Abstract
Geological and archeological research indicates that humans "rst colonized the Americas with the use of watercraft along the
southern coast of the Bering Land Bridge and the western coast of the Americas. Early dates from a number of archeological sites in
the Americas indicate human colonization of the Americas began prior to ca. 13,000 BP. A review of archeological sites in eastern
Beringia identi"es several distinctive cultural traditions which had developed by 11,000}10,000 BP. Geological, biological, linguistic
evidence, and dated human skeletal remains all suggest human occupation of the Americas prior to ca. 11,500 BP. Glacial geology
indicates colonization could have begun ca. 14,000}13,000 BP along the western coasts of the Americas and ended about 5000 BP
with deglaciation of the Canadian eastern Arctic and coastal Greenland. The use of watercraft and coastal navigation prior to
11,000 BP are inferentially demonstrated. A model for early coastal and subsequent inland colonization of the Americas along large
ecological zones best "ts current geologic and archeological data. 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Origins
Humans evolved in the Old World, beginning in Africa
and subsequently colonizing Eurasia, Australia, and the
Americas. Many archeologists believe that the "rst humans to enter the Americas came from northeast Asia via
the Bering Land Bridge sometime ca. 12,000 years ago
about the end of the Wisconsin glaciation, the last glacial
stage of the Pleistocene Epoch in North America. However, this is not the only possible time for humans to have
reached the New World. Some archeologists (Simpson
et al., 1986; Irving et al., 1986; Carter, 1952, 1957 and
others) believe humans may have come to the Americas
200,000}150,000 years ago during earlier glacial stages
when the Bering Land Bridge formed as a result of lower
sea levels (Hopkins, 1973). However, other researchers
are of the opinion that humans "rst arrived in the Americas within the ca. 50,000 years ago during the Happy
Interval (Hopkins, 1979, 1982), and more likely within
the last 14,000 years (Hrdlic\ ka, 1928; Haynes, 1969; Grif"n, 1979). Reliably dated human skeletal remains have
not been found in the Americas which are older than
12,000 BP. This supports other evidence suggesting that
humans "rst arrived in the Americas toward the end of
the Wisconsin glaciation. Research dating late Pleistocene deglaciation indicates that terrestrial connections
between eastern Beringia and areas south of the North
American continental glaciers were not reestablished until about 11,000 BP (Jackson et al., 1997). This precludes
a mid-continental route for human entry until ca.
11,000 BP.
0277-3791/01/$ - see front matter 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
PII: S 0 2 7 7 - 3 7 9 1 ( 0 0 ) 0 0 1 1 6 - 5
278
4. Human remains
Unlike the Old World, the New World lacks human
remains anatomically similar to very early human forms
such as Homo erectus, Homo sapiens neanderthalensis, or
even Archaic Homo sapiens. Human remains found in the
New World appear to be completely modern humans,
Homo sapiens. The only possible evidence to the contrary
is the inconclusive identi"cation of a human supraorbital
ridge from the Chapala Basin, Mexico, which has been
compared to the supraorbital ridge from Old World
examples of Homo erectus. However, Solorzano (1990;
Haley and Solorzano, 1991) cautions that this identi"cation has been made on a small fragment of bone. Other
researchers suggest that this bone may not be human, but
rather derived from the fragmentary remains of another
element from a di!erent species. Another report of pre
Homo sapiens from the New World is a curious article
and illustration of an archaic human calvarium (skull
cap) by Bryan (1978, pp. 318}321) which, since his description, has disappeared.
The three oldest sets of reliably dated human remains
from north America are from Fishbone Cave, in western
Nevada; Arlington Springs on Santa Rosa Island,
California; and the Anzick site, Montana. Radiocarbon
dates of 11,555$500 BP (no lab C cited) and 10,900$
300 BP (L-245) BP were reported from Fishbone Cave by
Orr (1956, p. 3) for level 4. This level contains the partial
remains of a human skeleton consisting of the burned
remains of a left foot, a clavicle, and a "bula.
Two human femora, a humerus and an unidenti"ed
bone were found about 37.5 ft (11 m) below the surface
on Santa Rosa Island (Orr, 1962, p. 418). Based on the
size of the femora, Orr suggested they were the remains of
an adult male. These remains have become known as
Arlington Man. Chemical analysis demonstrated that the
bone was fossilized suggesting considerable antiquity
279
(Oakley, 1963). Charcoal from the stratigraphic unit containing the human remains was C dated to
10,400$200 BP (L-568A) and 10,000$200 (L-650)
(Orr, 1962, p. 419). Although the human bone originally
submitted was considered unsuitable for C analysis
(Morris, cited in Erlandson, 1994, p. 186), Berger and
Protsh (1989, p. 59) were able to obtain a C determination of 10,080$810 BP from a long bone of Arlington
Man. Controversy over the age of the human remains has
focused on the large standard deviation associated with
this date and the fact that there was only one C determination. To address the controversy, additional AMS
C determinations were run by Johnson and Sta!ord
(1997, pers. comm.) resulting in an AMS C date of
10,970$80 (CAMS-16810) on collagen from the human
bone and another AMS C determination of
11,490$70 on Peromyscus sp. bone collagen directly
associated with the human remains. Arlington Man also
provides the earliest evidence for the use of watercraft in
North America because Santa Rosa Island was not connected to mainland North America during the last ice age
(Erlandson, 1994, p. 183).
The Anzick rock shelter located in Montana was accidentally discovered in 1968 (Jones and Bonnichsen,
1994). The site and context of the artifacts and human
remains were largely destroyed by construction activities
before they were examined by trained scientists. The
burial(s) contained two individuals and an assemblage of
more than 100 stone and bone artifacts. Both individuals
are described as `subadultsa (Wilke et al., 1991). Two
very small pieces of human crania, one from each individual, were directly dated by the AMS method. One was
bleached white and the other stained with hematite
(ochre). The bleached crania dated 8600$90 BP and the
ochre-stained bone dated 10,680$50 BP (Sta!ord, 1990,
p. 121; 1994, p. 49}51). More recently a second C AMS
date of 11,550$60 (CAMS-35912) has been obtained on
gelatin from the ochre-stained crania (Sta!ord, pers.
comm., 1997). It is di$cult to explain the di!erence in
these two dates, and resolution of this problem will
require additional dating.
Direct AMS dating of human bone provides unequivocal proof and limiting dates for humans in the Americas.
The oldest human remains from Anzick, Fishbone Cave,
and Arlington Springs appear to be between ca.
11,500}11,000 BP. This indicates that by this time human
population density had achieved a level su$cient to
assure the survival and discovery of fossil remains over
a broad geographic areas and from di!erent depositional
environments. Prior to ca. 11,000}11,500 BP the North
American human population may have been extremely
small or geographically restricted. Toth (1991, p. 55) has
suggested that if we assume a model for the colonization
of the Americas as ever increasing population over time,
the odds of documenting the very earliest evidence of
human occupation are very slim.
280
Na-Dene populations were founded by two separate migrations. However, research by Horai et al. (1996) draws
the conclusion that the four haplogroups are evidence of
four respective ancestral populations that migrated to the
Americas gradually in di!erent `wavesa. On the other
hand, Merriwether et al. (1995) reason that because all
four founding lineages are found in all Native American
populations, the concept of a single migration with all
four lineages being derived from the original founding
population is probable. Other researchers (Bailliet et al.,
1994; Lorenz and Smith, 1996) report evidence suggesting there may have been at least one more halplogroup
in Native American populations prior to contact with
Europeans. Although the conclusions drawn from this
research are controversial, mtDNA research raises serious challenges to the `three wavea migration model
based on the analysis of contemporary languages and
prehistoric dental traits.
Archeologists have long recognized the di$culty in
identifying genetic, ethnic, and linguistic `signaturesa in
the archeological record. Although much work remains
to be done, it is clear that to establish migration of
people, it is necessary to document a culture in one
region and subsequently document it in another. To do
this, it is necessary to identify material traits that can be
reliably attributed to a speci"c culture. The early archeology of eastern Beringia and North America is so poorly
understood, that this is impossible to do except at gross
levels of comparison.
6. Colonization processes
There is no need to think of human migration as
a speci"c event. Humans may have populated the Americas in small numbers, or migratory `dribblesa, over long
periods of time (Meltzer, 1989). Some migrations may
have been successful, and others may not have been.
Some of these small groups of early migrants could have
been genetically swamped by later groups, exterminated
by warfare or by the introduction of disease, too small to
be viable, or unable to adapt to new environments.
If the earliest immigrants were few in number, had
technology derived from perishable organic material, and
survived for only a short time, the evidence of their
passing would be extremely di$cult to detect in the
archeological record. This would be even more di$cult if
these early peoples lacked what archeologists consider to
be diagnostic artifact types, such as #uted stone projectile
points. There would be no genetic or linguistic evidence
in extant populations if the colonists did not survive, and
there may not exist a continuous archeological record
extending from the Pleistocene to later well-documented
North American archeological sites. It is possible that
there were sporadic colonization events that are not
connected to subsequent development of New World
281
282
Fig. 2. The hypothetical `Bow Wavea model for the human colonization of the Americas from North to South (modi"ed from Mosimann and Martin,
1975, and reproduced from Dixon 1999, p. 36 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).
reasonable to assume that di!erent environmental regions of the Americas were colonized at di!erent times.
For example, coastal zones may have been inhabited
long before the interior plains or deserts.
283
I at the Dry Creek site, the Walker Road site and the
Moose Creek site. Another Nenana complex site in
the Teklanika River valley has been dated to 11,340$
150 BP and contains the same types of artifacts (Phippen,
1988).
Radiocarbon dates from Components I at the Walker
Road and Dry Creek sites range between ca. 11,800
and 11,000 BP, averaging ca. 11,300 BP (Powers and
Ho!ecker, 1990, p. 278). Nenana complex sites are found
near the bottom of thick sections of windblown sediments that began to accumulate during the early Birch
interval (ca. 14,000 BP).
The earliest "rmly dated archeological remains ascribed to the Nenana complex come from sites located in
Alaska's Tanana River Valley: the Broken Mammoth,
Mead, and Swan Point sites. Extensive excavations have
not been conducted at the Mead site. The oldest paleosol
identi"ed at the site is dated to ca. 11,600 BP, from which
a cylindrical ivory object, a scraper, a few biface fragments and waste #akes, and possibly a small projectile
point fragment were recovered.
The Broken Mammoth site has yielded more information. This site is important because it is well strati"ed,
contains four major periods of cultural occupation, and
exhibits concurrent C determinations. It is possibly
Fig. 3. Map depicting the location of important archeological sites and site components ascribed to the Nenana complex (modi"ed from Dixon, 1993
and reproduced with permission of University of New Mexico Press).
284
285
286
287
288
Fig. 5. Map depicting the location of important archeological sites and site components ascribed to the Northern Paleoindian tradition (reproduced
from Dixon, 1999 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).
were derived from this migration, or (2) that both complexes are technologically derived from an earlier migration which hypothetically took place before the `closing
of the Ice-Free Corridora ca. 22,000}25,000 BP (Goebel
et al., 1991).
It is also possible that the Nenana and Clovis complexes are inland adaptations derived from an earlier
migration along the western coast of the Americas near
the end of the Pleistocene ca. 13,500 BP (Dixon, 1993).
This hypothesis is strengthened by evidence indicating
that Clovis peoples may have used the coast. Several
Clovis or Clovis-like sites have been reported near or
adjacent to the west coast of North America. The Richie
Roberts Clovis cache near Wenatchee, Washington is less
than 150 km from the ocean. Clovis points have been
reported from a coastal site in Mendocino County, California (Simons et al., 1985) and on the coast near Santa
Barbara (Erlandson et al., 1987; Erlandson and Moss,
1996). Because sea level was lower at the time these sites
were occupied their distance from the coast would have
been somewhat greater than it is today.
289
290
area between more Eurasian oriented microblade traditions and non-microblade bifacial traditions of North
America. The boundaries between these technological
traditions shifted repeatedly over time and consequently
some archeological sites provide a sequence of nonmicroblade/microblade technologies when viewed at
a single geographic locale.
291
292
Fig. 7. Map depicting the hypothetical coastal migration hypothesis (reproduced from Dixon, 1999 with permission of University of New Mexico
Press).
293
Fig. 8. Schematic illustration of how New World colonization may have occurred along major environmental zones at arbitrary 500 year intervals.
Extreme northeast North America and Greenland were not su$ciently deglaciated to permit colonization until ca. 5000 BP (reproduced from Dixon,
1999 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).
best suited for colonizing populations. For example, intertidal resources, such as shell"sh, may be harvested by
children and the elderly and simply eaten raw. On the
other hand, hunters specializing in large terrestrial mammal hunting are more dependent on a few strong adults
to bring down large mammals. Large mammal hunting
also requires greater territorial movement and presents
greater di$culty for human groups which realistically
include the elderly, the very young, pregnant women, and
the in"rm. Current data from the some of earliest sites in
the Americas including the Aubery (Ferring, 1989, 1990,
1995), Horn Shelter in Texas (Forrester, 1985; Redder,
1985; Young, 1985; Young et al., 1987), a Clovis age
rockshelter near the California}Oregon border (Beaton,
1991b), Lewisville (Stanford, pers. comm.), and numerous
other sites, indicate subsistence traditions based on
foraging rather than specialized large mammal hunting.
Local abundance of marine and intertidal resources and
predictable runs of anadromous "sh concentrated human populations in speci"c locales such as sheltered
bays, inlets, estuaries, and salmon spawning streams.
Temperate coastal technological adaptations rely
heavily on readily available materials such as drift wood,
marine mammal products, beach cobbles, and shell,
which in many cases may have been already partially
modi"ed by noncultural processes. In such an environment, reliance on sophisticated lithic technologies was
probably not as important as in other environments. For
example, preshaped and prepolished sling and bola
stones, the only lithic material required for two e!ective,
deadly weapons, can be easily and e$ciently collected
from noncultural beach deposits. Monte Verde provides
a rare glimpse into this type of technological adaptation.
At Monte Verde people produced and used few bifacially
#aked stone tools and relied heavily on simple #akes and
organic materials.
294
Fig. 9. Line drawing comparing the (a) detachable Clovis end blade,
dart head, and foreshaft atlatl dart assembly (Stanford, 1996) and the (b)
detachable marine mammal hunting end blade, harpoon head and
foreshaft assembly used in marine mammal hunting (reproduced from
Dixon, 1999 with the permission of University of New Mexico Press).
18. Technology
The lithic technology found at Monte Verde is characterized by the selection and use of naturally occurring
stone and minimal modi"cation of stones and other
useful items found in the natural environment. This
type of technological system probably originates from a
generalized coastal economy which might have only
occasional and comparatively rare need for bifacial projectile points to serve as harpoon end blades or possibly
knives.
An intriguing connection between coastal migrations
and mammoth hunting may lay in understanding the
Clovis weapon system. It is characterized by the atlatl, or
spear thrower, used to propel a short light weight spear,
or dart. The dart is tipped with bifacially #aked stone
Clovis projectile point believed to be mounted in a splitshaft harpoon-like haft, that is attached to a bone
foreshaft (Stanford, 1996). The end blade, harpoon, and
19. Conclusions
The initial colonization of the Americas used watercraft and occurred about 13,500 BP. This hypothesis is
supported by the following:
(1) The earliest deglaciated route was coastal. The deglaciated west coast of North America was "rst
available for colonization by ca. 13,500. The interior
route was blocked by the continental glaciers until
about 11,000 when a deglaciation corridor developed between Beringia and the southern areas of
North America ca. 11,000 BP.
(2) Monte Verde, and other sites, predate the opening of
the mid-continental route indicating peoples were
south of the continental glaciers prior to deglaciation
ca. 11,000 BP.
(3) Reliably dated human remains "rst appear in North
American between 11,000 and 11,500 BP, providing
limiting minimum dates for human occupation and
suggesting human colonization occurred earlier.
(4) By about 11,000}12,000 BP regional cultural adaptation was well under way in North America,
suggesting an earlier migration.
(5) The Paleoindian tradition spread from south to
north ca. 10,500 BP, indicating that people were
south of the continental ice prior to deglaciation, ca.
11,000 BP.
(6) Paleoindian subsistence data indicate an economic
system rooted in general foraging, not specialized big
game hunting.
(7) The New World's "rst weapon system, the foreshaft/harpoon/end-blade atlatl dart assembly, may
trace its origins to coastal marine mammal hunting,
rather than large terrestrial mammal hunting.
(8) Evidence from other regions of the world demonstrate that humans had watercraft and the ability to
navigate near-shore ocean waters prior to 14,000 BP.
(9) Technological and physical anthropological evidence suggests at least two major colonizing events,
295
296
Acknowledgements
The Denver Museum of Natural History supported
the preparation of this manuscript and the University of
New Mexico Press gave permission to use the "gures.
Special thanks to David M. Hopkins who was a catalyst
for this paper and a mentor to so many of us who were
able to participate in the 1997 Beringian Symposium.
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