetaxato
Aliiquidem
dissensi
o, quammoxsecutaeatad tempusmultipharia
dispersio.
in
vero
alii
alii
alii
in
Italiamvel
alii
Remis, Andegavis, Aurelianis,
Angliam,
causa
studii
in
sunt
sive
alias
mundi
Multi
profecti.
provincias
Hispaniam,
quoque
venerunt
etrexerunt
Tholosam
ibidem1.
etscholares
magisti
It would appear thatthe dispersioncontinuedthroughouttheyears1229
and 1230 and thatmastersand scholarswere not at work in Paris before
the beginningof 123 12.
As to Toulouse, thiscityhad the greatluck thatat the verymoment
when the 1229 crisis had come to a head in Paris, its universitywas
, as a result of the treatyconcluded on Holy
being in staturenascendi
between the orthodox King Louis IX of
1229
Thursday (April, 12)
Franceand the hereticalCount RaymondVII of Toulouse, to put an end
to the AlbigensianWar. Up to then, Toulouse had been the veryfocus
which had at lengthbroken
of the religiousand intellectualfermentation
forthin the Albigensianheresy, that product, at once religious and
intellectual, of thirteenthcentury "Lay-spirit".Therefore the Pope
(GregoryIX) and the pious and conservativeKing (Louis IX) took it
most appropriate to establish just at Toulouse an importantstudium
9 which should be especially devoted to the maintenance of
generale
Catholic faithand the extirpationof the Albigensianheresy. Rashdall
seems to be perfectlyrightin pointingto the importantdifferencesin
spiritualclimat between the SouthernFrench region and the North of
France, Paris not excluded, where culture was more theological and
moreecclesiasticalthanit was in the South,and where the intellectualism
of the age was on the whole of a farless bold and destructivecharacter
than there with its educated laity, its sceptical troubadours,and its
pecularlyindolentand ignorantclergy^.
As a matterof factit is the Order of the Black Friarswhich largely
manipulatedthe Universityof Toulouse in its early period, to such an
extent, indeed, that Rashdall could characterize the situation very
happily in comparingthe rle the Dominicans and the Universityof
Toulouse played in the contestagainstthe Albigensianheresywith that
of the Jesuitcolleges in the Counter-Reformation*.
1 Edited
inReceuil
deshistoriens
deFrance
XXI,p. 69$.
2 SeeRashdall
etc.I, p. 337.
3 SeeRashdall
etc.II,p. 162.
SeeRashdall,
is
Toulouse
wasfounded
etc.II,p. 162.That
asa rampart
against
Albigensian
heresy
alsoclear
from
thesermon
delivered
oftheUniversity,
Hebegan
Helinand.
bytheofficial
preacher
hissermon
a denunciation
with
ofallthegreat
ofhisdayonthegeneral
that
universities
theme
148

11:45:59 AM

One of the articles of the treatysigned between King Louis and

Count Raymond provided for the creation of a studiumgeneraleat
Toulouse and stipulated that for ten years Raymond should pay the
salariesof fourteenprofessors: fourmastersof theology,two decretists,
six mastersof arts,and two grammarians.So it maybe easilyunderstood
that some of the unemployed Parisian masters together with their
studentswere attracted1to Toulouse. Althougheven among the Parisian
masters the spirit of inquiry and bold speculation had made great
advances,the dangerforToulouse was not verygreat,since its theological
facultywas entirelycontrolled by the Dominicans and since Cardinal
Romano, who was papal Legate in France and Great Protector of the
new university,as well as the bishop of Toulouse, who was to select the
masters,deputed their task to the Cistercianabbot Elias of Gran-Selve
to recruitParisianmastersforthe other faculties2.
We know the names of two Parisian masterswho were invited to
come to Toulouse: Roland of Cremona O.P., masterof Theology, and
John of Garland, master of grammar. As a matter of fact, our main
informationabout the firstyears of the Universityof Toulouse comes
ecclesiae
from the latter's De triumphis
3. Peter is not mentioned in the
documentsextantof Toulouse University*,but Roland of Cremona and
Johnof Garlandare not foundeither, so thatthis can not be considered
an argumente silentioagainstPeter's stayat Toulouse.
is notonlyuseless,
butactually
harmful
ofallkinds
without
virtue
andfaith.
SeeHenri
learning
Andeli,
Andeli.
The
Seven
Arts.
AFrench
Battle
Trouvre
Edited
poem
ofthe
byHenri
ofthe13th
Century.
andTranslated
withIntroduction
andNotes
ofthe
Paetow,
1914(Memoirs
byLouisJohn
Berkeley
ofCalifornia
seeJoseph
Vaissette.
Seealsothe
I, 1),p. 17.Forthetext,
IV,1 History
University
ofthesuppression
oftheheresy
these
a regular
account
curdler
indeed,
during
years,
bytheTouwhose
louseDominican
Guillelmus
Chronicon
hasbeenedited
Annicii
Pelissus,
byA.Molinier,
(=
1880.
Puy,France)
1 Seethepassage
from
inthenext
ofGarland
note.
John
quoted
2 SeeJohn
ofGarland,
whowasoneofthemasters
from
chosen
Detriumphis
ecclesiae
Paris,
, ed.
Thomas
Wright
(London
1856),
p. 9311-1*:
SedGrandis-Silvae
dietus
as,
piusabbas
Hely
Subduce
, prxima
Legato
frena
capit.
Parisius
doctos
abbas
, atillos
elegit
Duxit
muera
Legatus
larga
pluens.
3 Cp.ourprevious
note.
I looked
Peter's
invainin all themanuscripts
after
name
andprinted
are
which
documents,
inParis,
andAixenProvence.
Foranenumeration
ofthese
see
Toulouse,
documents,
preserved
descartulaires
Henri
ourelatifs
Vhistoire
deFrance
de
Stein,
Bibliographie
gnrale
franais
(Manuels
isnotfound
inRenGadave,
either
IV),Paris1907,
bibliographie
historique
pp.$28-^32.Hisname
Lesdocuments
del'Universit
deToulouse
surl'histoire
desafacult
dedroit
civilet
, etspcialement
Thsedoctorat
Toulouse
norin Marcel
et
Lesstatuts
1910,
Fournier,
(1229-1789).
canonique
'
desuniversits
leur
d'And'Orlans,
privilges
depuis
franaises
fondation
jusquenlj89,I, (Universits
deToulouse),
Paris,
1890.
gers,
149

11:45:59 AM

However, there is some clue to Peter's possible stay in the South

of France. Our two older commentaries extant upon the so-called
Summulae
logicaleswere writtenthere,viz. thatby Robert Anglicus,who
taughtat Montpellier as early as the 1240's1 and Guillelmus Arnaldi's
which was writtenabout the same time at Toulouse2.
LecturaTractatuum
Peter's work itselfmusthave been writtenin the North of Spain, as will
to the edition of Peter's Tractatus
.
be argued in my Introduction
My guess is that Peter left Paris (presumably in 1229) for the
North of Spain, where he taughtlogic and wrote his famoustractin the
early i2 3o's3. About the same time he may have visited the South of
foundtheirfirst
France (Toulouse and Montpellier), where his Tractatus
diffusionand commentators. If he himself taughtlogic at Toulouse,
which is quite possible, because there was a frequentcoming and going
at Toulouse since the count would not pay the stipulatedsalaries*,he
was probablyno longer among the teachers in 1239, as appears froma
letter dated February4, 1239s. He mighthave been at Montpellier at
that time where Robert Anglicus commented upon Peter's Summule
,
while Peter himselfpossiblystudied (or taught?) medicine at the same
University.Finally,Peter's stayin the South of France, that Dominican
, would explain quite well his relations with the
region par excellence
Black Friars.
From a document of the State Archives of Siena, Italy - the date of
which has been fixed on January11, 124^ (1 244 Siena time) we know
by Lisini6, who made an inventoryof these documents that Peter of
From
on
Peter
was
that
time.
1246
professorof
Spain was there at
medicine in the Universityof Siena, as appears fromcircularsissued by
the cityof Siena in 1246 and 1248 to announce the courses to be givenin
the University,in which Peter's name was listed as a professorof
1 SeeL. M.deRijk,
III: Tworedactions
ofa
Text
Summule
Onthe
Genuine
logicales
ofSpains's
ofPeter
invivarium
ontheSummule
7 (1969),pp.8-61,
Anglicus,
esp.pp.37-39.
byRobertus
Commentary
2 SeeL. M. de Rijk,OntheGenuine
IV: TheLectura
Text
Summule
logicales
ofSpains's
ofPeter
ofArts
atToulouse
Master
Tractatuum
ibid.,
Arnaldi,
(1235-44),
pp.120-162.
byGuillelmus
3 Presumably
oftheSummule
allouroldest
thatnearly
atLen.Itis a striking
fact,
manuscripts
ofExemplum
ofLen)intheexample
mention
V,nr..oed.
(Tractatus
(theinhabitants
Ijegionenses
Bochnski).
SeeH. Rashdall,
wasoneofthem
ofGarland
whowent
himself
TheUniversities
etc.II,p. 165.John
ecclesiae
SeehisDetriumphis
, p. 105(ed.Wright).
away.
s Printed
inournote
article
mentioned
inMarcel
Fournier,
op.cit., p.447.SeealsoL. M.deRijk,
2 ofthispage),
p. 126.
6 A.Lisini,
neldiplomatico
dal736al 1250,Siena1908,
conservate
delle
Inventario
p. 348.
pergamene
I0

11:45:59 AM

medicine1. Besides Peters's name is foundin a deed of a sale of 1247 (the^

sale of a Bible to one fraterBandinus2)and in a documentof 1248 in the
Two other entries in the Libridi Bicchernahave his
Libridi Biccherna*.
name. In companywith three other physicians,Peter submittedto the
authoritiesof Siena in 12^0 a medical statementrelative to contagious
diseases*. The municipal statutes of i2$o contain a paragraph on
salaries for some jurists and for MagistroPetroSpano doctoriinfisicas. A
specific statute which is dated June 12go mentions a paymentto be
made to Petrus Hispanus.
Until recentlythere was a hiatus in our knowledge of Peter's whereabouts from i2o until his stay in Viterbo, Italy about the year 1261.
The gap has been filledup in as satisfying
way as a result of the investiWe now know that, with
made
some
scholars.
by
Portuguese
gations
shortinterruptions,Peter stayedin his native countryfrom i2$o up to
1264. As early as June 11, 1250 he attended the Cortes (Diet) of
Guimares in the North of Portugal, where he subscribed as dean of
Lisbon and archdeacon of Vermoim in the diocese of Braga in the name
of King Afonso III of Portugal6. In January22, 12^4 he is found in
Lisbon entering a protest against the appointmentof the bishop of
Silves?. In March 12^4 he attended the Cortes of Lairia8, between
Lisbon and Coimbra. In 12^7 King Afonsogave him the advantageous
officeof prior of Santa Maria at Guimares*. We find Peter in 1258
attending the Cortes of Guimares10.His residence in Portugal was
1 SeeL. Zdekauer,
Sulle
dello
Studio
Genese
, Siena1893,pp.16ff.
origi
2 Magister
Pietro
Ptris
vendidit
ettradidit etc.SeeR. Stapper,
medicus
Hispano
(!) Yspanus
distoria
XXI
inSiena
in:Bullettino
senese
(Siena
1898),
patria
(PapaGiovanni
) edilsuosoggiorno
p.430.
3 SeeL. Zdekauer,
op.cit.,p. 280.
op.cit.,p. 16andG. Petella,
SeeL. Zdekauer,
op.cit.,p. 31,n. 14.
s SeeL. Zdekauer,
op.cit.,p. 32,n. 19.
6 Magistrm
from
etarchidiaconum
bracarensem
luiani
decanum
Petrm
ulixbonensem
quoted
Portugaiae
deS,Umgrande
Monumenta
Historka.
I, p. 18$' SeeA. Moreira
Filsofo
LegesetConsuetudines
de: Bracara
6
deS. Pedro
a Cadeira
electo
daSedeBraga
; separata
, Arcebispo
Augusta
Europeu
queocupou
(i96),p.7.
i Forthedocument,
Porto
IIe D. Afonso
deD. Sancho
Crnicas
seeAntnio
///,
194$,pp.
Brandao,
187-188.
8 SeeMarcelo
de12$4,Lisbon
AsCortes
deLeiria
Caetano,
19^4,p. 33. SeealsoJoaoFerreira,
6
Filosfica
Pedro
deLeiria
de19S4:Mestre
Um
nasCortes
(f 1277)in:Rivista
Hispano
portugus
grande
(i94),PP-92-97.
SeeA. Moreira
textofthebullof
deSi,op.cit.(quoted
n.6),p. 3andpp.10-1 (Latin
above,
IVofOctober
a portuguese
28,1263with
translation).
PopeUrban
10Portugaliae
Monumenta
etconsuetudines
Histrica.
I,pp.687; 689; 693.
Leges

11:45:59 AM

interruptedby shortstaysin Italyat the Papal Court at Anagniin 126o1,

a year later in the companyof Cardinal Ottobono Fieschi at Viterbo,2
and in 1263-64 in Orvieto3. In 1263 Peter had been appointedmagister
of the Cathedral School of Lisbon, where he already lived
scholarum
as
before, appears fromthe factthathe possessed a house there*.
I know of no documents clarifyingPeter's whereabouts for the
years 1264-72. In 1272 Pope GregoryX summonedPeter to become his
court-physicianat Viterbo*. When occupying this position Peter
, a medical handbookwhichforcenturies
pauperum
compiledthe Thesaurus
was to enjoy a renown equal to that of his famousmanual of logic. In
March-April, 1273 the Cathedral Chapter of Braga elected him as
Archbishopof that diocese but as early as before June , of the same
year the Pope appointed him Cardinal-Bishopof Frascati(Tusculum)6.
In spite of the latterappointmentPeter continuedto governthe See of
Braga until May 23, i2j7. In June, 1273 Peter was in the companyof
the Pope to the General Council of Lyons, where he was consecrated
by the Pope himself8.There seems to be some evidence for Peter's
residence in Parisiancircles in March, 12749.
His friendand patron GregoryX died on January10, 1276. The
reigns of Gregory's two successors Innocent V and Adrian V were
of twenty-sixdaysfollowingon thelatter's
ephemeral.Aftera sedisvacatio
death (August 18, 1276) Peter of Spain was elected Pope on September
15, 127610. He was erroneouslycrowned as Pope JohnXXI insteadof
JohnXX, as he should rightlyhave been.11
1 SeeF. daGamaCaeiro,
Novos
elementos
sobre
Pedro
dasua
Contribuio
Hispano.
parao estudo
in:Rivista
deFilosofia
deFilosofia)
biografa,
Portuguesa
1966[pp.157-174],
(Faculdade
Braga,
p.
textoftheBulls,
159ff.(Latin
pp.164-166).
2 SeeJ.Guiraud,
LesRegistres
d'Urbain
nr.49.
IV,Paris
1892,
* SeeJ.Guiraud,
in1263)andF.daGama
there
Caeiro,
op.cit.,nr.2364(forPeter's
stay
op.cit.,
text
hitherto
fortheyear1264.
pp.163and174(Latin
inedited)
Seetheletters
ofthebishop
ofvora,
1261, in:F. daGama
which
aredated
November,
Caeiro,
Ulixbonensi
venerabiis
decani
eiusdem
(incivitate
Petri,
, indomo
op.cit.,pp.170-173
civitatis).
Magisti
s SeeR. Stapper,
op.cit.,p. 29.
6 Seeibid.,
p. 30.
7 Seeibid.,
p. 30,n. 3.
8 Seeibid.,
p. 31, n. 1.
9 Seeabove,
n. 129.
10Seeabove,
ForSeptember,
seeStapper,
pp.141-143.
15,asthedateofhiselection,
op.cit.,pp.
Theanonymous
inBergamo
ofa
36-37.
Lijes
(seebelow,
ofthe
Popes
p. 153,n. 3) speaks
preserved
sedisvacation
of28days
after
included
Itmay
have
death.
18,andSeptember,
August,
PopeAdrian's
is,inthereckoning.
11SeeStapper.,
op.cit.,
p.38.
I 2

11:45:59 AM

As faras the historyof philosophyis concerned, the mostimportant

deeds of Pope JohnXXI were his bulls of January18, and April 28,1277
to the Bishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier. In the formerhe commissioned
the bishop to startan inquiryinto the errors which were then being
taught in the Universityof Paris. The latter ordered Tempier to
.
undertakea purificationof the doctrinesof the Parisianmasters1
The end of his Pontificatecame quite suddenly. To insure the
tranquillityindispensablefor his pursuit of scientificstudies which he
never abandoned, he had a privateapartmentbuilt attachedto thePapal
Palace at Viterbo. On May 14, 1277 the roofof thisapartmentcollapsed
on him and fatallyinjured him. He died within less than a week, on
May 20, 12773.

1 Thisisthefamous
bullFlamen
Itscomplete
inArchivm
textisfound
Franciscanum
Historiaquevive.
18(1925),
elaCrise
cum
Moreira
deS,Pedro
deI2j7 daUniversidade
de
p.459,andinArtur
Hispano
daBiblioteca
Paris
do Boletim
de Universidade
de Coimbra,
22 (Coimbra,
, Separata
19^4),pp.
a Portuguese
16-21
(with
translation).
2 Seeabove,
p. 14$,n. g.
3 Seee.g.Ricobaldi
ofFerrara,
Historia
Romanorum
, col.181,capp.72-73(continuation
Pontificum
ofthetextquoted
vitae
above,
gauderet,
p. 127,n.4): Dumhiclongo
spatio
quodsibietaffuturum
nova
sibicirca
Viterbii
camera
jactabat,
dumque
legeret,
(73)eopraesente
quam
palatium
paraverat,
corruit
etsolus
attritus
diequinto
etlapides
etmunitus
inter
sacramentis
ligna
palatium
supervixit
ecclesiasticis
e sculo
etsepultus
estViterbii
Ecclesia
Sancti
Laurentii.
migravit
op.cit.,
Cp.Stapper,
- Mr.H. A.G. Braakhuis
waskind
ofthepassage
togivemehistranscription
pp.107-108
enough
Lives
inBergamo,
Biblioteca
XXI,intheanonymous
, preserved
concerning
Civica,
John
ofthePopes
IV, 34,ff.38v-39r.
Delta
inquarto
written
ina fine
Thepaper
fifteenth
humanmanuscript,
century
isticcursive
consists
of1^3folios.
Onf. i$Tthecolophon
isfound
inrubrica
: Adlaudem
hand,
altissimi
de Oliverio
Cardinali
clericus
proReverendissimo
Jo.Cabbart
Neapolitanij
scripsit
is familiari*.
diocesi
eiusdem
Cardinal
After
thealphabetical
listpreceeding
thework
Ambianeij
iswithout
XXI'slifeisfound
inchapter
(which
proper
title)
36:
John
XXInatione
anteavocatus
ex episcopo
Tusculano
Johannes
patria
Hispanus
Ulixiponensis
petrus
Hiedoctissimus
esthabitus,
creatur.
sedignoratione
rerum
pontifex
gerendarum
plusdetrimenti
honoris
Multa
attulit.
enim
stolide
etleniter
inunotarnen
commendatione
quam
pontificatui
gessit,
litterarum
studiosos
maxime
is ecclesiasticis
et pecunia
benefici
dignus
quodadolescentes
inopes
Inverbis
iuvit.
inrebus
timidus
etineptus.
adprincipes
occidentales
erat,
agendis
promptus
Legatos
misit
utarma
inSaraccnos
ethostes
Christiani
sibihomo
stolidus
nominis
Pollicebatur
pararent.
vitam
etdiusevicturum
omnibus
camera
Sedeccedumhanc
stulticiam
longam
iactat,
praedicabat.
novaquaminpalacio
viterbiensi
corruit
subito
extruxerat,
quedam
lignaet lapides
atqueinter
inventus
dieposttantam
ruinm
sui
omnibus
sacramentis
ecclesie
septima
acceptis
pontificatus
mense
octavo
moritur.
virutdixiadmodum
sedparum
litteratus
Viterbiique
sepelitur
prudens.
Multa
enimscripsit,
cnones
ad medicinam
arte
Nammedendi
presertim
quosdam
pertinentes.
erat.Edidit
etproblemata
Aristotelem
etmulta
alia.
peritissimus
imitatus,
*S3

11:45:59 AM

The dates of Peter's life may be clarifiedin the followingtable (what is

based on deduction,is in italics).
c.
c.
c.
c.

1205 :
1220-29 :
i 23 1 :
i 23:

born at Lisbon, Portugal,as son of one Julianus

studyin the Universityof Paris
stayin theNorthof Spain
France
stayat Toulouseand Montpellier,

stayat Siena, Italy,where he taughtmedicine in at

least 1246-49
from12go onwards: stayin Portugalwith some interruptions
Dean of Lisbon and archdeaconof Vermoim,in the
12SO-J3:
diocese of Braga, Portugal
attendanceof the Cortes of Guimares
i2o:
1
2
Jan., 4:
stayat Lisbon
attendanceof the Cortes of Leiria
March, 1254:
Prior of Santa Maria at Guimares
i 2S7-73 :
12^8 :
attendanceof the Cortes of Guimares
1260 :
stayat the Papal Court at Anagni,Italy
1261 :
stayat Viterbo, Italy
at Lisbon
from 1263 onwards: magisterscholarum
at
1263-64:
stay Orvieto, Italy
1272-76:
court-physicianof GregoryX at Viterbo, Italy
March-April, 1273 : election as Archbishopof Braga
Cardinal-Archbishopof Frascati (Tusculum), Italy
June, 1273:
1273-74:
attendanceof the General Council at Lyons
i 274 :
shortstayin theUniversity
of Paris
elected Pope (JohnXXI)
Sept. i 5, 1276:
at Viterbo.
died
20,
1277:
May
Jan. i 24-o:

Leyden
Instituut
Filosofsch
WitteSingelJI

14

11:45:59 AM

Miscellaneous

Notes

Versus
cuiusdamad librumsuum
the
edited
, Bodl. Digbj 65
from msOxford
summer,duringa visitat Oxford,FatherServusGieben happened
to
read the followingpoem, not yet edited accordingto Walther1,
Last
on folio 8va of the Bodleian ms Digby 65 (s. XIII)2. Since his
deslivresin the
attentionhad been drawnby the edition of the Department
Dr
Gieben
made
a
fascicule
of
vivarium*,
transcriptionand
preceding
sentit togetherwith some additionalnotes to the EditorialBoard.
This poem, consistingof 18 disticha,evidentlybelongs to the widespreadpseudo-Ovidiantradition.It is, however, neitherlistedby Klopsch
in the extensivesurveyof the pseudo-Ovidianpoetryin his editionof the
Vetula*,nor mentionedby Lenz in his edition of, and commentaryon,
the authoruses the toposof the
the anonymousParvepulexs . In the Versus
writerspeakingto his book, just like Horace (Ep. I xx), Ovid (Trist.I i :
Parve. . . liber) and Baudry of Bourgueil (xxxvi)6. The resemblance to
the Ovidian poetrydoes not only consist of this toposand the analogous
incipit.The authorcombinesit with anotherthemealso belongingto the
II xv Ovid uses a ringto come in touch with
Ovidian tradition.In Amores
his beloved, the anonymousof the pseudo-Ovidian Parvepulexa flea. In
our poem it is a book, probably,as Dr Gieben supposes, an Arsamandi.
himBut unlike both 'otherpoems, in which the poet likes to transform
selfinto theverythingthroughwhich the contacthas to be accomplished,
the authorof the Versus
does not thinkof a metamorphosis
, just as Ovid in
Trist.I i . He onlywishes to accompanyand explain his book.
C. H. Kneepkens
1 CjrH. Walther,
Initia
ac Versuum
Medii
Aevi
Carminum
Posterions
Latinorum
, Gttingen
19^9,n
13747.
2 Catalogi
codicum
Bibliothecae
ParsNona
a . . . Kenelm
...
Bodleianae.
, Codices
manuscriptorum
Digby
donatos
Oxford
1883,col.67-71.
complectens,
byG.D. Macray.
3 J.Engels,
V"autobiographie"
dujongleur
dansunDitdums.Paris,
in:vivarium
B. N.J.Jr.#37
VIII(1970),
pp.68-79.
4 P. Klopsch,
und
Pseudo-Ovidius
De Vetula.
undText
Studien
( = Mittellateinische
Untersuchungen
Leiden
undKln1967,
Texte,
Bandii),
p. 292.
s F. W.Lenz,
DePulice
libellus
in:MaiaXIV(1962),pp.299-3?}.
6 Cfr
und
Literatur
lateinisches
E. R. Curtius,
Bern1954,pp.319sqq.
Mittelalter2,
Europische
I SS

11:44:47 AM

VERSUS CUIUSDAM AD LIBRUM SUUM

Parveliber, magnostudiostudiiquelabore
Es factusmagniponderis et precii.
Mors mihi finiserit, tibi me morientemanebit
Gloria; quisqus amat, te legit atque colit.
Parve
liber, talamos intrastisepe superbos

Mecum, sed ne me pluribusipse places.

Parve liber, sine me iam multisgratushaberis;
Auctoriscessit gloria tota tibi.
Virginisin talamisme discedente locaris,
io
Te quoque nuda suum gaudet habere sinum.
Te legit accensa relegitquepuella lucerna,
Accenditque flam[m]aste relegendo suas.
Parve liber, domino ne dicam parve relieto,
Immemores domini nocte dieque tui.
1
Quid sit amor, quid amans,quid amari, quid sit amare,
Dum legit et relegit,docta puella videt.
Dum legit et relegit,die verba precancia saltem,
Et fac ut placeam; quo facienteplaces.
Indigetipsa quidem qui singulaverba notrm
20
Que legit, o utinam,singulaverba notet.
Aut que composui faciatme verba notare;
Non alter melius me subit istud opus.
Parve liber, nostro sudore sophia docetur;
Hoc saltem meritisconfrtipsa meis.
2
Proficitet discit, quamvis sit docta puella,
Et docet hoc nostrumqu[o]d celebraturopus.
Qualis amor vel qualis amans sit prospicitomnis;
Quam fugitivusamor, quam levis omnis amans.
Nudus amor, nudatusamans devestitamorem;
Lubricus omnis amor, mobilis omnis amans.
30
Ludit amor, sed pugnatamans superatusamore;
Vulnere ledit amor, vulnerecadit amans.
Felix ergo liber, non parvusiure vocatus;
Infelixauctor non comitaturopus.
O utinampropriumte posset opus revocare
3
Auctor, vel propriumnon patuissetopus.
'indeed'.
= *truly',
v 6 'ne': nejoined
with
prs.
pron.
'veriv',
v 19 singula
notarum
: underlined
verba
passages.
i 6

11:44:47 AM

Reviews
La Vie Latine de Saint Pachme, traduitedu Grec par Denys le Petit,
dition critique par H. van Cranenburgh. Subsidia hagiographica,
Socit des Bollandistes,Bruxelles, 1969.
Pour s'orienter dans le problme concernantl'origine de la VitaPachomii de Denys le Petit (6e s.), il fallait auparavantavoir recours la
VitaPatrmdu Jsuitebelge HeribertRosweyde (-1*
1629). Edite en 161
chez Moretus Anvers, son uvre fut incorpore dans la Patrologie
Latine de Migne, tomes 73-74. En 1969 parut comme no 46 dans la
srie Subsidiahagiographicades Bollandistesun nouveau texte critiquede
la Vita Pachomii de Denys avec en face le texte de la deuxime Vie
grecque avec laquelle la vie latinea la plus grandeconformit.
L'dition est prcde d'introductions dtailles et munie d'un
apparat critique et de rfrences l'Ecriture Sainte. L'ensemble
donne une informationcomplte sur les opinions aujourd'hui admises
par rapport cette biographie. La comparaison du texte latin avec le
texte grec offreun avantagespcial. Dj une lecture superficielledes
deux versionsconduit la question: est-ceque le textelatinde Denysestun
extraitdu texte grecjuxtapos, ou est-cela traductiond'un ancienmanuscritgrec, utilispar l'auteurde la deuximeVie grecque, conjointement
d'autressources? C'est juste titreque l'introductionappelle l'attention
sur le faitque pour pouvoir se faireune ide des rapportsentreces deux
textes une "minutieuseanalysephilologique" serait ncessaire. Comme
elle se borne plutt aux argumentsextrinsques,cette dition prsente
une invitation ce traitementphilologique. Le traducteurlatin Denys,
Scythe de naissance mais compltement Romain de murs, tait un
moine fortsavantet qui possdait parfaitementle grec et le latin. Luimme dclare s'tre appliqu rendretrs fidlementen latin ce qu'il a
trouv dans le texte grec. Cependant les diffrencesentre les deux
textessont trop grandespour justifierune relationdirecte. En outre, le
texte latin est formulplus correctementque le texte grec. Une comparaisonminutieusede quelques passages montre clairementle rapport
mutuel. Toutefois, le texte latin est intelligible, tandisque la version
grecque au point de vue de la grammaireet du contenu n'en est assurment pas la contre-partie.
L'dition se termine par un index des termes latins proprement
monastiques ou qui expriment dans tel ou tel passage une notion
1S7

11:46:21 AM

caractristiquepour la vie monastique. Sans doute cet index aurait plus

d'importance,si Ton avait ajout les termesgrecs.
p.e. le texte grec donne pour les termes:
benedictio: r eXoyta
cellula: rj xXXa,t xsXXov
habitus: t
ostiarius28,6 ty)v&pocv
tou (Jtovacmqpoi)
yxexetpia(xvo<;
8eX<p
36,6 o k>p>p
TOCI
44,4 6 7Tp
&pOCl
SsX(p6<;.
Pour rsumer: cet ouvragesera une aide prcieuse pour l'tude du
cnobitismeorientalaussi bien que pour la vie monastiquedans le monde
latin.
Dr. H. F. Reijnders

1^8

11:46:21 AM

Books

Received

and Merchants.
The SocialViewsof PeterThe
w. balding, Masters
, Princes
JOHN
I: Text,Volume
andHisCircle.Volume
II: Notes.
Chanter
NewYersey.ListPrice$ 22.50.
Princeton
Press,Princeton,
University
desGewaltenverhltnisses
unddesGewalChristianm
J.klmel,Regimen
, WegundErgebnisse
^
Seiten.
tenverstndnisses
f8.-14.Jh. /661
de Gruyter
DM 98,- Berlin.
& Co., Ganzleinen.
1970,Walter
Historische
KARLanton SPRENGARD,
zurPhilosophie
desXIV
SystematischUntersuchungen
, Bd.I undII.
Jahrhunderts
1967/8
Bonn.DM 48,50.
Bouvier
u. Co Verlag,
vonMichaelSchmaus,
Thomas
von Sutton,Quodlibeta.
unterMitarbeit
Herausgegeben
vonMariaGonzlezHaba.
Akademie
derWissenschaften.
derBayerische
1969,Mnchen,
Verlag
der Wissenschaften,
Serie: Bayerische
Akademie
derKommission
Verffentlichungen
frdieHerausgabe
Texteausdermittelalterlichen
Geisteswelt.
ungedruckter
interPhilosophum
PetrusABAELARDUS,
et Christianm.
Textkritische
, Judaeum
Dialogus
Edition
vonRudolf
Thomas.
Frommann
Cannstatt.
1970, Friedrich
Verlag(GntherHolzboog),Stuttgart-Bad
DM 24,RICHARD
E. weingart,TheLogicofDivineLove.A Critical
Analysis
oftheSoteriologe
of
Peter
Clarendon
Press.2.50pnet.
Abailard.
1970,Oxford,
Thisbookisbothanintroduction
tothedialectical
ofAbailard
anda presentation
theology
ofthemostimportant
ofAbailardian
studies
andresearches.
results
Thetopicscovered
includethecontroversy
on theformation
on atonement,
thetheory
ofthedoctrine
of
thesacraments,
ofrelationship
betweenraison
theproblem
andfaith,Godandman,
is supported
The argument
from
graceandresponsibility.
bya wealthof quotations
Abailard's
of Abailard's
on hiscontemporaries
of
works;Andtheinfluence
thought
different
schoolsis tracedindetail.
many
willi schwarz,Das Problem
beiNikolaus
derSeinsvermittlung
vonCues.Studien
zurProder
und
Antiken
In Verbindung
Mittelalterlichen
mitB.
blemgeschichte
Philosophie.
an der Universitt
Professor
von
HirschLakebrink,
J.
Freiburg/Br.,
Herausgegeben
Professor
anderUniversitt
Frankfurt
/M. BandV.
berger,
Die Philosophie
des Nikolaus
von Cueseignetsichvorzglich
als Studienobjekt
zur
von
der
Parallelitt
Denken
und
Wie
Sein.
einst
Plotin
der
steht
auch
Nachprfung
Cusaner
voreinerZeitenwende,
undwie bei jenembrichtauchbei ihmdas,wasan
Denkenim Platonischen
Erbe impliziert
ist, in der
transzendentalphilosophisches
Reflexion
desSubjekts
aufsichselbstauf: in derzunehmenden
asserenUnsicherheit
derZeitenlufe,
bei derSicherheit,
in ihm
suchtderGeistZuflucht
bei derWahrheit
selbst.
Besonders
deutlichwirdbei Cusanusder erkenntnistheoretische
seiner
Hintergrund
- diesefaszinierende
desErkennens
alsOntologie
Konstellation
Metaphysik.
Metaphysik
frAristoteles
an derKorrelation
reizt,derSacheweiternachzu gehen.Wenngleich
1S3

11:46:28 AM

einerTranzendentalontovonDenkenundSeinfestgehalten
ist,so istderGrundgedanke
leiste
damit
weder
Denken
das
nochistausgemacht,
Seinsvermittlung
widerlegt,
logie,
Idealismus
derPlatonische
aufdiesemGrundgedanken
beruht.
inwieweit
Dennwoher
Geistdie Rechtfertigung,
sichselbstzumModelldesobjektienimmtder subjektieve
wennnichtdaher,dasserandiesem'teilhat',d.h.alsErstvenGeisteszu bestimmen,
erstes
als
Abbilddesseinsgrndenden
sich'beteiligt'
der
weiss
Prinzips
ling Schpfung,
creationis?
ammodus
Das Pariser
Nominalistenstatut
. ZurEntstehung
desRealittsbegriffs
der
RUPRECHT
PAQU,
Buridan
vonAutrecourt
neuzeitlichen
, undPetrus
, Nicolaus
(Occam,
Hispanus
Naturwissenschaft
vonRimini).
undGregor
derPhilosophie.
zurGeschichte
vonPaul
Serie:QuellenundStudien
Herausgegeben
XIV.
Band
Wilpert.
& Co., Berlin.DM 64,- .
1970,Walterde Gruyter
derPariserUniversitt
eine
ber
imHinblick
'Sprachregelung'
wichtige
Monographie
undPolitikentscheidenden
Wissenschaft
aufdenfrdie neuzeitliche
geistesgeschicht- Grundlegung
desaufdieTrennung
des14.Jahrhunderts.
vonSprache
lichenUmbruch
vonSubjektundObjektaufbauenden
vonInnen-undAussenwelt,
undWirklichheit,
dersptmittelalterlichen
inder'Sprachlogik'
neuzeitlichen
SuppositionsRealittsbegriffs
abschlieszenden
NominalislehreundindemdenUniversalienstreit
konzeptualistischen
vonOccamunddesfranzsischen
undLogikers
Wilhelm
musdesenglischen
Theologen
dergriechisch
Buridan.
Aristoteles-Kommentators
(-arabischen)
Johannes
Untersuchung
Vorstellen
undWahrnehmen
desneuen,aufbildhaftem
Herkunft
undchristlichen
grnundGalileiverfolgbaren
der
Einflusz
dasdurchdenbiszu Kopernikus
denden
Denkens,
Universitten
aufdie neugegrndeten
insbesondere
Schriften
Buridans,
Prag,Wien,
verbreitet
wird.
berganzEuropa
undHeidelberg
Krakau
langsam
unddenOccamismus
doch
Occam
und
ist(entgegen
Das Statut
Boehner)
gegen
Moody
bei OccamundBuridan.
Erklder'suppositio
Zentrale
personalis'
Stellung
gerichtet.
desStatuts
OccamsundVerfasser
durch
alsAnhnger
Doppelstellung
rungvonBuridans
die
ber
und
Occam
Formulierungen,auch
diplomatisch-doppeldeutige
Hinausgehen
desStatuts
durchBuridan.
der
Kritik
Nachweis
fremde
Nichtunterzeichnung
auffangen.
von
Absatz.Wiederlegung
Zitatsim sechsten
des bisherungeklrtes
Sinnerklrung
der
von
Rimini.
des 'complexe
H. EliesHeranziehung
Klrung
Gregors
significabile'
'in
statu
Descarts*
beiden
Realittsbereiche
der
Autrecourts.
Entstehung
Stellung
undihreVerdes Bewusztseins'
'auszerhalb
bei Occam.Die 'ressingularis'
nascendi'
und
Naturwissenschaft
der
als
vorstellenden
im
Subjekt Grundlage spteren
ankerung
des neuzeitlichen
Realittsbegriffes.
- Diss.phil.1968beiProf.Dr. A. Zimmermann
f), Kln.
(Prof.Dr. P. Wilpert

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