29 RT Kritikal Japan Affasdfasdf

RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel
Dartmouth 2010
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Inherency...................................................................................................................................................................................................26
Sexual Abuse Extensions...........................................................................................................................................................................27
Sexual Abuse Extensions (Stereotypes).....................................................................................................................................................28
Sexual Abuse Extensions (Stereotypes).....................................................................................................................................................29
Patriarchy Extensions................................................................................................................................................................................30
Patriarchy Extensions................................................................................................................................................................................31
Patriarchy --> NW Inevitable....................................................................................................................................................................32
Military --> Patriarchy...............................................................................................................................................................................34
Military --> Patriarchy...............................................................................................................................................................................35
Military --> Patriarchy (Structural Violence)............................................................................................................................................36
Masculine Militarism Impacts...................................................................................................................................................................37
Gender Hierarchies --> War.......................................................................................................................................................................38
Military --> Gender/Racial/Social Constructs...........................................................................................................................................39
Military --> Sexualization/Racialization...................................................................................................................................................40
Military --> Systemic Violence.................................................................................................................................................................41
Prostitution Extensions..............................................................................................................................................................................42
Prostitution/Rape Extensions.....................................................................................................................................................................43
Prostitution/Rape Extensions.....................................................................................................................................................................44
Bases --> Patriarchy Spillover...................................................................................................................................................................45
American Village --> Colonialization.......................................................................................................................................................46
Dehumanization Impact (Berube)..............................................................................................................................................................47
Solvency Extension...................................................................................................................................................................................48
Solvency Extension/ AT: DA Impacts (K).................................................................................................................................................49
Solvency Extensions Feminist Perspective key......................................................................................................................................50
Solvency Extensions Feminism Key (AT: CP).......................................................................................................................................51
Solvency Extensions Violence................................................................................................................................................................52
Solvency Extensions Gendered Militarism............................................................................................................................................53
Solvency Extensions Patriarchy.............................................................................................................................................................55
Solvency Extensions Patriarchy.............................................................................................................................................................57
2AC Intersectionality Add-on....................................................................................................................................................................59
2AC Environment Add-on.........................................................................................................................................................................60
Environment Impact Extensions (Coral Reefs).........................................................................................................................................65
EcoFem Extensions...................................................................................................................................................................................71
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EcoFem Extensions...................................................................................................................................................................................72
Environment Extensions (Patriarchy IL)...................................................................................................................................................73
Environment Inherency Extensions (Navy)...............................................................................................................................................74
Environment Inherency Extensions (Navy)...............................................................................................................................................75
Environment Inherency Extensions (Uranium).........................................................................................................................................77
Environment Inherency Extensions (Pollution).........................................................................................................................................78
Environment Inherency Extensions...........................................................................................................................................................79
Environment Internal Link Extensions......................................................................................................................................................85
Environment Solvency Extensions............................................................................................................................................................88
2AC Disease Add-on.................................................................................................................................................................................90
2AC Democracy Add-on...........................................................................................................................................................................91
AT: Alt Causality........................................................................................................................................................................................92
AT: Politics DA No Link (Bipartisan Likes Plan)...............................................................................................................................93
AT: Politics DA No Link (Congress Wont Like Plan)...........................................................................................................................94
AT: Politics DA No Link (Democrats Like Plan)...................................................................................................................................95
AT: Politics DA No Link (Democrats Hate Plan)...................................................................................................................................96
AT: Politics DA No Link (No Effect on Washington)............................................................................................................................97
AT: Politics DA No Link (Republicans Hate Plan)................................................................................................................................98
AT: Japan Politics DA................................................................................................................................................................................99
AT: Okinawa Econ DA............................................................................................................................................................................100
AT: Japan Vulnerable DAs/Case..............................................................................................................................................................101
AT: Econ DA (K).....................................................................................................................................................................................102
AT: DA Impacts (Discourse Prior)...........................................................................................................................................................103
AT: DA Impacts (Gender Violence Prior)................................................................................................................................................104
AT: DA Impacts (K).................................................................................................................................................................................105
AT: Deterrence DA..................................................................................................................................................................................106
AT: Japan Rearm DA No IL (Japan Nuclearization)............................................................................................................................107
AT: Ks State Action Key.......................................................................................................................................................................108
AT: CPs....................................................................................................................................................................................................109
AT: CPs....................................................................................................................................................................................................110
AT: CPs (Solvency - Patriarchy)..............................................................................................................................................................112
AT: Consult Japan CP Says No.............................................................................................................................................................113
NEGATIVE CARDS...............................................................................................................................................................................114
CP Solvency.............................................................................................................................................................................................115
Consult Japan CP.....................................................................................................................................................................................116
Okinawa Key to Stability.........................................................................................................................................................................117
Okinawa Key to US Hegemony...............................................................................................................................................................118
Okinawa Key to Stop China....................................................................................................................................................................119
DA Link - Japan Rearm Bad....................................................................................................................................................................120
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Contention 1 Sexual Abuse
The military presence in East Asia requires masculinity and this spills over - they train and utilize sexism
and hyper-masculine culture to justify the sexual abuse of women
Gwyn Kirk and Carolyn Bowen Francis, Kirk - Ph.D. is visiting faculty in Womens and Gender Studies at University of Oregon
(2009-10) and a founder member of Women for Genuine Security, Francis- one of the founding members of Okinawan Women Act
Against Military Violence, Redefining Security: Women Challenge U.S. Military Policy and Practice in East Asia Berkeley Women's
Law
Journal
15
Berkeley
Women's
L.J.
(2000)
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?
handle=hein.journals/berkwolj15&div=11&g_sent=1&collection=journals#247 EmiW
Many of the problems created by U.S. military presence in East Asia stem from the sexist attitudes and
hyper-masculine culture that pervade the military . Different branches of the U.S. Armed Forces have developed
this hyper-masculine culture to varying degrees, with the Air Force at the lower end of the spectrum and the Marines at the
higher end." This phenomenon has had far reaching effects in places such as Okinawa , where Marines
account for sixty percent of the U.S. troops. Young boys in the United States, as in many parts of the world, develop their
masculine identity during early childhood through a combination of adventure stories, comics, cartoons, competitive team
sports, war toys, computer games, news reporting, ads, television shows, and films. This routine gender socialization
is taken further in basic military training where new recruits are pushed to the limits of their strength
and stamina and are trained to follow orders without question, no matter how nonsensical or
humiliating." As part of military training, servicemen learn how to use highly sophisticated weaponry and
equipment; they are socialized as warriors. A key aspect of this training and socialization process is the
way recruits are insulted and reviled by drill sergeants as women and queers as part of the military
promise to make a man of them." According to feminist scholars of military systems and international relations,
militarism depends on a clearly gendered division of labor and the maintenance of hierarchy, including
sexism and violence against women . Military socialization involves the construction of a militarized
masculinity that emphasizes heroism, physical strength, emotional detachment, the capacity for
violence and killing, and an appearance of invulnerability. This view of masculinity involves the
construction of male sexuality as assertive and controlling," and results in three consequences: the need
for the institutionalization of military prostitution, U.S. military abuse of women in host communities,
and sexual abuse of women in the military.
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The military requires a dehumanization of women and children and only sees them as objects of sexual
exploitation, transferring diseases and leaving thousands of Amerasian children to suffer from stigma
Kirk, Cornwell, Okazawa-Rey, 1996 [FOREIGN POLICY IN FOCUS, Women and the U.S. Military in East Asia Written
by Gwyn Kirk, (Kirk - Ph.D. is visiting faculty in Womens and Gender Studies at University of Oregon (2009-10) and a founder
member of Women for Genuine Security), Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey are founder-members of the East Asia-U.S. Women's
Network Against U.S. Militarism. Rachel Cornwell is Program Assistant for the Demilitarization and Alternative Security Program of
the Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace. Edited by Martha Honey (IPS) and Tom Barry (IRC),
http://www.lightparty.com/Politics/ForeignPolicy/WomanInMilitary.html, EmiW]
Negative effects of U.S. militarism on women and children in East Asia include sexual exploitation,
physical and sexual violence, the dire situation of many Amerasian children, and health hazards of pollution
caused by military operations. - To maintain its capacity to fight two regional wars at the same time, the Pentagon
plans to maintain 100,000 troops in the Asia-Pacific region for the foreseeable future. - The concept of security is too
militarized and does not include the human rights of women and children and the protection of the physical
environment. The Pentagon's objective is to be capable of fighting two regional wars at the same time. For planning
purposes these are assumed to be in the Middle East and the Korean peninsula. This scenario assumes that 100,000 U.S.
troops will continue to be based in East Asia for the foreseeable future. Currently there are 37,000 U.S. military personnel
in Korea and some 60,000 in Japan, including 13,000 on ships home-ported there. The islands of Okinawa, the
southernmost prefecture of Japan, house 39 bases and installations (75% of all U.S. bases in Japan) although Okinawa is
only 0.6% of the country's land area. 30,000 troops and another 22,500 family members are stationed in Okinawa. There
were extensive U.S. bases in the Philippines until 1992, when the Philippine Senate voted against renewal of their leases.
The U.S. subsequently proposed a Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) to cover situations when U.S. troops are in the
Philippines for joint exercises or shore leave. The VFA would give access to Philippine ports and airports on all the main
islands for refueling, supplies, repairs, and rest & recreation (R & R)-potentially far greater access than before, but under
the guise of commercial arrangements and without the expense of maintaining permanent workforces and facilities. The
VFA has to be ratified by the Philippine Senate before going into effect. It is currently under discussion. Sexual
violence, sexual exploitation, thousands of fatherless Amerasian children, and health problems linked to
environmental contamination are some of the damaging effects of the U.S. military presence in East Asia.
Research conducted by a group called Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence shows that U.S. troops
in Okinawa have committed more than 4,700 reported crimes since 1972, when Okinawa reverted to Japanese
administration. Many of these were crimes of violence against women . In Korea, too, the number of crimes is
high. A particularly brutal rape and murder of a barwoman, Yoon Kum Ee, in 1992 galvanized human rights advocates to
establish the National Campaign for the Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea in order to document these crimes
and help victims claim redress. Violence against women is seriously underreported, due to the victims' shame and fear or
their belief that perpetrators will not be apprehended. Women who work in the bars, massage parlors, and brothels near
U.S. bases are particularly vulnerable to physical and sexual violence . The sexual activity of foreignbased U.S. military personnel, including (but not exclusively) through prostitution, has had very serious effects
on women's health, precipitating HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies and
unsafe abortions, drug and alcohol dependency, and mental illness . In Korea, Japan, and the Phillipines,
Amerasian children born to women impregnated by U.S. troops are a particularly stigmatized group.
They are often abandoned by their military fathers and raised by single Asian mothers. They live with
severe prejudice and suffer discrimination in education and employment due to their physical
appearance and their mothers' low status. Those with African-American fathers face even worse treatment than
those having Caucasian fathers.
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Militarism ignores the ongoing war being waged against Okinawan women and their environment
C.J. Cuomo 01/09/09 (War Is Not Just an Event: Reflections on the Significance of Everyday Violence
http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-bin/fulltext/121580133/HTMLSTART)
Theory that does not investigate or even notice the omnipresence of militarism cannot represent or
address the depth and specificity of the everyday effects of militarism on women, on people living in
occupied territories, on members of military institutions, and on the environment. These effects are
relevant to feminists in a number of ways because military practices and institutions help construct
gendered and national identity, and because they justify the destruction of natural nonhuman entities
and communities during peacetime. Lack of attention to these aspects of the business of making or preventing
military violence in an extremely technologized world results in theory that cannot accommodate the connections among
the constant presence of militarism, declared wars, and other closely related social phenomena, such as nationalistic
glorifications of motherhood, media violence, and current ideological gravitations to military solutions for social problems.
Ethical approaches that do not attend to the ways in which warfare and military practices are woven into the very fabric of
life in twenty-first century technological states lead to crisis-based politics and analyses. For any feminism that aims to
resist oppression and create alternative social and political options, crisis-based ethics and politics are problematic
because they distract attention from the need for sustained resistance to the enmeshed, omnipresent
systems of domination and oppression that so often function as givens in most people's lives.
Neglecting the omnipresence of militarism allows the false belief that the absence of declared armed
conflicts is peace, the polar opposite of war. It is particularly easy for those whose lives are shaped by the safety of
privilege, and who do not regularly encounter the realities of militarism, to maintain this false belief. The belief that
militarism is an ethical, political concern only regarding armed conflict, creates forms of resistance to militarism that are
merely exercises in crisis control. Antiwar resistance is then mobilized when the "real" violence finally occurs, or when the
stability of privilege is directly threatened, and at that point it is difficult not to respond in ways that make resisters drop all
other political priorities. Crisis-driven attention to declarations of war might actually keep resisters complacent about and
complicitous in the general presence of global militarism. Seeing war as necessarily embedded in constant
military presence draws attention to the fact that horrific, state-sponsored violence is happening nearly
all over, all of the time, and that it is perpetrated by military institutions and other militaristic agents of the
state. Moving away from crisis-driven politics and ontologies concerning war and military violence also enables
consideration of relationships among seemingly disparate phenomena, and therefore can shape more nuanced theoretical
and practical forms of resistance. For example, investigating the ways in which war is part of a presence allows
consideration of the relationships among the events of war and the following: how militarism is a
foundational trope in the social and political imagination; how the pervasive presence and symbolism
of soldiers/warriors/patriots shape meanings of gender; the ways in which threats of state-sponsored
violence are a sometimes invisible/sometimes bold agent of racism, nationalism, and corporate
interests; the fact that vast numbers of communities, cities, and nations are currently in the midst of
excruciatingly violent circumstances. It also provides a lens for considering the relationships among
the various kinds of violence that get labeled "war." Given current American obsessions with nationalism, guns,
and militias, and growing hunger for the death penalty, prisons, and a more powerful police state, one cannot underestimate
the need for philosophical and political attention to connections among phenomena like the "war on drugs," the "war on
crime," and other state-funded militaristic campaigns. I propose that the constancy of militarism and its effects on social
reality be reintroduced as a crucial locus of contemporary feminist attentions, and that feminists emphasize how wars are
eruptions and manifestations of omnipresent militarism that is a product and tool of multiply
oppressive, corporate, technocratic states.2 Feminists should be particularly interested in making this
shift because it better allows consideration of the effects of war and militarism on women, subjugated
peoples, and environments. While giving attention to the constancy of militarism in contemporary life
we need not neglect the importance of addressing the specific qualities of direct, large-scale, declared
military conflicts. But the dramatic nature of declared, large-scale conflicts should not obfuscate the ways in which
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military violence pervades most societies in increasingly technologically sophisticated ways and the significance of military
institutions and everyday practices in shaping reality. Philosophical discussions that focus only on the ethics of declaring
and fighting wars miss these connections, and also miss the ways in which even declared military conflicts are often
experienced as omnipresent horrors. These approaches also leave unquestioned tendencies to suspend or distort moral
judgement in the face of what appears to be the inevitability of war and militarism. Just-war theory is a prominent example
of a philosophical approach that rests on the assumption that wars are isolated from everyday life and ethics. Such theory,
as developed by St. Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, and Hugo Grotius, and as articulated in contemporary dialogues by many
philosophers, including Michael Walzer (1977), Thomas Nagel (1974), and Sheldon Cohen (1989), take the primary
question concerning the ethics of warfare to be about when to enter into military conflicts against other states. They
therefore take as a given the notion that war is an isolated, definable event with clear boundaries. These boundaries are
significant because they distinguish the circumstances in which standard moral rules and constraints, such as rules against
murder and unprovoked violence, no longer apply. Just-war theory assumes that war is a separate sphere of human activity
having its own ethical constraints and criteria and in doing so it begs the question of whether or not war is a special kind of
event, or part of a pervasive presence in nearly all contemporary life. Because the application of just-war principles is a
matter of proper decisionmaking on the part of agents of the state, before wars occur, and before military strikes are made,
they assume that military initiatives are distinct events. In fact, declarations of war are generally overdetermined escalations
of preexisting conditions. Just-war criteria cannot help evaluate military and related institutions, including their peacetime
practices and how these relate to wartime activities, so they cannot address the ways in which armed conflicts between and
among states emerge from omnipresent, often violent, state militarism. The remarkable resemblances in some sectors
between states of peace and states of war remain completely untouched by theories that are only able to discuss the ethics
of starting and ending direct military conflicts between and among states. Applications of just-war criteria actually help
create the illusion that the "problem of war" is being addressed when the only considerations are the ethics of declaring
wars and of military violence within the boundaries of declarations of war and peace. Though just-war considerations might
theoretically help decision-makers avoid specific gross eruptions of military violence, the aspects of war which require the
underlying presence of militarism and the direct effects of the omnipresence of militarism remain untouched. There may be
important decisions to be made about when and how to fight war, but these must be considered in terms of the many other
aspects of contemporary war and militarism that are significant to nonmilitary personnel, including women and nonhumans.
In a recent Hypatia article, Lucinda Peach argues that just-war theory, which she takes to be more realistic and useful than
pacifism, can be strengthened with feminist insights and analyses. Drawing primarily on the work of Sara Ruddick and Jean
Bethke Elshtain, she reconstructs feminist responses to traditional just-war approaches, and illustrates how a more thorough
application of feminist principles might lead to "a more careful and considered appraisal of when the use of armed force is
morally justified" (Peach 1994, 167). Though she agrees with their criticisms of traditional just-war approaches, Peach
finds Elshtain's and Ruddick's alternatives practically and theoretically lacking. Nonetheless, her faith in just-war theorizing
is unwavering: The feminist criticisms discussed do not suggest a need to develop radically new or different criteria for
assessing the morality or engagement in armed conflict from those offered by traditional just-war theory feminist
criticisms and counterproposals suggest a number of specific proposals for modifying the practice more than the theory of
the just-war approach to armed conflict. (Peach 1994, 164) Peach states that one of the problems with nonfeminist critiques
of war is their failure to address the fact that "women remain largely absent from ethical and policy debates
regarding when to go to war, how to fight a war, and whether resorting to war is morally justifiable "
(Peach 1994, 152). But a just-war approach cannot successfully theorize women's roles in these events because formal,
declared wars depend upon underlying militaristic assumptions and constructions of gender that make women's
participation as leaders nearly impossible. The limitations of Peach's analysis make clear some aspects of the relationships
between peacetime militarism and armed conflicts that cannot be addressed by even feminist just-war principles. Her five
criticisms of just-war theory, discussed below, are intended to both echo and revise appraisals made by other feminists. But
each fails to successfully address the complexity of feminist concerns. 1) Peach finds just-war theory's reliance on realism,
the notion that human nature makes war inevitable and unavoidable, to be problematic. She believes just-war theory should
not be premised on realist assumptions, and that it should also avoid "unduly unrealistic appraisals" of human and female
nature, as found in Ruddick's work. Peach rightly identifies the pessimism, sexism, essentialism, and universalism at work
in just-war theorists' conceptions of human nature. Nonetheless, she fails to see that just-war theorists employ ossified
concepts of both "human nature" and "war." Any interrogation of the relationships between war and "human nature," or
more benignly, understandings and enactments of what it means to be diverse human agents in various contexts, will be
terribly limited insofar as they consider wars to be isolated events. Questions concerning the relationships between war and
"human nature" become far more complex if we reject a conception of war that focuses only on events, and abandon any
pretense of arriving at universalist conceptions of human or female "nature." Feminist ethical questions about war are not
reducible to wondering how to avoid large-scale military conflict despite human tendencies toward violence. Instead, the
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central questions concern the omnipresence of militarism, the possibilities of making its presence
visible, and the potential for resistance to its physical and hegemonic force. Like "solutions" to the
preponderance of violence perpetrated by men against women that fail to analyze and articulate
relationships between everyday violence and institutionalized or invisible systems of patriarchal, racist,
and economic oppression, analyses that characterize eruptions of military violence as isolated,
persistent events, are practically and theoretically insufficient. 2) Peach faults just-war theory for its failure to
consider alternatives to war, stating that "the failure of most just-war theorists to seriously contemplate alternatives to war is
radically deficient from the perspectives of pacifist feminist and others opposed to knee-jerk militaristic response to civil
strife" (Peach 1994, 158). She argues that feminist just-war theorists, including Elshtain, should also pay more attention to
pacifist arguments. When Peach discusses "alternatives to war," she is clearly referring to alternatives to entering into war,
or to participating in "the escalation of conflicts." The avoidance of eruptions of military violence is certainly important,
and Peach is correct that feminist insights about conflict resolution could present significant recommendations in this
regard. However, feminist moral imagination cannot end there. In thinking of alternatives to war, we need to continue to
imagine alternatives to militaristic economies, symbolic systems, values, and political institutions. The task of constructing
such alternatives is far more daunting and comprehensive than creating alternatives to a specific event or kind of event.
Pacifist writers as diverse as Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Barbara Deming have emphasized the fact that pacifism
entails a critique of pervasive, systematic human violence. Despite its reductionist tendencies, there is much to learn from
the ways in which pacifists conceive of war as a presence, as well as the pacifist refusal to let go of the ideal of peace.
Characterizing pacifism as motivated by the desire to avoid specific events disregards the extent to which pacifism aims to
criticize the preconditions underlying events of war. 3) Following several influential moves in feminist philosophy, Peach
rejects just-war theory's reliance on abstractionof the realities, or "horrors," of war; of enemies as one-dimensional evil,
killable Others; and of the ethical responses needed to address the morality of war, such as a privileging of justice and rights
over love and caring. Following Elshtain, she believes that feminist just-war principles should be more particularized,
contextualized, and individualized. But the abstraction of the particularities of war depends on an abstraction of war itself.
The distance of such abstraction is created in part by willingness to think of war without considering the presence of war in
"peaceful" times. Wars becomes conceptual entitiesobjects for considerationrather than diverse,
historically loaded exemplifications of the contexts in which they occur. In order to notice the
particular and individual realities of war, attention must be given to the particular, individual, and
contextualized causes and effects of pervasive militarism, as well as the patterns and connections
among them. 4) Like other feminists, Peach criticizes the dualisms and dichotomies that underlie war and
the other evils of patriarchy, including dichotomies between male and female, combatant and noncombatant, soldier and citizen, ally and enemy and state and individual which have dominated just-war
thinking. Rather than relying on traditional dichotomies, a feminist application of just-war criteria
should emphasize the effects of going to war on the lives of particular individuals who would be
involved, whether soldier or civilian, enemy or ally, male or female . (Peach 1994, 166) As should now be
obvious, though Peach rejects several relevant dualistic hierarchies, a stark ontological distinction between war and peace
remains basically intact.3 Thus Peach's rejection of dualisms is undermined by her own failure to question a stark
ontological distinction between war and peace. In considering the ways in which violence shapes women's
realities, feminists might be better served by analyses of war as part of enmeshed continua or spectra of
state-sponsored and other systemic patriarchal and racist violence. 5) Peach believes just-war theory privileges
state authority and the good of the state over individual autonomy and well-being. Instead, she states that just-war theory
should include "reformulated understandings of the proper relationships between the individual and the state," considering
"both the impact of war on individuals as well as the obligations of both men and women to defend the nation" (Peach
1994, 167). In raising questions about the relationships between individuals and states, Peach fails to question liberal,
modernist conceptions of either. But if individual persons are socially constituted, often in conflicting
ways, how can membership, or appropriate loyalties, be determined? If the state is always inevitably a
military, patriarchal, racist state, how ought alternative collectivities that will promote the well-being
of individuals be conceived without creating or relying on military presence? Feminists concerned with
resistances to war need to consider how the pervasiveness of militarism in the construction of the contemporary state
implies the need to question nationalism when theorizing critically about war. To give one very clear example of the
ways in which just-war evaluations of wars as events fail to address feminist questions about
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militarism, consider the widespread influence of foreign military bases on gendered national identities
and interactions. In Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (1990), Cynthia Enloe
illustrates how, while decisionmaking and economic power are held primarily by men, international relations and
politics are inevitably played out on women's bodies in myriad ways, propagating racist, nationalist,
and colonialist conceptions of femininity. One chapter, "Base Women," is devoted to a discussion of the ways in
which local and global sexual politics shape and are shaped through the constant presence of thousands
of military bases worldwidein the symbol of the soldier, the introduction of foreign conceptions of
masculinity and femininity, the reproduction of family structures on military bases, and through
systems of prostitution that universally coexist alongside military bases. Enloe writes, "military politics,
which occupy such a large part of international politics today, require military bases. Bases are
artificial societies created out of unequal relations between men and women of different races and
classes" and, one might add, different nations (Enloe 1990, 2). The constant, global presence of these
bases is an example of the mundane givenness and subtle omnipresence of military violence. Most
bases have managed to slip into the daily lives of the nearby community. A military base, even one
controlled by soldiers of another country, can become politically invisible if its ways of doing business
and seeing the world insinuate themselves into a community's schools, consumer tastes, housing
patterns, children's games, adults' friendships, jobs and gossip. Most have draped themselves with
the camouflage of normalcy. Rumors of a base closing can send shivers of economic alarm through
a civilian community that has come to depend on base jobs and soldiers' spending. (Enloe 1990, 66)
Just-war theoryeven feminist just-war theorycannot bring to light the ways in which the politics of military bases are
related to the waging of war, how militarism constructs masculinity and femininity, or how international politics are shaped
by the microcosmic impacts of military bases. It therefore cannot address some of the most pressing ways in which
militarism and war involve and affect women. I turn now to a discussion of the environmental effects of war,
because I believe these effects to be significant to feminists for two basic reasons. Though women are
no more essentially connected to nature than any other organic beings, cultural constructions associate
women with nature and help justify the mistreatment of both. Many feminists and ecological feminists
have discussed these problematic conceptual connections as created or fueled by the dichotomous
thinking discussed above (Griffin 1989; King 1990; Warren 1990; Cuomo 1992; Plumwood 1993). Others, including
Vandana Shiva and Maria Mies (1993), focus on the practical, or material connections between environmental degradation
and women's oppression. In any case , if women's oppression is connected to the unjustified destruction of
nature, or if, as Karen Warren argues, feminists must be against oppression in any form, including the
oppression of nature, it is arguable that the ecological effects of war and militarism are feminist issues.
Because military ecological destruction occurs primarily "during peacetime," and because it is so
directly tied to other forms of ecological and social violence, attention to the ecological impacts of war
further illustrates the limitations of only thinking of war in terms of events. In "The Military Commander's
Responsibility for the Environment," Merrit Drucker, a major in the U.S. Army and philosophy instructor at the United
States Military Academy at West Point, utilizes an expanded application of just-war principles to argue that military
commanders ought to protect natural environments during peace and warfare. The commander's peacetime responsibilities
are founded on the commander's professional responsibility as an agent of the state. Wartime responsibilities stem from the
well-established prohibitions against harming noncombatants and destroying works of art and objects of historical or
cultural value. (Drucker 1989, 136) Drucker's analysis rests primarily on a sharp distinction between peace and war, and a
broad interpretation of the just-war principle of noncombatant immunity. This principle requires military discrimination
between combatants and noncombatants and states that it is justifiable to intentionally kill only the former. In essence ,
Drucker believes military commanders ought to protect the environment during war because, like
noncombatants and cultural artifacts, natural entities are inherently valuable, morally inappropriate
targets of military aggression. Drucker argues from analogy that because "the environment" (which he
represents as a unified, self-evident entity) is free of intention and cannot wage or fight in war, it is an
innocent noncombatant in the realm of human affairs. If a just-war must be fought without intended or
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excessive harm to noncombatants, justice requires that wars also be fought without intended or
excessive harm to environments. In fact, he believes restraint is due not only because of nature's lack
of intention, but also because of its functions: The environment is remarkably like a special group of
soldiers who are considered to be noncombatants. Just as [medical personnel and religious
professionals] protect and foster life, the environment, if treated properly, makes possible and sustains
life in the most basic way imaginable [and] should be accorded the considerations we grant human
nurturers and healers. (Drucker 1989, 147) Despite his characterization of the rule of noncombatant
immunity as "an established part of our moral tradition and international law," Drucker himself admits
that it is often violated (1989, 146). Drucker's argument presupposes the just-war principle of proportionality, which
requires that the benefits of going to war, and of particular strategies or missions within war, must outweigh its harms. The
proportionality requirement, like a principle of utility, allows him to consider ecological damage without necessarily taking
an absolutist stance against any military activity that results in ecological harm or manipulation. In other words,
proportionality enables a step back from strict observance of noncombatant immunity. Drucker concludes that military
ecological damage (damage to nonhuman noncombatants) must be weighed as one of a number of significant factors
determining the justifiability of a military action, but that it is ultimately allowable and reasonable to cause damage to the
environment in the service of just ends. Summing up his position, he writes: If we accept the view that the environment and
its inhabitants all have inherent worth, then we need to give genuine consideration to the well-being of allplants, animals,
and persons. In addition to exercising due care I think commanders should take at least minimal risks with their soldiers'
lives to protect the environment. (Drucker 1989, 151) Like Peach, Drucker believes that amended just-war criteria are
adequate to critically assess the ethics of war. A telling aspect of Drucker's argument is his illustration of environmentally
sound warfare, which I'll quote extensively to provide a sense of his goals concerning military impact on the environment:
The German army in World War II serves as an excellent historical precedent for the compatibility of highly effective
training and real protection of the environment. The Germans used garrison training areas near towns for as much
individual training as possible. Their larger training areas, used for unit maneuvers, were carefully managed. They were
usually located on land unsuitable for agriculture; however, much of the land had to be cultivated to prevent food shortages.
These cultivated areas helped make the training more realistic. Large training exercises were held in the fall to prevent
damage to crops and soil erosion. Because they were forced to train a very large army in a very small area, the Germans
developed training methods which were gentle on the land. (Drucker 1989, 142) Drucker completely abstracts specific
martial decisions and events from other aspects of the Nazi military campaign in World War II, including its underlying
xenophobic, hypernationalist, and imperialist core. He therefore sees German military practices as environmentalist, rather
than as pragmatic, logical extensions of a near-religious glorification of the Fatherland, implemented by an efficient and
extraordinarily destructive military. But thinking of war through environmental ethics is not a matter of conceiving of
military practices that are less destructive to a nation's own land and economy. How does the blitzkrieg fit into the ethos
Drucker describes above? Drucker's isolation of German military decisions and events in his ethical assessment is enabled
by the complete abstraction of these decisions from their contexts, and the ways in which they were shaped by pervasive
Nazi militarism. An obvious danger of this approach to the ethics of war is the fact that one can argue
favorably for ecologically sound warfareclean warswithout attention to the connections among the
technologies of war, the motivations for war, and the social contexts of war. Connections between Nazi
"environmentalism," and contemporaneous German implementation of eugenic and "populationcontrol" measures that included genocide should not be passed over lightly in efforts to construct an
environmental ethic that promotes the flourishing of human, as well as nonhuman, life. Drucker's view
depends on sharp distinctions: between combatants and noncombatants, between war and peace. But both human and
nonhuman noncombatants are always harmed or otherwise affected by militarism, even when they are not directly harmed
in battles. This simple truth was captured in a popular Vietnam War era antiwar poster that read, "War is not healthy for
children and other living things." Because natural noncombatants are everywhere; their destruction is necessary for war and
for the existence of military institutions, even when wars are not explicitly being fought. The ecological realities of war, and
of what it takes to be prepared for war in the contemporary world, are mind-boggling. To take nature at all seriously entails
acknowledging the effects of combat as well as the severe harm caused by everyday military practices. In Scorched Earth:
The Military's Assault on the Environment, William Thomas, a U.S. Navy veteran, illustrates the extent to which the
peacetime practices of military institutions damage natural environments and communities. Thomas argues that even
"peace" entails a dramatic and widespread war on nature, or as Joni Seager puts it, "The environmental costs of militarized
peace bear suspicious resemblance to the costs of war" (Thomas 1995, xi). All told, including peacetime activities as
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well as the immense destruction caused by combat, military institutions probably present the most
dramatic threat to ecological well-being on the planet. The military is the largest generator of hazardous waste in
the United States, creating nearly a ton of toxic pollution every minute, and military analyst Julian Skeel claims that,
"Global military activity may be the largest worldwide polluter and consumer of precious resources"
(quoted in Thomas 1995, 5). A conventionally powered aircraft carrier consumes 150,000 gallons of fuel a day. In less than
an hour's flight, a single jet launched from its flight deck consumes as much fuel as a North American motorist burns in two
years. One F-16 jet engine requires nearly four and a half tons of scarce titanium, nickel, chromium, cobalt, and energyintensive aluminum (Thomas 1995, 5), and nine percent of all the iron and steel used by humans is consumed by the global
military (Thomas 1995, 16). The United States Department of Defense generates 500,000 tons of toxins annually, more than
the world's top five chemical companies combined. The military is the biggest single source of environmental pollution in
the United States. Of 338 citations issued by the United States Environmental Protection Agency in 1989, three-quarters
went to military installations (Thomas 1995, 17). The feminization, commodification, and devaluation of
nature helps create a reality in which its destruction in warfare is easily justified. In imagining an ethic
that addresses these realities, feminists cannot neglect the extent to which military ecocide is
connected, conceptually and practically, to transnational capitalism and other forms of human
oppression and exploitation. Virtually all of the world's thirty-five nuclear bomb test sites, as well as most radioactive
dumps and uranium mines, occupy Native lands (Thomas 1995, 6). Six multinationals control one-quarter of all United
States defense contracts (Thomas 1995, 10), and two million dollars per minute is spent on the global military (Thomas
1995, 7). One could go on for volumes about the effects of chemical and nuclear testing, military-
industrial development and waste, and the disruption of wildlife, habitats, communities, and lifestyles
that are inescapably linked to military practices. There are many conceptual and practical connections
between military practices in which humans aim to kill and harm each other for some declared "greater
good," and nonmilitary practices in which we displace, destroy, or seriously modify nonhuman
communities, species, and ecosystems in the name of human interests. An early illustration of these
connections was made by Rachel Carson in the first few pages of The Silent Spring (1962), in which she described
insecticides as the inadvertent offspring of World War II chemical weapons research. We can now also trace ways in which
insecticides were part of the Western-defined global corporatization of agriculture that helped kill off the small family farm
and made the worldwide system of food production dependent on the likes of Dow Chemical and Monsanto. Military
practices are no different from other human practices that damage and irreparably modify nature. They
are often a result of cost-benefit analyses that pretend to weigh all likely outcomes yet do not consider
nonhuman entities except in terms of their use value for humans and they nearly always create
unforeseeable effects for humans and nonhumans . In addition, everyday military peacetime practices are actually
more destructive than most other human activities, they are directly enacted by state power, and, because they function as
unquestioned "givens," they enjoy a unique near-immunity to enactments of moral reproach. It is worth noting the extent to
which everyday military activities remain largely unscrutinized by environmentalists, especially American
environmentalists, largely because fear allows us to be fooled into thinking that "national security" is an adequate excuse
for "ecological military mayhem" (Thomas 1995, 16). If environmental destruction is a necessary aspect of war and the
peacetime practices of military institutions, an analysis of war which includes its embeddedness in peacetime militarism is
necessary to address the environmental effects of war. Such a perspective must pay adequate attention to what is required to
prepare for war in a technological age, and how women and other Others are affected by the realities of contemporary
military institutions and practices. Emphasizing the ways in which war is a presence, a constant undertone, white noise in
the background of social existence, moving sometimes closer to the foreground of collective consciousness in the form of
direct combat yet remaining mostly as an unconsidered given, allows for several promising analyses. To conclude, I will
summarize four distinct benefits of feminist philosophical attention to the constancy of military presence in most everyday
contemporary life. * 1) By considering the presence of war and militarism, philosophers and activists are
able to engage in a more effective, local, textured, multiplicitous discussion of specific examples and
issues of militarism, especially during "peacetime" (when most military activities occur). These include
environmental effects, such as the recent French decision to engage in nuclear testing; and effects on
conceptions of gender and on the lives of women, such as the twelve-year-old Japanese girl who was
recently raped by American soldiers stationed in Okinawa. * 2) Expanding the field of vision when
considering the ethical issues of war allows us to better perceive and reflect upon the connections
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among various effects and causes of militarism, and between aspects of everyday militarism and
military activities that generally occur between declarations of war and the signing of peace treaties. *
3) As Robin Schott emphasizes, focusing on the presence of war is particularly necessary given current
realities of war, in an age in which military technology makes war less temporally, conceptually, and
physically bounded, and in which civil conflict, guerilla wars, ethnic wars, and urban violence in
response to worsening social conditions are the most common forms of large-scale violence.
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The discourse of potential danger fosters violence by preferring national security over human security,
allowing sexual injustice to occur the exclusion of feminist viewpoints in mainstream discourse
maintains conflicts, only a revelation of marginalized subjects and their security can alter such cycles
Maria Stern, PhD, Goteborg University, Sweden, lecturer and research fellow in the Department of Peace and Development Studies
at the University of Goteborg, Sweden. She teaches at the Department of Gender Studies at the University of Goteborg, currently
directing a research project Gender in the Armed Forces: Militarism and Peace-building in Congo-Kinshasa and Mozambique, 2006
[Feminist Methodologies for International Relations edited by Brooke A. Ackerly: Assistant Professor in the Department of Political
Science at Vanderbilt University, Maria Stern: Lecturer and Researcher at the Department of Peace and Development Research,
Goteborg University, and Jacqui True: Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Auskland, New
Zealand, 2006, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pg. 196, EmiW]
In revisiting my original aim, I find myself resisting the question "What has my research on Mayan women's (in)security
narratives brought to the study of IR?" This question seems to concede that focusing on Mayan women's (in)security must
be somehow justified as a valid subject for research relevant to understanding security and global politics (see Zalewski,
this volume). However, as Zalewski implies, resisting the move to justify or legitimate the boundaries of the
discipline need not entail refusing to engage with it at all; instead, it may mean both dis turbing and
destabilizing its dominant stories. One way of doing this is by taking seriously Mayan women's
narratives as valid texts on security - texts which transform the knowledge of the discipline, and reveal
its scaffolding as constructions that need not take the form they do. My research does this in at least four
ways. First, it is clear that the Mayan women I interviewed are indeed valid political subjects whose (in)security is not
located outside of global politics. Those processes traditionally considered relevant to security studies also constitute their
lives and struggles, thereby revealing how global politics are already gendered and, in many instances, include
subaltern women by their very exclusion and silencing (cf. Pin-Fat and Stern 2005). Secondly, reading Mayan
women's narratives also exposes the limitations of the accepted understandings and practices of
security; their (in)securities cannot be reduced to a location, level, or category ultim ately determined
by the logic of state sovereignty. For instance, their narratives disrupt the familiar relationships between
domestic and foreign, inside and outside, Us and Them, protector and protected, citizen and enemy,
that provide many of the building blocks for our understand ings and practice of politics, political
community, identification, and conceptions of (in)security. Indeed, the very attempt to reduce their
(in)security to the familiar category of, for example, "individual in state" can be read as complicit in
the violence that has so greatly punctuated their lives . Thirdly, and perhaps most significantly, the intricate
and inseparable relationship between (in)security and identity explored in post-structural security
studies is cast in a different light when one pays attention to marginalized security discourses. The
identities articulated in Mayan women's security narratives - as well as the (in)securities that were co-constructed along
with these identity positions - were multiple and complementary; they informed each other, and at times even im plied
contradictions. Mayan women's (in)security narratives underscore the complexity, hybridity, and
contingency of security (as an ontological condition of identity) and draws attention to the often
violent conflict and marginalization that occur at the intersection of identities and in attempts at
securing identity positions. Fourthly, discourses of danger and the mechanisms of inclusion and
exclusion that foster violence in conflicts over national securities and identities also resound in security
discourses in marginalized sites (such as was expressed in the need for cohesion in the Mayan pueblo in the face of
its enemies). Exploring how these potentially violent mechanisms work in these sites also discloses
openings for possible resistance, such as the way certain narrators resisted the pinning down and
circumscribing of who they were and for what they struggle . For example, when speaking of her identity, one
narrator, Manuela, said: "How are we going to construct something on the basis of exclusions and autoexclusions, if on one side you exclude, and on the other you try to homogenize? It's a big
contradiction . . . My work implies a permanent revision, a permanent study of myself and what I am doing." These
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lessons are relevant not only for marginalized subjects of security, but also for how to conceive of
security and its concomitant subject positions more generally - even in terms of the traditional subject of the
state. In sum, my intention has been to challenge the limitations of political imaginaries that exclude from
IR the articulations of insecurity of the Mayan women I interviewed because they represent impossible political
subjects in their capacities to write IR-valid (in)security discourses. I hope to have brought to the fore some subjects of
security that do not comfortably reside in the homes of IR. Although their "subjugated" knowledges may not provide better
or more objective solutions to critical questions of politics, they might be able to help those working in these fields to begin
reformulating their imaginaries, and to be open to the possibilities of conceiving of (in) security differently. Global
politics that are based on a view of the world and the relevant actors in it that excludes women and the
feminine from the picture (ye implicitly locates them in veiled sites that legitimate their absence) . A I
noted in the introduction to this chapter, experiences of (in)security like those articulated by Mayan women do not make up
the body c empirical "data" upon which security is theorized and policy is formulated. Feminist theorizing around
processes of identity formation which takes into account not only the workings of particular discourses
but importantly, a collusion of distinct relations of power (such as sexism racism, classism) led me to
look for articulations of (in)security in (fc IR) unlikely and often silenced sites. These sites (such as the
ones where Mayan women dwell and struggle for both agency and security) occupation the realm of the feminine in the
gendered codings of the dominant readings of both IR and the praxis of global politics. My research question, then informed by feminist theories' attention to the workings of gender discourses - implied that the methodology of security
studies in IR could not adequately serve to address the question I set out to explore. The ontology underpinning the
assumptions in how1 security is conceived reflected a notion of politics that necessarily ignore
attention to gender and to the multiple violence implicated in the conception. Therefore, in order to address
my question, I began research process that resulted in the methodology and method outline above. Hence, although my
method may not be specific to feminism feminism (in all of its unlimited diversity) has provided many of the guideposts for
my methodological journey - a journey that, in its own way, challenges the authority of those who purport to know what
security means for all peoples in all contexts, without ever asking many them.
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The US military continues to participate in prostitution and rape despite Japanese laws prohibiting it.
Government officials devalue women
(Yuki Fujime, Associate Professor in the Department of International Studies at Osaka University of Foreign Languages, 3-24-2006,
Social Science Japan Journal Vol. 9, No. 1, pp 3350, Japanese Feminism and Commercialized Sex: The Union of Militarism and
Prohibitionism, http://ssjj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/full/9/1/33) SH
The situation in Okinawa, removed from the mainland of Japan and under the jurisdiction of the US, was even more overt
than in the Japanese mainland. Beginning in 1946 with a prohibition on prostitution with occupation forces, the US
military issued a stream of ordinances in regard to the buying and selling of sex and thoroughly
regulated prostitution and STDs. They wiped out prostitution they feared would spread STDs through the overzealous
use of the off-limits policy and created the A Sign system of granting permission to operate to sex-related businesses that
certified the health of their women. During the Vietnam War, the number of female prostitutes reached 15,000 (Naha-shi
2001: 290). Around the time of the return of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972, there was a Prostitution
Prevention Law in effect in Okinawa , just as on the mainland. But whereas the American military bases on the
mainland were gradually being abandoned or reduced in size, 75% of the American bases in Japan were concentrated in
Okinawa, and incidents of sexual violence by US troops continued to occur frequently . According to an
investigation by the Association of Women who Reject the Bases and the Military (Kichi to Guntai o Yurusanai Onnatachi
no Kai), there were eight cases of rape and murder between 1970 and the mid-1980s, and seven of those victims were
hostesses (Okinawa o Shiru Hensan Iinkai 2000: 470473). In 1995, at a time when Okinawa was in an uproar
over an incident in which three American soldiers raped a young girl, Pacific Commander Admiral
Richard Mackey made a public gaffe when, upon hearing that the soldiers used a rental car when committing the rape,
remarked that if they had money for a rental car, they could have just paid for a prostitute. He made
no attempt to hide the fact that it was standard practice not to reprimand US soldiers for buying sex.
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The Japanese State pimps its women to satisfy the desire of the US military, mobilizing women as tools to
maintain power relations - a manifestation of the patriarchal state
Lie 1997 [John, Professor of sociology and Dean of International and Area Studies at the University of California, Berkeley The
State as Pimp: Prostitution and the Patriarchal State in Japan in the 1940s The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Spring, 1997),
pp. 260 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society, EmiW]
The Japanese state organized and promoted sexual work in the 1940s. During World War II, the military was
instrumental in recruiting Japanese and Korean women into "comfort divisions" to serve officers and
soldiers within and outside of Japan. After Japan's defeat, the state organized Japanese women to serve the occupying
American soldiers sexually. In short, the Japanese state functioned as a pimp in the l940s. The activities of the
Japanese state in the 1940s suggest that it is problematic to separate the discussion of political power from the
issue of sexuality. This study also demonstrates that prostitution does not occur simply from men's sexual desires or
deviant womens willingness to offer sex for money but because of the underlying structural conditions and
concrete organizations. The prerequisites of modem, organized prostitution include the regulating or
administrative state, urbanization and the commodification of social life, and the concomitant end of feudal
sexual relations. More concretely, prostitution usually entails organizations-be it the state or private sexual entrepreneurs-to
sustain relations of sexual exchange between prostitutes and their clients. In this sense, the study of prostitution must be
placed in the analysis of power relations, that it is in the realm of political and sexual economy. Patriarchy is not an allencompassing principle of power in society. Men do not control women but rather a particular group of men
control a particular group of women. Just as (predominantly fanning and working) women from colonized Korea
were mobilized by the Japanese state, some Japanese women were mobilized when Japan was colonized by
the United States. International and internal power relations were critical to the formation of
prostitution organizations. The Japanese state as pimp is but an extreme manifestation of the modem
patriarchal state. The quest for power and wealth justified in terms of protecting innocent women
legitimates the colonization of not just another country but its own women as well. In so doing, the state
creates alliances across nations, classes, and genders; it is not outright coercion but hegemony that makes the
rule of the modem state effective. The modem patriarchal state, as well as patriarchal social structure, are
ensembles of overlapping power relations, not instances of simple gender hierarchy and domination. The road to
understanding the power of patriarchal ideologies and institutions lies in tracing the concrete operations of power relations.
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Contention 2 Imperialism
The militarization of Okinawa is made politically invisible and has become a part of Okinawan life, but
reaffirms US imperialism, creating gendered hierarchies which feminize Okinawans and make them
inferior
Ginoza 5 (Ayano, September, of Womens Studies at Washington State University American Village as a Space of Militarism and
Tourism: U.S. Militarism, Gender Hierarchy, Class, and Race in Okinawa, . MX)
In the same web site, the Ferris wheel glares in the night landscape of the American
Village as an indication of
the power of America, and triumph of Western technology. Its a sign that tells you that you are in
America. In other words, this space provides an escape from the feeling of being in Okinawa, and a
place where America is accepted as cultural hegemony over Okinawan indigenous landscape. The
message is of America as the center of culture, rather than Okinawa. The rhetoric reveals a
statepromoted reaffirmation of U.S. cultural imperialism over Okinawan landscape. Thus, the
imperialism systematically operates to transform and redefine the militarized Okinawan society. Also on
this web site, the Okinawan government strategically posits the U.S. military as a great influence on Okinawan culture,
and uses it as a cultural resource for their development of the tourist economy. Thus, for them, the U.S. military bases in the
town are politically and economically indispensable. The politically constructed, imagined American landscape and
buildings provide tourists with the feeling of being in America (bankoku shinryokan). Here, the landscape offers an
image of America as positive and powerfulpowerful enough that this American space nurtures young Okinawans to be
famous performers. According to Cynthia Enloe, this is a process of militarization which managed to slip [the
military bases] into the daily lives of the nearby community to make the military bases politically
invisible (Bananas 66). This political invisibility of the U.S. military bases further leads young
Okinawans to easily associate America with a road to their dreams. The political is camouflaged as
cultural and the domination of American culture as both political and economic enterprises. This is
hidden behind notions of entertainment and allows Okinawans, especially younger generations of Okinawans, to become
part of this entertainment and cultural landscape. By accepting and valuing the military bases as the economic
and cultural developers for the American Village, the town at the same time embraces the ideology of
militarism8 and militarizing young Okinawans view of America. According to Enloe in The Curious
Feminist, the process of militarization is not automatic, but it is a sociopolitical process which
rests on entrenchment of ideas about manly men and real women (219). Thus, the militarization9
is re-encouraged in the space by privileging American masculinity and feminizing Okinawa.
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US imperialism is a tripartite combination of imperialist thought, and racial and sexual inequalities
which justify the repeated sexual oppression in Japan the hyper-sexed and submissive stereotype of
Japanese women allows servicemen to justify their rapes as consensual
Woan 2008 [Sunny, a J.D. of Public Interest and Social Justice Law at Santa Clara University, 2008, White Sexual Imperialism: A
Theory
of
Asian
Feminist
Jurisprudence,
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?
handle=hein.journals/walee14&div=17&g_sent=1&collection=journals#283, pg. 286-7, EmiW]
Despite significant improvements in racial and sexual equality over the last few decades, U.S. servicemens
treatment of women is Asia has failed to progress. In the mid-80s, international controversy flared over a
Japanese incident in Japan in which two U.S. marines and a U.S. Navy seaman gang-raped a twelve
year old Japanese girl in Okinawa , Japan. They ambushed the girl after watching her enter a stationary store. The
two Marines bound the girl with tape, pulled her shorts and underwear down to her ankles, and after
the three men raped her, remarked that the girl looked like she enjoyed it. To filter an analysis of the
Okinawa incident through the lenses of either sexual inequality or racial inequality exclusively, fails to convey fully why
this twelve year old girl suffered. While many scholars see the convergence of sex and race stereotypes as the root cause of
the incident, examination of only these two components is insufficient. To comprehend the gravity of harm caused by
sexual-racial disparities between White men and Asian women demands a tripartite inquest. This inquest must conjoin
colonial history along with that of sex and race related forces. First, the legacy of imperialism explains why the U.S.
servicemen occupied Japan. After the allies defeated the Axis powers in World War II, the United States decided to meddle
in East Asian political affairs: Namely by regulating Japan to prevent it from engaging in imperialism . A sense of White
supremacy meant the world could fall complacent to the idea that White imperialism was somehow better
than Asian imperialism. Thus, while Japanese military presence in East Asia posed a world threat, American
presence would not. Second, the prevailing attitude that Asian women occupy an inferior position to
White women and more directly, to White men, in turn appeased the consciences of these three servicemen
enough to rape and express belief that she enjoyed the sexual conquest. This underscores the idea that in the
eyes of White men, Asian women seem to exist solely for their sexual gratification as hyper-sexed and
unconditionally submissive creatures. The stereotype of Asian women always consenting to sex
allowed the three servicemen to deny the act as a rape. It is this potent tripartite combination of imperialist
thought, racial inequality, and sexual inequality that perpetuate violence against Asian women by
White men. Had these components not come together under White sexual imperialism, the Okinawa
incident probably would not have occurred. Asian and diasporic Asian women face higher risks of racial and
sexual harassment than their White female peers. One of the main theories behind this is that the Asian experience cannot
escape the stain of sexual imperialism, a stain which simply does not apply to the White womans experience. Although
the theory of intersectionality between race and gender alone cannot fully articulate Asian and diasporic Asian womens
lives; rather, the concurrent operation and interactive mutual dependency between race, sexuality, and
dimensions of colonialism expound on their subordination. This section comments on the present-day
ramifications of White male exploitation and domination of Asian women and the feminist issues raised by the grievous
legacy of White sexual imperialism left in both Asia and Asian America. The first part surveys Joo v. Japan, a recent court
decision where Asian women, who were the victims of atrocious war and sex crimes, brought suit in U.S. courts. The
omission of an analysis through White sexual imperialism may explain why the court ruled against the women. The second
part then shows how White sexual imperialism provides a compelling rationale for several contemporary
issues of sexual-racial inequality facing Asian and diasporic Asian women.
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The Imperialist ambitions of the United States will lead to endless cycles of wars and holocaust
(John Bellamy Foster, Professor of Sociology at University of Oregon, April 2004, The New Age of Imperialism, Monthly
Review vol. 55 no. 3, http://www.monthlyreview.org/0703jbf.htm)SH
the present period of global hegemonic imperialism the United States is

geared above all to expanding its imperial power to whatever extent possible and subordinating the rest of
the capitalist world to its interests. The Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea Basin represent not only the bulk of world
At the same time, it is clear that in
petroleum reserves, but also a rapidly increasing proportion of total reserves, as high production rates diminish reserves
elsewhere. This has provided much of the stimulus for the United States to gain greater control of these resourcesat the
expense of its present and potential rivals. But U.S. imperial ambitions do not end there, since they are driven by economic
ambitions that know no bounds. As Harry Magdoff noted in the closing pages of The Age of Imperialism in 1969, it is the
professed goal of U.S. multinational corporations to control as large a share of the world market as they do of the United
States market, and this hunger for foreign markets persists today. Florida-based Wackenhut Corrections Corporation has
won prison privatization contracts in Australia, the United Kingdom, South Africa, Canada, New Zealand, and the
Netherlands Antilles (Prison Industry Goes Global, www.futurenet.org, fall 2000). Promotion of U.S. corporate interests
abroad is one of the primary responsibilities of the U.S. state. Consider the cases of Monsanto and genetically modified
food, Microsoft and intellectual property, Bechtel and the war on Iraq. It would be impossible to exaggerate how
dangerous this dual expansionism of U.S. corporations and the U.S. state is to the world at large. As IstvE1n
ME9szE1ros observed in 2001 in Socialism or Barbarism, the U.S. attempt to seize global control, which is
inherent in the workings of capitalism and imperialism, is now threatening humanity with the extreme
violent rule of the whole world by one hegemonic imperialist country on a permanent basis ...an absurd
and unsustainable way of running the world order.* This new age of U.S. imperialism will generate its own contradictions,
amongst them attempts by other major powers to assert their influence, resorting to similar belligerent means, and all sorts
of strategies by weaker states and non-state actors to engage in asymmetric forms of warfare. Given the unprecedented
destructiveness of contemporary weapons, which are diffused ever more widely, the consequences for the population
of the world could well be devastating beyond anything ever before witnessed. Rather than generating a new Pax
Americana the United States may be paving the way to new global holocausts.
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The U.S. occupation of Okinawa, in particular, creates space to understand imperialism power
structures in Japan perpetuate colonial dominance and act as testing grounds for militarized masculinity
Tourism: U.S. Militarism, Gender Hierarchy, Class, and Race in Okinawa, MX)
Yumiko Mikanagi, a feminist political scientist, argues that
this specific rape case is ascribed to

gendered power hierarchies in society and socially sanctioned masculinities based on violence against
women (98). In another word, places like this are spaces where violence against women is socially
sanctioned, and where women paradoxically attain not only freedom from traditional Okinawan gender
roles, but also freedom of sexual expressions that militarism relies on, exploits, and controls. Also,
places like this is a militarizing term which trivializes the militarization process of the American
Village and of how womens bodies are sexualized by veiling power inequalities. Throughout the paper, I
have tried to explore the problematic concept of natural and the process of naturalizing militarization in Okinawa with a
case of the American Village. The space is a symbol for the anxieties and illusions of attaining higher class, and Japanese/
American life. This examination of the U.S. occupation of Okinawa helps us understand current imperialism.
The imperialism is mediated through gender and race. It is also in pursuit of the natural, historical, and current
practice of satisfying the militarys need for metaphorically subjugating sexually and racially, as though the military is the
man 16 acting naturally. The American Village exists as the most powerful cultural construction that
reshapes contemporary Okinawan womens sexualities toward Okinawan nature and culture. To
naturalize is to trivialize the dynamic structure of sociopolitical maneuvers. The landscape of the American
Village for younger generations of Okinawans is an escape from the old tragic war history, a place where they fulfill their
desire for a higher social class and cross racial lines by dating and marrying GIs. On the other hand, some GIs
manipulate the space as a testing ground for their masculinity on Okinawan women. This indicates the
perpetuation of colonial dominance in the American Village. In a society where power is highly valued and
embraced as the highest pleasure, we tend to understand the power structure and hierarchy as natural
and women as sexual. In order to fight against the militarization of the Okinawan natural and social landscape, and the
exploitation of womens sexuality, it is indispensable to analyze the dynamics of naturalizing and trivializing processes.
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Thus we present the following plan: The United States federal government should close all United States
military bases in Japan
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Contention 3- Solvency
Only a sustained inquiry into violence as a gendered phenomenon stops this structural violence which
ranks alongside and subsumes global war and terrorism
MacKinnon 6, Catharine A., Professor of Law, University of Michigan Law School, and Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the
Behavioral Sciences, Women's September 11th: Rethinking the International Law of Conflict, 47 Harvard International Law Journal
1. Winter, 2006, EmiW
Here is the question: What will it take for violence against women, this daily war, this terrorism against
women as women that goes on every day worldwide, this everyday, group-based, systematic threat to
and crime against the peace, to receive a response in the structure and practice of international law
anything approximate to the level of focus and determination inspired by the September 11th attacks ?
Assuming that women are a group, a collectivity though not a state, to ask this is not simply to contend that because
violence against women is systemic and systematic (although it is), it should be addressed at this level of urgency. A lot of
socially built-in death and mayhem is legally ignored. This parallel is closer than, for example, that with the death of the
thousands of children who die from preventable diseases daily. 71 And the point is not a moral one: that this is bad and
should be stopped. It is legal: Both September 11th and most violence against women are acts by formally
nonstate actors against nonstate targets. It is analytical: Both are gender-based violence. And it is empirical: The body
count is comparable in just one country in just one year . 72 This is not to argue that the only effective response to
a war is a war. It is to ask, when will the international order stop regarding this very condition as peace and move all at
once, with will, to do whatever is necessary to stop it, shaping the imperatives of the response to the imperatives of the
problem? It is to ask why one matters, the other not. Why does the international order mobilize into a concerted
force to face down the one, while to address the other squarely and urgently seems unthinkable ? That the
configuration of parties on September 11th failed to fit the prior structure and assumptions of the international legal order
did not deter the response one whit. That actions like those taken since September 11th produce the structure and
assumptions that become international law--customary international law in the making 73--is, for better and worse, closer to
the truth. At this point, it is [*20] hard to avoid noticing that terrorism threatens the power of states, while male
violence against women does not; state power might be said to be one organized form of it. Asked another way: Why
did the condition of Afghan women, imprisoned in their clothes and homes for years, whipped if an ankle emerged,
prohibited education or employment or political office or medical care on the basis of sex, 74 and subjected to who yet
knows what other male violence, not rank with terrorism or rise on the international agenda to the level of a
threatening conflict? Why were those who sounded the alarm about their treatment ignored? Why, with all the
violations of international law and repeated Security Council resolutions, was their treatment alone not an act of war or a
reason to intervene (including, yes, militarily) on any day up to September 10, 2001? To the suggestion that Afghan women
should instead complain through international mechanisms, imagine the reaction to the suggestion that the United States,
instead of responding with force to the acts of September 11th, should remove its reservation to Article 41 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and enter a declaration against Afghanistan. 75 Except to
pacifists, some things justify armed intervention. How governments treat their own people, including women, has
traditionally not been one of them. In the approach taken throughout the 1930s, for example, so long as Hitler confined his
extermination of Jews to Germany, only Germany was generally regarded as properly concerned. It was after other
countries were attacked that the rest of the world became involved. Is the approach to women's treatment still stuck back
then, so that men inside each country are allowed to do to women what men cannot do to women of other countries? The
record supports something close to that as an operative rule. Women are incinerated in dowry killings in India or living in
fear that they could be any day. 76 They are stoned to death for sex outside marriage in some parts of South Asia and Africa.
They are dead of botched abortions in some parts of Latin America and of genital mutilations in many parts of the world.
Girls killed at birth or starved at an early age, or aborted as fetuses because they are female, are documented to number in
the millions across Asia. 77 If foreign men did all this inside one country, would that create a state of war ?
(Come to think of it, what does that make sex tourism in Thailand?) 78 The nationality of the perpetrators has little to do
with the injury to the women. While some of this is finally beginning to be seen as a violation of human rights, at least in
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theory, 79 none of it is thought to constitute a use of force in the legal sense. On its own, it has yet to create what is
perceived as a humanitarian emergency or to justify military intervention. Peacetime laws and institutions, for their part, far
from breaking down and failing to operate from time to time in this context as the law of armed conflict envisions, simply
never have worked for women on a large scale anywhere. But instead of these unredressed atrocities being recognized as
armed conflict for this reason, because the events happen with relative impunity all the time instead of just sometimes, or
perhaps because they do not happen in front of television cameras all on one day, they raise little international concern.
What does being done by domestic men inside each country make these acts in international terms? What do we call the
conservatively counted one-in-four women raped, one-in-three sexually abused in childhood, one-infour battered in their homes (including being crushed and burned), the uncounted prostituted women,
systematically raped and thrown away, women of color and indigenous women the most victimized
and the least responded to: the record of women living in non-metaphorical terror in the United States who
have no effective relief at home? 80 Although it has been documented and analyzed by survivors and social scientists since
1970, 81 chronicled by international observers in the United States and elsewhere, 82 women's pervasive fear of violence has
not even been noticed in the literature on terrorism, 83 far less [*22] produced an organized uprising by the international
community or spurred rethinking of the structure, content, and priorities of international organizations brought to a
crossroads, as September 11th has. 84 Comprehensive international strategies for world peace and security
have never included sustained inquiry into violence itself as a gendered phenomenon. 85
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Militarization happens step by step, rejection at each step key
Ferguson and Mironesco 2008 Kathy E. Ferguson is a professor of gender studies at the University of Hawaii, Monique
Mironesco is a professor of Womens Studies at the University of Hawaii (2008, Ch 16: Environmental Effects of U.S. Military
Security, in Gender and Globalization in Asia and the Pacific . MX)
Militarism often seems to stand outside of globalization because wars and armies are generally activities of states (although
nonstate terrorism complicates this understanding) and because violence seems to separate people and places, while global
flows connect them. Yet global flows of violence, arms, soldiers, mercenar- ies, contractors, strategies, environmental
destruction, and bellicose gendered imaginaries are part and parcel of globalization . Militarization, and by implica-
tion demilitarization, is a complex process with a long history and many layers. Militarization happens
step by step, through dense networks of microdecisions about how we live, work, and think as well as
through obvious public policies, violent colonial histories, and visible macrodecisions through which
elites organize the world and use its resources. Militarization also marks sites of struggle, contests
over not just how to militarize but whether to do so.
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Only demilitarization in the form of full withdrawal can solve gendered violence in Japan
Fukumura and Matsuoka 09(Yoko Fukumura and Martha Matsuoka, ed. Janice A. Radway, doctoral student at UC Santa Cruz
and assistant professor of Urban and Environmental Policy at Occidental College respectively, 2009, Redefining Security: Okinawa
Womens Resistance to US Militarism from American Studies, an Anthology, http://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=3D9FE-UfYxEC&oi=fnd&pg=PA49&dq=okinawa+base+gender&ots=1dLmyvBHD&sig=TouTH24YgdHc0rq_ODOlYqAw5k4#v=onepage&q=okinawa%20base%20gender&f=false)SH
The visibility of the issues of women and children in the reemergence of antimilitarism was due to the active leadership role
of Okinawan women, and in particular Okinawa Women Act Against Militarism (OWAAMV). Since its formation,
campaigns and activities have reflected a perspective on militarism that recognizes womens rights as
human rights and the military as an affront to human society. Keiko Itokazu, co-chair of OWAAMV and an
elected member to the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly, says: Our campaigning is not anti-U.S., but against military
forces. The Japanese forcibly involved women in Okinawa in that wheel of destruction. During the
war, not just women from Okinawa and the mainland but all over the region, Taiwan and Korea, were all called in
to serve the requirements of the military. The military always forces women into this unproductive
process of destruction; that is what their existence and logic is all about. Only with that sort of logic, war
logic, could the destruction of our natural environment and the denial of womens human rights be
possible. (Itokazu 1996, 11) In a report to the International Conference on Violence against Women in War and Armed
Conflict Situations OWAAMV argued that (1) even in times of peace, the long term military presence results
in violence against women, (2) military facilities represent sites of violence , illustrated by deployment of US
military forces from Okinawa to engage in conflict in Korea, Vietnam, and the Persian Gulf; (3) training facilities used
by military personnel expose residents and civilians to physical and psychological domination and risk to
safety; (4) the extent of violence against women is related to the attitudes of the host government, reflecting the status of
women, human rights, and the legal system that is in place to protect the status of women in society; (5) violence against
women and the violation of their human rights is related to the economic relationships between the country deploying the
military presence and the country receiving the military presence; and (6) the military is a male-dominated
structure that maintains constant war-making readiness, domination, and violence (Takazato 1997a).
Japanese feminist scholar Yayori Matsui (1998) further notes that OWAAMVs activism is drawn from a framework of
alternative security. Okinawan women challenge the very concept of security by asking whose security it
is if women and children are raped and harassed by military men and put under fear and threat . They
forcefully call for peoples and womens security, not security of the state. They claim that violence against women
cannot be prevented without confronting and doing away with U.S. military dominance and without
achieving demilitarization in the Asia-Pacific region. They emphasize that the army itself is a mechanism
of violence. They also broadened the concept of violence against women from war and armed conflict situations to cover
the situations of long-term military presence, because women near military bases are constantly victimized by
sexual violence, even if there is no war or armed conflict. (61)
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The Okinawans struggle can speak to all forms of marginalization, its resistance will be connected to global
struggles. Removing troops is a rallying cry against masculine frameworks in military institutions and develops
new forms of international security
Tanji 2003 (Miyume, Ph.D, Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Sophia University, Australian National
University, and Murdoch University, "THE ENDURING MYTH OF AN OKINAWAN STRUGGLE: THE HISTORY AND
TRAJECTORY OF A DIVERSE COMMUNITY OF PROJECT", http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/pubfiles/adtMU20040510.152840/02Whole.pdf, pgs. 19-20,. MX)
Chapter 8 focuses on the peak and the downturn period following the rise of the third wave of 'Okinawan Struggle'.
The contemporary community of protest is characterized by the co-existence of plural social movements. Differences and
internal divisions within the community of protest, I argue, indicate the co-existence of qualitatively different kinds of
social movements, although they are all related in some way to the inequality and marginalization related to
the continuing dominance of US military bases in Okinawa. A distinctive contribution of this thesis is to
understand the Okinawan protest experiences in the world that are studied more widely and profoundly, for example, the
civil rights movement, anti-nuclear movements and women at Greenham Common. It contributes to opening the black box
of 'Okinawan protesters' represented as a collected victim of an invincible US international security
policy, of Tokyo's political economy of compensation, and marginalization of a minority group in Japan. It attempts to
look at who the protestors are, what they want, how they strive to get it, and why. Overall, it contends that the myth of an
'Okinawan struggle' has survived, and will survive increasing diversification of protest actors and changing
reform agendas in Okinawa because of its flexibility in being harnessed to a myriad of shapes and forms of
campaigns against marginalization. This dissertation reveals that through the post-war period, the myth - described
variously as an 'Okinawan struggle', the 'Okinawan Struggle', or the 'Okinawans' movement' - has become less
rigid in the way it is incorporated into notions of collective identity or rationales for specific protests and
organizations thereof. Yet it is precisely this capacity of the myth to speak to so many different
interpretations of marginalization - involving different struggles and experiences at different periods in

time - that means it is still a powerful and attractive one. It continues to be an effective source of inspiration and
mobilization for divergent groups by providing strategies and ideas of protest derived from past experiences, and to be a
source of self-expression. Another attraction of the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' is its ability to
provide a base for individual struggles, from which to connect with common experiences of
marginalization taking place in other parts of the world, thus promoting developing networks with social
movement actors in global civil society.
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Inherency
Parts of Okinawa base to be relocated, but the troop relocation leaves thousands on the island. The base
is staying on Okinawa, not much change.
(Daisuke Wakabayashi and Yuka Hayashi, staff writers for the Wall Street Journal, 7/12/10, "Weakened Kan Faces Deadlines
on Okinawa", http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703580104575360660021162180.html)SH
The base wasn't a prominent factor in the campaign, but Sunday's results could make it harder for the weakened Mr. Kan to
keep the promises the Japanese government made to the Obama administration. The prime minister told the U.S. he
would move forward with the plan , aimed at keeping a large Marine presence on the southern island . The
first test comes at the end of August: The previous prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, had promised Washington an
agreement with the U.S. on details of the controversial base location plan, including configuration and construction
methods, by then. Mr. Kan has pledged to follow Mr. Hatoyama's commitments on Okinawa. In the months following that
deadline, local elections in Okinawa could further lock local politicians into opposing Tokyo's attempts to
move the American base to a new community. The Pentagon declined immediate comment on the vote. The
tensions revolve around a 2006 agreement between the two countries to shuffle U.S. troops in Okinawa
to make them more politically acceptable to the local population. The agreement calls for the U.S. to
move 8,000 Marines to Guam by 2014 and to shift part of an existing Okinawa helicopter facility to a
rural part of the island from a densely populated area. The aim is to diminish local hostility to the Marine
presence, which has been stoked by a rape case and a helicopter crash. While the deal reduces the number of
Marines on Okinawa, it leaves thousands there, and it doesn't go far enough for many Okinawans, who want
the base moved off the island entirely. The ruling Democratic Party of Japan had endorsed that view last year
and promised base opponents it would support their cause. But Mr. Hatoyama changed his position
under pressure from the U.S.
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Sexual Abuse Extensions

U.S. military presence results in increased violence and sexual abuse
Norman, Adam B, J.D. candidate, 1997, Indiana University School
of
Law-Indianapolis
1995-1996
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/iicl6&id=729&type=text&collection=journals
The Okinawan government reports that 4700 crimes have been committed by military personnel since
Okinawa's reversion to Japan in 1972, including 509 particularly heinous crimes. Americans in
Okinawa account for 4.2 percent of the population but committed 11.5 percent of felonies such as murder,
rape, and robbery. However, crimes significantly declined from more than 300 a year during the 1970's to 98 in 1994. The
Defense Facilities Administration Agency confirms these figures but notes that they reflect crime throughout all of Japan,
not just the Okinawan prefecture. Okinawans see the current rape case as just one of a long list of crimes committed over
the past fifty years. Thus, even before the rape, concern about the conduct of U.S. troops was building. Examples of the
more heinous crimes committed during the last forty years include:
* In 1955, a six-year-old girl was raped and murdered in the Kadenaarea. A U.S. sergeant was arrested
and eventually sentenced to forty- five years heavy labor. This is known as the Yumikochan incident.
* In 1974, a sleeping woman was beaten to death with a cement block by a U.S. serviceman
intending to commit robbery. In 1985, a man was stabbed to death by a U.S. serviceman.43
* On September 16, 1995, a U.S. sailor exposed himself to a sixth-grade schoolgirl.
The Okinawan people, including their governor, Masahide Ota, have called for the reduction and realignment of the U.S.
bases to the rest of mainland Japan. The Okinawan government has even taken out a large advertisement in the New York
Times pleading with the American public to help them in their fight to reduce and realign U.S. bases located on their island.
Okinawans allege U.S. bases are a hotbed for crime and violence. Nearly 85,000 protestors turned out on
October 21, 1995, in the biggest protest ever against U.S. bases. The protestors claimed that brutal crimes, such as
the rape, show a decline in U.S. forces' discipline and indicate an occupation mentality.
Sexual abuse against Okinawan women is justified by sexualizing their bodies and racializing them
The womens hypersexualized bodies are also racialized in the media. In an interview for the online
Time Magazine, a U.S. Air Force guy arrogantly generalizes Okinawan womens attitudes towards
GIs: [Okinawan women] come out to bars. They know were there. What do you think theyre looking
for? I mean, come on, they know what can happen, theyve heard the stories, too. I mean, they live in Okinawa, and they
still keep coming, looking for us. So what does that tell you? So they come in, have a good time, and the guy says, so you
want to come home with me, and they say, sure, because that sounds like fun and you know we Americans treat them a
helluva lot better than the Japanese guys do, right? (2 July 2001) This demonstrates the ways in which GIs conceive of
Okinawan womens sexuality as compared to Japanese guys. Those GIs not only sexualize Okinawan womens
bodies, but at the same time racialize them by generalizing all Okinawan womens bodies as sexually
available to GIs. Moreover, the implication is that GIs masculinize themselves by denigrating Japanese
men. This also justifies GIs sexual abuse of Okinawan women in the American Village where they
consider Okinawan women are GIs objects. That is, they are claiming the western masculine centrality
against Okinawan womens bodies.
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Sexual Abuse Extensions (Stereotypes)

The power dynamics of militarism in East Asia employ racist and sexist gender stereotypes to justify their
on-going sexual exploitation of women in Asia, the women are feminized, inferior, and disposable
Kirk 8 (Gwyn, founder member of Women for Genuine Security, Ph.D. in political sociology from the London School of Economics
March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific . Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific" (Washington,
DC: Foreign Policy In Focus. MX)
The power dynamics of militarism in the Asia-Pacific region rely on dominance and subordination.
These hierarchical relationships, shaped by gender, can be seen in U.S. military exploitation of host
communities, its abuse and contamination of land and water, and the exploitation of women and children
through the sex industry, sexual violence, and rape. Womens bodies, the land, and indigenous
communities are all feminized, treated as dispensable and temporary. What is constructed as civilized,
white, male, western, and rational is held superior to what is defined as primitive, non-white, female,
non-western, and irrational. Nations and U.S. territories within the Asia-Pacific region are treated as inferiors with
limited sovereignty or agency in relation to U.S. foreign policy interests that go hand-in-hand with this racist/sexist
ideology. The imbalance of power in gender relations in and around bases is mirrored at the alliance level as well. The
United States controls Hawaii through statehood; Guam is a colonial territory; and the United States is the dominant
partner in alliances with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. The expansion and restructuring of U.S. bases and
military operations in the region depend on these imbalances of power, which are rooted in histories of annexation,
colonization, exploitation, and war. The Asia-Pacific region is a major part of the worldwide network of U.S. bases and
facilities that support the global war on terror and enables the United States to extend its reach far beyond its own shores.
The war on terror is only the latest justification for U.S. military presence in communities that have little say over the
activities of armed outsiders . This network in turn depends on a set of interrelated phenomena violence
against women and girls, violation of local peoples self-determination, and abuse and contamination of the
environment that reinforce gender stereotypes.
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The military encourages this exploitation, dehumanizing its victims both on the battlefield and the local
community the racist and sexist stereotypes about Okinawan women are integral to this violence
Kirk 8 (Gwyn, founder member of Women for Genuine Security, Ph.D. in political sociology from the London School of Economics
March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific . Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific" (Washington,
DC: Foreign Policy In Focus. MX)
Violence against women is pervasive at U.S. bases in the region and in prevailing military culture and
training. The case of Okinawa is especially shocking. In the past 62 years , there have been 400 reported
cases of women who have been attacked, kidnapped, abused, gang-raped, or murdered by U.S. troops .
Victims have included a nine-month old baby and girls between six and 15 years old. Most recently, in February 2008, Staff
Sgt. Tyrone Luther Hadnott, aged 38, of Camp Courtney in Okinawa, was arrested and charged with raping a 14-year-old
girl. In November 2005, several Marines stood trial for raping a Philippine woman, Nicole (a pseudonym) near Olongapo
(Philippines). One man, Daniel Smith, a U.S. marine, was convicted of this crime and sentenced to 40 years imprisonment
in the Philippines. However, he was transferred to U.S. custody immediately after conviction. Philippine and U.S.
organizations contend that this case illuminates the negative impacts of the U.S.-Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement
(VFA), which undermines Philippines national sovereignty. Violence against women recurs around U.S. bases in Asia. A
particularly brutal rape and murder of a Korean woman in 1992 led to street demonstrations in Seoul and the formation of a
new organization, the National Campaign for the Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea, to document crimes and
help victims claim redress. Activists in Guam are justifiably concerned that such violence will rise in their communities
with the proposed increase in U.S. Marines stationed there. Military personnel are trained to dehumanize
others as part of their preparation for war. Their aggressiveness, frustration, and fear spill over into
local communities, for example in acts of violence against girls and women. Although most U.S. troops do not
commit such violations, these incidents happen far too often to be accepted as aberrations . Racist and sexist
stereotypes about Asian women as exotic, accommodating, and sexually compliant are an integral part of
such violence. These crimes inflame local hostility and resistance to U.S. military bases and operations, and have longlasting effects on victims/survivors. Cases are seriously underreported due to womens shame and fear or their belief that
perpetrators will not be apprehended.
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Patriarchy Extensions
Removing patriarchy will help to eliminate all other forms of domination and violence
(Karen Warren and Duane Cady, Professors of Philosophy at Macalester College & Hamline University, Hypatia, Spring 19 94,
Proquest)SH
Of special interest to feminist philosophers are "conceptual frameworks."
A conceptual framework is a set of basic

beliefs, values, attitudes, and assumptions that shape and reflect how we view ourselves and others. It
is a socially constructed lens through which one views the world. When it explains, justifies, and
maintains relationships of domination and subordination, a conceptual framework is oppressive. An
oppressive conceptual framework is patriarchal when it explains, justifies, and maintains the
subordination of women by men (Warren 1987, 1989, 1990, 1994). Perhaps the most obvious connection
between feminism and peace is that both are structured around the concept and logic of domination (see
(5) below). Although there are a great many varieties of feminism, all feminists agree that the
domination/subordination of women exists, is morally wrong, and must be eliminated. Most feminists
agree that the social construction of gender is affected by such multiple factors as race/ethnicity, class,
affectional preferences, age, religion, and geographic location. So, in fact, any feminist movement to
end the oppression of women will also be a movement, for example, to end the multiple oppressions of
racism, classism, heterosexism, ageism, ethnocentrism, anti-Semitism, imperialism, and so on (see
Warren 1990). War, the "decision by arms," the "final arbiter of disputes," "an act of force which theoretically has no
limits'" (Clausewitz 1976) amounts to domination pushed to the extreme: Imposition of will by one group
onto another by means of threat, injury, and death. Genuine peace ("positive peace"), on the other hand,
involves interaction between and among individuals and groups where such behavior is orderly from
within, cooperative, and based on agreement. Genuine peace is not a mere absence of war ("negative
peace"), where order is imposed from outside by domination (Cady 1989, 1991). It is the process and reality
where life-affirming, self-determined, environmentally sustainable ends are sought and accomplished through coalitionary,
interactive, cooperative means. Feminism and peace share an important conceptual connection: Both are
critical of, and committed to the elimination of, coercive power-over privilege systems of domination
as a basis of interaction between individuals and groups. A feminist critique and development of any
peace politics, therefore, ultimately is a critique of systems of unjustified domination. What constitutes
such systems of unjustified domination? Warren has explicitly argued elsewhere (Warren 1987, 1988, 1990, 1994, N.d.) that
at the conceptual level they consist of at least five oppressive ways of interpreting the world and acting in it. These are five
characteristics of an oppressive conceptual framework and the behaviors linked with their implementation: (1) valuehierarchical thinking, that is, Up-Down thinking which attributes higher value (status, prestige) to what is "Up" than to what
is "Down"; (2) value dualisms, that is, disjunctive pairs in which the disjuncts are seen as oppositional (rather than as
complementary) and as exclusive (rather than as inclusive); value dualisms include reason/emotion, mind/body,
culture/nature, human/nature, and man/woman dichotomies; (3) conceptions of power as power-over (in contrast to powerwith, power-within, power toward, and power-against power);(3) (4) conceptions of privilege which favor the interests of
the "Ups"; and (5) a logic of domination, that is, a structure of argumentation which presumes that superiority justifies
subordination. In a patriarchal conceptual framework, higher status is attributed to what is male-gender-identified than to
what is female-gender-identified, Many feminists claim that, at least in Western culture, emotion, body, and nature have
been historically female-gender-identified and considered inferior to reason, mind, and culture, which have been malegender-identified. Conceptually, a feminist perspective suggests that patriarchal conceptual frameworks and the
behavior they give rise to, are what sanction, maintain, and perpetuate "isms of domination"--sexism,
racism, classism, warism,(4) naturism(5) and the coercive power-over institutions and practices
necessary to maintain these "isms." If this is correct, then no account of peace is adequate which does not
reveal patriarchal conceptual frameworks; they underlie and sustain war and conflict resolution
strategies. (Examples of why we think this is correct are laced throughout the remainder of the paper.)
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Patriarchy Extensions
Patriarchys fundamental assumptions perpetuate war, violence, genocide, rape, and environmental
destruction
(Karen Warren and Duane Cady, Professors of Philosophy at Macalester College & Hamline University, Hypatia, Spring 19 94,
Proquest)SH
The notion of patriarchy as a socially dysfunctional system enables feminist philosophers to show why conceptual
connections are so important and how conceptual connections are linked to the variety of other sorts of woman-naturepeace connections. In addition, the claim that patriarchy is a dysfunctional social system locates what ecofeminists see as
various "dysfunctionalities" of patriarchy-the empirical invisibility of what women do, sexist-waristlanguage,
violence toward women, other cultures, and nature-in a historical, socioeconomic, cultural, and political context.(10) To say
that patriarchy is a dysfunctional system is to say that the fundamental beliefs, values, attitudes and assumptions
(conceptual framework) of patriarchy give rise to impaired thinking, behaviors, and institutions which are
unhealthy for humans, especially women, and the planet. The following diagram represents the features of patriarchy as
a dysfunctional social system: Patriarchy, as an Up-Down system of power-over relationships of domination of women by
men, is conceptually grounded in a faulty patriarchal belief and value system, (a), according to which (some) men are
rational and women are not rational, or at least not rational in the more highly valued way (some) men are rational; reason
and mind are more important than emotion and body; that humans are justified in using female nature simply to satisfy
human consumptive needs. The discussion above of patriarchal conceptual frameworks describes the characteristics of this
faulty belief system . Patriarchal conceptual frameworks sanction, maintain, and perpetuate impaired thinking,
(b): For example, that men can control women's inner lives, that it is men's role to determine women's choices, that human
superiority over nature justifies human exploitation of nature, that women are closer to nature than men because they are
less rational, more emotional, and respond in more instinctual ways than (dominant) men. The discussions above at (4) and
(5), are examples of the linguistic and psychological forms such impaired thinking can take. Operationalized, the
evidence of patriarchy as a dysfunctional system is found in the behaviors to which it gives rise , (c), and
the unmanageability, (d), which results. For example, in the United States, current estimates are that one out of every
three or four women will be raped by someone she knows; globally, rape, sexual harassment , spousebeating, and sado-masochistic pornography are examples of behaviors practiced, sanctioned, or tolerated within
patriarchy. In the realm of environmentally destructive behaviors, strip-mining, factory farming, and pollution of the air,
water, and soil are instances of behaviors maintained and sanctioned within patriarchy. They, too, rest on the faulty beliefs
that it is okay to "rape the earth," that it is "man's God-given right" to have dominion (that is, domination) over the earth,
that nature has only instrumental value, that environmental destruction is the acceptable price we pay for "progress." And
the presumption of warism, that war is a natural, righteous, and ordinary way to impose dominion on a people or nation,
goes hand in hand with patriarchy and leads to dysfunctional behaviors of nations and ultimately to international
unmanageability. Much of the current "unmanageability" of contemporary life in patriarchal societies, (d), is then viewed as
a consequence of a patriarchal preoccupation with activities, events, and experiences that reflect historically male-genderidentified beliefs, values, attitudes, and assumptions. Included among these real-life consequences are precisely
those concerns with nuclear proliferation, war, environmental destruction, and violence toward women,
which many feminists see as the logical outgrowth of patriarchal thinking. In fact, it is often only through observing these
dysfunctional behaviors--the symptoms of dysfunctionality--that one can truly see that and how patriarchy serves to maintain and
perpetuate them. When patriarchy is understood as a dysfunctional system, this "unmanageability" can be seen for what it is--as a
predictable and thus logical consequence of patriarchy.(11) The theme that global environmental crises, war, and violence
generally are predictable and logical consequences of sexism and patriarchal culture is pervasive in ecofeminist literature (see
Russell 1989, 2). Ecofeminist Charlene Spretnak, for instance, argues that "a militarism and warfare are continual features of a
patriarchal society because they reflect and instill patriarchal values and fulfill needs of such a system. Acknowledging the context
of patriarchal conceptualizations that feed militarism is a first step toward reducing their impact and preserving life on Earth"
(Spretnak 1989, 54). Stated in terms of the foregoing model of patriarchy as a dysfunctional social system, the claims by Spretnak
and other feminists take on a clearer meaning: Patriarchal conceptual frameworks legitimate impaired thinking (about women,
national and regional conflict, the environment) which is manifested in behaviors which, if continued, will make life on earth
difficult, if not impossible. It is a stark message, but it is plausible. Its plausibility lies in understanding the conceptual roots of
various woman-nature-peace connections in regional, national, and global contexts.
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Patriarchy --> NW Inevitable

Patriarchy makes nuclear war inevitable in the SQ
Reardon 1993, Director of the Peace Education Program at Teachers College Columbia University (Betty, Women and Peace:
Feminist Visions of Global Security, http://www.questia.com/library/book/women-and-peace-feminist-visions-of-global-security-bybetty-a-reardon.jsp,. MX)
In an article entitled Naming the Cultural Forces That Push Us toward War (1983), Charlene Spretnak focused on some
of the fundamental cultural factors that deeply influence ways of thinking about security. She argues that patriarchy
encourages militarist tendencies. Since a major war now could easily bring on massive annihilation of
almost unthinkable proportions, why are discussions in our national forums addressing the madness of
the nuclear arms race limited to matters of hardware and statistics ? A more comprehensive analysis is badly
needed . A clearly visible element in the escalating tensions among militarized nations is the macho
posturing and the patriarchal ideal of dominance, not parity, which motivates defense ministers and
government leaders to strut their stuff as we watch with increasing horror. Most men in our patriarchal
culture are still acting out old patterns that are radically inappropriate for the nuclear age. To prove
dominance and control, to distance ones character from that of women, to survive the toughest violent
initiation, to shed the sacred blood of the hero, to collaborate with death in order to hold it at bayall
of these patriarchal pressures on men have traditionally reached resolution in ritual fashion on the
battlefield. But there is no longer any battlefield. Does anyone seriously believe that if a nuclear power
were losing a crucial, large-scale conventional war it would refrain from using its multiple-warhead
nuclear missiles because of some diplomatic agreement? The military theater of a nuclear exchange
today would extend, instantly or eventually, to all living things, all the air, all the soil, all the water. If
we believe that war is a necessary evil, that patriarchal assumptions are simply human nature, then
we are locked into a lie , paralyzed. The ultimate result of unchecked terminal patriarchy will be nuclear
holocaust. The causes of recurrent warfare are not biological. Neither are they solely economic. They
are also a result of patriarchal ways of thinking, which historically have generated considerable
pressure for standing armies to be used. (Spretnak 1983) These cultural tendencies have produced our
current crisis of a highly militarized, violent world that in spite of the decline of the cold war and the
slowing of the military race between the superpowers is still staring into the abyss of nuclear disaster,
as described by a leading feminist in an address to the Community Aid Abroad State Convention, Melbourne, Australia:
These then are the outward signs of militarism across the world today: weapons-building and trading in them; spheres of
influence derived from their supply; interventionboth overt and covert; torture; training of military personnel, and supply
of hardware to, and training of police; the positioning of military bases on foreign soil; the despoilation of the planet;
intelligence networks; the rise in the number of national security states; more and more countries coming under direct
military rule; 13 the militarization of diplomacy, and the interlocking and the international nature of the military order
which even defines the major rifts in world politics.
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Military --> Patriarchy

U.S. occupying forces follow the American Plan, promoting patriarchal thought and the perpetuation of a
male-dominant system. It destroyed rights of all women, not just prostitutes, while males were not
punished for purchasing sex, but even encouraged to do so.
Among the salient characteristics of the American Plan, first and foremost is the granting to military authorities the power to
establish zones around military bases where the sale of sexual services is prohibited. Often misunderstood is the fact
that this provision does not make prostitution in general illegal within these zones. Rather, it is
womens sale of their sexual services that was forbidden; purchase of those services by soldiers was
not prohibited. From the early 20th century onward, the US military, like those of various western countries, encouraged
soldiers to use antiseptics, and this became a common practice from the World War I through the World War II. The
behavior that was prohibited for soldiers was carelessly contracting an STD from having sex without using
an antiseptic. They were not reprimanded for purchasing sex as long as they took preventative measures
and were even encouraged to do so .4 Another point that is easily misunderstood is that under the American Plan,
what is established by law is the right of commanders to establish zones in which the sale of sexual services is prohibited. If
commanders do not deem it necessary, they are not required to establish these zones. In fact, there are hardly any instances
of the rights given by the May Act being exercised domestically (Shimada 1998: 60). Yet, wherever the US military
went overseas, it institutionalized the practice of directly administering prostitution zones around its
military bases all over the world (Tanaka 2002: 8499). In short, the setting up of zones where the sale of
sexual services is prohibited was not a means of restraining the behavior of military personnel; rather, it was a
means of giving the military the right to exercise power over women . The second characteristic of the
American Plan that concerns us here is that the coercion initially applied to women within the limited spaces
of the areas surrounding US military bases gradually expanded throughout the entire region.
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Military --> Patriarchy

Militarization is suffocating Okinawa and its women, particularly, locking them in a patriarchal
framework.
(Cynthia H. Enloe, Ph.D. in political science from UC Berkeley and Director of Clark Universitys Women Studies program, 2k,
Maneuvers: The International Politics Of Militarizing Women's Lives, p. 111-112)SH
Militarized rape and militarized prostitution are often treated by policy makers as if they were divided
by a cultural Maginot Line. When they are, this division is marked less by cultural realities than by a fortified wall of
ideas and practices built by nervous policy makers themselves. This imagined separation between militarized rape
and militarized prostitution serves the interests of many patriarchal officials: it allows them to discuss
rape and prostitution as if their perpetrators and their victims were entirely different. In actual practice,
in the world of military policy making, officials think of rape and prostitution together . Providing
organized prostitution to male soldiers is imagined to be a means of preventing those same soldiers
from engaging in rape. It was this sort of connecting rape to prostitution, that informed the Japanese
imperial government's 1930s and 1940s "comfort women" policy making. Strikingly similar thinking
undergirds present-day British and American military sexual politics. 2 Take the Okinawa rape case of
1995. Okinawa had been militarily occupied by the Japanese before World War II, but the
militarization reached new heights during that conflict. That militarization process was both
patriarchally gendered and sexualized. According to recently discovered documents, the imperial army created a
total of 130 military brothels on Okinawa. The women forced to work in these establishments were both Okinawan and
Korean. Okinawa suffered some of World War II's most devastating battles. More than one-fourth of the island's population150,000 Oki-nawans-were killed in June 1945. The Battle of Okinawa became the Japanese and American forces' last major
face-to-face engagement of the war. Q Every year, June 23 is marked by Okinawans as a day for both memorializing the
dead and recommitting themselves to peace. And yet Okinawa remains today one of the most thoroughly militarized places
on earth. By agreements between oflicials in Washington and in Tokyo, much of Okinawans' most fertile and commercially
valuable land has been given over to U.S. military installations. Five years after the end of the Cold War Okinawans played
host to 29,000 American troops. The U. S. government created bases for its own military purposes (at the peak of the Cold
War there were 145 bases on the island). Okinawa became a linchpin in the American post World War 11 Pacific defense
strategy. In 1972, Okinawa was returned to Japanese control-Okinawans refer to it as the "reversion"-but the American
bases remained. Reversion made Okinawans "Japanese," but the switch from U.S. control to Japanese control did not
reduce militarization. Although the island of Okinawa accounts for a mere 1 percent of Japan's total territory, it has been
host to 75 percent of the U.S. bases.
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Military --> Patriarchy (Structural Violence)

Militarism utilizes a patriarchal system with great structural violence to women and children
Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton 1996 (Structural Violence Section Introduction
http://74.125.155.132/scholar?q=cache:xVHwyQaVjfwJ:scholar.google.com/+militarism+%22structural+violence
%22&hl=en&as_sdt=4000000000
If children are often the invisible and innocent victims of societys structural violence, so are their
mothers. Diane Mazurana and Susan McKays Women, Girls, and Structural Violence discusses the many ways in which
global sexism systematically denies girls and women access to resources. From health care and food, to legal standing and
political power, females get less than males in every country on the planet. Yet we often do not notice sex-based injustice
because we are so accustomed to seeing males with more power, prestige, and status than women. Mazurana and McKay
argue that patriarchy- based structural violence will not be redressed until women are able to play more active roles making
decisions about how resources are distributed. Patriarchal values also drive excessive militarism, as Deborah
Winter, Marc Pilisuk, Sara Houck and Matthew Lee argue in their chapter, Understanding Militarism: Money, Masculinity,
and the Search for the Mystical. The authors illuminate how socieites make soldiering a male rite of passage and
proof of manhood, thereby showing the close link between militarism and masculinity. Militarization is
also deeply rooted in spiritual motives, as men attempt to experience mystical sacrifice through war.
Both masculinism and mysticism drive military expenditures beyond rational ends, and produce great
structural violence to those (usually women and children) whose human needs for adequate food, health care,
and education go unmet because arms are bought instead. In addition, market forces fuel arms production and distribution
throughout the world; half the worlds countries spend more on arms than health and education combined.
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Masculine Militarism Impacts

Masculine militarism legitimizes war
Clark 04, Prof. of Biopsychology at Berkeley(Mary E. Rhetoric, patriarchy & war: explaining the dangers of "leadership" in mass
culture http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/gi_0199-4005307/Rhetoric-patriarchy-war-explaining-the.html., ,. MX)
Today's Western patriarchal world view now dominates globalwide dialogue among the "leaders" of Earth's nearly two
hundred nation-states. Its Machiavellian/Realpolitik assumptions about the necessity of' military power to preserve order
within and between groups of humans trumps--and stifles--other potential viewpoints. Founded on the belief that "evil" is
innate, it dictates that human conflict must be "controlled": global "law" backed by coercive force. This view, when
cross-culturally imposed, becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, thus "legitimating" an escalating use of

force. Western leaders (male and female) use a rhetoric couched in a "hegemonic masculinity" to
justify their ready use of military force to coerce "those who are against us" into compliance. This
translates globally as "national leaders must never lose facet!" Changing this dominant paradigm
requires dismantling the hierarchic hegemony of masculine militarism and its related economic institutions,
through global cross-cultural dialogues, thus replacing a hegemonic world view and institutions with
new, more adaptive visions, woven out of the most useful remnants of multiple past cultural stories.
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Gender Hierarchies --> War

Gender hierarchies make war inevitable
Peterson and Runyan, 99 (V. Spike, of political science at the University of Arizona, and Anne, professor and professor of womens
studies
at
Wright
State
University,
Global
Gender
Issue
http://books.google.com/booksid=rydmqwmpkeUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Global+Gender+Issues&hl=en&ei=zF1KTJPgOoL58AaJzek2&sa=X
&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false s,. MX)
The assumption that violence is largely the result of anarchic international relations--in contrast to
supposedly "peaceful" domestic communities--obscures the question of the amount of and the way in
which violence is deployed from the local to the global level. For example, domestic violence--the euphemism
for the wide range of physical and emotional abuse suffered mostly by wives and children in families--is widespread
throughout the world.13 Hence, it makes little sense to argue that the level and frequency of violent conflict is what separates
It makes more sense to see domestic and international violence as

intimately connected (see Figure 6.2) Through this lens, international violence is revealed more as an
extension of domestic masculinist socialization designed to produce aggressive "men" (including some
females). In addition, military security policies and practices can be seen, in part, as the pursuit of
masculinist reactive autonomy that can tolerate no interdependent relations. Similarly, the definition of
peace simply as the absence of the direct violence of war obscures the deep, structural inequalities that
both give rise to and are the result of violence. Sustaining sexism, racism, classism, heterosexism, and
gendered nationalism has heretofore been vital to sustaining militarism and the "us" and "them"
mentality that goes along with it. Thus, any serious attempt to end war must involve significant
alterations in local, national, and global hierarchies.
international relations from domestic relations.
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Military --> Gender/Racial/Social Constructs

Okinawan women are unknowingly letting militarization establish their social, gender and racial
constructs
Ginoza 5 (Ayano, September, Professor of Womens Studies at Washington State University American Village as a Space of
Militarism and Tourism: U.S. Militarism, Gender Hierarchy, Class, and Race in Okinawa, . MX)
Another article, Anxiety in the mix as cultures mingle at Okinawas American Village, illustrates the American Village as
a busy scene on Friday nights for young Americans stationed on Okinawa. Those U.S. servicemembers with fresh
military haircuts and baggy khaki trousers mingle with the young Japanese crowd . For Okinawan women, the
Village at night is a date place where GIs and Okinawan women meet. The visual celebration of
American popular cultural landscape in the American Village invites Japanese women as the main
participants in redefining and sustaining the meaning of the powerful American image. Thus, the view
of the American Village is racialized and gendered at the same time. The ideology of racism
legitimizes the marginalization of Okinawan indigenous culture by accepting the idea of cultural,
economic, and political vulnerability of Okinawa where mass tourism engages in the commercialization of the
power structure of Okinawa and America. As a result , many young Okinawans even consider the bases to be
important Okinawan cultural and economic developers. Okinawan women who constantly receive
those messages often consider GIs as romantic, like movie stars, and exciting, whereas
Japanese men arent (Keyso xiv). Moreover, women think that dating GIs elevates the womens social
status, and makes women ultra-independent and independent thinkers who are capable of freeing
themselves from the [Japanese] social system (Keyso 109). All these ideas support the GIs
masculinity, and participate in militarizing the space. The American Village for some Okinawan
women is a space which fulfills their desires to raise their social status and class. It is a refuge in which they
can escape from the old Japanese social system, while those women unconsciously participate in their own
exploitation. In this sense, militourism is an undermining ideology and process of disguising political and
cultural imperialism that directly, but most of the times unconsciously, influences Okinawan womens
sexuality. In the American Village, traditional Japanese gender roles seems to be less restrictive due to the absence of the
Japanese and Okinawan cultural presence . However, once women are freed and alienated from the Japanese
social gender norms in the American Village, their sexuality becomes subjugated to the militarization
of GIs. As Teaiwa affirms: This collaboration between militarism and tourism affects the complex process of
displacement and social mobility for Islanders, affecting the physical, mental, and emotional health of island bodies (252).
Thus, the space of the American village negotiates and fluctuates with Japanese womens social class,
gender, and race relations. The carefully designed popular images of an American landscape entice younger GIs and
Japanese women in particular. Suzuyo Takazato, a politician and feminist activist against military violence, also points out
that, through media, Japanese young girls 10 constantly receive images of U.S. soldiers as friendly foreigners and
images of movie heroes which make them dream ofthe opportunity to court U.S. soldiers (Takazato 263 ). The
imagined American popular landscape exploits that dream and supposedly provides an opportunity to
experience that dream. The idealization of the American landscape prevents Okinawan women and
tourists from questioning, challenging, and explaining the militarization of Okinawan womens
sexualities.
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Military --> Sexualization/Racialization

The militarization process is seamed naturally into the Okinawan landscape so that women are easily
sexualized and racialized
Okinawan women in the American Village who enjoy the access to the American style
commodities and entertainment in the space neutralize the tension between Okinawan conflicts with
U.S. imperialism and mitigate the restlessness of the OkinawanU.S. issue . Masahide Ota, the former
Okinawan governor and a tireless critic of the U.S. military bases, laments that the younger generation of Okinawan
women who [have] no immediacy to military violence freely accept the bases (148). Both Takazato
Further,
and Ota lament Okinawan womens incapability and lack of knowledge about militarization. However, they seem to dismiss
the sociopolitical process of naturalizing the militarization of the Okinawan landscape. Most of the time, the
militarization process is so naturally constructed in the landscape of Okinawa through media that
people, even politicians, easily dismiss the process and end up blaming and lamenting the womens
behaviors. This shows the vulnerability of younger Okinawans who interpret the neocolonization of the
space as urbanization. In this space, thus, Okinawan women are the ones most sexually visible and
easily seen as a cause of the sexual assaults and militarization of their bodies although they are the
ones most impacted and sexually and racially violated. While Okinawan women consume the positive
image of America and romanticize the idea of dating GIs, GIs objectify and exploit the womens
sexuality. This often results in sexual abuse and rape of Okinawan women. An article in Time titled Sex and
Race in 11 Okinawa: U.S. Servicemen and Local Women Can Be A Volatile Mix, A Rape Allegation Against An American
Casts Harsh Light on The Islands Race Relations describes a rape case in the American Village. This article illustrates a
militarized situation of the American Village with a hypersexualized image of female tourists from mainland Japan as
dream seekers whose biggest draws are the real live Americans (August 27, 2001, p39). In the article, the American
Village is depicted as [r]eminders of Uncle Sam abound America Mart, America Hotel and Club America:
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Military --> Systemic Violence

Systematic violence against Okinawan women is a fundamental part of the US military
Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey 1998 (Making Connections: Building an East Asia-U.S. Womens Network against U.S.
Militarism http://gwynkirk.com/pdf/making_connections_paper.pdf,. MX)
Participants shared the view that violence against women is an integral part of U.S military attitudes,
training, and culture. It is not random, but systemic, and )cannot simply be attributed to a few bad
apples as the military authorities often try to do. We noted the many reports of rape, assault, and
sexual harassment within the U.S. military that have come to light over the past few years. We also noted
that U.S. military families experience higher rates of domestic violence compared to nonmilitary families. But the main
emphasis of our discussion concerned crimes of violence committed by U.S. military personnel against civilians in Korea,
Japan, and the Philippines, especially violence against women, and the institutionalization of military prostitution. Women
from all countries represented, including the United States, reported crimes of violence committed by U.S. military
personnel against local women. Okinawan women emphasized violent attacks of women and girls by U.S.
military personnel, especially the marines who are in Okinawa in large numbers. In May 1995, for
example, a 24-year old Okinawan woman was beaten to death by a G.I. with a hammer in the doorway
of her house. On their return from Beijing Conference in September1995, Okinawan women
immediately organized around the rape of a twelve-year old girl, which had occurred while they were
away. This revitalized opposition to the U.S. military presence in Okinawa and drew worldwide
attention to violence against women on the part of U.S. military personnel. The National Coalition for the
Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troops in Korea, which comprises human rights activists, religious groups, feminists, and
labor activists, was galvanized into action by a particularly brutal rape and murder of a bar woman, Yoon Kum E, in 1992.
Korean participants commented that pimps and G.I.s try to intimidate the women against speaking out; women are also
afraid of public humiliation. Drawing public attention to such crimes is embarrassing to the U.S. military. They are usually
denied and covered up.
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Prostitution Extensions
The US military presence encourages the government to find sex workers - women as young as 15 are
sexually subjugated
Lie 1997 [John, Professor of sociology and Dean of International and Area Studies at the University of California, Berkeley The
State as Pimp: Prostitution and the Patriarchal State in Japan in the 1940s The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Spring, 1997),
pp. 259 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society, EmiW]
In April l958, prostitution became illegal in Japan, thereby ending centuries of administered prostitution in
the country (Ichikawa 1978, pp. 609-626; Takemura 1985). However, the impetus of the immediate postwar years,
especially as stimulated by U.S. military presence had greatly expanded the sex industry. This was
particularly striking in Okinawa, which was occupied by the United States until the early 1970s. By 1969, one out
of every thirty-four women over the age of fifteen had become a prostitute (Hokama I984, pp. 39-40). In the
main islands of Japan, U.S. occupation encouraged the revival of prewar "private" prostitution. For example, the immediate
postwar years witnessed a resurgence of pornographic literature and magazines (Shinohara 1988). Strip shows became
popular (Oshima 1976, pp. 259- 262: Yamaoka l973, pp. 265-291). Call girl rings began as a service for U.S.
officers. While male prostitution also had its beginning in the occupation period (Kata 1978, pp. 496-497;Yamaoka 1973,
pp. 396-415).
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Prostitution/Rape Extensions
U.S. occupation of Japan stripped women of human rights. American Plan implemented widely and
caused arbitrary arrests on suspicion of prostitution.
In 1946, the General Headquarters of the US Occupation forces (GHQ) issued an order abolishing the licensed
prostitution system. On this basis, the Japanese government also abolished the regulations governing public prostitutes.
GHQ and the Japanese government, however, declared the sale of sexual services undertaken of ones own free
will to be legal and thus maintained the legal basis for the existence of the licensed prostitution
quarters. Accordingly, licensed brothel districts (y kaku) became special restaurant streets or red light districts, and
prostitutes (sh gi) became hostesses (settaifu). Officially, the women working in these establishments voluntarily
received medical examinations from the STD Prevention Self-regulation Association (seiby yob jijitai). In fact, these
districts were usually under the supervision of the police. Thus the postwar abolition of prostitution was only
the abolition of the extant regulations on prostitution; the system of licensed prostitution continued on in a different form.
On the other hand, the Military Police (MP) of the occupation forces, with the cooperation of Japanese
authorities, began rounding up women on the streets as suspected prostitutes. Many of these were
housewives, students, and female workers who were forcibly arrested on suspicion of prostitution,
then subjected to examinations and treatments for STDs. STD examinations were imposed in a
systematic way not only on women in the red light districts but also on those untested suspected
prostitutes who became targets of thoroughgoing efforts to uncover and eliminate them. In August
1946, approximately 15,000 women were arrested nationwide on suspicion of prostitution (Fujime 1999c:
122123). The American Plan was implemented on a much larger scale in occupied Japan than it was in the
US.
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Prostitution/Rape Extensions
U.S. soldiers in Okinawa cause rape and sexual violence, and continue to participate in prostitution
despite Japanese laws prohibiting it. Administrators are flippant, demonstrating patriarchal devaluation
of women.
The situation in Okinawa, removed from the mainland of Japan and under the jurisdiction of the US, was even more overt
than in the Japanese mainland. Beginning in 1946 with a prohibition on prostitution with occupation forces, the US
military issued a stream of ordinances in regard to the buying and selling of sex and thoroughly
regulated prostitution and STDs. They wiped out prostitution they feared would spread STDs through the overzealous
use of the off-limits policy and created the A Sign system of granting permission to operate to sex-related businesses that
certified the health of their women. During the Vietnam War, the number of female prostitutes reached 15,000
(Naha-shi 2001: 290). Around the time of the return of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972, there was a
Prostitution Prevention Law in effect in Okinawa, just as on the mainland. But whereas the American military
bases on the mainland were gradually being abandoned or reduced in size, 75% of the American bases in Japan were
concentrated in Okinawa, and incidents of sexual violence by US troops continued to occur frequently .
According to an investigation by the Association of Women who Reject the Bases and the Military (Kichi to Guntai o
Yurusanai Onnatachi no Kai), there were eight cases of rape and murder between 1970 and the mid-1980s,
and seven of those victims were hostesses (Okinawa o Shiru Hensan Iinkai 2000: 470473). In 1995, at a time
when Okinawa was in an uproar over an incident in which three American soldiers raped a young girl,
Pacific Commander Admiral Richard Mackey made a public gaffe when, upon hearing that the soldiers
used a rental car when committing the rape, remarked that if they had money for a rental car, they
could have just paid for a prostitute. He made no attempt to hide the fact that it was standard practice
not to reprimand US soldiers for buying sex.
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Bases --> Patriarchy Spillover

Bases spread patriarchy into an entire region or country.
(Cynthia Enloe, Ph.D. in political science from UC Berkeley and Director of Clark Universitys Women Studies program, 19 93,
The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War, p. 118)SH
A foreign military base shares some striking similarities with a multinational company's overseas
branch. Both camouflage their functional interests with talk of "family" and "community." Both rely on the energies
of local residents but use alien cultural presumptions to organize their work lives. And both, while
concentrated in compact physical spaces, spill their gendered consequences far beyond the base or
factory gates. Feminists in the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand have described in detail just how U.S. military
bases distorted the sexual politics of the countries. A military base wasn't only an installation for servicing
bombers, fighters, and aircraft carriers or a launchpad for aggressive forays into surrounding territories.
It was also and always had been a package of presumptions about male soldiers' sexual needs and
about the local community's resources for satisfying those needs . Massage parlors had, over the years, become
as integral to Subic Bay (the mammoth, recently closed U.S. naval base in the Philippines) as its dry docks. We have yet to
possess comparable sexual histories of the U.S. military bases at Roosevelt Roads, in the Panama Canal Zone, at
Guantanamo Bay, and at Key West. Until we have such histories, we won't have a realistic picture of just how militarization
of the Caribbean and Central America has been entrenched in the twentieth century. We won't know how sexuality was used
to wage the Cold War in this corner of the globe.
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American Village --> Colonialization

The American Village has constructed itself as superior to Okinawan nature and colonizes the minds of
the Okinawans
The Mihama Town Resort American Villages theme is America, and it entertains 8.3 million people annually. The American
Village was built at the sites of the former [U.S. militarys] Hamby airfield and Maymosscolor firing range after
they were demolished and

returned to the town (Mihama Town Resort: American Village 7). The booklet Mihama Town Resort American Village
(2003) states: The objective for the American Village is to create a new Okinawan sightseeing area for
Prefectural residents and tourists alike that is a distinctive town resort unlike any other in Okinawa
(13). Therefore, the theme of the American Village is to construct a space independent from the rest of
the Okinawan environment. Choichi Hentona, the mayor, states that the American Villages pleasantnatural setting
combines the fragrance of the sea and the attractiveness of the seashore, and the most beautiful sunsets in Japan can be
enjoyed here. This [Okinawan] natural setting is perfectly harmonized with the American-style buildings (Mihama Town
Resort American Village 7). This statement implies that , in the space of the American Village, signifiers of
indigenous nature constitute only the background scenery. This incorporation of Okinawan nature into
their commercial purposes disassociates homes and culture Okinawans inhabit. The commercialized
landscape of the American Village produces a utilitarian notion of nature rather than nature as a part of
Okinawans history and cultural practices. William Cronon, an environmental historian, points out that dichotomy of
nature (or wilderness) and home disguises natures values as an important vehicle for articulating deep moral values
regarding our obligations and responsibilities to the nonhuman world (87). Therefore, this commercialization of
Okinawan nature also shapes how Okinawans interpret their indigenous nature. Very specific use of
language in the American Village works to oppress Okinawan indigenous culture. Most of the
American-style buildings have English names6 whose guiding principle is to create an effect that gives the
resort an American feel (Mihama Town Resort American Village 13). This naming of amusement facilities, in
particular, is not just for commercial purposes, but has a political effect as well because it means an
erasure of Okinawan language to a degree. Thus, this facilitates the colonization of Okinawans mind,
and leads to an agreement to the dominant ideology and oppressors language which has already
accelerated decline of native Okinawan language. The landscape picture elucidates the subjugation of Okinawan
natureindigenous trees, plants, roofing tile, sugar cane fields, etc.as a background of the landscape of the Americanstyle buildings. The American buildings ensure an effective hegemony over Okinawan nature and
colonization of the minds of Okinawans. Suzan Davis, who studies the intersection of commercial forces and
nature, also explains an impact of corporation constructed nature: such a spectacular but limited way of seeing nature
necessarily displaces or hides other kinds of connections and contacts that need to be made (216). Even though the
American Village occupies a tiny entertainment space on the island, since it has become the hottest space for
the younger generation of Okinawans7 , its images help them shape how they understand the
indigenous natural environment. When their attentions are directed to the American buildings, their experience in the
village associates culture with America and nature with Okinawa.
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Dehumanization Impact (Berube)

Dehumanization leads to every impact: including nuclear war, environmental apocalypse, and genocide
(David Berube, professor of speech communication, June/July 19 97, NANOTECHNOLOGY MAGAZINE,
http://www.cla.sc.edu/ENGL/faculty/berube/prolong.htm)SH
Assuming we are able to predict who or what are optimized humans, this entire resultant worldview
smacks of eugenics and Nazi racial science. This would involve valuing people as means. Moreover,
there would always be a superhuman more super than the current ones, humans would never be able to escape their
treatment as means to an always further and distant end. This means-ends dispute is at the core of
Montagu and Matson's treatise on the dehumanization of humanity. They warn: "its destructive toll is already
greater than that of any war, plague, famine, or natural calamity on record -- and its potential danger to
the quality of life and the fabric of civilized society is beyond calculation . For that reason this sickness of
the soul might well be called the Fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse.... Behind the genocide of the holocaust lay a
dehumanized thought; beneath the menticide of deviants and dissidents ... in the cuckoo's next of America,
lies a dehumanized image of man... (Montagu & Matson, 1983, p. xi-xii). While it may never be possible to
quantify the impact dehumanizing ethics may have had on humanity, it is safe to conclude the
foundations of humanness offer great opportunities which would be foregone. When we calculate the actual
losses and the virtual benefits, we approach a nearly inestimable value greater than any tools which we can currently use to
measure it. Dehumanization is nuclear war, environmental apocalypse, and international genocide.
When people become things, they become dispensable. When people are dispensable, any and every
atrocity can be justified. Once justified, they seem to be inevitable for every epoch has evil and
dehumanization is evil's most powerful weapon.
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Solvency Extension
Thus, the US military must be eliminated from Japan the notion of security must be demilitarized and a
gender perspective must be incorporated in foreign and security policy
the Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace. Edited by Martha Honey (IPS) and Tom Barry (IRC).
http://www.lightparty.com/Politics/ForeignPolicy/WomanInMilitary.html, EmiW]
Grassroots movements for national sovereignty and self-determination in East Asian countries have gained momentum in
recent years. Womens organizations play a key role in these movements and bring a gender perspective to protests against
U.S. bases. Organizations in East Asia and the United States as well as international networks are developing alternatives to
militarized security that address the security of women, children, and the physical environment. These advocates
recommend a series of policy changes: The U.S. military should adopt international standards regarding womens
human rights and must take responsibility for violations committed by U.S. troops in East Asia . Military
training should include substantial prestationing and early stationing education to sensitize all personnel to local customs
and laws, gender issues, and violence prevention. Specific personnel in each unit should be responsible for monitoring the
situation, maintaining accountability, and counseling. Severe sanctions must be imposed for human rights violations, and
legal investigations should be conducted by the victims lawyers, by independent investigative and prosecuting bodies, or
by both. All military personnel must be required to pass rigorous local driving tests and provide adequate insurance
coverage for full compensation of damages done to local people in East Asia. Until this requirement can be implemented,
the U.S. government must fully compensate local victims when accidents occur. SOFAs should be revised to protect host
communities against crimes committed by U.S. troops and against environmental contamination from U.S. military
operations. This includes the Visiting Forces Agreement with the Philippines, which should be revised to protect the human
rights of women and children. Congress should pass the Violence Against Women Act II (HR 357/S 51). Title V has
provisions that address U.S. military violence overseas. The U.S. military should support the research, counseling, and
rehabilitation work of NGOs dealing with the negative effects of U.S. military operations. It should also encourage efforts
to create employment opportunities for women besides military prostitution. The U.S. should take responsibility for
Amerasian children. Congress should pass the American Asian Justice Act (HR 1128), an amendment to the Immigration
and Nationality Act (HR 1128) to facilitate the immigration of Amerasians born in the Philippines, or Japan who were
fathered by U.S. citizens. Immigration procedures will need flexibility in documentation requirements. The U.S. military
should investigate contamination of land and water and should undertake cleanup to acceptable standards. It should conduct
research into the health effects of military toxics and should publicize its findings widely in accessible languages. Policy
debates should broadly consider the question: What is genuine security for women and children living
near U.S. bases? The notion of security needs to be demilitarized. Womens voices and a gender
perspective should be included in U.S. foreign and security policy discussions as a matter of routine.
The U.S. should work toward the progressive reduction and eventual elimination of the U.S. military
presence in East Asia by seeking alternatives to an exclusive military approach to national, regional,
and global security.
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Solvency Extension/ AT: DA Impacts (K)

Maintaining dominant discourses allows the silencing and marginalization of different notions of security
only taking a feminist standpoint epistemology reforms womens insecurities
Zealand, 2006, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pg. 180-1, EmiW]
Because my intention was to arrive at a different, marginalized, silenced notion of security, I rejected
the conceptual apparatus of the dominant discourses which would inevitably hinder a substantially
different voice from emerging. Could I theorize security from the starting point of Mayan women's lives instead of
imposing a preconceived notion of security as a way of categorizing their experiences? Would a study informed by a
feminist standpoint epistemology unearth Mayan women's (in)security and thereby offer a truer, purer,
or even more "strongly objective" model for understanding security more generally (cf. Jacoby and
Weldon, this volume)? In the course of conducting several pilot interviews with leaders of different organizations, I
employed a qualitative interview method whereby 1 asked the people I was interviewing how they conceived of their
security, as well as what they thought was threatening and dangerous. Their responses seemed to be particularly coded
within an already established discourse. For example, in response to a question about her experience of threats, one person
responded, "No, I have not received any death threats this month." I did not sense that I was "getting at" the multiplicity or
the depth of what security and insecurity meant for Mayan women in terms of the interrelated power relations and the
different contexts that circumscribed their lives, fears, and hopes. It was also increasingly clear that their political identities
as (self-defined) Mayan women informed how they expressed their insecurities; that is, their naming of particular dangers
could not be separated from their representation of their (political) identities. Tami Jacoby incisively points out how
experiences of insecurity, when conveyed to the researcher, must be read as self-presentations (this volume). However,
since I was interested in understanding their security as integral to the multiple ways the narrators identified themselves, I
found that my research question required a way of inquiring into the coproduction of security (and identity). A "feminist
standpoint" epistemology, although tempting in its politics, fell short in reflecting the relationship
between the discursive practice of security and the construction of identities.
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Solvency Extensions Feminist Perspective key

Militarism excludes a feminist perspective and holds an emphasis on militarized masculinity inherent in
the system of military violence this justifies the terrible acts of violence against women and the
disregard towards children.
http://www.lightparty.com/Politics/ForeignPolicy/WomanInMilitary.html] EmiW
Sexism and militarism have commonly excluded feminine attributes and the perspectives and concerns
of women. Sexism is central to a militarized masculinity, which involves physical strength, emotional
detachment, the capacity for violence and killing, and an appearance of invulnerability . Male sexuality
is assumed to be uncontrollable and in need of regular release, so prostitution is built into military
operations, directly or indirectly, with the agreement of host governments. Suzuyo Takazato of Okinawa
Women Act Against Military Violence, told the San Jose Mercury News, " These young troops go out into the field
all day and are trained to be aggressive and to kill....They may change out of uniform and into a T-shirt
and jeans, but their attitude does not change ." Although most military personnel do not violate women, this is an
officially recognized problem in U.S. military families, for women in the military, and in communities
near bases in this country and overseas. Military leaders often attribute it to a few "bad apples," but these
incidents happen far too often to be accepted as aberrations. Women organizers see them as systemican integral part of a system of military violence. Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs) vary depending
on host country laws and each government's power and willingness to negotiate terms . For example, the
SOFA between the U.S. and Germany includes more detailed procedures for jurisdiction over
personnel who commit crimes than do SOFAs with Japan or Korea. It also commits the U.S. military to
cooperating in finding fathers and advising them to pay child support to German women who have
children by U.S. troops, a provision completely absent from the SOFAs with Japan or Korea . Host
governments are in different power positions in relation to the U.S., though none of them come to SOFA negotiations as
equal partners with the United States. SOFAs are based upon dysfunctional assumptions about national security. They
ensure legal protection for U.S. bases and military personnel but do not provide genuine security for
local communities, nor do they assure the security of the American people . Although U.S. officials claim to
have implemented adequate procedures for dealing with crimes against people in host communities , U.S. troops are
rarely tried by local courts, even when cases involve serious injury or death. It took enormous public outcry
before that those responsible for abducting and raping a 12-year-old Okinawan girl in September 1995 were handed over to
Japanese authorities, stood trial in a Japanese court, and began serving seven-year sentences in Japan. In other cases where
local people know of punishment, it is often trivial. Sometimes perpetrators are moved beyond reach to another posting,
perhaps back to the United States. SOFAs make no reference to Amerasian children, who are often
abandoned by their fathers. No government takes responsibility for the dire situation of these children,
who have no legal standing in the United States. The 1982 Amerasian Immigration Act, which addressed the
situation of Vietnamese Amerasian children, does not cover people born in Japan or the Philippines. To qualify under this
act, one must be born between 1951 and 1982. One must also have documentation that the father is a U.S. citizen, formal
admission of paternity, and a financial sponsor in the United States.
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Solvency Extensions Feminism Key (AT: CP)

Foreign policy must contain explicit discussions of feminism to reconstruct genuine security that ensures
voices to the marginalized and effectively work toward preventing violence
Cynthia H. Enloe, Ph.D. in political science from UC Berkeley, Professor of Womens Studies at Clark University, 2004 Cynthia,
The Curious Feminist, page 129-130, EmiW
Asking feminist questions openly, making them an explicit part of serious foreign policy discussion, is
likely to produce a much more clear-eyed understanding of what is driving any given issue debate and
what are the probable outcomes of one policy choice over another. Precisely because the United States
currently has such an impact on the internal political workings of so many other countries, we need to start taking a hard
look at American political culture. If this globalizing culture continues to elevate a masculinized "toughness"
to the status of an enshrined good, military needs will continue to be assigned top political priority, and
it will be impossible for the United States to create a more imaginative, more internationally useful
foreign policy. Cultures are not immutable. Americans, in fact, are forever lecturing other societies - Iraq, Afghanistan,
Indonesia, Russia, Mexico, France - on how they should remake their cultures. U.S. citizens, however, have been
loath to lift up the rock of cultural convention to peer underneath at the masculinized presumptions and
worries that shape American foreign policies . What would be the, most immediate steps toward unraveling the
masculinized U.S. foreign policy knot? A first step would be for both congressional and presidential policymakers to stop
equating "security" with military superiority. A second step would be to muster the political will for Congress to ratify the
International Criminal Court treaty, the land mines treaty, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A third step would
be for Democrats and Republicans to halt their reckless game of "chicken" regarding both the anti-missile defense system
and increases in U.S. military spending. A fourth step would be to shelve U.S. efforts to remilitarize Europe and Japan.
Together, these four policy steps would amount to a realistic strategy for crafting a less militarized, less distortedly
masculinized foreign policy. A feminist-informed analyst always asks: "Which notions of manliness are
shaping this policy discussion?" and "Will the gap between women's and men's access to economic and political
influence be widened or narrowed by this particular policy option?" By deploying feminist analytical tools, U.S. citizens
can clarify decisions about whether to foster militarization as the centerpiece of the post-Cold War international system.
Moreover, by deploying feminist analysis, Americans are much more likely to craft a u.s. foreign policy
that will provide the foundation for a long-lasting global structure of genuine security, one that ensures
women, both in the United States and abroad, an effective public voice.
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Solvency Extensions Violence

Resolution of violence against Okinawan women can only come with troop withdrawal.
(Chalmers Johnson, PhD in political science from the University of California, 3-5-20 08, Asia Times, The Rape of Okinawa,
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Japan/JC05Dh01.html) SH
In one of his less inspired commentaries, Major Brown gave us his thoughts about Kin on his web site: "The sole purpose
of Kin Town is to entertain GI's. It's basically a playground for young, horny men stationed thousands of miles from home.
And, even though prostitution is supposed to be against the law in Okinawa, Kin Town exists with the full knowledge and
support of Okinawan officials and U.S. Military officials. GI's go to the bars and drink like fish, get into fights, and pay
mama-sans for the company of young ladies. Deals are made for hand-jobs, blow-jobs, full, unadulterated sex, and just
about anything in-between."36 As someone who has been in Kin and interviewed local officials about the impact of the
base and the military "training" exercises, I should add that this description is true only of the few blocks directly in front of
the main gate of Camp Hansen. It is lined with about 200 bars and nightclubs. At around 3:15 AM on Sunday morning May
25, 2003, a 21 year-old Marine, Lance Corporal Jos Torres, left a Kin Village bar with a local 19 year-
old woman, had sex with her in a nearby alley, and hit her in the face breaking her nose. A female
friend of hers went to the Camp Hansen main gate and reported Torres, whom the MPs at once took
into custody. On June 12, the local police opened an investigation, and on June 16, they obtained a warrant
for Torres arrest for rape and battery. The same day, the Japanese government in Tokyo asked the U.S. Embassy to
hand him over. The newly arrived U.S. ambassador, Howard Baker, apologized for the incident and urged Marine Lt. Gen.
Wallace C. Gregson, commander of all Marine forces in Okinawa, to comply rapidly. Gregson vacillated but he did call on
Governor Inamine to express "regret." Inamine replied "I expect that [the United States] will hand over the suspect to Japan
as soon as possible, without wasting a minute or even a second."37 Baker said that he was trying to forestall mounting
Japanese demands for a full revision of the SOFA. In Phnom Penh, attending a meeting of the ASEAN (Association of
Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum, Secretary of State Colin Powell also apologized to Foreign Minister Yoriko
Kawaguchi. On June 18, two days after the arrest warrant was issued, the Marines turned Torres over. At first he claimed
that the sex was "consensual" -- that the victim was a prostitute he had hired -- but on July 8, after prosecutors had
indicted him, Torres confessed to charges of raping and beating the woman. On September 12, the Naha
District Court sentenced Torres to three-and-a-half years in prison for his crime.38 This case, as banal and routine as
it was in the context of the vast array of military sex crimes in Okinawa, was nonetheless the last straw
for both the Japanese and American governments. It led them into hardened positions that seem likely
to be resolved only by some American pretext such as a "global force reform" and the withdrawal of
significant numbers of Marines from Okinawa.
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Solvency Extensions Gendered Militarism

The plan is the crucial blow against gendered US militarism
Okazawa-Rey 2000 [Margoco-founder of the East Asia/U.S./Puerto Rico Women's Network against militarism, February 26,
Womens Networks against US Militarism in East Asia, http://www.cfd-ch.org/pdf/frieden/womanoeuvres/margo_engWS.pdf]
EmiW
During this fiscal year, the US is spending $1.26 billion per day on military expenditures for both US and
overseas operations. Current direct military conflict is being waged in the Middle East, primarily in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Preparing and training for open conflict takes place in East Asia, the second front of the current war
on Iraq. The presence and operations of US military in East Asia has its roots in unequal power and
structural inequalities between race, class, gender, and nation defined and fueled by interrelated
systems of globalization and militarism. U.S. bases in South Korea and Japan date from the end of World War II
and currently house over 80,000 U.S. troops who are constantly preparing for war. South Korea is home to
95 US military facilities; 39 facilities are located in Okinawa, the largest facilities adjacent to urban centers where
approximately one million people live. And in the Philippines, although its national Senate cancelled a 44-year-old base
agreement with the United States in 1991, it ratified a new Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) in 1999 allowing U.S. access
to 22 ports on all main islands for refueling, repairs, and R&R far greater access than before and without the expense of
maintaining permanent bases. In their daily lives, women, children and their families in communities near
these US bases are confronted by military violence and crimes committed by US servicemen,
environmental toxics and threats to the public health, and economic development that privileges the
US military at the expense the local well being of host communities and nations. Conditions facing
women and children in East Asia are directly linked to women, children and the environment in lowincome and communities of color in the US who also often live near military facilities and in the
nation where military spending dominates public spending priorities on basic needs as housing, sustaining
jobs, health care, and education.
Building a Womens Network Against US Militarism from the Ground Up. The East
Asia-US Womens Network Against Militarism (the Network) formed in May 1997 at our first meeting in Naha, Okinawa a
gathering women from Japan, Okinawa, the Philippines, South Korea and the US survivors of US military violence,
activists, academics, and religious leaders. Catalyzed by the 1995 rape of the 12-year old Okinawan girl by three US
servicemen, the women came together to discuss shared challenges they face living with presence of US troops and
facilities in the US and the strategies they use to transform their local communities from militarized communities into
sustainable and safe communities This meeting was the first time that such a group had been convened to address the issue
of long- term US military presence in the region. Although there is discussion about and notice paid to regions where there
is active armed conflict, not enough consideration is given to areas where the military presence has fundamentally altered
relations there. Here we speak of on-going violence against local women by military personnel; militarized prostitution;
abandoned mixed-race children; environmental degradation; and so forth. In fact, at the recent East Asia Beijing +5 prep
meeting, the US delegation blocked attempts by Asian women to include long-standing military presence as a problem
needing to be addressed.(1) The goals of the EA-US-PRWN are to: 1. Challenge the principles of "military
security" and "national security" on which the US and Asian governments base the massive presence
of US military in East Asia through mass public education, lobbying, and community and transnational organizing; 2.
Develop the leadership of women and communities directly affected by the actions of military personnel by supporting the
work of local NGOs and survivors; 3. Contribute to and strengthen the international solidarity movement
that challenges the dominance of the US military specifically and the US government more generally,
and the global economic system they promote. 4. Build a movement that challenges all forms of
militarism and creates models of womens leadership, community service and development, policy
development and planning that replace false notion of national security with genuine forms of human
security. The Network is currently a volunteer-based organization and organized into country groups from Okinawa,
mainland Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Puerto Rico/Vieques, and the U.S. Two women from each country group
currently serve as the planning committee to play for bi-annual gatherings. The core group of the US country group is
comprised of 8 women, the majority of whom are women of color and immigrants (Japanese-American, Filipino American,
Japanese, British, Japanese/African American, Chinese American, Okinawan).
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Solvency Extensions Patriarchy

Mainstream classifications of war fail to address the ongoing war against women only the plan helps
redefine oppression via the feminist lens and mitigate the war perpetrated by patriarchy
(Amy Ray, Law Clerk for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, Feb 19 97, The Shame of It: Gender-Based Terrorism in
the Former Yugoslavia and The Failure Of International Human Rights Law To Comprehend The Injuries, The American University
Law Review, 46 Am. U. L. Rev. 793, Retrieved from Lexis)SH
The international community must recognize that violence against women is always political,
regardless of where it occurs, because it affects the way women view themselves and their role in the world, as well
as the lives they lead in the so-called public sphere. n261 When women are silenced within the family, their
silence is not restricted to the private realm, but rather affects their voice in the public realm as well,
often assuring their silence in any environment . n262 For women in the former Yugoslavia, as well as for all
women, extension beyond the various public/private barriers is imperative if human rights law "is to have meaning for
women brutalized in less-known theaters of war or in the by-ways of daily life." n263 Because, as currently
constructed, human rights laws can reach only individual perpetrators during times of war, one
alternative is to reconsider our understanding of what constitutes "war" and what constitutes "peace."
n264 When it is universally true that no matter where in the world a woman lives or with what culture she
identifies, she is at grave risk of being beaten, imprisoned, enslaved, raped, prostituted, physically
tortured, and murdered simply because she is a woman, the term "peace" does not describe her
existence. n265 In addition to being persecuted for being a woman, many women also are persecuted on ethnic, racial,
religious, sexual orientation, or other grounds. Therefore, it is crucial that our re-conceptualization of human rights is not
limited to violations based on gender. n266 Rather, our definitions of "war" and "peace" in the context of all of
the world's persecuted groups should be questioned. Nevertheless, in every culture a common risk
factor is being a woman, and to describe the conditions of our lives as "peace" is to deny the effect of
sexual terrorism on all women. n267 Because we are socialized to think of times of "war" as limited to
groups of men fighting over physical territory or land, we do not immediately consider the possibility
of "war" outside this narrow definition except in a metaphorical sense, such as in the expression "the war against
poverty." However, the physical violence and sex discrimination perpetrated against women because we
are women is hardly metaphorical. Despite the fact that its prevalence makes the violence seem natural or inevitable,
it is profoundly political in both its purpose and its effect. Further, its exclusion from international human rights law is no
accident, but rather part of a system politically constructed to exclude and silence women. n268 The appropriation of
women's sexuality and women's bodies as representative of men's ownership over women has been
central to this "politically constructed reality." n269 Women's bodies have become the objects through
which dominance and even ownership are communicated, as well as the objects through which men's
honor is attained or taken away in many cultures. n270 Thus, when a man wants to communicate that he is more
powerful than a woman, he may beat her. When a man wants to communicate that a woman is his to use as he pleases, he
may rape her or prostitute her. The objectification of women is so universal that when one country ruled by men (Serbia)
wants to communicate to another country ruled by men (Bosnia-Herzegovina or Croatia) that it is superior and more
powerful, it rapes, tortures, and prostitutes the "inferior" country's women. n271 The use of the possessive is intentional, for
communication among men through the abuse of women is effective only to the extent that the group of men to whom the
message is sent believes they have some right of possession over the bodies of the women used. Unless they have some
claim of right to what is taken, no injury is experienced. Of course, regardless of whether a group of men
sexually terrorizing a group of women is trying to communicate a message to another group of men,
the universal sexual victimization of women clearly communicates to all women a message of
dominance and ownership over women. As Charlotte Bunch explains, "The physical territory of [the] political
struggle [over female subordination] is women's bodies." n272 Given the emphasis on invasion of physical territory as the
impetus of war between nations or groups of people within one nation, we may be able to reconceive the notion of
"war" in order to make human rights laws applicable to women "in the by-ways of daily life." n273 We
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could eradicate the traditional public/private dichotomy and define oppression of women in terms
traditionally recognized by human rights laws by arguing that women's bodies are the physical territory at
issue in a war perpetrated by men against women. Under this broader definition of "war," any time one
group of people systematically uses physical coercion and violence to subordinate another group, that
group would be perpetrating a war and could be prosecuted for human rights violations under war
crimes statutes. n274 Such an understanding would enable women to seek the prosecution of any male
perpetrator of violence against women, regardless of whether that violence occurred inside a bedroom,
on the streets of the city, or in a concentration camp in a foreign country.
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Solvency Extensions Patriarchy

Military patriarchy in Okinawa can only be solved with removal of American troops
(Chalmers Johnson, PhD in political science from the University of California, 3-5-20 08, Asia Times, The Rape of Okinawa,
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Japan/JC05Dh01.html) SH
Because the Japanese government speaks with a forked tongue. For the sake of the Okinawans forced to live cheek-by-jowl
with 37 US military bases on their small island, Tokyo condemns the behavior of the Americans. Prime Minister Yasuo
Fukuda called the recent assault "unforgivable" and demanded tighter military discipline. But that is as far as it goes. The
Japanese government has never even discussed why a large standing army of Americans is garrisoned on Japanese territory,
some 63 years after the end of World War II. There is never any analysis in the Japanese press or by the
government of whether the Japanese-American Security Treaty actually requires such American troops.
Couldn't the terms of the treaty be met just as effectively if the marines were sent back to their own
country and called on only in an emergency ? The American military has never agreed to rewrite the Status of
Forces Agreement, as demanded by every local community in Japan that plays host to American military facilities, and the
Japanese government meekly goes along with this stonewalling. Once an incident "blows over", as this latest one now has,
the pundits and diplomats go back to their boiler-plate pronouncements about the "long-standing and strong alliance" (Rice
in Tokyo), about how Japan is an advanced democracy (although it has been ruled by the same political party since 1949
except for a few years after the collapse of the Soviet Union), and about how indispensable America's empire of over 800
military bases in other people's countries is to the maintenance of peace and security. As long as Japan remains a
satellite of the United States, women and girls in Okinawa will continue to be slugged, beaten and
raped by heavily armed young Americans who have no other reason for being there than the
pretensions of American imperialism. As long as the Japanese government refuses to stand up and
demand that the American troops based on its territory simply go home, nothing will change.
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2AC Intersectionality Add-on

Gender intersects more than any other category intersectional approaches should start with gender
Shields, Department of Psychology at Pennsylvania State University, 2008 (Stephanie A., Gender: An intersectionality
perspective, Sex Roles, 59:301-311) EmiW
Some research questions may be more usefully addressed by an intersectionality model than others. We should not,
however, expect that the processes underlying systems of inequality will be equivalent when examined at a structural level.
Risman (2004), for example observes that race and socioeconomic status, for example, always intersect as axes of
domination, but the social processes that create and maintain them are not necessarily identical. This is true for gendered
intersections as well: Gendered images support racial domination, but racial domination can hardly be attributed to gender
inequality. For example, Black mens inferiority gets promoted through constructions of hypersexuality (Collins 2004), and
Black womens inferiority gets promoted through sexualized images such as Jezebel or welfare queen (Collins 2000).
Similarly, Asian American mens autonomy and even citizenship rights were abrogated by constructions of effeminacy
(Espiritu 1997). Yet it is implausible to argue that racial domination is nothing but a product of gender oppression. (Risman
2004, pp. 443444) In other situations, forms of intersectionality create unique situations of disadvantage and
marginalization, yet gender may be a significant explanatory through-line . For example, different
mechanisms may be at work to depress the wages of working poor women compared to men, and
women professionals compared to men, and the experience of marginalization may be quite different
for the two groups of women. The end result of different local mechanisms, however, is the fact that women
across occupations are paid, on average, less than men of comparable training, skill, productivity, and
seniority. As a social structural institution, gender constructs and maintains the subordination of
women as a group to men as a group across time and culture (Lorber, 1994). This is the primary reason
that we use gender as the starting point in our analysis of intersectionality in this special issue. We do not
suggest that gender is always and everywhere the most important social identity, but it is the most
pervasive, visible, and codified.
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2AC Environment Add-on

The military operations in Okinawa have had devastating health effects and persist within the
environment potentially harming all species within the food chain
Health effects linked to environmental contamination caused by military operations also need detailed
investigation. In Okinawa, a 1998 report on babies born to women living near Kadena Air Force Base
showed significantly lower birth weights than those born in any other part of Japan, attributable to
severe noise generated by the base. At White Beach, a docking area for nuclear submarines, regional
health statistics show comparatively high rates of leukemia in children and cancers in adults . In 1998, for
example, two women from White Beach who were in the habit of gathering local shellfish and seaweed died of liver cancer.
The drinking water from wells in the area of former Clark Air Force Base (Philippines) is contaminated with oil and grease.
At 21 of the 24 locations where groundwater samples were taken, pollutants that exceeded drinking water standards were
found, including mercury, nitrate, coliform bacteria, dieldrin, lead, and solvents. These contaminants persist in the
environment for a long time and bioaccumulate as they move up the food chain.
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Environmental contamination harms the women and children and there is no risk to doing it: The US
wont be doing the clean-up
Environmental contamination affects whole communities but is most significant for women and
children, because they tend to show signs of disease earlier than men. Militaries cause more pollution
than any other institutions. Bases store fuel, oil, solvents, and other chemicals as well as weapons,
including defoliants like Agent Orange, depleted uranium-tipped bullets, and nuclear weapons. The
SOFAs with Japan and Korea do not hold the U.S. responsible for the cleanup of contamination.
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Environmental destruction results from the US militarys patriarchy mindset mens inability to accept
sexual difference spillovers into violence against nature
Stone, Institute for Environment, Philosophy, and Public Policy, Lancaster University, 2004 (Alison, Irigaray and Hlderlin on the
relation between nature and culture, Continental Philosophy Review 36: 415432) EmiW
Besides paraphrasing Heidegger, Irigaray distances herself subtly from him (and, indirectly, from Hlderlin) by
highlighting the sexually differentiated nature of the humanity through whom nature enacts violence upon itself. At first,
she uses Heideggers language of man mimetically, but as her essay unfolds, she marks increasingly firmly that male
humanity is in question, not humans per se. Thus, she states that the violence of culture can be explained
beginning from a masculine subjectivity (TBT, 76). She also writes that: The feminine is not called to carry out the
task of constructing a world which is similar to mans: a violent, uncanny world, which exists through the domination of
nature. . . . To . . . cultivate herself without violence or power over what surrounds her all of these correspond more to
feminine being (72). Irigaray suggests that men are violent due to their special difficulty in accepting sexual
difference: man chooses to ignore this irreducible difference . . . Is this not because he feels foreign to this life which
lives without him, this life which reproduces itself . . .? (70) Or, as she states later on, mans violence is probably
related to mans relationship with the one who generates him: he will never generate in himself and
must fabricate things outside of himself, in order to separate himself from the mother; he must
manufacture externally, while she generates internally (76). For Irigaray (drawing on her earlier analysis in
Thinking the Difference), it is mens difficulty in accepting sexual difference which leads them to turn
against women, and, simultaneously, against the nature of which they themselves are part as when
men engineer technologies which damage their own nature. While Irigaray agrees with Hlderlin and
Heidegger that nature turns against itself, she holds that only males mediate this turn. Mans, but not womans, nature is to
be uncanny and violent. Through mens activities, women become embroiled in a non-natural mode of life that is
fundamentally alien to them. Evidently, Irigaray can only identify men as the sole mediators of natures violence because
she believes in an original sexual differentiation within nature (against which men, as one pole of this differentiation, react).
This contrasts with Hlderlins view of nature as original, absolute, unity. Believing in an originary differentiation, Irigaray
understands male violence to consist, typically, in the forcible imposition of sameness upon women and other natural
beings. Hlderlin, on the other hand, conceives humans as separated from nature insofar as their power of judgment leads
them to divide, analyze, and reflectively partition natural beings, but for Irigaray, Hlderlins conception of nature as
primordially unitary instantiates the same disavowal of sexual difference which underpins male hostility to nature. By
denying originary difference, Hlderlins account of nature becomes complicit with the very separation from nature that he
wishes to question.32
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The destruction of the environment and the objectification of woman are equivalent only ecofeminism
liberates all oppressed and marginalized subjects
Greta Gaard, Assistant Professor of Composition and Women's Studies at the University of Minnesota, Duluth Jan 93, Ecofeminism
Living Interconnections with Animals and Nature. Contributors: Janis Birkeland, Lori Gruen, Stephanie Lahar, Linda Vance, Ellen
O'Loughlin, Josephine Donovan, Carol J. Adams, Chaia Heller, Marti Kheel, and Huey-li Li, and the editor.
www.ocis.temple.edu/tempress/chapters/948_ch1.pd Noel
Another connection between feminism, animal liberation, and environmentalism has been made by
documenting the effects of environmental pollution and degradation on the lives of women and
animals. Many writers note that toxic pesticides, chemical wastes, acid rain, radiation, and other
pollutants take their first toll on women, womens reproductive systems, and children .9 These hazardous
chemicals are often initially tested on laboratory animals to determine levels of toxicity; this practice, together with the
enormous environmental costs of factory fanning and meat eating, demonstrate the linkages between environmental
degradation and the oppression of nonhuman animals (speciesism). The racism and classism inherent in First World
development strategies, built on one ethic for economic production at home but another ethic for the Third World, have
resulted in tremendous hardships for women, who are frequently the major providers of food, fuel, and water in developing
countries. By documenting the poor quality of life for women, children, people in the Third World,
animals, and the environment, ecofeminists are able to demonstrate that sexism, racism, classism,
speciesism, and naturism (the oppression of nature) are mutually reinforcing systems of oppression.
Instead of being a single-issue movement, ecofeminism rests on the notion that the liberation of all
oppressed groups must be addressed simultaneously. It is for this reason that I see coalition-building
strategies as critical to our success. For if one thing is certain, it is that women alone cannot save the
earth-we need the efforts of men as well.
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Removing bases is essential to save environment.
YOMITAN, 90,000 Okinawans call for removal of U.S. base from prefecture, Sunday 25th April
http://www.japantoday.com/category/national/view/okinawans-hold-mass-rally-seeking-removal-of-basefrom-prefecture
About 90,000 local residents and politicians in Okinawa called for the removal of a U.S. Marine base
located in a crowded residential area in the southernmost prefecture in a mass rally Sunday, venting
their frustration against the central government which is struggling to resolve where the base should
go. Many participants in the rally in the village of Yomitan were clad in yellow, the symbol color of the protest rally to
demonstrate their yellow card warning against Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyamas government. They excitedly cheered
for and gave applause to speakers. Okinawa Gov Hirokazu Nakaima, who has conditionally accepted an
existing Japan-U.S. plan to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps Futenma Air Station, urged Hatoyama to
remove as soon as possible the danger of accidents and crimes involving the Futenma base and called
for nationwide support to ease base-hosting burdens on Okinawans . The governor said he cannot
allow the base to continue to sit in the densely populated area of Ginowan if the current efforts by the
premier to transfer the facility out of the prefecture get bogged down. Some cabinet ministers have indicated
their tolerance for the possibility of Futenma airfield remaining as it is, but I say absolutely no to that, Nakaima told the
rally participants. I want the prime minister to never give up and honor his pledge.Before his Democratic Party of Japan
came to power last September, Hatoyama promised Okinawa people that he will try to transfer the Futenma airfield out of
the prefecture or even abroad. The premier has vowed to settle the issue by the end of May. Nakaima also said burdens to
host U.S. military bases in Okinawa have exceeded the capacity of locals and asked people in other parts of Japan to lend
a helping hand to ease them. This is not a problem that only concerns Okinawans. The safety of each Japanese
individual is connected to Okinawa, the governor said, referring to the Japan-U.S. security arrangement. The island
prefecture hosts about 75% of the land area used for U.S. military facilities in Japan and half of the around 50,000 U.S.
service personnel in the country. Under the 2006 bilateral accord, the heliport functions of the Futenma base would be
transferred from Ginowan to a coastal zone in the Marines Camp Schwab in Nago, also in Okinawa, by 2014. The United
States has maintained its position that it prefers the existing plan. The governor told reporters after the gathering while it
has become extremely difficult to implement the current Futenma relocation plan as it is, he expects Hatoyama to
respond to the wishes of the 90,000 attendants and find the most appropriate solution as a veteran politician. At the
rally, Kana Okamoto and Narumi Shikiya, both 17-year-old students at Futenma Senior High School near the airfield,
complained about the constant noise of U.S. Marine aircraft and said all bases in the prefecture should be removed. I
sometimes feel the noise and danger of aircraft crashes as an everyday matter, but we should not think it cannot be helped,
Okamoto said. I want everyone to face up to the base issue and make changes.
Most of the mayors of the 41
municipalities in the island prefecture, which has a population of around 1.4 million, attended the rally. Nago Mayor
Susumu Inamine blasted the state for repeatedly suggesting contradictory policies on the Futenma issue. Touching on a
news report Saturday that the government has indicated to the United States that Japan would broadly accept the current
plan to transfer the Futenma facility to Nago, Inamine told the attendants, Such an erratic and unscrupulous manner
ridicules Okinawans and we can never forgive that. Uruma Mayor Toshio Shimabukuro also rejected any idea to move
heliport functions of the Futenma facility to an artificial island to be constructed off the Katsuren Peninsula in the city,
saying it would transform the community into a major military site. All major political parties, including the Liberal
Democratic Party, were represented for the first time at an anti-base convention in Okinawa.
The LDP, which was
defeated by Hatoyamas DPJ in last Augusts general election, was in government when the current Futenma relocation plan
was forged. The convention adopted a resolution seeking the early closure of the Futenma facility and the return of the
land it occupies as well as a slogan calling for the revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and measures to
boost the local economy. To save the life, property and living environment of citizens, we Okinawans
urge both Japanese and U.S. governments to give up the relocation of the Futenma airfield within the
prefecture,
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Environment Impact Extensions (Coral Reefs)

The US Camps are destroying the coral reefs pushing many species towards extinction
Center for Biological Diversity, et al. 2010 [ Center for Biological Diversity, Earthjustice, American Friends Service
Committee, Animal Welfare Institute, Big Wildlife, Endangered Species Coalition (on behalf of more than 400 organizations, see
below*), Environmental Protection Information Center, Fellowship of Reconciliation, Greenpeace, Humane Society of the U.S. and
Humane Society International, International Marine Mammal Project of the Earth Island Institute, Natural Resources Defense Council,
No Nukes North, Rainforest Action Network, Sea Turtle Restoration Project, Turtle Island Restoration Network, Western Nebraska
Resources Council, The Whaleman Foundation, Wild Equity Institute, Xerces Society, Biological Organizations, 2010,
http://cop10.org/issues/military/106-henokodugongs]
Okinawa has been called the Galpagos of the East because of the incredible variety of
marine and terrestrial life it supports. Unfortunately, a joint military project proposed by the U.S. and
Japanese governments threatens to destroy one of the last healthy coral-reef ecosystems in Okinawa,
pushing many magnificent species to the brink of extinction. You have the power to protect these unique and
The island of
priceless creatures. Under a 2006 bilateral agreement, U.S. and Japanese governments agreed to relocate the contentious
U.S. Marine Corps Futenma Air Station to Camp Schwab and Henoko Bay. This shortsighted plan does not take into
consideration that the relocation will destroy a valued ecosystem, including the nearly 400 types of coral
that form Okinawas reefs and support more than 1,000 species of fish. It will also hurt imperiled sea
turtles and marine mammals. Current plans call for construction of the new military base near Henoko and Oura bays
in Okinawa. But the habitat this project would destroy supports numerous endangered species animals
protected by American, Japanese, and international law for their biological and cultural importance.
These species include: Okinawa dugong: The critically endangered and culturally treasured dugong, a manatee-like
creature, relies on this habitat for its very survival in Okinawa. Japans Mammalogical Society placed the dugong on its
Red List of Mammals, estimating the population in Okinawa to be critically endangered. The U.S. governments Marine
Mammal Commission and the United Nations Environmental Program fear the project would pose a serious threat to this
mammals survival. The World Conservation Unions dugong specialists have expressed similar concerns and have placed
the dugong on its Red List of threatened species. The Okinawa dugong is also a federally listed endangered species under
the U.S. Endangered Species Act. The Okinawa dugong has extreme cultural significance to the Okinawan people, and only
about 50 dugongs are thought to remain in these waters. The base construction will crush the last remaining critical habitat
for the Okinawa dugong, destroying feeding trails and seagrass beds essential for dugong survival.
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The loss of the coral reefs cause a chain reaction of extinctions - causing world poverty which endangers
nations and a loss of biodiversity
Red Orbit 10 (Staff Writer March 26 2010 Coral Reef Extinction Could Have Catastrophic Effect)
http://www.redorbit.com/news/science/1842159/coral_reef_extinction_could_have_catastrophic_effect/index.html
Were that to occur, the results could be catastrophic . Coral reefs are eaten or inhabited by many of the oceanic fish
population, which in turn provide a food or income source for an estimated one-billion people around the
world. In addition to hunger and poverty, some predict that severe political unrest could also result,
should the coral reef actually become extinct.

"You could argue that a complete collapse of the marine ecosystem would be one of the consequences of losing corals,"
Carpenter told Brian Skoloff of the AP on Thursday. "You're going to have a tremendous cascade effect for all life in the
oceans."
"Whole nations will be threatened in terms of their existence ," added Carl Gustaf Lundin of the International
Union for the Conservation of Nature.
According to Skoloff, "Experts say cutting back on carbon emissions to arrest rising sea temperatures and acidification of
the water, declaring some reefs off limits to fishing and diving, and controlling coastal development and pollution could
help reverse, or at least stall, the tide."
Such measures have met with resistance, however. Earlier this week, in fact, a proposed set of restrictions on the trade of
coral species was rejected by the member nations of the Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species of
Wild Fauna and Flora.
Failing to establish such regulations, however, could create a chain effect that could wipe out other
seagoing species, such as grouper, snapper, oysters, and clams, and destroy a fishing industry that
directly employs at least 38 million individuals worldwide.
"Fish will become a luxury good," Cassandra deYoung of the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization told Skoloff. "You
already have a billion people who are facing hunger, and this is just going to aggravate the situation. We will not be able to
maintain food security around the world."
Poverty will create resource wars and multiple nuclear wars which will kill hundreds of millions of people
Pfeiffer 4 (Dale Allen Pfeiffer -- not Damien Pfister -- Contributing Editor for Energy for From the Wilderness Publications, and a
published author including titles such as The End of the Oil Age -- Global Climate Change and Peak Oil
(http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/041304_climate_change_pt1.html)
From such a shift, the report claims, utterly appalling ecological consequences would follow. Europe and Eastern North
America would plunge into a mini-ice age, with weather patterns resembling present day Siberia. Violent storms could
wreak havoc around the globe. Coastal areas such as The Netherlands, New York, and the West coast of North America
could become uninhabitable, while most island nations could be completely submerged. Lowlands like Bangladesh could
be permanently swamped. While flooding would become the rule along coastlines, mega-droughts could destroy the world's
breadbaskets. The dust bowl could return to America's Midwest. Famine and drought would result in a major drop
in the planet's ability to sustain the present human population. Access to water could become a major
battleground hundreds of millions could die as a result of famine and resource wars. More than 400
million people in subtropical regions will be put at grave risk. There would be mass migrations of climate
refugees, particularly to southern Europe and North America. Nuclear arms proliferation in conjunction with
resource wars could very well lead to nuclear wars.8 And none of this takes into account the effects of
global peak oil and the North American natural gas cliff. Not pretty.
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Japan corals are keystone species for coral adaption to oceanic temperature change, - coral reefs essential
to all life and biodiversity
Science Daily 09 (Science Daily, Japanese Coral changes sex on the sea floor, February 20 th 2009)
http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2009/02/090219202833.htm
Trees do it. Bees do it. Even environmentally stressed fish do it. But Prof. Yossi Loya from Tel Aviv Universitys
Department of Zoology is the first in the world to discover that Japanese sea corals engage in sex
switching too.
His research may provide the key to the survival of fragile sea corals -- essential to all life in the ocean -currently threatened by global warming.
In times of stress like extreme hot spells, the female mushroom coral (known as a fungiid coral) switches its
sex so that most of the population becomes male . The advantage of doing so, says the world-renowned
coral reef researcher, is that male corals can more readily cope with stress when resources are limited .
Apparently, when times get tough, nature sends in the boys.
We believe, as with orchids and some trees, sex change in corals increases their overall fitness, reinforcing
the important role of reproductive plasticity in determining their evolutionary success, says Prof. Loya,
whose findings recently appeared in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B.
The Will to Fight and Survive
One of the evolutionary strategies that some corals use to survive seems to be their ability to change
from female to male, says Prof. Loya. As males, they can pass through the bad years, then, when
circumstances become more favorable, change back to overt females. Being a female takes more
energy. And having the ability to change gender periodically enables a species to maximize its reproductive effort.
Corals, though a part of the animal kingdom, can act like plants. Both are sedentary life forms, unable to move when times
get tough.
In stressful environmental conditions, male corals can ride out the storm, so to speak, says Prof. Loya. Males are less
expensive -- in the evolutionary sense -- to maintain. They are cheaper in terms of their gonads and the energy needed to
maintain their bodies, he adds.
He also notes that this theory probably doesnt apply to humans, even those who have opted for a sex change.
While admired for their beauty by divers , coral reefs provide an essential habitat for thousands of species of
underwater creatures. Without the reefs, much of the underwater wildlife in reef habitats would perish. And for
millions of people in the tropical regions, coral reef sea life is a major source of daily protein.
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Biodiversity is key to human survival
Irish Times 02 (7/27, LN)
Such pleasure is probably the least important reason why biodiversity is a good thing: human survival is more to
the point. Conservationists insist that biodiversity is basic to the Earth's life-support system and that the
progressive loss of species - as in the current destruction of natural forest - could help destabilise the very
processes by which the planet services our presence and wellbeing . Most ecologists, probably, go along with
the idea that every species matters. Like rivets in an aeroplane, each has its own, small importance: let too many pop and
things start to fly apart. But some are now arguing that since so many species seem to do much the same job, mere "species
richness" may not be essential: so long as "keystone species" are identified and cared for, their ecosystems will probably
still function.
Loss of biodiversity leads to incurable global disease

Costello 08 (Anthony Costello Professor of International Child Health at the UCL Institute of Child Health, Apocalypse now, July
2008)
Loss of biodiversity itself may be a major risk for new epidemics of infectious disease . High species
diversity within communities of vertebrates can reduce the risk of disease being transmitted to human beings,
a phenomenon known as the dilution effect. Some hosts are competent for the pathogen, others incompetent, thereby
blocking proliferation. With more biodiversity, pathogens are diluted among competent and incompetent
hosts, vectors less likely to become infected, and the human risk of disease reduced. The loss of the host dilution effect
has increased the risks from Lyme disease, West Nile disease, and hantavirus, and a similar mechanism with outbreaks of
schistosomiasis. Intact ecosystems play an important part in regulating the transmission of infectious diseases. Since 1987, there
have been eight known epidemics in marine mammals caused by viruses similar to measles and canine distemper. The European
honeybee, brought to the USA in the 18th century, has been decimated in the wild, especially by blood-sucking mites. In the
1990s, the populations of three species of vultures in the Indian subcontinent collapsed, eventually ascribed to consumption of
diclofenac, a painkiller ingested by vultures eating dead livestock. Although therapeutic to the livestock, the drug caused kidney
failure and death in the vultures. Human medicines are released in vast amounts into the environment through discharge of waste
water. The US Geologic Survey found that 80% of US streams contained a host of drugs, including antidepressants, hormones,
and steroids. Many species are threatened by high concentrations of persistent organic pollutants. Male American alligators now
have very low levels of the male hormone testosterone and a 25% reduction in the size of their penises as a result of chemical
spills related to DDT. Climate change affects all ecosystems. Carbon dioxide will reach two to three times its mid-19th-century
level by 2100 leading to major changes in seasonal temperatures and rainfall patterns. Normally with this sort of climate change
animals and plants would simply migrate with their preferred climate. However, the rate of human-induced climate change is so
rapid that many plant species cannot migrate fast enough and also in many places human beings already occupy the space into
which the ecosystem would migrate . Ecosystems most at risk are alpine meadows, cloud forests, arctic tundra,
and coral reefs. Ten of the world's 17 penguin species and our beloved polar bears are listed as
threatened as a result of the loss of sea ice. Warming oceans may interfere with upward circulation of deep nutrientrich waters that are essential for the growth of phytoplankton. Phytoplankton and krill are at the base of the marine food chain and
losses in their populations could have dire consequences for all marine life. They are also major carbon sinks, removing carbon
dioxide from the atmosphere, so their loss could become a major positive feedback for greenhouse warming. The only criticism
of Sustaining Life is the lack of solutions offered. The brief final chapter on what individuals can do seems almost an
afterthought. We have moved past the fear stage in environmental awareness , especially in the UK and Europe.
What is required now is empowerment; people want to know about the biodiversity apocalypse but they also
want to know what can be done about it. This is where books such as Sustaining Life could have an important role in helping to
change people's behaviour, and in a subsequent edition the final chapter should be strengthened and these messages threaded
throughout the book. So have we arrived at apocalypse now? Can our human species undergo a second industrial
revolution so that we learn to respect ecological and climate systems and to regulate our rapacious consumption of, and
dependence on, fossil fuels? Or will we be just another species that outgrows the environment with catastrophic
consequences? Will James Lovelock be proved right, and Homo sapiens face the wrath of Gaia? There is no doubt
this will be the defining eco-century, and that damaged ecosystems are the biggest challenge to global
health.
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And, the loss of biodiversity is the greatest impact
Chen, 2000 (Jim Chen, Prof. of Law Globalization and Its Losers 9Minn. J. Global Trade 157)
The value of endangered species and the biodiversity they embody is "literally ... incalculable ." What, if
anything, should the law do to preserve it? There are those that invoke the story of Noah's Ark as a moral
basis for biodiversity preservation. Others regard the entire Judeo-Chhstian tradition, especially the biblical stories of
Creation and the Flood, as the root of the West's deplorable environmental record. To avoid getting
bogged down in an environmental exegesis of Judeo-Christian "myth and legend," we should let Charles Darwin and
evolutionary biology determine the imperatives of our moment in natural "history." The loss of
biological diversity is quite arguably the gravest problem facing humanity. If we cast the question as
the contemporary phenomenon that "our descendants [will1 most regret" the "loss of genetic and
species diversity by the destruction of natural habitats" is worse than even "energy depletion, economic
collapse, limited nuclear war, or conquest by a totalitarian government." Natural evolution may in due
course renew the earth with a diversity of species approximating that of a world unspoiled by
Homo sapiens - in ten million years, perhaps a hundred million.
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EcoFem Extensions
Ecological feminism articulates connections between the domination over women and nature and with
intersections of class ad race
Twine, in the final days of his Ph.D. in the Department of Sociology at Manchester Metropolitan University, U.K, 2001 (Richard T.,
Ma(r)king Essence Ecofeminism and Embodiment, Ethics & The Environment, 6(2), 2001) EmiW
Ecofeminist writings are at the forefront of attempts to critique and theorize a space beyond that of our Western dualistic
heritage (Plumwood 1993). The political commitments of ecofeminism, informed by an insistence upon an
elaborate web of interconnection, entail that this exercise is not just an academic game, but is rather a
matter of urgency. In tandem with the at times overlapping positions of feminists, postcolonialists, and
postmodernists, ecofeminists have been kept busy, cogently using dualism as both a resource and as a
potential, though complex, set of signposts directing us away from Western biophobia . If dualism can be
said to have partly configured the emergence of ecofeminism3, then it could be that a reflexive ecofeminist theory could
learn from this and glean possible clues from the mistakes of dualism. I shall briefly frame ecofeminist ideas on
embodiment within the debate that is currently taking place amongst feminist philosophers, emphasizing how ecofeminist
accounts may differ from certain postmodernist ideas. I will then offer my own ecofeminist perspective on the body. By
concentrating on human embodiment this paper intends to, in Greta Gaards words, recognize and articulate our many
bases for coalition (1997, 114). Ecofeminism is no longer only about articulating connections between the
dominations of women and nature but has become, perhaps inevitably, concerned with the further
intersections of class and race (Plumwood 1993; Sturgeon 1997). It is my contention that this focus upon
embodiment not only adds stitches to this endeavor, but also implies connections with other
oppressions. Consequently, this can inspire novel coalitionary possibilities.
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EcoFem Extensions
Ecological feminism creates collective, global self-determination relieving women of their oppression
ecofem develops a true unity bringing together women of all cultures
Heller, teaches classes on ecological feminism at the Institute for Social Ecology in Plainfield, Vermont, 1992 (Chaia Zbloki, Ecocide in Womens Bodies, Synthesis/Regeneration 3, Spring, http://www.greens.org/s-r/03/03-06.html) EmiW
An ecological feminist politics of health encompasses the entire landscape of women's oppression, as we
go beyond other feminisms by looking at women's health and liberation from a global perspective. The ecology of women's
health reflects concern for our own and each other's health which leads us to explore the social and ecological conditions of
our own and each other's lives. A global, ecological feminism comprehends that women cannot fight to
strengthen only one part of a web. The strength and elegance of a web depends on the symmetry and tension of each
thread. In order for all women to move toward a collective, global self-determination, each women's
voice must be heard. We need to know each women's insights into the conditions of her own
oppression and liberation. We need to know the conditions of women's lives in order to understand the
scope and shape of our collective struggle. Many people involved in ecological and social justice
movements talk about "unity in diversity." This means that unity occurs in an ecosystem or social group only if
diversity is allowed to flourish. The phrase "unity in diversity" conveys that "sameness" is not true unity, but is uniformity.
Instead, true unity emerges out of a dynamic dance between affinities and differences. Unity, then can be
understood as a larger pattern or symmetry which embraces the diversity of life itself. Particularly within social groups, the
concept "unity in diversity" refers to the need for both a common sense of identity as well as respect for diversity. It calls
for a celebration of our common insights and goals, as well as our individual visions and histories. Furthermore, the concept
of diversity does not just mean mixing a bit of difference into the homogeneous pot of the dominant group. An international
feminist politics of health, which honors women's diversity, should see unity as something we earn from the constant work
of unlearning the ideologies which keep us apart. The solution to achieving a diverse and unified group is not simply
structuralmeaning that a group is restructured to embody the right amount of women of color. Unity is not something
white women achieve by recruiting "diverse" women into organizations or panels at a conference. Unity is a mutual
bridging of women of diverse cultures, earned through our commitment to engage in a struggle to
confront such oppressions as racism and classism as they inevitably surface in our work, together with
the goal of eliminating the objectification and tokenization of certain women within our movements.
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Environment Extensions (Patriarchy IL)

Patriarchy has effects in both the environmental and woman contexts and is the root of imperialism and
colonialism. Our authors are best, the negative authors see mother-nature as a harlot
Kevin Hutchings, Assistant Professor of English at the University of Northern British Columbia. Currently, he is conducting
research on the relationship between colonialism and ecology in English Romantic literature. His book Imagining Nature: Blake's
Environmental Poetics will be published in 2002 by McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002. Romanticism & Ecology Gender,
Environment, and Imperialism in William Blake's Visions of the Daughters of Albion* Kevin Hutchings, University of Northern British
Columbia, http://www.rc.umd.edu/praxis/ecology/hutchings/hutchings.html Noel
At the time that Blake wrote and engraved Visions, however, America was hardly as free and gentle as such
idealism would have it. On the contrary, as Visions emphatically demonstrates, America's pastoral
image helped to disguise the fact that much of its colonial prosperity depended upon slavery and the
relentless expropriation of Indigenous lands. If, as numerous critics have argued, Oothoon's plight in
Visions allegorizes not only the condition of British women under the yoke of patriarchy but also the
plight of the New World's enslaved blacks and oppressed Native Americans ,5 she is also at one level of
Blake's allegory the indivisible body and "soul of America" itself, a vital "continent longing ... to be cultivated by free men,
not slaves or slave drivers" (Erdman, Prophet 227). Hence, when Bromion rapes Oothoon, he violates and expropriates both
her human portion and its related environmental aspect. Such violence is implicit in Bromion's arrogant post-rape address to
Oothoon: Thy soft American plains are mine, and mine thy north & south: Stampt with my signet are the swarthy children
of the sun: They are obedient, they resist not[.] (1:20-22) Since the eighteenth century, the word "rape" has often been
used to describe human acts of environmental plunder and destruction,6 a terminological employment that suggests, as
ecofeminist writer Susan Griffin observes, "a profound connection between the social construction of nature
and the social construction of woman" (225). While Blake never directly employs the word "rape" in
Visions, he could not have been oblivious to the Enlightenment rhetoric that described scientific
inquirywhich Bacon believed would restore humanity to its originary position of "empire" over
natureas a "penetration" of nature's "womb" (Novum Organum 114, 50, 100).7 In Visions, however, Blake
further complicates this equation of sexual and environmental violence by considering it in light of a colonialist racism that
enslaves non-Europeans, forcing them to become the very instruments of environmental subjugation in the New World.
Thus, when Bromion brags of his slaves that "They are obedient, they resist not," his grammatically ambiguous plural
pronouns can be seen to gesture not only toward the antecedent "swarthy children of the sun" but also toward the "soft" or
pliable landscapes he expropriates in the previous line. Clearly, Bromion sees his mastery of humans and landscapes
as roughly equivalent: both, he suggests, offer themselves willingly to his authority. Given the overt
violence of his imperialist rapacity, however, we must see in Bromion's self-aggrandizing myth of total
mastery an underlying element of fear and paranoia; for, to revisit Griffin's discussion of rape in its
sexual and environmental significations, "why does one have to conquer what is not challenging,
fearsome, and in some way, wild, falling as it does outside the idea of mastery and control ?" (225).
Undoubtedly, Bromion's rape of Oothoon involves a complex and multifaceted act of sexual, cultural, and
environmental conquest. 4 In order to stabilize his overarching authority over Oothoon, Bromion resorts to the ageold practice of stereotyping, accusing Oothoon of "harlot[ry]" (1:18, 2:1). As an exercise of power, this stereotyping has
complex and ambivalent implications; but its immediate consequences are dire. First of all, we must recall that,
traditionally, "women called whores or who are prostitutes are not 'protected' by other men from rape"
(Griffin 224); hence, by depicting Oothoon as a harlot, Bromion, her rapist, effectively robs her of recourse to protective
justice. Second, Bromion's stereotyping encourages Theotormon to reject Oothoon's freely proffered love as a manifestation
of harlotry and "defilement," a rejection that drives her almost to despair. Subsequently, Oothoon proceeds to defend herself
from the accusation of "impurity" by marshalling numerous rhetorically powerful arguments from nature; but, as readers
have often noted, this strategy of argumentation is decidedly perilous. In attempting to prove her moral and sexual
purity by way of reference to the world of nature, Oothoon seems unaware, among other things, that
contemporary thinkers often accused Dame Nature herself of harlotry.8
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Environment Inherency Extensions (Navy)

The Navy is killing the environment in Okinawa with their sonar
Jeff Shaw, Jeff Shaw is an award-winning environmental journalist. His work has appeared in publications including The Nation, In
These Times, and The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists., Okinawan sea life likely to suffer under Navy sonar deal, 23 Oct 20 03 6:00
AM, grist, http://www.grist.org/article/the22/ Noel
Every year, scuba divers make tens of thousands of excursions into the waters off Okinawa, Japan, drawn by the
spectacular array of sea life on display. Soon, though, that sea life may be blasted out of the water by an unwelcome sonic
barrage. The Okinawan coast is not clear. Almost everywhere in the world except in this patch of ocean, denizens of the
deep won a reprieve this month, when a court agreement between environmental organizations and the U.S. Navy limited
the military's use of low-frequency active sonar (LFAS). Experts contend that the sonar, which uses high-intensity bursts of
sound to track submarines, is deadly for marine mammals and other sea life. Under the terms of the agreement, use of the
technology is now restricted to East Asia, including portions of the Sea of Japan, Philippine Sea, South China Sea, and East
China Sea -- meaning the Navy may soon visit earsplitting noises on endangered animals in Okinawa's peaceful waters.
Joel Reynolds, director of the Natural Resources Defense Council's Marine Mammal Protection Project, calls the recent
settlement "a major step forward" toward protecting marine life and a measure of protection "against the proliferation of
sonar around the world." He's right -- but however important the settlement is, it is just a step. And this
incomplete victory comes at great cost for threatened species in an ecologically significant part of the
world. The Dugong Show "The waters off of Okinawa are some of the richest in biodiversity in the world," says Peter
Galvin, Pacific director for the Arizona-based Center for Biological Diversity. "It's been described as the Galapagos of the
East, and it's under siege." That rhetoric isn't hyperbole: Okinawa supports a dizzying variety of marine species. The
island's coral reefs rank behind only Australia's Great Barrier Reef in terms of ecological diversity, sustaining more than
1,000 types of fish and a host of other spectacular wildlife. One prime example is the critically endangered Okinawa
dugong, a manatee-like creature that holds a special place in local culture because it is traditionally regarded as a messenger
from the sea gods. Only about 50 of these animals remain alive today in the waters off Okinawa. Any new threat could push
this unique dugong population over the brink to extinction. "We're very concerned about impacts to the fragile
dugong population," Galvin says. "There's every reason to believe that these sonar impacts are across
the marine mammal spectrum. That's what the science shows." While no study has found that lowfrequency sonar threatens the dugong particularly, the risks posed by the technology to other marine
mammals are well documented. The sonar can boom out a signal reaching 215 decibels -- as loud as an
F-15 fighter plane at takeoff. In the acoustic environment of the ocean, this deafening roar can cause stress and
severe physical harm to sea life, including marine mammals such as the humpback whales that use the East China Sea for
breeding and migratory grounds. Species like whales and dolphins that communicate with sound face a distinct risk, but it's
not just marine mammals that are affected. Compelling evidence shows that sonar can also be deadly for sharks, fish, and
endangered sea turtles, at least three species of which exist off the coast of Okinawa. U.S. Magistrate Judge Elizabeth
Laporte issued the initial injunction prohibiting use of the sonar in October 2002, she cited the threat to turtles specifically.
Laporte wrote that "endangered species, such as sea turtles, will ... be in LFA sonar's path" and that the
sonar risked causing "irreparable harm to the marine environment that supports the existence of these
species." The hawksbill, loggerhead, and green sea turtle are all included on the United States'
Endangered Species List as well as the global Convention on International Trade in Endangered
Species. All are found in Asian waters, and all lay their eggs on Okinawan beaches. These facts point
to one inescapable conclusion: This is not the place to deploy an invasive, noisy, and ecologically
devastating technology. "This will affect the wildlife around Okinawa very severely, but it will also
affect the entire area, from Indonesia to Sakhalin," says Chalmers Johnson, head of the Japan Policy
Research Institute.
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Environment Inherency Extensions (Navy)

The imperialist actions of the Navy make them see the environment and the people of Okinawa as
commodities
Jeff Shaw, Jeff Shaw is an award-winning environmental journalist. His work has appeared in publications including The Nation, In
These Times, and The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists., Okinawan sea life likely to suffer under Navy sonar deal, 23 Oct 2003
6:00 AM, grist, http://www.grist.org/article/the22/ Noel
Sacrificial Slam If these seas are so important and sensitive, why were they chosen as the sacrifice
area? The nations whose waters will be affected had no role in the court settlement negotiations. Talks
between the Navy and environmental groups "were conducted under a veil of confidentiality," says
Reynolds of NRDC, so it's impossible to say with certainty how this arrangement was reached. It isn't
too hard to make an educated guess, though. Okinawa is already home to a huge U.S. military
presence, so making the surrounding seas a training ground is convenient for the Navy. Moreover,
because of a vexing dual colonialism, Okinawa is largely powerless to resist. Though legally part of
Japan, Okinawa's ethnically and culturally distinct people are often looked down upon by mainland
Japanese. Okinawa is further politically isolated by its status as Japan's poorest prefecture and by the
lack of a shared history with the rest of the country. (Okinawa's islands were part of the independent
Kingdom of the Ryukyus until they were annexed in the 19th century.) The U.S. military has been all
too willing to exploit Tokyo's reluctance to stand up for Okinawa. The tiny island chain has been
forced to house 75 percent of Japan's American military bases -- though all of the Okinawan islands
put together comprise just six-tenths of one percent of Japan's territory. Okinawa bears the resultant
burdens, including pollution on land and at sea. Johnson, one of the foremost Asia scholars in the U.S.,
says he isn't surprised the same technology that raised an outcry when used in Puget Sound is being
shipped to the North Pacific instead. "This seems like typical Navy racism," he says flatly. Sound Bites
The outcome also raises uncomfortable questions about U.S. environmental groups' right to decide the
fate of Okinawa's ocean life. If LFAS is a real threat to marine natural resources, as almost every
credible scientist seems to believe, then shifting its use to a place most Americans don't see smacks of
environmental racism. Still, it is difficult to fault NRDC and the five other plaintiffs in the lawsuit for
settling; after all, the global environment is better off for it. Indeed, under the settlement agreement,
less than 1 percent of the world's oceans faces the disruption and death caused by LFAS, as opposed to
about 75 percent. The settlement also adds seasonal restrictions to sonar tests and limits sonar use near
the coastline. "[The plaintiffs] probably thought [the agreement] was the best they could do," Johnson
says. Probably -- but the bottom line is that an impoverished and oppressed sea-based culture takes the
fall to protect the environment elsewhere. Moreover, without vigilance, other seas may share East
Asia's burden. Taking advantage of their elevated status in today's security-conscious environment, the
U.S. military is asking Congress to exempt it from the Endangered Species Act and Marine Mammal
Protection Act. This legislative end run would circumvent the court's ruling on sonar and enable what
Galvin calls "a full-scale assault on environmental law." "The overall context to keep in mind is that
the military is trying to exempt itself from these requirements all around," says Galvin. "The military is
talking out of both sides of their mouths, signing this settlement at the same time that they're asking to
be exempted from all environmental protections." Facts haven't gotten in the way of the military's
push. Even former U.S. EPA Administrator Christie Whitman admitted before Congress that she
couldn't come up with one example of environmental regulations that prevented the military from
carrying out its duties. Still, Congress is considering granting these wide-ranging exemptions, which
would gut two flagship environmental laws and effectively reverse every victory the new settlement
secured. Now is a pivotal time for developing a real solution for seas around Okinawa and the world.
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The first step is to defeat these exemptions, which Johnson calls "attempts to establish the military as a
force beyond the law that can do whatever it damn well pleases." The second is to prevent Okinawa
and the rest of East Asia from becoming the world's environmental whipping boy. NRDC, Reynolds
promises, "absolutely" plans to reach out to Japanese and Okinawan environmental groups as part of
an international effort. If that happens, and this agreement is followed by a policy that protects oceans
everywhere -- with no exceptions -- from acoustic assault, then the work leading up to the settlement
will have been worthwhile. If not, this agreement represents at best a holding pattern, and at worst, a
Faustian bargain. If Puget Sound deserves to be free of low-frequency sonar, then so does the East
China Sea.
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Environment Inherency Extensions (Uranium)

The US military is depleting uranium shells into the ocean, causing increasing rates of cancer in children
and adults and increased mortality rates in Japan
Genuine Security [Okinawa: Effects of long-term US Military presence Okinawa: Effects of long-term US Military presence,
http://www.genuinesecurity.org/partners/report/Okinawa.pdf, pg. 5]
Regular training exercises using live ammunition have caused forest fires, soil erosion, earth tremors,
and accidents. In 1996, U.S. Marines fired depleted uranium shells into the ocean. The U.S. military
defines this as a conventional weapon, but, officially, they are not allowed to fire depleted uranium in
Japan. White Beach, a docking area in Okinawa for U.S. nuclear submarines, is an area where regional health
statistics show comparatively high rates of leukemia in children and cancers in adults . In 1998, for
example, two women from the White Beach area who had been in the habit of gathering shellfish and
seaweed there died of liver cancer. Also local people are affected, sometimes killed, in traffic accidents caused by
U.S. troops. In October 1998, for example, a U.S. Marine killed a young woman in a hit-and-run accident. Under the
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA, Article 4), the U.S. is not responsible for environmental clean-up
of land or water. As in Korea and the Philippines, host communities do not have adequate information
on the extent of military contamination. The Japanese government does not release information
about it. After the incident with the depleted uranium shells mentioned above, the U.S. government
must inform local officials about military operations, but Okinawan people doubt that this is really
working.
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Environment Inherency Extensions (Pollution)

Military Bases create the most pollution
Safety Forum 2k (Military Toxic Waste: Killing After the Wars are Over 3/8/00) http://www.safetyforum.com/mtw/
The U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) is the world's biggest polluter . Virtually every American
military base and nuclear arms facility, both in the U.S. and abroad, is polluted by chemicals and heavy
metals used in weaponry and in maintaining military hardware, and in tropical areas even by herbicides and
pesticides banned in the U.S.
DOD generates 750,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, more than the five largest U.S. chemical
companies combined. It claims to know of 14,401 probable "hot spots" at 1,579 military facilities. It is also
responsible for contamination at 53 privatesites contractor-owned weapons plants and property DOD once owned or used
as dumps.
Petroleum by-products and heavy metals used in bombs and bullets are in the soil and groundwater at many
bombing and target ranges. At some sites, toxic waste and excess munitions, including unexploded bombs ,
have simply been buried. Also, the military still burns munitions waste and excess fuel in open pits , because the law
governing hazardous waste disposal exempts the military.

If anything, U.S. military pollution is even worse overseas . In 1999, the DOD Inspector General reported
"potentially significant liabilities" and pollution at U.S. bases in Canada, Germany, Great Britain, Greenland,
Iceland, Italy, Japan, Panama, the Philippines, South Korea, Spain, Turkey, and other nations.
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Environment Inherency Extensions

Okinawas fragile environment and people are being degraded and abused by the US military bases,
commodified as a product to be used
Mantle 2006 [Deborah Mantle, Lecturer in the College of International Relations at Ritsumeikan University, 2006 (Defending the
Dugong: Redefining Security in Okinawa and Japan, Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies, Volume 5,
http://www.ritsumei.ac.jp/acd/cg/ir/college/bulletin/e-vol.5/MANTLE.pdf, p. 99-100)
Next to the base economy, development is the other sharp stake that keeps Okinawan dependence in place.
In order to compensate the Okinawans for hosting the U.S. bases and to increase their standard of living, which
had been far below the mainland at the time of reversion, the central government has invested huge sums of
public money in the area10. The massive injection of funds has had its benefits, including much-needed infrastructural
improvements and the establishment of five universities. Nevertheless, Okinawa remains the poorest prefecture
(70% of national average per capita) with the highest unemployment (7.9% in 2000, compared to a national average
of 4.7%) (Hein & Selden, 2003: 6). Furthermore, the application of modern Japanese style development has
resulted in the decimation of Okinawas important and fragile environment; riverways, beaches and
land have been bulldozed and concreted. What is worse, air and water pollution, soil erosion and wider
environmental degradation are ruining the [end page 99] coastline, eating away at the coral and posing a
danger to marine life (Hook and Siddle, 2003: 5). Okinawa bears the costs of this mal-development but gains little
from its profits. Work is created for local people in the construction and service industries but the large projects are carried
out by and create profits for largely mainland companies (Hook & Siddle, 2003: 5). Tourism has become the main industry
in Okinawa creating double the earnings of the U.S. bases (McCormack, 2003: 93). However, once again 80% of major
resort hotels are owned by mainland interests (McCormack, 2003: 101) and the industry puts pressure on local water
supplies while limiting or even denying access of significant areas of the main island to locals. Tourism has also been a
double-edged sword for Okinawan identity. Brochures and package holiday itineraries deprive locals of the
power to define what Okinawa is or could be. Okinawa is sold as a tempting island paradise in which
its people and environment are made into commodities; Put simply, Okinawans are inscribed as the nonthreatening, laid-back and relaxed exotic islanders, ever ready to burst into song and dance, happily
supporting of the status quo, and the warm relationship with the mainland (Hook and Siddle, 2003: 6).
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Crimes against both women and the environment go on in Okinawa
Ako Yamakawa, a graduate student in Conflict Resolution and Peace Studies at Portland State University, Oregon, USA. I grew up
in Kobe, Japan. This is my master's final project, to raise the awareness of the issue of the U.S. military occupation in Okinawa to civil
society.Thursday,
May
28,
2009,
Okinawan's
Women
and
Environmental
Movements
http://usmilitaryinokinawa.blogspot.com/2009/06/okinawans-women-and-environmental.html
Okinawan Women's Anti-Base Movement Among all of the many problems stemming from the U.S. military bases, the
issue that has occurred most frequently over the past 50 years involves transgressions against women (Takazato, 1996, p.
135). Sexual violence against women has resulted in pregnancies, murders, mental disorders, and
prostitution (Mackie, 2003). While these are generally seen as crimes against individuals, Okinawans
perceive them as a crisis of sovereignty (Angst, 2001, p. 246). Local feminist groups have engaged the
issue as a threat to Okinawan identity and self-reliance, taking their cause to the United Nations
International Womens Conference in Beijing in 1995 (Mackie, 2003). Here Okinawan womens groups
were able to bring international attention to the issue of sexual violence in relation to the American
military presence in Okinawa and learn organizing skills to further the issue among Okinawans and
internationally (Mackie, 2003). 'Peace Caravan' to the U.S. In 1996, these groups set out on a Peace Caravan to the
United States, networking with human rights groups, womens groups, and environmental groups to raise awareness among
American people about the negative impact of the American military presence on Okinawan land (Mackie, 2003 ). Outside
of the U.S., these groups, including Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, have organized
with anti-military womens groups in Korea, Hawaii, the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico
(Takazato, 2004; Cooley & Marten, 2006). Environmental Movement Since the 1995 rape scandal,
public protests have emerged over hit-and-run accidents, other sexual assault incidences, and
environmental concerns such as toxic wastes and dumping, deforestation and vegetative denudation,
and the destruction of coral reefs and coastal habitat (Taylor, 2006, p. 7). In 1999, Okinawa Prefecture
requested that it be allowed to conduct an environmental assessment of U.S. military firing ranges, a
demand that was rejected in 2003 by the U.S.-Japan Joint Committee (Taylor, 2006). Environmental
movements in Okinawa are very diverse and loosely organized, but generally maintain strong
connections with the anti-base movement.
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The environment Okinawa supports is being threatened with species on the brink of extinction due to the
US military bases
The Center for Biological Diversity 2009 [national, nonprofit conservation organization with more than 240,000 members
and online activists dedicated to the protection of endangered species and wild places, et al., 2009 (RE: Proposed U.S. Military Air
Base
Expansion
Near
Henoko,
Okinawa,
Letter
To
The
Obama
Administration,
December
3 rd,
http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/species/mammals/Okinawa_dugong/pdfs/dugongletter.pdf]
The island of Okinawa has been called the Galpagos of the East because of the incredible variety of marine
and terrestrial life it supports. Unfortunately, a joint military project proposed by the U.S. and Japanese
governments threatens to destroy one of the last healthy coral-reef ecosystems in Okinawa, pushing
many magnificent species to the brink of extinction. You have the power to protect these unique and priceless
creatures. Under a 2006 bilateral agreement, U.S. and Japanese governments agreed to relocate the contentious
U.S. Marine Corps Futenma Air Station to Camp Schwab and Henoko Bay. This shortsighted plan
does not take into consideration that the relocation will destroy a valued ecosystem, including the
nearly 400 types of coral that form Okinawas reefs and support more than 1,000 species of fish . It will
also hurt imperiled sea turtles and marine mammals. Current plans call for construction of the new military base near
Henoko and Oura bays in Okinawa. But the habitat this project would destroy supports numerous endangered
species animals protected by American, Japanese, and international law for their biological and
cultural importance. These species include: Okinawa dugong: The critically endangered and culturally
treasured dugong, a manatee-like creature, relies on this habitat for its very survival in Okinawa. Japans
Mammalogical Society placed the dugong on its Red List of Mammals, estimating the population in Okinawa to be
critically endangered. The U.S. governments Marine Mammal Commission and the United Nations
Environmental Program fear the project would pose a serious threat to this mammals survival. The
World Conservation Unions dugong specialists have expressed similar concerns and have placed the dugong on its Red
List of threatened species. The Okinawa dugong is also a federally listed endangered species under the U.S.
Endangered Species Act. The Okinawa dugong has extreme cultural significance to the Okinawan people, and only
about 50 dugongs are thought to remain in these waters. The base construction will crush the last
remaining critical habitat for the Okinawa dugong, destroying feeding trails and seagrass beds essential
for dugong survival. Sea turtles: Three types of endangered sea turtle the hawksbill, loggerhead, and green also
depend on this ecosystem. These turtles are listed under the U.S. Endangered Species Act and the global Convention
on International Trade in Endangered Species. The turtles use nearby beaches to feed and lay their eggs. The
construction and operation of the new base will cause water and air pollution, create artificial light
pollution, and increase human activity all of which are harmful to sea turtle survival. Many plant and
animal species are still being discovered in Henoko Bay. Since the base plan was announced, new types of
seagrass a vital staple food for the dugong and mollusks have been discovered on the project
site. New wonders of nature are found here each year. The base plan would devastate dugong habitat in
Henoko Bay and nearby Oura Bay, and would be extremely harmful to turtles, fish, coral, and other marine life. The
recently elected Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and the Democratic Party of Japan have expressed the desire to
renegotiate the 2006 agreement and cancel plans to relocate the base. You have the ability and duty to alter the course of
this devastating plan, but time is of the essence. We urge you to direct the U.S. secretaries of defense and state to cancel this
project immediately. By canceling the plan to expand an airbase near Henoko and Oura bays, you will protect a globally
important ocean ecosystem and some of the best remaining habitat for the Okinawa dugong. IUCN has designated the 2010
Year for Biodiversity as the year of the dugong. Please cancel this destructive project and ensure that the Okinawa dugong
has a fighting chance at celebrating its importance in 2010 and years to come.
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Defense concerns prevent Environmental Protection action
SCHOENBAUM 09 ( LAUREN JENSEN SCHOENBAUM Juris Doctor at University of Texas School of Law March 1, 2009
The Okinawa Dugong and the Creative Application of U.S. Extraterritorial Environmental Law)
Promoting the expansion of U.S. environmental policy extraterritorially is essential to an understanding of the obstacles
arising out of the current policies of the U.S. government. Military bases are one of the most obvious threats to
the environment by U.S. federal agencies. Because U.S. environmental statutes have a domestic focus, the obligations of
the military abroad are governed by presidential orders or bilateral agreements with the foreign nation.''"* As a result,
overseas environmental policy does not hold the DOD accountable for its practices on international
bases as it does domestically. The focus abroad is on base operations rather than protection of the local environment.
While the DOD has made some efforts to improve environmental compliance and develop standards both at home and
abroad, those guidelines only provide direction for commanders in the field and serve as a basis for bilateral relations with
host nations."" When developing those guidelines, the DOD considered U.S. environmental standards but
did not incorporate them."" The result of this lax policy is that the U.S. military has no clear standards, lacks
proportional punishment for violations, and is at no risk of public disclosure for environmental
degradation.'^' While it is certainly possible U.S. security concerns can outweigh environmental
concerns, this rationale does not seem to be a satisfactory argument against ever applying U.S. environmental law abroad.
Indeed it seems equally possible that potential irreversible environmental impacts might also on their face outweigh agency
action.
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Efforts now needed to reduce military pollution on Okinawan lands
Hayashi Kiminori: Adjunct Professor, Department of Political Science, Otsuma Womens University; (Problems of Disarmament),
October 2008, pp. 2-10.
http://www.japanfocus.org/-Hayashi-Kiminori/3185
There have been reports of pollution in Okinawa caused by the US military since the beginning of the
American Occupation. In 1947, base pollution in Iheya led to the death of eight people from arsenic
poisoning. After the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972, frequent oil spills
continued to cause significant damage. In spite of such incidents, almost no countermeasures were
taken to prevent base pollution. In part, this was due to the priorities of the times; however, it reflects
the priority over all else that has always been accorded to the US military. Even now, the public only
learns about base pollution when damage to the local community is caused by an incident that
transcends the boundaries of the base. The jet fuel spill at Kadena Air Base that lasted for four days
beginning on May 25, 2007 is but the most recent example of this.
There are also serious problems with pollution in the former base areas that have been returned by the
US military. The one-time US Communications Station at Onna Point demonstrates the severity of
these ecological problems. In 1996, toxic materials such as cadmium, mercury, PCBs, lead, and
arsenic were detected in the outflow area around Onna Point and in muddy soil inside a former water
treatment tank at the base. After discussions between representatives from Okinawa Prefecture and the
US military regarding toxic waste disposal, the American government refused to restore any polluted
soil. Again, they claimed that the US-Japan SOFA absolved them from any responsibility to return sites
to their original condition. To date, the Japanese Self Defense Force continues to store polluted soil
temporarily on government land at their facility in Onna and the Government of Japan pays for this
storage.
Drawing on the resolution of those who live in the areas where military bases are located and, more
broadly, on that of citizens nationwide, it is necessary to develop a movement that demands
environmental safety. While recognizing the priority that the American military places on the smooth
operation of its oversea bases, it is critical that we press forward with demands for the disposal of
hazardous materials and the removal of pollution. Fundamentally, environmental safety and military
affairs are incompatible. So, from the perspective of environmental safety, we must radically reduce
military activity. That is to say, unless we commit ourselves to a movement with citizens as its driving
force, striving for environmental disarmament, there will be no resolution to the environmental
problems created by the military.
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Agreements between the U.S. and Japan does not include the U.S. dealing with problems of
environmental damage caused by U.S. military activities
Takahashi 2004 [Mitsuhiko A., LLD candidate at Waseda University; LLM, 2004, Lewis and Clark Law School; M.A. in Law,
Waseda, 2004, Environmental Law & Policy Journal 28]
As part of the United States global strategy, large portions of the U.S. armed forces are deployed overseas.
Long after the Cold War, vast numbers of military personnel remain stationed as guests in several
allied countries. According to the data released by the U.S. Department of Defense on June 30, 2004, the U.S. maintains
1,431,813 active military personnel, with 270,753 of them stationed overseas (not including those in or around Iraq).
Germany is the top hosting nation with 76,239 soldiers, followed by South Korea and Japan. In total, there are 94,755
personnel stationed in the East Asia and Pacific regions , including: 40,495 in South Korea, 37,338 in Japan,
and 15,890 afloat on naval vessels of which most have home ports in Japan . To legally station U.S.
soldiers on foreign soil, the United States has negotiated several bilateral and multilateral treaties. A prime example is the
Security Treaty made soon after WWII between the U.S. and Japan, whereby the United States is granted the use
by its land, air and naval forces of facilities and areas in Japan In this Security Treaty some issues are
expressly addressed while other important matters are left unresolved, such as dealing with
environmental problems related to U.S. military activities. And because of the complicated legal status
of military bases, some environmental issues fall into the gap of jurisdictions between Japan and the
U.S.
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Environment Internal Link Extensions

U.S. marine bases play significant role in the degrading coral reefs of Japan.
Bryant, D., L. Burke, J. McManus, and M. Spalding, 19 98. Reefs at Risk: A Map-based Indicator of Threats to the Worlds Coral
Reefs. World Resources Institute. pp. 11-15. (http://coris.noaa.gov/about/hazards/)
Finally, coral reefs are directly impacted by marine-based pollution . Leaking fuels, anti-fouling paints
and coatings, and other chemicals can leach into the water, adversely affecting corals and other species
Petroleum spills also are a concern. Little evidence suggests that petroleum spills directly affect corals because the
oil usually stays near the surface of the water, and much of its volume evaporates into the atmosphere within days.
However, the timing of a spill is crucial. Corals that are spawning at the time of an oil spill can be damaged because the
eggs and sperm, which are released into the water at very precise times, remain at shallow water depths for various times
before they settle. Thus, in addition to compromising water quality, oil pollution can disrupt the long-term viability and
reproductive success of corals, rendering them more vulnerable to other types of disturbances As coastal populations swell
and marine resources continue to be exploited, coral reefs face an uncertain future. An International Coral Reef Initiative
has been established to address and mediate the hazards that threaten the survival of coral reef ecosystems.
Okinawan Bases destroy local communities military activities have completely devastated the
environment
Laura Hein and Mark Selden 03 [Islands of Discontent: Military Destruction: Effects on Local Residents, 2003]
With the construction and maintenance of military bases and preparation for war by the U.S. military have devastated
village life. Indeed, they have destroyed nature itself, both the land and coral reefs in the surrounding area. At present, U.S.
forces conduct live ammunition exercises in eighteen areas of Okinawa at the Torishima Firing Range, Idesuna Firing Rage,
Icumejima Firing Range, Ukibaru Training Area, Tsukenjimarung Area, Kobisho Firing Range, Sekibisho Firing Range,
and Okiaito Firing Range. It is possible to watch military exercises from Tonaki, parts of which are designated as danger
zones by the U.S. military. Each time low-flying military aircraft fire live ammunition ; there is a blast and white
fumes rise in the air. Under this continued assault, the topography of the island has transformed, leaving no
trace of its features. The areas of Tonaki designated by the U.S. military as danger zones are close to villages, and over
the years many houses have been damaged and destroyed by fallings and debris. Torishima is another now
unpopulated island that is exclusively used firing range. In 1995, soldiers there inadvertently used depleted uranium bullets.
The American government delayed notification of the accident to the Japanese government for a full year after it occurred,
and neither Okinawan prefectural government officials nor the general Okinawan public were informed by the Japanese
government until one month after that. This reveals how marginalized Okinawa is by both the U.S. and Japanese
governments. The Status of Forces Agreement prioritizes military matters, while such matters of human
concern as the devastating health effects of depleted uranium bullets on the people of Okinawa are
ignored. This is one example of the physical and psychological damage caused by military exercises
that have continued for more than fifty years . Before the war, the people of Idesuna cultivated watermelons and
mulberry trees and raised cattle. The island was surrounded by coral reefs vas known as a good area to catch prawns,
luminous turban shells, octopi and to gather sea weed . Nowadays, fishermen cannot survive off the sea. They
go to sea only on Sundays, when no military exercises are scheduled.
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U.S. military waste in Okinawa kills the environment and risks potential danger to local citizens.
Bugni, Toni M., Continued Invasion: Assessing the United States Military Presence on Okinawa through 1996, 1997- 1998
(http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/sujtnlr21&div=9&g_sent=1&collection=journals#90)
In addition,
since 1972 there have been 116 military aircraft accidents on Okinawa. After each
crash, the Prefecture requested that both Japanese and American authorities investigate the accident
and "release findings and reinforce safety measures;" however, many accidents have not been explained
satisfactorily.56 Also, Camp Hansen conducts live firing exercises over a main highway into a hill.7 The
firing exercises continually expose Okinawan citizens to danger because firearms used at the camp
have a range greater than the training area, thereby jeopardizing the surrounding homes, schools, and
hospital.5" These exercises make "many ordinary civilian activities, such as running schools, nearly
impossible." Unexploded shells from the firing exercises add another danger caused by the U.S. military presence in
Okinawa.6" In addition to the exercises conducted over the highway, Camp Hansen also conducts daily firing
exercises with 40mm grenades which have "a great probability . . . to remain unexploded ."'' The danger
of unexploded shells remains so high that when "fire breaks out at Camp Hansen, fire fighting can only
be performed from the air by helicopters due to the danger of unexploded shells on the ground
surface."62 Problems also arise at the Yomitan Auxiliary Airfield.63 Parachute drop training exercises sometime
result in parachutists and other military objects missing their targets and landing on civilian property.4 In addition, the
U.S. bases contribute to environmental and noise pollution on Okinawa.65 For example, the firing
exercises conducted at Camp Hansen cause forest fires, soil erosion, and earth tremors. Moreover,
records
indicate that water pollution on U.S. military bases occurred sixty five times between
1972 and 1994.67 Leakage of raw sewage and oil spillage were the main causes of this pollution; there
were, however, at least two instances of PCB leakage from the Kadena Air Base .68 At times the water
pollution infected the Hija River, which runs next to Kadena Air Base and supplies drinking water to
the Okinawan people.69 The military activities at Kadena Air Base and Futenma Air Station create a
chronic noise pollution problem.7 Noise from touch-and-go flight exercises and flight maneuver
exercises conducted in the airspace over civilian homes plagues residents living around these bases.7'
In addition, the military at Kadena conducts Local Operational Readiness Exercises and Operation
Readiness Inspections, making noise that disturbs daily activities, jams television and radio broadcasts,
and causes loss of hearing and fatigue in local residents.
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Biodiversity is key to support life on earth
Craig, 03(Robin Kundis Craig, Associate Professor of Law Indiana University, 2003"Taking Steps Toward Marine Wildlife
Protection?) Lexis Nexus
Biodiversity and ecosystem function arguments for conserving marine ecosystems also exist, just as they do for
terrestrial ecosystems, but these arguments have thus far rarely been raised in political debates. For example, besides
significant tourism values the most economically valuable ecosystem service coral reefs provide,
-
worldwide - coral reefs protect against storms and dampen other environmental fluctuations, services
worth more than ten times the reefs' value for food production . n856 Waste treatment is another significant,
non-extractive ecosystem function that intact coral reef ecosystems provide. n857 More generally, " ecosystems play a
major role in the global geochemical cycling of all the elements that represent the basic building blocks
of living organisms, carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, phosphorus, and sulfur, as well as other less abundant
but necessary elements." n858 In a very real and direct sense, therefore, human degradation of marine
ecosystems impairs the planet's ability to support life.
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Environment Solvency Extensions

Action now is key to stopping the destruction of the biosphere suffering leads to extinction
Saier 06 (Milton Saier, Biology Professor at University of California, Pollution 2006) page 209
Taken together we see that almost every aspect of man's activities, our agricultural practices, the burning of fossil fuels,
destruction of the forests and wetlands, hunting and fishing, the use of chemicals that alter the balance of nature, the use of
medicines that alleviate suffering and prolong life, all add to the global levels of pollution, endangering our
delicate biosphere and altering the physiology and behavior of our own species. To me, it seems clear,
that none of these problems can be truly solved until we have dealt with the primary cause: a tremendously excessive
human population. If we can find a rational solution to this problem, then the human race has a chance
for long-term survival. If not, we will undoubtedly learn the hard way: through suffering, death and
devastation.
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2AC Disease Add-on

Military sex work increases venereal disease
Sarah Kovner, Staff Writer, 2009, Base Cultures: Sex workers and Serviceman in Occupied Japan The Journal of Asian
Studies (2009), 68: 777-804 Cambridge University Press EmiW
The effect of all of these regulatory efforts was conditioned and constrained by the economic importance of sex workers,
especially in the base areas. Despite the legislation that came into force in 1958, military sex work
continued in places such as Sasebo. Just six years later, for instance, American naval base chief
commander A. F. Farwell again requested that local officials suppress the threat of venereal disease. In
response to Farwells request, the police department visited hotels and bars that encouraged
prostitution activities (Sasebo Municipal Archives 1964). Sex workers, no longer protected by any sort of
contract or legal status, became even more marginalized, even while remaining central to local economies. They emerged
from the process without any labor rights, because what they did was no longer considered labor. Once tolerated and
regulated, it was now officially codified as a social evil.
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2AC Democracy Add-on

Desperate Okinawans threaten Democracy
Hook and Siddle 03 (Glenn D. Hook and Richard Siddle, Professor of East Asian History and lecturer at University of Sheffield,
2003, Japan and Okinawa Structure and Subjectivity) Page 184 EmiW
The diversity in anti-base protest in Okinawa could be, for the conservative Japanese elite, a dangerous seed of
instability threatening postwar Japanese democracy through the demonstration of a more self-confident identity.
Self-confident citizens who are able to articulate political requests embody the emerging collective identity of the
Okinawa Struggle. The confidence in taking collective action to change society derives from strengthening strategy,
arguments and beliefs through constant discussions (and disagreements) with each other. The coexistence of many forms of
protest is also however a source of disagreements and disunity within the Okinawa Struggle. Sympathizers
of the anti-base protest often wish to see a greater coherence in vision and action of the current anti-base movement sector
in Okinawa in cooperation with wider global civil society (Hein 2001: 36). This chapter suggests that the lack of a
coherent movement aimed at one goal which has generated a fragmentation of perspectives, has brought
a certain facility to the Okinawans collective action. Disunity is strength. By contesting the refining arguments about what
is really at stake for Okinawa and what being Okinawan means, the anti-base activists have come
increasingly not to identify Okinawans as a unity against yamato . Okinawans in struggle live, in Vera
Mackies (2000) term, in a community of protest; they are capable of internal debates, self reflection, trial and failure.
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AT: Alt Causality

There is a direct correlation between prostitution and occupying forces
Sarah Kovner, Staff Writer, 2009, Base Cultures: Sex workers and Serviceman in Occupied Japan The Journal of Asian
Studies (2009), 68: 777-804 Cambridge University Press EmiW
Streetwalkers known as panpan quickly became a vivid and contentious symbol of the Allied occupation.2
In the
military base areas, a flood of new sex workers and military personnel forced Japanese men, women,
and children to confront a changed physical and social landscape as it was reconfigured to
accommodate the occupying forces. As the commercial sex markets boomed, its representatives became
increasingly unpopular: Government surveys, literary accounts, and anecdotal evidence demonstrate that
sex workers faced animus and discrimination by many ordinary men and women. 3 When Allied officials
failed to control commercial sex, metropolitan and regional governments including Metropolitan Tokyo in 1949passed
some sixty local ordinances ( jo rei) to prosecute sex workers (Fujime 2003, 4143; Fujino 2001, 19597). But collusion
between the police and proprietors associations rendered them largely ineffective. At the same time, sex workers,
proprietors, and clients also participated in complex negotiations and compromises that proved to be more important in
determining how sex would be bought and sold. How did these more informal, everyday exchanges contribute to the
conditions that finally provoked Japans first national law against prostitution in 1956? Most scholars have focused
on the political history leading up to the 1956 law, highlighting the role of Allied occupation officials,
government bureaucrats, and Japanese feminists. They have explored the ways in which feminists
cooperated with American officials against the sex work industry, as well as the U.S. militarys sexual
violence against women. Fujime Yuki, Japans foremost scholar on commercialized sex, has analyzed the
politics of local government prostitution ordinances (2006b) and the influence of the American Plan
on the reorganization of the Japanese prostitution system (2006a). Hirai Kazuko (2004) looks at the problem of
violence during the U.S. occupation more broadly, concluding that U.S. military authorities not only continued
to take prostitution for granted, but actually depended on it to sustain troop morale
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AT: Politics DA No Link (Bipartisan Likes Plan)

Military spending is bipartisan, but only to a point - Plan is seen as saving money
South Coast Today, 7/24/10m GUEST VIEW: Distorted attack on bipartisan project By BARNEY Frank U.S. Rep. Barney
Frank represents the 4th Congressional District of Massachusetts. http://www.southcoasttoday.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?
AID=/20100724/OPINION/7240334
Congressman Paul and I, along with Republican Walter Jones from North Carolina and Democrat Ron
Wyden of Oregon, have convened a group of experts to develop recommendations for cutting wasteful
military spending without in any way weakening our national defense. The Sustainable Defense Task
Force, made up of experts from across the ideological spectrum, has issued a report which
recommends specific reductions which add up to almost $1 trillion over 10 years. None of us agree
with all of the suggestions put forward in the report, but we do believe that failing to address this issue
will cause irreparable harm to our economy and will substantially reduce our quality of life. Some
refuse even to consider reductions in military spending and instead call for cuts here at home. A recent
position paper from the Republican members of the House Budget Committee argues for that latter
view: "If the U.S. is to retain its role in the world, it must change its fiscal course and that means
curbing its out-of-control spending, particularly on entitlement programs." For those not totally familiar with
the Washington jargon, "entitlement programs" are Social Security and Medicare. I do not believe that maintaining
America's role as the world's policeman justifies cuts to Social Security or Medicare . Nor do I agree with those who,
instead of considering cuts to excessive military spending, would rather stop unemployment
compensation, or force states and cities to lay off firefighters, police officers, teachers and public
works employees. This would not only cause deep social harm, but it would also exacerbate the
recession from which we are just now beginning to recover . Meanwhile, we have important needs that are not
being met here at home. Some have argued against spending money to extend unemployment benefits; I think this is wrong.
Others argue that the federal government should stand by while states and cities lay off firefighters, police officers, teachers
and public works employees; I disagree. Some may believe that we shouldn't spend federal dollars to clean up New Bedford
Harbor or to build a commuter rail line between Fall River and New Bedford and Boston; I think these are essential to our
prosperity and quality of life. I will continue to work in a bipartisan manner for sensible reductions in excessive military
spending so we can ensure a strong national defense, restore fiscal stability, and continue to support pressing needs here at
home.
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AT: Politics DA No Link (Congress Wont Like Plan)

Congress wont like the plan - they dont want to move people to Guam
Pacific Daily News, Amritha Alladi, 7/22/10,http://www.guampdn.com/article/20100722/NEWS01/7220311
"I think it is likely that we cannot tell anything for sure until after the election," he stated, according to a Kyodo News
Agency report. A delay in the decision to relocate the Futenma base would delay buildup projects on Guam and,
consequently, hold back Senate appropriations for defense spending related to the Guam buildup. Last week, Lt. Gov. Mike
Cruz said senior leaders in the United States and Japan admitted to needing more time to carry out the buildup, and since
the Final Environmental Impact Statement hasn't been released, there are no definitive buildup plans. "As no decisions are
considered final until a record of decision is released, we understand the Senate's desire to fund projects related to the
buildup only after all needed information has been received," Cruz said in a statement. The United States and Japan
agreed in 2006 to relocate a U.S. Marine air station to a less populated part of Okinawa, in the face of
opposition to the base's presence from Okinawa residents after a schoolgirl was raped by three U.S.
service members in 1995.Part of that 2006 bilateral agreement is the shift of 8,000 Marines and their
9,000 dependents to Guam as part of a military buildup.U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said in
October that he didn't see Congress approving plans for the Guam buildup if Japan and the United
States couldn't agree on the Futenma relocation site .Japan's previous prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, resigned
in June, just months after assuming his role as prime minister, because he could not uphold the promise to his people to
move the American troop presence out of Okinawa completely. But now, his successor's administration is exhibiting the
same indecision Hatoyama's administration did months ago. "That isn't something definitively decided," Chief Cabinet
Secretary Yoshito Sengoku said Tuesday at a news conference, according to the Kyodo News Agency report."Kitazawa said
the government is not yet at a stage where it can decide 'whether or not we should give up,'" the Kyodo News Agency
report stated.
Congress does not like the idea of moving troop out of Okinawa, they dont wanna hurt alliance
Kensei Yoshida, "Okinawa and Guam: In the Shadow of U.S. and Japanese 'Global Defense Posture,'" The Asia-Pacific Journal, 262-10, June 28, 2010. http://japanfocus.org/-Yoshida-Kensei/3378
A month later, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates visited Tokyo and disputed Hatoyamas campaign pledge,
demanding the new Tokyo government to abide by the 2006 roadmap agreement in view of the vital importance of the
Japan-U.S. alliance. Without the relocation of the MCAS by the deadline, he said, there would be no
relocation of Marines from Okinawa to Guam and no return of facilities south of Kadena, and that he
could not guarantee congressional approval of U.S. funding for the Marine relocation. He was
contradicting himself. Gates had visited Guam in May 2008 to look at construction already started in
preparation for the Marine relocation from Okinawa and called the military buildup on the island one
of the largest movements of military assets in decades, which he said would continue the historic mission of
the United States military presence on Guam: serve as the nations first line of defense and maintain a robust military
presence in a critical part of the world. [5] Thats especially critical now, he added, in light of the diffuse
nature of the threats and challenges facing our nation in the 21st century -- a century that will be
shaped by the opportunities presented by the developing nations of Asia. Most Japanese media sided
with the U.S. position, calling on Hatoyama to honor the 2006 roadmap agreement in adherence to the
Japan-U.S. (military) alliance which Hatoyama himself said formed the core of Japans foreign
policy and the bilateral relationship.
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AT: Politics DA No Link (Democrats Like Plan)

Democrats love the plan, hate war and want out of Okinawa
R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr, is founder and editor in chief of The American Spectator. His new book, After the Hangover: The
Conservatives' Road to Recovery, was published on April 20 by Thomas Nelson. His previous books include the New York Times
bestseller Boy Clinton: the Political Biography; The Impeachment of William Jefferson Clinton; The Liberal Crack-Up; The
Conservative Crack-Up; Public Nuisances; The Future that Doesn't Work: Social Democracy's Failure in Britain; Madame Hillary:
The Dark Road to the White House; and The Clinton Crack-Up. on 11.2. 2006 @ 12:08AM Midterm Exams.
http://spectator.org/archives/2006/11/02/midterm-exams
Because the Democratic Party is in such intellectual and moral decline, the Republicans should be eking out victory next
week. The economy could hardly be better, and the Democrats' alternative is a combination of tax increases and a promise
to investigate corporations and financial services, a formula for recession. The war against terror is being
successfully executed, and the Democrats' response is to hobble that execution through proscriptive
laws and more investigations. The war in Iraq is not going well, but the Democrats' only policy is to
withdraw our army to, I believe Senator Reid suggests, Okinawa . Despite the Democrats' feeble alternatives,
the Republicans will probably lose control of the House and possibly of the Senate. Yet that is not the end of the drama.
Many House races will be so close that they will land in the courts.
Democrats and many independents and the public would love withdrawing troops
Pew Research Center Publications, nonpartisan "fact tank" that provides information on the issues, attitudes and trends
shaping America and the world. It does so by conducting public opinion polling and social science research; by analyzing news
coverage; and by holding forums and briefings. It does not take positions on policy issues, 2/18/ 2009, Obama Faces Familiar
Divisions
Over
Anti-Terror
Policies
No
Change
in
Views
of
Torture,
Warrantless
Wiretaps,
http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1125/terrorism-guantanamo-torture-polling
As has been the case since 2006, more Americans believe decreasing -- rather than increasing -- the U.S. military presence
abroad is the more effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks on the United States. Half of Americans (50%) now
believe that decreasing the U.S. military presence overseas would be the more effective policy, while just 31% say an
increased presence would be more effective. A majority (62%) of Democrats say decreasing the U.S. military
presence overseas would have a greater impact in reducing the terrorist threat; half of independents
agree. By contrast, 48% of Republicans say that increasing the U.S. military presence abroad is the
more effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks. As has been the case since 2006, more
Americans believe decreasing -- rather than increasing -- the U.S. military presence abroad is the more
effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks on the United States. Half of Americans (50%)
now believe that decreasing the U.S. military presence overseas would be the more effective policy,
while just 31% say an increased presence would be more effective A majority (62%) of Democrats say
decreasing the U.S. military presence overseas would have a greater impact in reducing the terrorist
threat; half of independents agree. By contrast, 48% of Republicans say that increasing the U.S. military presence
abroad is the more effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks.
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96
AT: Politics DA No Link (Democrats Hate Plan)

Democrats want out of Okinawa because of pointless spending
Wall Street Journal 7/12 ,2010, 3:02 PM JST Okinawa?
Marines Out, Says

http://blogs.wsj.com/japanrealtime/2010/07/12/okinawa-marines-out-says-barney-frank/?mod=wsj_share_twitter
Barney
Frank
Okinawans seeking to oust the U.S. Marines from their midst have a prominent new advocate in
Washington: Veteran Democratic Congressman Barney Frank. Bloomberg News Its not about John Wayne:
the redoubtable Barney Frank, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, waits to start a conference in
Washington, D.C., last month. The aptly named Mr. Frank, one of the most quotable politicians from either of Americas
big two political parties, has been hitting the talk show circuit over the past week with memorable one-liners on the matter.
Most people, I think, that I talk to, thought the Marines left Okinawa when John Wayne died, he said on MSNBCs
Morning Joe show on July 8, referring to the long-gone Hollywood stars World War II movies. Its unclear to me what
theyre doing there.He went on: I dont want to see China given a free hand over there vis-a-vis Taiwan, but 15,000
Marines arent going to land on the Chinese mainland and confront millions of Chinese soldiers. You need some air power
and sea power.The liberal Massachusetts Democrat was given the microphone in recent days after
penning a widely-cited odd-couple op-ed with libertarian Texas Republican Rep. Ron Paul on July 6
calling for sharp cuts in the Pentagon budget, particularly on spending abroad. While the piece itself
doesnt mention Okinawa, Mr. Frank cites Japans southern island repeatedly in interviews as a prime
exhibit of what he considers wasteful World War II legacy spending that has become irrelevant in the
21st century.We dont need 15,000 Marines in Okinawa, Mr. Frank told National Public Radio July
10. Theyre hanged-over (sic) from a war that ended 65 years ago.Many American policymakers would beg
to differ, as would the Marines. Lt. Gen Keith J. Stalder, Commander of U.S. Marine Corps Forces Pacific told The Wall
Street Journal in February that the Marine presence in Okinawa was a crucial part of American force projection in Asia, a
factor preserving broader regional stability. There is nothing that happens in the region that will not affect
Japan in a very negative way if its not contained quickly or prevented, he said.Its unclear just how far Mr.
Frank can go with his crusade. While he is influential within his party, his clout is greatest in the House Financial Services
Committee, which he chairs not military policy. But at a time of economic angst, and growing pressure to cut spending,
Mr. Franks rhetoric could gain traction, especially as leaders in Okinawa make clear they dont want the bases there
either.We dont get any jobs out of Marines in Okinawa, Mr. Frank asserted to MSNBC host Keith Olbermann.
Democrats dont like full withdrawal

David Steel, David Steel is a PhD student at the University of Cambridge, UK. March 2008 Imperialist Democrats ELECTION
DISSENSION http://www.zcommunications.org/imperialist-democrats-by-david-steel
The Democratic candidates speak of strengthening the military and protecting national interests.
They use the phrase national interests in order to move ambiguously between the interest of stopping
terrorism against American citizens and the interests of big capital. These same Democrats have
admitted that even though they call for withdrawal, they desire a continued military presence in the
region and they refuse to rule out military action against Iran.
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97
AT: Politics DA No Link (No Effect on Washington)

Washington no longer cares if troops are in Okinawa or not
Yoko Kubota, reporter for Reuters, 7/23/10, U.S. won't move Marines
from Japan by 2014: media,

http://www.globalpost.com/breaking-news/global/us-wont-move-marines-japan-2014-media
TOKYO (Reuters) - Washington has given up on moving 8,000 U.S. Marines to the U.S. territory of
Guam from Japan by 2014, media said on Friday, a potential blow to Prime Minister Naoto Kan who is already
struggling over a U.S. base dispute. The planned transfer of Marines from the southern island of Okinawa is
a part of a larger agreement between Washington and Tokyo that includes relocating functions of the
U.S. Futenma airbase in Okinawa to a less crowded area on the island.Washington's likely delay in
transferring the Marines could push back the relocation of Futenma as well, Yomiuri newspaper reported. It
said the likely delay was disclosed in a briefing given by the U.S. Navy to Guam's government. Any postponement
over moving the controversial base on Okinawa, host to about half the U.S. troops in the country, could
be a blow to Kan's government, already reeling from a poor showing in an upper house election this
month.
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AT: Politics DA No Link (Republicans Hate Plan)

Republicans would hate removing troops
Pew Research Center Publications, nonpartisan "fact tank" that provides information on the issues, attitudes and trends
shaping America and the world. It does so by conducting public opinion polling and social science research; by analyzing news
coverage; and by holding forums and briefings. It does not take positions on policy issues, 2/18/ 2009, Obama Faces Familiar
Divisions
Over
Anti-Terror
Policies
No
Change
in
Views
of
Torture,
Warrantless
Wiretaps,
http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1125/terrorism-guantanamo-torture-pollin
As has been the case since 2006, more Americans believe decreasing -- rather than increasing -- the U.S. military presence
abroad is the more effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks on the United States. Half of Americans (50%)
now believe that decreasing the U.S. military presence overseas would be the more effective policy, while just 31% say
an increased presence would be more effective. A majority (62%) of Democrats say decreasing the U.S. military
presence overseas would have a greater impact in reducing the terrorist threat; half of independents agree. By contrast,
48% of Republicans say that increasing the U.S. military presence abroad is the more effective way to
reduce the threat of terrorist attacks. As has been the case since 2006, more Americans believe decreasing -- rather than
increasing -- the U.S. military presence abroad is the more effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks on the
United States. Half of Americans (50%) now believe that decreasing the U.S. military presence overseas would be the more
effective policy, while just 31% say an increased presence would be more effective A majority (62%) of Democrats say
decreasing the U.S. military presence overseas would have a greater impact in reducing the terrorist threat; half of
independents agree. By contrast, 48% of Republicans say that increasing the U.S. military presence abroad
is the more effective way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks.
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98
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99
AT: Japan Politics DA

Japanese resentment is increasing due to sex offenses committed by U.S. troops
Julian
Ryall,
Staff
Writer,
2009,
http://www.lexisnexis.com/us/lnacademic/api/version1/sr?
csi=8363&sr=headline(Japan+to+consider+ousting+U.S.+soldiers;+Residents+of+Okinawa+fed+up+with+crimes,+pollution,
+noise+from+military+personnel)+and+date+is+October+08,+2009&secondRedirectIndicator=true
Japan is threatening to ask American troops based on the island of Okinawa to leave the country amid
growing resentment over high crime rates. The new government is reviewing an agreement with Washington on
U.S. military facilities and keeping a campaign pledge to islanders who have borne the brunt of the U.S.
presence for more than 60 years. Around 50,000 U.S. troops are based in Japan, and around two-thirds
of the total are in Okinawa. Resentment against their presence has grown after a series of crimes
committed by service personnel. Many of the crimes are relatively trivial, but some cases have brought tens of
thousands of protesters to the streets. In February 2008, a case against a marine accused of raping a 14-year-old girl
was dropped after she withdrew the accusation, apparently to avoid the ordeal of a trial. The case revived memories
of the abduction and rape of a 12-year-old girl in 1995 by three U.S. servicemen. Katsuya Okada, the
foreign minister, said he wanted U.S. troops to remain in Japan, but that the concentration on Japan's
most southerly islands needed to be reduced. "The only way this presence can be sustained in the long
term is to make sure that the burden on the Okinawans is decreased in some way," he said. "Only by
accomplishing these goals will we be able to ensure that the U.S.-Japan alliance will be sustainable."
Another long-standing complaint against the U.S. forces is pollution and the noise made by their aircraft, particularly at
bases that are in the most densely populated parts of the island. The most seriously affected municipality is Ginowan, which
surrounds the marine corps' Futenma Air Station. The previous Japanese government had reached an agreement with
Washington to transfer 8,000 marines and their dependants to the Pacific island of Guam by 2012, so it could close the
Futenma facility and transfer its functions to a U.S. base on the northeast coast of the prefecture. But the plan has been
attacked by people living close to Camp Schwab and environmentalists, who claim that the proposal for new runways built
on reclaimed land will devastate the area flora and fauna.
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99
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100
AT: Okinawa Econ DA

Okinawa can function economically without the bases, despite high unemployment -- closing bases cuts
costs and frees land.
Yokota 01 (Ryan Masaaki Yokota, Ph.D. student in East Asian Studies, U. of Chicago, 2001, Current Issues in Post-Reversion
Okinawa, http://www.uchinanchu.org/uchinanchu/history_current.htm)SH
Okinawa has twice the unemployment rate of any prefecture in Japan, with military bases covering
20% of the land area and 40% of the arable land, which could be used to support local infrastructure.
Overcrowding on the land outside of bases stands in marked contrast to the generous facilities that
many military personnel on base are able to enjoy. Additionally, since Okinawan residents are unable to enter the
bases, transit must go around the bases, adding miles to trips that would be relatively short if the bases were not present.
Most employment opportunities are geared towards the service sector as it relates to the military bases, and additionally,
about 8,000 local people work on the military bases. Despite the fact that these are United States military bases ,
however, both the Okinawan prefecture and Japan must shoulder the burden of paying for the bases. The
Okinawan prefectural government pays for the cleanup of live ammunition drills and the Japanese
government pays for the electricity on military bases and for military personnel highway toll costs. All in all,
the government must pay approximately $100,000 per year for each U.S. military personnel stationed
in Okinawa. Additionally, despite the separation of church and state in Japan, public monies often go towards the
development of entities like churches on U.S. military bases. Since Reversion, however, Okinawa's dependence on
the income derived from the U.S. military bases has decreased from 15.4 % of the total economy to
4.9%. With this change in the economic issues involved in the military bases, the question of base removal has
become more plausible and realistic, and many people consider that a future without bases has become
more of a possibility.
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100
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101
AT: Japan Vulnerable DAs/Case

Insisting on protecting weak allies like Japan perpetuates ideas of masculinity that undermines feminist
progress. (AT: any security concerns)
Bananas, Beaches and Bases p. 11-15)SH
informed these male officials' foreign-policy choices was of a world in which two
super-powers were eyeball-to-eyeball, where small risks were justified in the name of staving off
bigger risks the risk of Soviet expansion , the risk of nuclear war. It was a world in which taking risks was
proof of one's manliness and therefore of one's qualification to govern. Listening to these officials, I was
Instead, the vision that
struck by the similarity to the 'manliness' now said to be necessary for success in the international financial markets. With
Britain's 'Big Bang', which deregulated its financial industry, and with the French and Japanese deregulators following close
behind, financial observers began to warn that the era of gentlemanliness in banking was over. British, European and
Japanese bankers and stockbrokers would now have to adopt the more robust, competitive form of manliness associated
with American bankers. It wouldn't necessarily be easy. There might even be some resistance. Thus international finance
and international diplomacy seem to be converging in their notions of the world and the kind of masculinity required to
wield power in that world in the 1990s. 8 At first glance, this portrayal of danger and risk is a familiar one,
rooted in capitalist and Cold War ideology. But when it's a patriarchal world that is 'dangerous',
masculine men and feminine women are expected to react in opposite but complementary ways. A 'real
man' will become the protector in such a world. He will suppress his own fears, brace himself and step
forward to defend the weak, women and children. In the same 'dangerous world' women will turn
gratefully and expectantly to their fathers and husbands, real or surrogate. If a woman is a mother, then
she will think first of her children, protecting them not in a manly way, but as a self-sacrificing mother.
In this fashion, the 'dangerous world' evoked repeatedly in the Iran/Contra hearings is upheld by unspoken notions about
masculinity. Ideas of masculinity have to be perpetuated to justify foreign-policy risk-taking. To accept
the Cold War interpretation of living in a 'dangerous' world also confirms the segregation of politics
into national and international. The national political arena is dominated by men but allows women
some select access; the international political arena is a sphere for men only, or for those rare women
who can successfully play at being men, or at least not shake masculine presumptions.
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101
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102
AT: Econ DA (K)

Sacrificing one group for the sake of the economy perpetuates the genocidal logic that we can kill all
groups resulting in extinction
Santos, 03 (Boaventura de Sousa, Professor of Sociology at the School of Economics, University of Coimbra, Bad Subjects, Issue
#63, April, bad.eserver.org/issues/2003/63/santos.html,. MX)
According to Franz Hinkelammert, the West has repeatedly been under the illusion that it should try to save humanity by
destroying part of it. This is a salvific and sacrificial destruction, committed in the name of the need to radically materialize
all the possibilities opened up by a given social and political reality over which it is supposed to have total power. This is
how it was in colonialism, with the genocide of indigenous peoples, and the African slaves. This is how it was in the period
of imperialist struggles, which caused millions of deaths in two world wars and many other colonial wars. This is how it
was under Stalinism, with the Gulag, and under Nazism, with the Holocaust. And now today, this is how it is in
neoliberalism, with the collective sacrifice of the periphery and even the semiperiphery of the world system.
With the war against Iraq, it is fitting to ask whether what is in progress is a new genocidal and sacrificial
illusion, and what its scope might be. It is above all appropriate to ask if the new illusion will not
herald the radicalization and the ultimate perversion of the Western illusion: destroying all of humanity in the
illusion of saving it. Sacrificial genocide arises from a totalitarian illusion manifested in the belief that there
are no alternatives to the present-day reality, and that the problems and difficulties confronting it arise
from failing to take its logic of development to ultimate consequences. If there is unemployment,
hunger and death in the Third World, this is not the result of market failures; instead, it is the outcome of market
laws not having been fully applied. If there is terrorism, this is not due to the violence of the conditions
that generate it; it is due, rather, to the fact that total violence has not been employed to physically
eradicate all terrorists and potential terrorists. This political logic is based on the supposition of total
power and knowledge, and on the radical rejection of alternatives; it is ultra-conservative in that it aims
to reproduce infinitely the status quo. Inherent to it is the notion of the end of history. During the last hundred years,
the West has experienced three versions of this logic, and, therefore, seen three versions of the end of history: Stalinism,
with its logic of insuperable efficiency of the plan; Nazism, with its logic of racial superiority; and neoliberalism, with
its logic of insuperable efficiency of the market. The first two periods involved the destruction of democracy. The
last one trivializes democracy, disarming it in the face of social actors sufficiently powerful to be able to
privatize the state and international institutions in their favor. I have described this situation as a combination of
political democracy and social fascism. One current manifestation of this combination resides in the fact that intensely
strong public opinion, worldwide, against the war is found to be incapable of halting the war machine set
in motion by supposedly democratic rulers. At all these moments, a death drive, a catastrophic heroism, predominates, the
idea of a looming collective suicide, only preventable by the massive destruction of the other. Paradoxically, the broader the
definition of the other and the efficacy of its destruction, the more likely collective suicide becomes. In its sacrificial
genocide version, neoliberalism is a mixture of market radicalization, neoconservatism and Christian
fundamentalism. Its death drive takes a number of forms, from the idea of "discardable populations",
referring to citizens of the Third World not capable of being exploited as workers and consumers, to
the concept of "collateral damage", to refer to the deaths, as a result of war, of thousands of innocent
civilians. The last, catastrophic heroism, is quite clear on two facts: according to reliable calculations by the NonGovernmental Organization MEDACT, in London, between 48 and 260 thousand civilians will die during the war and in
the three months after (this is without there being civil war or a nuclear attack); the war will cost 100 billion dollars, enough
to pay the health costs of the world's poorest countries for four years.
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102
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103
AT: DA Impacts (Discourse Prior)

Discourse is critical it provides the foundation to understanding womens insecurity in relation to
security as a discursive practice which inform their identities and how inclusion and exclusion inform the
naming of threats and dangers
Zealand, 2006, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pg. 181-2, EmiW]
A growing body of literature within post-structuralist IR theory emphasizes the centrality of identity and discourse in
articulations of security and insecurity (see also Jacoby, this volume). 8 Discourse, in this sense, connotes the
production and re-presentation of meaning, which de limit the realm of understanding, action, and
imagination within a certain framework (Eriksson Baaz 2004; Foucault 1980; Hall and duGay 1996.) Security,
according to this line of thinking, is meaningful as a "speech act"; it does not have an essential, fixed,
reified meaning outside of discourse (Waever 1995). I therefore could not understand Mayan women's security as
somehow "real," outside, separate from their speaking about it. Scholars such as Campbell (1992) and Dillon (1990-1;
1996) have explored the notion of (in)security as a discursive practice and have carefully shown how sovereign power
constructs itself through the workings of discourses of danger and insecurity in various contexts. Attempts to secure a
subject rely upon the myth of the subject as already existing and in need of security. However, instead of the subject of
security being separate and existing prior to the act of "speaking" or writing security, it is through the very naming of threat
and danger that the "subject of security" is formed. This "subject" is evoked in a temporal narrative with a clear beginning
and origin (the past), middle (now), and the promise of a happy ending (security realized in the future). The need for
addressing subjectivity became particularly salient in a study of Mayan women's (in) security, since many Mayan women
articulated their security needs in terms of their political identities: as Mayan, women, and poor (cf. Edkins et al. 1999;
Jabri and O'Gorman 1999: 2), Political identification can be seen as a process of constant reconstructions, which depends
on the establishment of both a Self and an Other partially through "discourses of danger" (Campbell 1992; Connolly 1991;
Dillon 1996). Many scholars of ethnic, national, and gender identity have focused on the importance of boundaries and
markers of difference between groups or individuals: we know who and where we are in contrast to who and where they are
(cf. Barth 1969; Connolly 1991; Eriksen 1993; Hall and duGay 1996; Yuval-Davis 1997). The politicization of
identity connotes a temporary fixing of a subject pos ition within discourse in order for an individual or
group to create a stable basis from which to make political claims. Hence, understanding Mayan women's
(in)security would involve analyzing how security as a discursive practice informs their identities, as
well as how the workings of inclusion and exclusion in their identity formation (and politicization)
inform the naming of threat and danger. A textual treatment of (in) security therefore seemed to be an appropriate
way to address my research question. However, in looking for guidance from the leading texts within post-structural and
critical security studies on how to do such work, I found excellent examples of analysis of discourses of danger written by
state security elites (Campbell 1992; Weldes et al. 1999), yet little work in "marginalized" sites upon which to model my
research design (cf. D'Costa, this volume; Milliken 1999). I was faced with a number of difficulties. First, scholars like
Waever understand security as a "speech act" executed only by the security elites in naming threats which jeopardize the
ultimate existential security of the state (Waiver 1995). If security is used to connote other "things ," he argues, it
becomes reified to mean "all that is good" and becomes so broad that it loses its relevance as a concept
or practice in IR (1995: 47; Buzan et al. 1998; Guzzini and Jung 2003). If I accept that security is indeed a
speech act (or a discursive move), how then can one study security in marginalized and silenced sites
without falling into the trap of "infinitely expanding the concept," thus rendering Mayan women's
(in)security irrelevant for IR (Waever 1995)?
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104
AT: DA Impacts (Gender Violence Prior)

Gender violence comes first improbably impacts and politics disadvantages are ways of silencing
women in the public arena ending gender violence is try or die
Enloe, 04, Professor of Womens Studies at Clark University, 2004 Cynthia, The Curious Feminist, page 73-74, EmiW
Violence against women almost everywhere has been a topic kept out of the public arena or only
sporadically and very selectively allowed into it in the form of a "scandal." This, in turn, has not only
delayed for generations public officials tackling such abuse, but also entrenched the silencing of many
of those women who have been the targets of that violence. To ether these two silencings have set back genuine
democratization as much as has any military coup or distortive electoral system. The fact that violence against women - in
its myriad forms -has recently been challenged in public by so many women in Asia and the Pacific should be seen as a
significant development in the progress of democratization throughout the region. Of course, this also means that insofar as
rape or sexual harassment or forced prostitution or domestic violence is anywhere denied or trivialized, real
democratization is likely to be subverted. Thus we need to become more curious about the processes of trivialization. How
exactly do regimes, opposition parties, judges, popular movements, and the press go about making any incident of violence
against women appear trivial? The gendered violence can be explained as inevitable-that is, not worth the
expenditure of political capital. Or it can be treated by the trivializers as numerically inconsequential,

so rare that it would seem wasteful of scarce political will or state resources to try to prevent it. Third,
trivialization can be accomplished by engaging in comparisons: how can one spend limited political
attention on, say, domestic violence or forced prostitution when there are market forces like global
competition, structural adjustment, or nuclear testing to deal with -- as if, that is, none of those had any
relationship to the incidence of violence against women? Finally, trivialization may take the form of
undermining the credibility of the messenger. As early as the 1800s, trivializers already were labeling women who spoke
out publicly against violence against women as "loose," "prudish," or "disappointed" (it would be the trivializers' twentiethcentury successors who would think to add "lesbian".
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104
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105
AT: DA Impacts (K)

As a policymaker you must set aside their low probability impact scenarios
Rescher, 83 (Nicholas, prof. of philosophy at Pitt U, Risk: A Philosophical Introduction to the Theory of Risk Evaluation and
Management http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1844624 , . MX)
The "worst possible case fixation" is one of the most damaging modes of unrealism in deliberations about
risk in real-life situations. Preoccupation about what might happen "if worst comes to worst" is
counterproductive whenever we proceed without recognizing that, often as not, these worst possible
outcomes are wildly improbable (and sometimes do not deserve to be viewed as real possibilities at
all). The crux in risk deliberations is not the issue of loss "if worst comes to worst" but the potential acceptability of this prospect within
the wider framework of the risk situation, where we may well be prepared "to. take our chances," considering the possible advantages
that beckon along this route. The worst threat is certainly something to be borne in mind and taken into
account, but it is emphatically not a satisfactory index of the overall seriousness or gravity of a situation
of hazard.
Sexual values become most important in times of poverty, war, disease, racism, famine and nuclear
extinction
Rubin 1993, cultural anthropologist best known as an activist and influential theorist of sex and gender politics, (Gayle S., ,
"Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality," Social Perspective in Lesbian and Gay Studies, NY
Routledge, , MX)
The time has come to think about sex. To some, sexuality may seem to be an unimportant topic, a frivolous
diversion from the more critical problems of poverty, war, disease, racism, famine, or nuclear
annihilation. But it is precisely at times such as these, when we live with the possibility of unthinkable
destruction, that people are likely to become dangerously crazy about sexuality . Contemporary conflicts
over sexual values and erotic conduct have much in common with the religious disputes of earlier
centuries. They acquire immense symbolic weight. Disputes over sexual behavior often become the
vehicles for displacing social anxieties, and discharging their attendant emotional intensity . Consequently,
sexuality should be treated with special respect in times of great social stress.
The realm of sexuality also has its own internal politics, inequities, and modes of oppression . As with
other aspects of human behavior, the concrete institutional forms of sexuality at any given time and place are
products of human activity. They are imbued with conflicts of interest and political maneuvering, both
deliberate and incidental. In that sense, sex is always political. But there are also historical periods in which
sexuality is more sharply contested and more overtly politicized. In such periods, the domain of erotic life is, in effect,
renegotiated.
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105
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106
AT: Deterrence DA
Insisting on protecting weak allies like Japan perpetuates ideas of masculinity that undermines feminist
progress.
Enloe 93 (Cynthia Enloe, Ph.D. in political science from UC Berkeley and Director of Clark Universitys Women Studies program,
1993, Bananas, Beaches and Bases p. 11-12)SH
informed these male officials' foreign-policy choices was of a world in which two
super-powers were eyeball-to-eyeball, where small risks were justified in the name of staving off
bigger risks the risk of Soviet expansion , the risk of nuclear war. It was a world in which taking risks was
proof of one's manliness and therefore of one's qualification to govern. Listening to these officials, I was
Instead, the vision that
struck by the similarity to the 'manliness' now said to be necessary for success in the international financial markets. With
Britain's 'Big Bang', which deregulated its financial industry, and with the French and Japanese deregulators following close
behind, financial observers began to warn that the era of gentlemanliness in banking was over. British, European and
Japanese bankers and stockbrokers would now have to adopt the more robust, competitive form of manliness associated
with American bankers. It wouldn't necessarily be easy. There might even be some resistance. Thus international finance
and international diplomacy seem to be converging in their notions of the world and the kind of masculinity required to
wield power in that world in the 1990s. 8 At first glance, this portrayal of danger and risk is a familiar one,
rooted in capitalist and Cold War ideology. But when it's a patriarchal world that is 'dangerous',
masculine men and feminine women are expected to react in opposite but complementary ways. A 'real
man' will become the protector in such a world. He will suppress his own fears, brace himself and step
forward to defend the weak, women and children. In the same 'dangerous world' women will turn
gratefully and expectantly to their fathers and husbands, real or surrogate. If a woman is a mother, then
she will think first of her children, protecting them not in a manly way, but as a self-sacrificing mother.
In this fashion, the 'dangerous world' evoked repeatedly in the Iran/Contra hearings is upheld by unspoken notions about
masculinity. Ideas of masculinity have to be perpetuated to justify foreign-policy risk-taking. To accept
the Cold War interpretation of living in a 'dangerous' world also confirms the segregation of politics
into national and international. The national political arena is dominated by men but allows women
some select access; the international political arena is a sphere for men only, or for those rare women
who can successfully play at being men, or at least not shake masculine presumptions.
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106
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107
AT: Japan Rearm DA No IL (Japan Nuclearization)

Japan wont go nuclear: no support, no testing sites, and damaging to foreign relations
Yokota 09 (Takashi Yokota, editor for Newsweek, 6-12-2009 Why Japan won't
go
nuclear,
http://www.newsweek.com/2009/06/12/the-n-word.html)SH
North Korea's recent nuclear test has spawned many nightmare scenarios, including the possibility that
pacifist Japan will go nuclear, triggering a new arms race. Both U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Defense
Secretary Robert Gates have warned of just that possibility, and on May 31 former secretary of state Henry Kissinger said
that unless Beijing reins in Pyongyang, it should expect to "live in an Asia in which South Korea and Japan have nuclear
weapons." It sounds plausible. After all, Japan is one of the only great powers that doesn't already boast its
own nuclear deterrent. Though Tokyo has officially vowed never to possess, build or even allow nuclear weapons onto
its territorypromises born from Hiroshima and the pacifist constitution imposed on Japan by its U.S. occupiers after the
warsome big-name Tokyo politicians have questioned that stance in recent years. In April, Goji Sakamoto, a lawmaker
from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, said that Japan should at least "threaten" to go nuclear. Shinzo Abe, who was
prime minister from 2006 to 2007, once reportedly told a room full of college students that possessing nukes wouldn't
violate Japan's constitution as long as the arsenal was "small in scale." And after Pyongyang's first nuclear test in 2006,
senior LDP member Shoichi Nakagawa and Prime Minister Taro Aso (then foreign minister) called for public debate on the
question. Yet this is all just rhetoric. For one thing, despite North Korea's threats and China's growing military
and political power, the Japanese people remain dead set against building nuclear weapons. Polls
conducted over the past three years show that less than 20 percent of the public currently says it favors
possessing such a deterrent. For another, Japana crowded island nationlacks the space to test a
bomb. Japan has large stockpiles of plutonium for its nuclear-energy industry. But plutonium-type bombs require
physical testing to verify their efficacy. (Uranium bombs are considerably simpler and so may not need physical testing,
but Japan doesn't have the weapons-grade uranium to make such a device.) While some experts argue that
Japan could test a plutonium weapon by detonating it underground, othersincluding former defense
chief Shigeru Ishibainsist that there is simply nowhere to do so in such a densely populated nation .
Simulations would not be sufficient; those only work after at least one actual test . Japan, moreover, now occupies
the nuke-free high ground and would risk losing its innocence if it went nuclear. According to an internal
1995 study by Japan's defense establishment, reversing the country's no-nukes policy would trigger the collapse of the
Nuclear Non--Proliferation Treaty regime, as the withdrawal of the world's only nuclear victim could fatally undermine
confidence in the system. Such a move would also severely damage relations with Washington Tokyo's most
important allyand the alarm in Beijing and Seoul could set off a nuclear race across East Asia. Japan would get the
blame. The consequences for Japan's energy supplies and economy could be equally catastrophic. If
Japan broke out of the NPT, the countries that now supply it with nuclear fuel , including Canada, Australia
and the United States, would surely hold back their shipments , which are currently conditioned on the fuel's peaceful
use. That would be a nightmare for Japan, which relies on nuclear energy for nearly a third of its electricity.
There's one other roadblock to consider: Japan's top nuclear hawks have seen their power weaken
considerably in recent years. Abe lost most of his clout after abruptly resigning as prime minister two years ago. In
February, Nakagawa resigned as finance minister in disgrace after appearing drunk at a news conference. And Aso is
practically a lame duck these days, with little room for bold moves.
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AT: Ks State Action Key

The fragmenting of decision making that relates to prostitution means that only by working within the
political system can the problem be solved.
Enloe 2k(Cynthia H. Enloe, Ph.D. in political science from UC Berkeley and Director of Clark Universitys Women Studies
program, 2000, Maneuvers: The International Politics Of Militarizing Women's Lives, p. 55)SH
military prostitution policies often are made at precisely those levels in the political system at
which politicians and citizen groups have great trouble monitoring and holding the military as a whole
accountable. At the same time, central government civilian authorities often find it politically safer to let
local municipal officials do the negotiating with military commanders on questions involving
prostitution-questions of business zoning, public health, licensing, policing, this civilian political strategy only
serves to further fragment and camouflage the political decision making that regulates the daily
processes that add up to military prostitution . The strategy makes it harder for citizens outside these
closed policy circles to see prostitution IS an industry and as an integral part of a distinctive national
security doctrine. Yet the absence of a written, centralized prostitution policy does not mean that a military elite has no
policy. It may only suggest that the military is aware that its attitudes and practices surrounding sexuality are
fraught with contradictions and political risks. Those risks can be strategically minimized by a
combination of decentralized responsibility, informal decision making, and official acknowledgment
only of prostitution as a "health issue," Under certain circumstances and at rare times, however, militarized
Thus,
prostitution does become visible and does acquire the status of a public issue.
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AT: CPs
Okinawa suffers from a long history of sexual abuses all a result from the presence of the US military
the bases prevent other preferable alternatives
Yoko Fukumura, is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Santa Cruz. She is a member of Okinawa Women Act
Against Militarism. Her research focuses on womens history in Okinawa with perspectives of Japanese colonialism and nationalism
(late nineteenth and early twentieth century) and U.S. colonialism in the Okinawan Islands. In 2006-7 she will be teaching classes in
Okinawan history and gender studies at Okinawa Christian University, 2007 [This article is based on reports to the East Asia-US
Womens Network Against Militarism prepared by Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, May 1997 and October 1998,
updated
by
Yoko
Fukumura
in
2007,
Okinawa:
Effects
of
long-term
US
Military
presence
http://www.genuinesecurity.org/partners/report/Okinawa.pdf] EmiW
In the past, as many as one in thirty Okinawan women were employed as prostituted women for the U.S.
military in A sign bars. Entertainment districts were built 2 close to military bases immediately after
the war. In some cases U.S. military authorities returned land taken for bases to Okinawan planners for
purposes of building entertainment areas. In 1969, at the height of the U.S. War against Vietnam, the Okinawan
police estimated that 7,362 Okinawan women were working in prostitution though others estimated
this number to be 10,000 or more. Before reversion in1972, the discussion of an anti-prostitution law was brought up
in the Okinawan government assembly on two separate occasions, but nothing was done because of the large economic
benefit contributed by these womenlarger than the agricultural industry (pineapple and sugarcane combined). The
women were coerced into prostitution through economic hardship, given the lack of meaningful
alternatives. Although counted as part of the underground economy, their wages made a significant contribution to the
Okinawan economy. Today, some 7,000 Filipinas (and the number may be much higher), whose home economy is far
weaker than that of Japan, are the prostituted womenon entertainment visasfor U.S. military personnel in Okinawa,
even though prostitution is illegal in Japan. On September 4, 1995, a 12-year-old girl was returning home at
8:30pm after shopping in a neighborhood store near a U.S. military base. Abducted by three U.S. servicemen in a
car, her hands, eyes, and mouth bound with duct tape, she was raped, dumped out of the car, and left by the side
of a road. Her assailantstwo Marines and a sailorhad rented the car inside the base, purchased duct
tape and condoms, and left the base with the purpose of abducting a woman and raping her. This
incident was one more in a long history of violence against women that has continued in Okinawa
throughout the postwar period. However, there were several things different about this case that resulted in a massive
outpouring of grief and anger by Okinawan citizens: 1) The victim pressed charges; 2) The rape occurred during the
Fourth UN Conference on Women in Beijing where violence against women was declared a human
rights violationthis inspired confidence in Okinawan women, especially the large contingent that
attended the UN Conference; 3) The rape occurred during the 50th anniversary year of the end of World
War II, a time of reflection on 50 years of U.S. military presence in Okinawa ; and 4) The age of the
victim made it very clear that such violence claims victims without distinction. The rape of this girl was
reported worldwide, but most crimes by U.S. troops (including rape, assault, and murder) are not. Official reports estimate
more than 5,394 military crimes against Okinawan people from 1972 to 2005, with 533 of them heinous crimes (19722004). Arrested military personnel suspected of committing these crimes numbered 678. These crime figures are a
conservative estimate as many crimes are not reported, perhaps especially violence against women. The bases are also
associated with drug use and the spread of HIV/AIDS. Mixed-race Amerasian children fathered by U.S. troops
have often been abandoned by their fathers and experience discrimination from local people.
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AT: CPs
Attempting to alter militarization alone or change current military policies does not solve, reframing
gender identities is necessary.
The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War, p. 22-26)SH
Democratization and demilitarization have commonly been presumed to serve women's interests.
Demilitarization loosens the bond between men and the state; thus, it should make the state more
transparent and porous. Democratization simultaneously opens up the public spaces; thus, it should
permit more voices to be heard and policy agendas to be reimagined. But such changes will take place
only if the two processes are not designed in such a way as to reprivilege masculinity. The democratic
elections of 1990 in Eastern Europe revealed the tenacity of patriarchy. The results of these elections
made invisible women's contributions to creating the conditions that made these elections possible : The
percentage of women in Czechoslovakia's parliament dropped from 29.3 to 8.6.
The percentage of women in Poland's
parliament dropped from 20.2 to 13.5. The percentage of women in Hungary's parliament plummeted from 26.6 to 7.2. In
the pre-reunification election of March 1990, the percentage of women in East Germany's parliament slipped from 33.6 to
20.5; parliamentary elections in December for a unified German legislature managed to return the same proportion of
women, 20.5 percent. The percentage of women in Romania's parliament fell from 34.4 to 5.5. 22 It is not that those Cold
War legislatures in which Eastern European women had held a quarter or a third of the seats had wielded effective
influence. They hadn't. But that may be the point. Demilitarization and democratization together infused these once
drab and impotent bodies with new vitality and new power. Legislatures became places where one
could give meaningful voice to public concerns. Even in Poland, where a conservative woman has
been made prime minister, the legislative agenda which assigns priority to restricting Polish women's
freedom of reproductive choice is being hammered out with little organized influence by Polish
women.23 If a man had never felt comfortable spending his waking hours fixing his car or building a garden shed, now he
had an alternative outlet for his energies. It was precisely because the legislatures were transformed by the end of the Cold
War that they became, in many men's eyes, worthy loci for re-emergent civic activism. Legislatures became thereby
places too important to allow more than a handful of women. Does the democratization of parliaments equal
the defeminization of parliaments? While Eastern European nations' legislatures have been masculinized, their popular
cultures have been sexualized. As women have filed out of the parliaments, they have walked into proliferating beauty
contests, franchised brothels, free-enterprise escort services, and joint-venture overseas marriage services. 24 Nor have they
done so necessarily against their wills. Russian and Eastern European feminist social commentators who have observed the
postrevolutionary traumas of the last several years explain that consumerism is being woven into the democratized fabric of
civic life in ways that co-opt many women in their own objectification. "Now there are calendars full of nude women
everywhere in the ministry." A Czech feminist who worked in her country's environmental affairs ministry is describing the
new bureaucratic culture of post-1989 Prague. Such sexist expressions were defined as pornography and prohibited under
the old regime. But with the emergence of capitalism and liberalism in the 1990s, nude women's photos on office walls
have become so commonplace that most women office workers feel they have no space to object. "And imagine what it's
like coming into a colleague's office to discuss a policy. You sit down and have to put your cup of coffee on a glass-topped
coffee table which is displaying assorted cut-out photographs of nude women."25 Some women even seem to be taking
pleasure in the widespread availability of pornography. The shriveled consumer markets of the Cold War the price paid for
Cold War expenditures on bloated armies and protected weapons factories nurtured aspirations among the double-burdened
women that can only now be pursued: for beauty, for pleasure, for financial security, for the marriageable man with a good
income and a two-car garage. Filipina feminists allied with women working as prostitutes servicing American sailors
around Subic Bay naval base learned what Eastern European feminists trying to create a nascent women's movement today
are learning (and what impatient American feminists still may have to learn): any woman hoping to sow the seeds of
political consciousness must take other women's desires and even fantasies seriously. Those fantasies could throw light on
how political priorities constructed in one era shape women's attitudes toward themselves and the men in their lives in the
following era. Writing off as merely a victim of false consciousness a Russian woman who sends her name to a new
marriage service for American men risks missing a chance to gain a new understanding of how the post Cold War world is
being constructed. Like militarization, demilitarization is sexualized. Men returning from wars have
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sexual expectations. Fathering is one form of demilitarized citizenship. A year after victory but still in desert fatigues,
proud men hold up their newborn babies. No women are inside the photographer's frame. But they are more than
bit players in any country's demilitarization. Other men return from war zones anxious about jobs, not just for their own
well-being but with a sense of the male breadwinner's familial responsibilities. With the many-stranded winding-down of
the Cold War, wars have been ending often raggedly in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Namibia, Cambodia, Afghanistan,
Ethiopia, and Lebanon. Each of these wars was fueled by its own particular internal sparks its class disparities, factional
rivalries, and ethnicized oppressions. But each was prolonged and made more ferocious by American and Soviet infusions
of direct and indirect aid and encouragement, sometimes to the regime and sometimes to the insurgents. To end each of
these Cold War proxy wars, thousands of men must be persuaded to change their ideas of what is right and natural and even
pleasurable to do as men. Militarized forms of manliness may be all that some of the younger Cambodian, Lebanese, or
Ethiopian men have known. The precise recipes for militarized masculinity will differ, however. Each man's willingness to
hand in his grenade launcher or his combat boots and to imagine a demilitarized role for himself in his society will depend
on his own experiences as a vigilante, a death squad assassin, an army conscript, a unit commander, or a nighttime civil
guard. Perhaps he has been humiliated by other men and thus sees demilitarization as a chance to regain his manly dignity.
Or perhaps he has felt more important in his military role than he ever did as a shopkeeper or civil servant. He may have
been embarrassed in front of his buddies when he vomited every time he saw a person being wounded. Or he may have felt
energized by his new license to wield violent force. Perhaps he found emotional satisfaction in a rarely felt intensity of
friendship among men. Or perhaps he felt lonely, deprived of the support and comfort formerly supplied by his wife or
mother. Just how a man (or adolescent boy) has experienced militarization and how willingly he sheds the habits and
expectations of militarization will redound on the women he returns to. His new definition of his masculinity or his refusal
to redefine his identity will be played out in his family life, in his interactions with women workmates, and in his exchanges
with women who are perfect strangers. Each of these women, in turn, will be counted on, as she always has been, to coax,
absorb, sacrifice, and tutor. Some women, however, may not want to give up their jobs, may not want to have another child,
may have grown used to having sex only on occasional leaves, or may not think donning a veil is a proper price for peace
(in the home or in the government). These women may rebel against the sorts of expectations leaders will try to impose on
them in the name of post Cold War ''political stabilization." It can take years to demilitarize a society. Masculinity and
femininity will be among the political territories where the struggles for demilitarization will have to
be played out. Vietnamese women and men are still in the process of demilitarization, long after most Americans and
Europeans have turned their attention elsewhere. During 1990-92 alone, 500,000 Vietnamese soldiers overwhelmingly male
were demobilized. 26 Some had fought in the earlier war against the United States and its Saigon ally. Many were young
boys then but were conscripted to fight the succeeding war in neighboring Cambodia. The conclusion of that conflict, due
in large measure to the new cooperation between Washington and Moscow, has reunited husbands and wives after long
separations. It has also thrown thousands of men onto the already strained Vietnamese labor market, causing the regime to
feel nervous over the lack of jobs for men who believe they have made patriotic sacrifices. These scores of male veterans
are searching for jobs at a time when Hanoi is cutting support to unprofitable state companies. Women's own waged work,
as well as the continuing high birth rate, have thus become issues not simply of economic planning but also of
demilitarization.
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A withdrawal without consideration of feminist grievances and motivations cant solve for patriarchy.
The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War, p. 141)SH
demilitarization is a process that can take more than a single route. It can follow a path leading to
the remasculinization of civil life. Or it can be nudged along a road that leads toward the reduction not
only of organized violence but also of masculinity's civic privileges. If the designers and monitors of
formal peace processes ignore the diverse ways in which masculinity provided fodder for earlier
militarization, the prospects for taking the latter route will remain dim. On the other hand, if the feminist
So
question "Where are the women?" is taken seriously, men's notions about themselves will be recognized as problematic, and
thus political. Masculinity in policing, in political parties, and in trade negotiations will be charted as a necessarily
contested zone. How this zone is constructed and occupied during the next decade will determine in large measure how
Central America's women and men experience the post Cold War world.
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AT: Consult Japan CP Says No

Japan would say no, they want US troops there
USA Today, 5/28/10 1:01 AM U.S., Japan to keep U.S. military base in Okinawa http://www.usatoday.com/news/military/201005-28-us-japan-okinawa_N.htm
U.S. military officials and security experts argued it is essential that Futenma remain on Okinawa because its helicopters
and air assets support Marine infantry units based on the island. Moving the facility off the island could slow the Marines'
coordination and response in times of emergency. Under a 1960 security pact, American armed forces are allowed broad
use of Japanese land and facilities. In return, the U.S. is obliged to respond to attacks on Japan and protect the country
under its nuclear umbrella. The U.S. and Japan "recognized that a robust forward presence of U.S. military
forces in japan, including in Okinawa, provides the deterrence and capabilities necessary for the
defense of Japan and for the maintenance of regional stability," said the statement, which was issued by
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, Japanese Foreign
Minister Katsuya Okada and Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa. Reaffirming the 2006 deal comes as
a relief for Washington. In a phone conversation with President Obama Friday morning Japan time,
Hatoyama said Obama "expressed appreciation that the two countries could reach an agreement." The
Futenma move is part of a broader plan to reorganize American troops in Japan that includes moving
8,000 Marines and their 9,000 dependents to the U.S. territory of Guam by 2014. But U.S. officials had
said that the other pieces cannot move forward until the Futenma issue was resolved. The two countries
said an environmental impact assessment and construction of the replacement facility should proceed
"without significant delay." The statement called for a logistical study to be completed by the end of
August.
Japan wants US troops in Japan, despite Okinawa
FOXNew, Published May 27, 2010, US, Japan agree to keep contentious Marine air base in Okinawa amid Korean tension
http://www.foxnews.com/world/2010/05/27/japan-strike-accord-military-base-okinawa/
TOKYO (AP) Washington and Tokyo agreed Friday to keep a contentious U.S. Marine base in Okinawa, with Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama highlighting the importance of the Japanese-American security alliance amid rising tension on
the nearby Korean peninsula. In a joint statement, the two allies agreed to move the Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to
Henoko, in a less crowded, northern part of the island. The decision is broadly in line with a 2006 deal forged
with the previous Tokyo government, but it breaks Hatoyama's campaign promise and has infuriated
Okinawa residents who have complained about pollution, noise and possible danger from the bases
across the island. In a news conference broadcast nationwide, Hatoyama repeatedly apologized for
failing to keep his pledge to move the base off the island, which hosts more than half the 47,000 U.S.
troops stationed in Japan under a 50-year-old joint security pact. "I am sincerely sorry for not being
able to keep my word, and what is more, having hurt Okinawans in the end," he said. Hatoyama said
that the government had investigated 40 sites as alternatives for Futenma, including options off the
island, but none worked. He said Futenma's helicopter and air assets were needed for nearby Marine
infantry units based on the island in times of emergency reminding listeners that recent events on
the Korean peninsula had made the region "extremely tense." "In Asia, there still remain unstable and
uncertain factors, including the sinking of a South Korean warship by North Korea," he said. "I had to
give the Japan-U.S. agreement the priority because maintaining the trust between Japan and the U.S.
serves the best deterrence," Hatoyama added. In Okinawa, around 1,000 people gathered in front of the city hall in
Nago, the nearest city to Henoko, to voice their anger at the agreement, with some holding up banners emblazoned with the
Japanese character for "rage." The decision also rattled Hatoyama's Cabinet. He dismissed Gender Equality and Consumer
Affairs Minister Mizuho Fukushima, head of the Social Democratic Party, because she refused to accept the agreement. "I
couldn't betray the Okinawans," she said. "I cannot be a part of an agreement that imposes a burden on Okinawans."
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NEGATIVE CARDS
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CP Solvency
Revising SOFA CP
Takazato, is co-director of Okinawa Women Act Agaisnt Military Violence, she is a long-time feminist peace activist who
has analyzed the interplay between sexism and militarism from the experiences of women in Okinawa. Her work has inspired global
feminist peace movements for structural understanding of violence against women. She helped create Okinawas first rape crisis center
to provide hotline and face-to-face counseling to victims of sexual violence, and in 1995, her activism led to a large-scale protest by
people of Okinawa against US military bases. No date given [Violence against Women under Long-Term U.S Military Station
in Okinawa http://www.jca.apc.org/wsf_support/2004doc/WSFJapUSBaseRepoFinalAll.html#Hijyudai_Japanese] EmiW
Suzuyo
Issue and Analysis After 9.11,
militarization has been accelerated by the military attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq by the United
States. This situation goes against our hope for a world of non-violence and peaceful coexistence. The presence of
US military in Okinawa could be even more solidified by the carrots and stick of the Japanese government policies: Stick being the Special
Measures Law on the land use of the US military that justifies originally unlawful expropriation of the land; carrot being government subsidies
to local communities. Militarization of daily lives has also been accelerated. Existing movements should be further pursued. Also, community
development under local initiative, address to create a sustainable coexisting society with respect to diversity should be pursued. We shall
seek for revising SOFA and the US-Japan Security Treaty from a gender perspective. Revising SOFA does
not mean acceptance of the US bases on our land. It is to limit violation of the human rights of women and
children by the military. If the SOFA should be truly equal between the US and Japan, the bases should not be able to exit.
The unequal treatment due to the difference between jurisdictions of the US and Japan should be eliminated.
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Consult Japan CP
Japan welcomes consultation
Sutter 09(Robert Sutter, professor of Asian Studies at Georgetown University, 2009, The United States in Asia, p. 208)SH
Despite its fears of fading U.S. interest, Tokyo periodically bristles at the unequal nature of the alliance. Japan
seeks a more reciprocal arrangement in which Washington engages in prior consultations on security
matters of importance and in which the United States does not seek to dictate Japanese government
policies or actions related to the alliance, giving Japan greater autonomy . It is likely that Bush administration
efforts to establish such a reciprocal arrangement lessened this Japanese concern, but the outlook for a future U.S.
government is unpredictable.
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Okinawa Key to Stability

Okinawa is key to security in East Asia. Necessity outweighs other controversies.
Donnelly 2k(Thomas Donnelly, staff member of U.S. House of Representatives Committee on National Security, September 2000,
REBUILDING AMERICAS DEFENSES: Strategy, Forces and
http://www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf)SH
Resources
For
New
Century
p.
17-18,
A similar rationale argues in favor of retaining substantial forces in Japan. In recent years, the
stationing of large forces in Okinawa has become increasingly controversial in Japanese domestic
politics, and while efforts to accommodate local sensibilities are warranted, it is essential to retain the
capabilities U.S. forces in Okinawa represent. If the United States is to remain the guarantor of security
in Northeast Asia, and to hold together a de facto alliance whose other main pillars are Korea and
Japan maintaining forward-based U.S. forces is essential. In Southeast Asia, American forces are too
sparse to adequately address rising security requirements. Since its withdrawal from the Philippines in 1992, the
United States has not had a significant permanent military presence in Southeast Asia. Nor can U.S. forces in Northeast
Asia easily operate in or rapidly deploy to Southeast Asia and certainly not without placing their commitments in Korea at
risk. Except for routine patrols by naval and Marine forces, the security of this strategically significant
and increasingly tumultuous region has suffered from American neglect . As the crisis in East Timor
demonstrated, even the strongest of our allies in the region from Japan to South Korea to Australia
possess limited military capabilities and little ability to project their forces rapidly in a crisis or sustain
them over time. At the same time, the East Timor crisis and the larger question of political reform in Indonesia and
Malaysia highlight the volatility of the region.
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Okinawa Key to US Hegemony

Okinawas bases are key to US hegemony
Selfa 01(Lance Selfa, editor for International Socialist Review, Nov-Dec. 2001, Preventing the Rise of a Peer Competitor in Asia
- International Socialist Review, http://coat.ncf.ca/our_magazine/links/issue47/articles/a24.htm)SH
Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. placed a priority on preventing or retarding
the rise of a "peer

competitor" whose military and economic strength could potentially challenge U.S. hegemony in the
landmass that stretches from Europe to Asia . Most U.S. military scenarios assign the role of "peer competitor" to
one of three Asian powers: Russia, China or India. The administration's Quadrennial Defense Review (Sept. 30, 2001) said:
"The possibility exists that a military competitor with a formidable resource base will emerge in the
region. The East Asian littoral - from the Bay of Bengal to the Sea of Japan - is a particularly challenging area.
The U.S. also has less assurance of access to facilities in the region. This places a premium on securing
additional access and infrastructure agreements and on developing systems capable of sustained
operations at great distances with minimal theater-based support." The U.S. defense establishment believes
that the most likely "challenger" for regional hegemony in the next two decades will be China. The U.S. views Asia as
potentially the most unstable region in the world, a characterization that gained credence when regional foes India and
Pakistan detonated nuclear weapons within weeks of each other in 1998. Unlike Europe, where the end of the Cold War
brought a significant reduction of U.S. occupation forces, Asia plays host to Cold War levels of 100,000 troops
in Japan, Okinawa, and South Korea. But recent regional developments - from rapprochement on the
Korean Peninsula to movements to kick the U.S. out of Okinawa, have made U.S. bases in East Asia
more uncertain.
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Okinawa Key to Stop China

Controlling the region keeps China in check.
Donnelly 2k(Thomas Donnelly, staff member of U.S. House of Representatives Committee on National Security, September 2000,
REBUILDING AMERICAS DEFENSES: Strategy, Forces and
http://www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf)SH
Resources
For
New
Century
p.
18,
Asia region has long been an area of great interest to China, which clearly seeks to
regain influence in the region. In recent years, China has gradually increased its presence and operations
in the region. Raising U.S. military strength in East Asia is the key to coping with the rise of China to
great-power status. For this to proceed peacefully, U.S. armed forces must retain their military
preeminence and thereby reassure our regional allies. In Northeast Asia, the United States must maintain
and tighten its ties with the Republic of Korea and Japan. In Southeast Asia, only the United States can reach out to
Finally, Southeast
regional powers like Australia, Indonesia and Malaysia and others. This will be a difficult task requiring sensitivity to
diverse national sentiments, but it is made all the more compelling by the emergence of new democratic governments in the
region. By guaranteeing the security of our current allies and newly democratic nations in East Asia, the
United States can help ensure that the rise of China is a peaceful one. Indeed, in time, American and
allied power in the region may provide a spur to the process of democratization inside China itself.
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DA Link - Japan Rearm Bad

Withdrawal triggers rapid Japanese nuclear armament due to weakening of US commitment.
Yoshihara and Holmes 09(Toshi Yoshihara and James R. Holmes, associate professors of strategy at U.S. Naval War College,
Summer 2009, Naval War College Review Thinking About the Unthinkable: Tokyos Nuclear Option p.
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0JIW/is_3_62/ai_n32144580/)SH
Will Japan go nuclear? Doubtful--but what if it does? It is possible to envision circumstances that would impel
Tokyo and the Japanese populace to cast aside their long-standing dread of nuclear weapons and to
1,
construct an arsenal of their own for the sake of national survival. Menacing strategic surroundings or a
collapse of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty are two such circumstances . If some nightmare scenario did come
to pass, the common wisdom has it, Japan could build a working bomb in short order. In 1991, Richard
Halloran averred that "Japan is N minus six months," although he saw no evidence that Japan entertained any
ambition to tap its latent weapons capability. (1) In 2007, Gary Sick, a well known commentator on Middle East affairs ,
reported having been privately told that Japan "could do it, sort of, over a long weekend." (2) Japan, that
is, may now qualify as a "threshold state" a term "commonly understood to mean possession of the
indigenous ability to acquire nuclear weapons within a relatively short time frame, ranging from a few
hours to several months."
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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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the present period of global hegemonic imperialism the United States is

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this specific rape case is ascribed to

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RT Kritikal Japan Emily, Marisa, Steven, Noel

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A conceptual framework is a set of basic