Flore Gubert1
Introduction
Over the last 15 years or so, the relations between migration and development, and the influence they have on each other, have captured the
attention of an increasing number of researchers and policy makers. In a
context of globalization and growing mobility, the former have devoted
much work to assessing the developmental impact of migration for the
countries of origin. Part of their motivation has come from the spectacular
increase in remittance flows to developing countries, which are estimated
to have totaled $401 billion in 2012.2 Overall, their conclusions suggest that
the impact of international migration strongly varies from one country to
another, depending on a number of factors among which are the number
of migrants, their characteristics, the type of migration, the conditions of
stay in host countries as well as the quality of institutions in sending countries. However, it is generally acknowledged that remittances, at least in
the short term, improve the living standards of thousands of households,
particularly in Africa, and that they are often better at combating transitory poverty than the external financial flows associated with development
assistance because they are more precisely targeted. Migrants collective
contributions through hometown associations have also been recognized
as significantly improving the provision of public goods in the localities of
origin. Last but not least, other less tangible contributions have been put
forward, such as the transfer of know-how and competencies, or the diffusion of ideas, values and behaviors towards migrant-sending countries.
Among European policy makers, the idea that migration is a force that
can contribute to development has also gained ground. At the EU level,
this is attested by the many communications that have been issued in this
area for the last ten years or so, and the motivation displayed by policy
makers for engaging in the migration and development area.3 However,
there is a huge gap between EU discourse and EU concrete action towards
the goal of making migration work for development. Indeed, if migration
were considered as having positive effects on development, and if development were a priority for the EU, one obvious policy option would be to
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80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
1997
1996
1995
1994
1993
2004
2003
2002
2001
2000
1999
Number of returns, ARV
2005
1998
1992
1991
2005
2003
2001
1999
1997
1995
1993
1991
1989
1987
1985
1983
1981
1979
90
1800
100
110
2000
2007
126
2009
%
560.4 94.1
480.6 80.7
79.8 13.4
35.1
5.9
595.4 100.0
2010
%
561.4 94.9
488.6 82.6
72.8 12.3
29.9
5.1
591.3 100.0
2011
2013
%
631.9
95.8 670.9
97.3
560.3
84.9 604.7
87.7
71.6
10.9
66.2
9.6
28.0
4.2
18.5
2.7
659.9 100.0 689.4 100.0
2012
Source:Rpublique Franaise, Projet de loi de finance, Exercices 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013 (http://www.performance-publique.budget.
gouv.fr/ressources-documentaires/lois-projets-de-lois-et-documents-annexes-par-annee/, accessed on January 21, 2014).
Note:Between 2008 and 2010, the budgets allocated to Immigration, asylum and integration and to Co-development formed the total budget
of the Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Solidarity Development. In 2011 and 2012, they became part of the budget of
the Ministry of Interior. In 2013, the budget allocated to Immigration, asylum and integration remained in the hands of the Ministry of Interior,
but the Co-development budget was merged with that allocated to Solidarity with developing countries and became part of the budget of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
2008
Table 5.1Respective budgets allocated to Co-development and Immigration, asylum and integration programs in the
French budget, 20082013 (in million euros)
127
2086.8
24.3
3152.6
1.0
100.0
1041.5
67.4
31.6
66.2
33.0
0.8
100.0
2009
34.8
3341.5
2119.9
1186.8
63.4
35.5
1.0
100.0
2010
30
3334.1
2134.0
1170.1
64.0
35.1
0.9
100.0
2011
28
3333.2
2113.3
1191.9
63.4
35.8
0.8
100.0
2012
18.5
3125.6
1945.2
1161.9
62.2
37.2
0.6
100.0
2013
Source:Rpublique Franaise, Rapports annuels de performances, Annexe au projet de loi de rglement des comptes et rapport de gestion, Aide
publique au dveloppement (years 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013).
2008
The report ends with some suggestions for improvements that include
ensuring more up-to-date and accurate information and providing users
with more information on financial news and services linked to remittances. Related to this, a randomized experiment was recently designed
to measure the impact of providing financial literacy training to migrants
in New Zealand and Australia, two countries that launched a remittance
cost comparison website for sending money to the Pacific Islands, and,
in the case of New Zealand, where regulatory reform led to the introduction of new remitting methods (Gibson et al., 2014). Among other things,
the training taught migrants the different elements that make up the cost
of sending remittances and how to compare costs across methods. As
suggested by the results, the training appears to increase financial knowledge and information-seeking behavior, and reduce the risk of switching
to more expensive remittance products. But no impact is found on the
frequency or the level of remittances. Some one-off measures have also
attempted to remove the obstacles that deter migrants from opening
As additional evidence, the level of control that migrants have over remittance use as a factor influencing remittance behavior has been recently
confirmed by three recent academic papers (Batista and Narciso, 2013;
Batista et al., 2013; Ashraf et al., 2013). They all provide evidence that the
greater the control over remittance use, the higher the remittances. This
suggests that enhancing the control exerted by migrants on remittance use
could also be a way to stimulate remittances.
II.2 Stimulating Investment of Remittances28
Most European migrant-receiving countries have attempted to facilitate
the establishment of businesses by entrepreneurial migrants in their countries of origin. One of the first NGOs to embark on this issue is the Dutch
NGO IntEnt (which stands for INTernational ENTrepreneurship). It was
created in 1996 in response to a growing number of successful migrant
entrepreneurs operating in the Netherlands and wishing to start a business
in their country of origin, but who faced difficult access to information,
financial facilities and specialized services (De Haas, 2006). Initially exclusively funded by the Dutch government, the program has benefited from
additional sources of funding from HIVOS, a Dutch co-financing agency
and the European Union. Up to 2000, business development services were
provided to individuals originating from countries from which sizable
populations in the Netherlands emigrated (Morocco, Suriname, Ghana
and Turkey). Since then, IntEnt has expanded its activities with services
to migrants from Cape Verde, Sierra Leone, Afghanistan, the Netherlands
Antilles (Curaao) and Ethiopia. By 2009, more than 1500 potential
entrepreneurs had requested information from IntEnt, and 350 companies had started up (IntEnt, 2009, cited by Kleush and Schuster, 2012).
The program, which is tailored to the specific needs of migrant entrepre-
III.CONCLUSION
The issue of migration and development has raised considerable interest in
Europe in recent years, and has been the focus of many discussions both
at the national and supranational levels. In-depth analyses of the content
of those discussions and the concomitant so-called co-development policies put into place reveal several ambiguities as to the objectives pursued.
The most salient ambiguity has been in the key motivation of European
member states to engage in the migration and development area. In most
cases, development objectives have been clearly subordinated to domestic
migration management objectives, raising suspicion among development
practitioners and migrant communities, and resulting in their weak adherence to the proclaimed new approach. The increasing recognition of the
importance of migrants transnational practices, however, has called for
NOTES
1. I warmly thank Jean-Pierre Garson and Gilles Spielvogel for their comments on a previous draft. The views expressed in this chapter are entirely my own.
2. Retrieved from http://go.worldbank.org/RR8SDPEHO0 (accessed on February 11,
2014).
3. In its 2005 Communication to the Council and the Parliament, for example, the EC
stated that countries and international organisations increasingly perceive migration as a
phenomenon whose positive impacts in development terms can be substantial, provided that
appropriate policies are in place (European Commission, 2005, p.2). More recently, in
its contribution for the 2013 UN High-level Dialogue on International Migration and
Development, the EC reiterated its position by stating that Migration is increasingly
coming into sharp focus on the global agenda and is recognised as a powerful vehicle for
boosting development in both countries of origin and destination (European Commission,
2013, p.2).
4. The marked enthusiasm of policy makers for such measures is partly due to the fact
that they are much less politically controversial than any attempt to ease restrictions on
immigration.
5. For an in-depth discussion on the various interpretations of the concept of co-
development, readers should refer to Mhl (2010), especially to the introduction by
Enric Royo.
6. The OECD 2008 International Migration Outlook contains a full chapter on return
migration that analyzes the scope and different types of return migration, and provides
an overview of AVR programs in OECD countries.
7. http://www.iom.int/germany/en/projects_avr.htm (accessed on January 14, 2014).
8. This expression is borrowed from a paper by Ferruccio Pastore (2003).
9. An inventory of the agreements linked to readmission is provided by the Return
Migration and Development Platform (RDP) of the European University Institute (see
http://rsc.eui.eu/RDP/research/analyses/ra/). As clearly shown by the RDP data set, the
majority of bilateral readmission agreements that entered into force in the 1990s were
signed with Central and Eastern European countries (Coleman, 2009). The objective of
European members states was to avoid the expected increase in unauthorized entry and
residence resulting from the lifting of visa requirements for nationals of a number of
Central and Eastern European countries.
10. Extending trade liberalization and increasing foreign direct investment were also perceived at that time as means to promote economic growth and, hence, to contribute,
over the long term, to greater control over migration flows. For a detailed discussion,
see OECD (2000).
11. At the EU level, this policy orientation translated into the establishment in 1998 of the
High Level Working Group (HLWG) on Asylum and Migration. Its objective was to
define a migration prevention strategy through Action Plans promoting cooperation
between sending countries regarding foreign policy, development and trade.
12. Several municipalities, including Montreuil, Evry and Saint-Denis, and regions (Ile
de France, Nord-Pas de Calais) had strong links with some migrant associations composed mostly of Malian migrants originating from the Kayes area, in the Western part
of Mali, long before co-development entered the national policy debate.
13. The paternity of the concept of co-development actually belongs to Michel Rocard
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