This article was downloaded by: [Baskent Universitesi]

On: 20 December 2014, At: 08:18

Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered
office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Ecology of Food and Nutrition

Publication details, including instructions for authors and
subscription information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/gefn20

Changing Food Habits in a South Indian

Hindu Brahmin Community: A Case of
Transitioning Gender Roles and Family
Dynamics
a

Meena Mahadevan , Dorothy Blair & Emily Rose Raines

Department of Health and Nutrition Sciences, Montclair State

University, Montclair, New Jersey, USA
b

Department of Nutritional Sciences, Pennsylvania State University,

University Park, Pennsylvania, USA
Published online: 30 Oct 2014.

Click for updates

To cite this article: Meena Mahadevan, Dorothy Blair & Emily Rose Raines (2014) Changing Food
Habits in a South Indian Hindu Brahmin Community: A Case of Transitioning Gender Roles and Family
Dynamics, Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 53:6, 596-617, DOI: 10.1080/03670244.2014.891993
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03670244.2014.891993

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the
Content) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,
our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to
the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions
and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,
and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content
should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources
of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,
proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or
howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising
out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any
substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,
systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/termsand-conditions

Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 53:596617, 2014

Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0367-0244 print/1543-5237 online
DOI: 10.1080/03670244.2014.891993

Changing Food Habits in a South Indian Hindu

Brahmin Community: A Case of Transitioning
Gender Roles and Family Dynamics

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

MEENA MAHADEVAN
Department of Health and Nutrition Sciences, Montclair State University,
Montclair, New Jersey, USA

DOROTHY BLAIR
Department of Nutritional Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, University Park,
Pennsylvania, USA

EMILY ROSE RAINES

Department of Health and Nutrition Sciences, Montclair State University,
Montclair, New Jersey, USA

This study was conducted to explore the perceptions of 20 South

Indian Hindu Brahmin women on the factors influencing their
food habits upon immigrating to America. The competing demands
of juggling a new career and managing their familys nutritional
needs at the same time, all without the support of extended family
members, played an important role in steering these women away
from cooking traditional healthy meals, and resorting to fast foods
instead. Intervention strategies should be directed toward improving the barriers to eating healthy that were specifically identified
within the confines of shifting gender roles and limited family
support networks.
KEYWORDS Brahmin, family, gender, Hindu, South Indian
Dietary acculturation, the process by which members of a community adopt
the food habits and consumption patterns of their new environment, has
been measured in a variety of immigrant groups (Satia-Abouta et al. 2002).
The Asian Indian population in the United States has nearly doubled in less
Address correspondence to Meena Mahadevan, Department of Health and Nutrition
Sciences, Montclair State University, 4173 University Hall, 1 Normal Ave., Montclair, NJ 07043,
USA. E-mail: mahadevanm@mail.montclair.edu
596

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

597

than a decade, making it one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in the
nation (Hoeffel et al. 2010). Shifts in the food habits of this group however
can be difficult to measure because their traditional food preparation and
related rituals are not homogenous. They vary depending upon the region
of origin, form of religion practiced, and the caste or sub-caste that one
belongs to. Hinduism is the predominant religion among Indians, and as
many as 80% of Indians are Hindus (Bajpai 2003). According to recent polls,
there are approximately 1.5 million Hindus in the United States today, and
they make up 0.5% of the total population (Pew Research Center 2012). They
include a diverse group of individuals, from highly educated professionals
such as academicians, physicians and engineers to business owners, and
blue-collar workers.
Within the four-tiered Hindu caste system, the Brahmins were known
to occupy the highest position in traditional society (Blunt 1969). The food
habits of a Brahmin, including the use of specific commodities and the manner in which they are consumed, are dictated by a set of principles that are
rooted in the ancient belief of ahimsa or non-injury or non-violence to living
beings (Kilara 1992). For example, while the Kshatriyas (the warrior caste)
believe that eating meat is symbolic of strength and vigor, the practice of
eating meats, especially beef and beef products, is vehemently condemned,
and prohibited for consumption among the Brahmins. Brahmins often use
terms such as sattvic, tamasik, and rajasik to ascertain if a food is fit for
consumption. For example, foods such as parched grains (puffed rice, rice
flakes), fruit and most vegetables are considered sattvik or pure and conducive to health and spiritual well being. By contrast, rajasik and tamasik
foods such as meats, mushrooms, fried and spicy foods, and pungent root
crops including onions and garlic, symbolize masculinity, power and aggressiveness. Such foods are therefore prohibited for the Brahmin community
(Roy 1954). An important distinction between the cuisines of Brahmins from
some of the southern states of India and the rest of the country lies in the
proscription for the consumption of animal proteins such as most meats, fish,
and eggs. Unlike Brahmins from the northern, eastern, and western regions
who may include fish and eggs in their diet, South Indian Brahmins, especially those from the states of Tamilnadu and Karnataka, are generally known
to be more devout lacto-vegetarians. They consume milk and milk products
but categorically avoid eggs and all meats including fish (Sen 2004).
In recent years, there have been significant changes in how much and
what kinds of meats are consumed in America. As many as 3% of Americans
today identify as vegetarians and follow some version of a plant-based diet
(Fraser 2009). Concern for the ethics of animal slaughter and the negative
impact of meat consumption on personal health and the environment have
emerged as the chief motivations for vegetarianism. Other factors such as
lack of social support, family pressures to eat meat, health concerns related
to improper nutrition, missing the taste of meat, low availability of a wider

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

598

M. Mahadevan et al.

range of vegetarian food products, lack of know-how to prepare vegetarian dishes, and moving into a new environment where meat eating is the
accepted norm, have all been cited as barriers that most commonly caused
people to abandon vegetarianism (Ruby 2012). Given the cultural and religious dietary proscription, especially for consuming eggs and meat, it seems
reasonable to assume that it would be especially difficult for South Indian
Brahmin immigrants to shift from a traditional vegetarian diet composed of
whole grain cereals, pulses, vegetables and fruits to a Western-style diet. The
Western-style diet, also called the standard American diet (SAD), is characterized by high intakes of red meat, refined grains, high-fat dairy products, and
other high-calorie and processed foods including desserts and sugary beverages (Odermatt 2011). While there are no official estimates on the number
of Brahmin immigrants in the United States, and the changes in their food
choices in particular, dietary acculturation studies involving Asian Indian
Hindus in general show that over time, a vast majority of them gradually
transitioned from eating a predominantly plant-based diet to adopting certain
elements of the Western-style diet upon immigration to America (Gupta 1975;
Karim et al. 1986; Patel and Bhopal 2004; Raj et al. 1999). The extent of these
modifications was dependent on several factors including their living situation and the extent of solidarity with other members of their own community.
Examining shifts in traditional gender roles and responsibilities and
changes to the family structures has proven to be another useful lens for
understanding how an individual or an entire familys eating habits may
change upon immigration. In todays Indian society for example, despite
the fact that work and power now are more equally distributed than ever,
distinct roles for men and women continue to exist in the nation. Women
are largely expected to be homemakers and ensure that their children and
families are adequately cared for while men are in charge of being the primary providers, and representing the family to the outside world (Bajpai
2003). The social, economic, political, and religious changes that accompany
the processes of immigration and assimilation can have a profound impact
on these expected and valued norms and behaviors (Tummala-Narra 2004).
Although the pressures to retain traditional roles and identities may remain
in their home country, the women may now be exposed to multiple opportunities that were previously unavailable to them. As they take advantage of
these opportunities, develop their careers, and gain much more autonomy
and power, their roles within the family as the main nurturers and cooks
may subsequently change. This is found to be especially true if they receive
limited reinforcement of traditional roles from the larger host community
(Nathawat and Mathur 1993). Additional factors such as an increased workload, stress, and the time spent away from home may dramatically reduce
the amount of time a woman has available to spend on preparing traditional
foods and dishes, and resorting to feeding her family meals that consist of
fast and convenience-style foods instead (Bauer et al. 2012).

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

599

A shift from a traditional diet featuring low-fat, high-fiber foods to one

characterized by higher-fat animal protein, low fiber, and high levels of saturated fat has been established as a major factor in triggering diseases such
as obesity, non-insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus (NIDDM), and heart disease among several groups including Asian Indian immigrants in the United
States (Rajeshwari et al. 2005). There is a need for culturally relevant interventions that can help this community to make healthier food choices, and
reverse the trend of chronic disease risks among them. But first, program
planners need empirically grounded data that highlights the various contextual factors leading to changing food habits among them. While most dietary
acculturation studies have helped to quantify changes in food habits among
Asian Indians in general, the process by which these changes occur, especially in relation to shifts in traditional gender roles and family dynamics,
has not been clearly demarcated within the South Indian Brahmin community in particular. To our knowledge, there is no published data examining
changing food habits under the aforementioned conditions in this subgroup.
This study was therefore undertaken to expand our theoretical and empirical understanding of how gender role affiliations and family dynamics might
be influencing the traditional food preparation and consumption habits of
this community. A better understanding and recognition of how the female
members of a South Indian Brahmin family balance the traditional role of
being a nurturer and primary food preparer with their professional careers,
the impact of these competing demands on their ability to retain Brahmin
dietary rules, all within the constraints of changing family structures, processes, and norms, has the potential to help the entire community achieve
better overall nutritional health.

METHODS
Participants
This study was conducted in State College, PA. The sizeable enclave of
the Hindu population in this town, and the similarity in cultural disposition of State College to other university towns made it an ideal setting for
this research project (Schlow 1995). We hoped that the themes developed in
this study can be tested in a similar setting, and transferred to predict and
explain the process of dietary acculturation for South Indian Hindu Brahmins
in similar situations. Participants were selected using a combination of snowball and theoretical sampling techniques. The initial participants were the
friends and acquaintances of the lead researcher. Additional individuals were
traced through social contacts between these initial participants. An essential element of the theoretical sampling strategy involved keeping an eye
on the range of experiences that were being studied, and to identify any

600

M. Mahadevan et al.

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

obvious gaps. The objective was to optimize the probability of describing

the full range of the phenomenon under investigation by selecting those
who presented a variety of different situations. Additional participants were
recruited depending on if and where more data was needed. As a result of
this ongoing stocktaking exercise early on, it was possible to identify gaps
in the information generated. When additional interviews generated no more
new information, the sampling was determined to be theoretically saturated
(Strauss and Corbin 1990). This study was approved by the Institutional
Review Board of the Pennsylvania State University (IRB # 01B1053). In keeping with the regulations for human subjects, each participant was asked to
sign a consent form prior to data collection.

Data Collection
Data was collected using a semi-structured interview guide. All the interviews were conducted in English since the participants were fluent in the
language. Each interview lasted 6090 minutes, and was audiotaped with the
participants permission. In order to keep participants focused on the areas of
interest, questions of three types were used. These included descriptive (e.g.,
what does traditional eating mean to you?), structural (e.g., what do you do
to maintain your traditional eating habits here?), and contrast questions (e.g.,
How do the rules of cooking traditional South Indian meals apply here in
America?) (table 1). Such questions allowed each individual to describe the
unique set of factors that shaped her food habits (Spradley 1979). While the
TABLE 1 Semi-Structured Interview Guide
1. What does eating traditional mean to you?
2. How would you define the South Indian Brahmin traditions of eating? How are they
different from other non-Brahmin food traditions? How are they different from other
Brahmin food traditions?
3. Describe your general eating patterns before coming to America?
4. Since youve arrived to America, how have your food habits changed? What do you
think the reasons for these changes are?
5. Earlier, you talked about some South Indian Brahmin food traditions. What do you do to
maintain your food traditions here?
6. Now that you are here, how do some of those rules regarding eating this or not eating
that apply here? Be specific.
7. What are some things that help you maintain your food traditions in America?
8. What are some things that present as obstacles?
9. Lets suppose that you want to retain your traditional eating habits here. When you try to
do that, what helps you the most?
10. What would help you to maintain your traditions?
11. Suppose we were developing a program for folks like you to help you retain your food
traditions, what kinds of information would be useful to you?
12. The goal of our discussion here is also to find out how we can help you have better
nutrition and health. Is there anything that you would like to know?

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

601

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

acculturation level of the participants was not formally assessed, in order to

establish a level of consistency in their experiences, only participants who
had been living in the United States for approximately 5 years or more were
selected. A 5-year resident inclusion criterion was chosen because several
dietary acculturation studies have shown significant differences in level of
acculturation between migrants who had lived in the US for less than 5 years
and 5 years and over. It is estimated that a minimum of five years may be
needed to ensure that an individual has had sufficient time to establish eating habits that reflect adjustment to food availability in the new host country
(Delavari et al. 2013).

Data Analysis
The interview transcripts were analyzed using content analysis procedures.
A codebook was first developed integrating themes emerging from the participants own words, and themes based on the dietary acculturation literature.
The final set of codes was assigned to segments of the text in a word document, and to generate the themes. One of the steps of the coding process
involved comparing different people (such as their views, situations, actions,
accounts, and experiences), comparing data from the same individuals across
the interviews, and comparing previously analyzed data with an emerging
category (Tesch 1990). This process generated a parsimonious set of themes
that explained the dynamic and complex processes of changing food habits
among the participants of this study as they were more grounded in their
own experiences.

Reliability and Validity

In order to enhance the trustworthiness of the findings (Bogdan and Biklen
1982), the first (lead researcher) and second authors independently analyzed
the transcripts, and met frequently to cross check their interpretations of the
data. They each made a note of the regularities, patterns, and explanations in
the transcripts, and came to a shared conclusion on the intended and implied
meaning of the participants words. During these discussions, any presumptions that the lead researcher, as a result of her own South Indian Hindu
Brahmin background, had regarding the study population were confronted
with and worked through with the second author. The second author, who
also served as the lead researchers thesis adviser and mentor, and the third
author, a graduate assistant who helped with assigning codes to the transcripts identify themselves as Caucasian females of U.S. nationality. The goal
was to gain new perspectives and insights with as little bias or emotional
involvement as possible. Thus, a willingness on the researchers parts to
discard preconceived notions that conflicted with the data, and a desire to

602

M. Mahadevan et al.

represent the multiple views of the research participants in an honest and

thorough manner helped this research remain free of personal subjectivity.

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

RESULTS
The final sample consisted of 20 South Indian Brahmin women with ages
ranging from 2536 years of age. The average age was 30.7 years (SD =
3.3). They had all been living in the US for a time ranging from 5.5 years to
19 years (Mean = 10.8 years, SD = 3.9). All the women were married, had at
least one child, and were working either full-time (62%) or part-time (38%).
Most (95%) had a college degree, and three women held an advanced degree
(MS, MA, and MBA). The majority (95%) lived in a nuclear family system with
their husbands and children. At the time of the interview, only one participant reported having her elderly in-laws live in her home. Of the 20 women,
7 reported following a strict lacto-vegetarian diet even after immigration (a
diet which excluded eggs and all meats); the remaining 13 admitted to eating
eggs frequently, as well as fish and poultry on rare occasions upon immigration (information on the exact or approximate time during which these
dietary inclusions were made was not collected). However, all 13 reported
continuing to avoid pork, beef, and related products.
Table 2 provides a list of all the major emergent themes and subthemes. In the sections below, we describe these themes and subthemes and
include examples of actual quotations where relevant, in order to provide a
descriptive reconstruction of the participants experiences.

Theme 1: Changing Roles, Norms and Expectations

This theme reflected the womens perceptions on the shift in their roles and
responsibilities after moving to the United States. While some women discussed these shifts in terms of expectations from their husbands or extended
family members, others talked about the differences in societal norms and
expectations for women between India and the United States. Some women
TABLE 2 Themes and Sub-Themes on Changing Food Habits (N = 20)
Themes
Changing roles, norms, and expectations
Changing family dynamics

Sub-themes
1.
2.
3.
1.
2.

Family expectations
Societal norms and expectations
Self-Imposed expectations
Family structure
Family relationships and support

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

603

also talked about their own expectations of themselves as homemakers,

wives and mothers versus career women and economic providers.
FAMILY

EXPECTATIONS

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

When the women moved from India, their role within the household seemed
to have changed considerably, perhaps to accommodate the new economic
and social reality in America. Nearly all of them talked about how they had
gone from being a supplemental source of their familys income to that of an
equal and important economic provider upon immigration. Some described
this shift in terms of a pressure to work, and family expectations:
Back home, I never felt any pressure to work. Now, I get the pressure to
work from my husband! (Participant 2, 28 years old)

These expectations appeared to compound the stress of immigration for

some of them:
Moving here is a big stress because of all the things you have to adjust
to. Now that I have to juggle work and my responsibilities of cooking
and cleaning at home, I feel more stressed! (Participant 18, 32 years old)

They complained that these shifts had imposed a very difficult and sometimes an impossible task of balancing their multiple responsibilities as
wives and mothers at home as well as professionals at the work place:
I have responsibilities towards my childrens food needs but at the same
time, I have to make sure that I keep my boss happy. So I feel it is an
impossible task! (Participant 20, 34 years old)

Juggling these dual roles appeared to leave them with little time or energy
to cook traditional South Indian meals. Trying to balance a career with managing their household made it more difficult to shop for and prepare food,
thus altering the eating habits of the entire family:
It is easy to eat a North Indian meal, South Indian restaurants are lacking.
So if I need to cook vegetarian South Indian meals, that takes a lot more
planning and time. So we just end up eating North Indian food which I
feel is more fattening. (Participant 7, 29 years old)

They discussed these alterations in terms of not being able to eat meals
cooked from scratch, being forced to include more meat, processed, and
convenience foods in their daily diets, and not being able to include a variety
of fresh fruits and vegetables in their daily diets:

604

M. Mahadevan et al.

I dont have the help of servants or anybody. So we eat more fast foods
from outside, take-out, pizzas, etc. I buy packaged and frozen foods
because at least they last longer and dont drain my money. (Participant
8, 31 years old)

A few women detailed the various modifications they made to typical

American foods in an attempt to make them resemble Indian food items:

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

I just cook what is easily available. I buy tortillas, add some spices to
frozen veggies and make a curry, or add spices to a can of lentil soup
and I have dal! (Participant 10, 33 years old)

Several women expressed concerns over how these modifications ultimately

not only led them to eat more unhealthy meals as a family, but also played an
important role in contributing to the increased risk of chronic diseases in their
overall community. As illustrated by the quotes below, the increased dependence on convenient fast foods and frozen TV dinners appeared to exacerbate the overall stress of trying to maintain their weight for some of them:
It probably explains why Ive gained weight and developed type 2 diabetes after moving here. I feel that these issues are impacting not just me
and my family, but our entire community. (Participant 13, 26 years old)

SOCIETAL

NORMS AND EXPECTATIONS

While some women discussed the shifts in their traditional roles in terms of
economic necessity and familial expectations, others talked about the vastly
different norms and expectations of women in the modern American society,
and the resulting impact of these changing norms on the amount of time
available to them to cater to their familys food needs. The quotes below
illustrate this point:
Women are expected to be equal partners in a marriage. It puts more
pressure on you. But at the same time, if the norms expect you to be
working, then they should have the resources available to women like
us to deliver quality meals to our families! (Participant 9, 32 years old)
This society has different values as far as what and how much women
should do. In this society, women are not just expected to be sitting at
home cooking. Women are expected to be earning too. Do women in
America cook? Sure! But women also do other things here, not just spend
hours in the kitchen cooking everything from scratch like my mother and
grandma did, as some women I know in India still do, and as women
here did too Im sure years ago. Im talking general of course. In some
American families that may still be the case . . . that women cook a lot.
But in general, thats how it is . . . .women cook less here because they do

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

605

so much more, they balance a lot of responsibilities, inside and outside

the home. (Participant 7, 31 years old)

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Here too, like in the previous sub-theme, there were detailed mentions of
modifications they had made to traditional recipes and cooking methods.
In this case, these modifications appeared to have been made mainly to
adapt to the shifts in the perceived societal norms and expectations of their
traditional gender-affiliated roles and responsibilities:
So then because of that, because I am also working, like my husband,
and like millions of other women here, I take the same short cuts that
I am sure the average American woman takes. I do semi-homemade
cooking. I buy prepared stuff, and then either heat or just add South
Indian spices to it if I feel we as a family could be eating something
traditional for dinner or during the weekend. Its definitely not traditional
South Indian Brahmin food or the way my brothers and I ate growing up
but were here now so we adapt to the way things are expected here!
(Participant 4, 30 years old)
I agree that we have to adapt to this society now. I buy some of those
frozen entrees, and sometimes, we just eat them the way they are.
Sometimes, I try to make that resemble South Indian by adding some
sambhar (traditional stew) spices to it. Like for instance, Ill buy some
instant rice, some frozen veggies in sauce, then add a little bit of our
spices to it. Or I buy one of those pre-made sambhar sauce mixes at
Whole Foods, and add that to the rice mix . . . to make it resemble our traditional sambhar rice. It is not the healthiest because all that extra sodium
in the sauce but what choice do I have? I have to adapt to the society
here and be a multi-tasker if I need to. And that affects what I cook and
how I cook it, which in turn affects how much we eat traditionally or
dont. Its not complicated. (Participant 11, 25 years old)

SELF-IMPOSED

EXPECTATIONS

During the course of the discussions, it became evident that the womens
beliefs about their roles and responsibilities in the larger society and in their
own homes were also very much anchored in their own expectations of
themselves. For instance, nearly all the women felt that taking on the responsibility of an equal economic provider had empowered them and given them
more control over their familys decisions, particularly when it came to their
food choices:
I am bringing in money too, and so I feel I am equal member in the
family. I dont have to be dependent on my husband. I can take care of

606

M. Mahadevan et al.

myself. So Im more in-charge even in deciding what my family should

eat! (Participant 16, 30 years old)

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Interestingly, even as they talked about feeling independent and liberated,

and the importance of adapting and blending into the American culture,
these women continued to feel responsible for maintaining the cultural traditions for their families. Being a good mother and a good wife, and
taking the time to prepare a South Indian meal during the week or celebrating religious holidays centered on traditional foods was a way to ensure
that their children, who were growing up in America, could still maintain a
connection with their cultural heritage:
I am ultimately responsible for our food stuff. As women, we are taught
that from a very early age. I feel that in order to be a good mother and
wife, I need to instill the value of our culture through home-cooked South
Indian food. (Participant 15, 35 years old)

Theme 2: Changing Family Dynamics

The comments coded for this second major theme reflected how aspects of
the family structure, their relationships with their husbands and children, and
the amount of support they received from these family members played an
integral role in the extent to which traditional food habits were retained or
abandoned by them upon immigration.
FAMILY

STRUCTURE

Most women described the typical extended family household in India

as being a stark contrast to their own present nuclear family system in
America:
Back home, it was me and my grandparents. Here, its just me and my
immediate family! (Participant 5, 30 years old)

The lack of extended family members that could help with daily chores
such as cooking, and in some cases, the know-how and guidance to prepare authentic meals, were all reported as being directly responsible for the
decline in the overall nutritional quality of their meals. The quotations below
illustrate this point:
My grandma, and mom shared all the kitchen responsibilities. But here,
its just me in the kitchen. Indian cooking is very time consuming. So I
take short-cuts like buying prepared foods. (Participant 6, 33 years old)

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

FAMILY

607

RELATIONSHIPS AND SUPPORT

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Several women made comparisons between the relationships that they had
with members of their family while growing up in India, and the relationships
they presently had with their husbands and children in America. These comparisons were discussed particularly in terms of their impact on their eating
habits as a family. They felt that the traditional eating patterns in India where
families sat down together to share a meal together helped nurture a close
family bond, whereas the norms of the American culture promoted limited
family interaction. Some women went so far as to attribute their unhealthy
eating habits to these factors:
Cooking and eating was always a family affair growing up. My sisters and
I helped my mom make the meals. When you eat together, you eat better
because you focus on family and health not just getting full. That sense of
family does not exist in this society. Then it becomes mostly grab-and-go
kind of convenient and fast food. (Participant 3, 27.7 years old)

A few women reflected upon the extent of support they received from their
families to prepare traditional Indian meals. They attributed cooking traditional Indian food less frequently to limited support or interest from their
children and husbands:
I feel that there has been shift in what we do but its been an unequal,
and one-sided shift. If my husband was more supportive, then I would
have more energy to cook healthy South Indian food from scratch rather
than eat fast food. But Indian men arent raised to cook for themselves.
(Participant 1, 33.5 years old)

The following quotation expresses the womens concerns that these factors
were directly responsible for the health problems that plagued them and
their families:
If we eat more westernized food because it is the easiest and more convenient, then not only are we losing our cultural values, but we are also
losing our good health. (Participant 4, 29 years old)

Many women reminisced about how as little girls, they were expected and
taught to help their mothers with the chores involved in food preparation,
such as chopping vegetables, arranging the table, etc. In contrast, they realized that their children, especially their daughters, were growing up in an
environment where cooking for the husband or family may not be as much
of a focus. While they recognized that this was a function of raising children
in a modern American society, they were concerned that this may also be an

608

M. Mahadevan et al.

important contributing factor to the loss of traditional food habits in future

generations:
Growing up, I helped my mom around the house. But my children are
growing up in a different world where it is not cool to help your mom
make food. So Im sure that my daughters reality is going to be about
take-outs and eating out rather than cook South Indian food. (Participant
6, 27 years old)

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

A few expressed concerns about the impact of this factor on their childrens
health:
My kids eat what is given to them at school. They eat KFC, McDonalds
etc. We grew up as orthodox pure vegetarians and now my children eat
hamburgers. So their eating habits and health is following the pattern of
childhood obesity, which is worrisome. (Participant 14, 32 years old)

DISCUSSION
Despite the limitations posed by the small sample size, the restriction of the
sample to a small college town, the lack of generalizability of our findings to
other urban samples, and the sole reliance on self-reported data, this study
represents an initial step in illuminating the process of changing food habits
among South Indian Hindu Brahmin families living in State College, PA.
The varying degrees to which changes in the conventional gender-expected
roles and responsibilities, differences in societal norms, and changes to their
familys structure, dynamics, and relationships influenced the retention or
abandonment of traditional food habits were highlighted by the emerging
themes.

Theme 1: Changing Roles, Norms, and Expectations

Most women talked about how their husbands expected them to be working
and contributing to the familys income. Some felt that unlike in the Indian
society, women in the modern American society were encouraged to be
cultivating a competitive career path in the work place, just like their male
counterparts. American women were expected to take on the dual role of
having a career as well as being the primary caretaker of their childrens
and their familys food-related needs. For a few however, the pressures of
taking on these dual roles, and the struggle to meet the competing needs
of their professional and personal lives may in fact have been self-imposed.
While limited research exists on family, societal, or self-imposed expectations
on South Indian immigrant women, the findings of this study are similar to

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

609

trends observed in research involving Asian immigrant groups in general.

Bhalla (2008) for example, in recounting the shifts in role compromise and
corresponding responsibilities of South Asian women in the U.S., emphasizes that even as the women start to develop their professional careers,
they are expected by their family members to be equal partners in marriage
helping with income and bill-paying but also playing the traditional role
of a typical Indian wife and mother who cooks, cleans, and cares for the
family. Even successful American businesswomen accustomed to American
culture have been known to have difficulty balancing the expectations of
their family and society with holding a career and completing the traditional
womanly household chores. Despite family or hired help, the women compared the chores of grocery shopping, laundry, making lunches, and dressing
the kids to the stress of a second job (Walsh 2009). Regardless of the fact
that both the father and the mother are working, Walsh asserts that society
suggests a majority of the child- and home-care duties are allocated to the
mother.
When a group of Korean immigrant women started to make their own
money and contribute to the family, they reported feeling more confident
and consequently, became less subservient to their husbands who they no
longer had to rely on financially (Lim 1997). The participants of the current
study used similar language to describe their own transitioning identity. They
acknowledged that being able to work, being independent, and being able to
contribute financially to their family was both professionally and personally
liberating. The feelings of self-empowerment from having a successful career
however seemed to be accompanied by the need to fulfill the more traditional role of cooking Indian meals for their families, perhaps due to a deeper
sense of responsibility, especially towards their children. A study involving
South Asian immigrant women in the process of establishing their business
of opening a beauty salon offering eyebrow threading services revealed a
similar trend (Hewamanne 2012). The women wanted a successful business
and become financially independent, but at the same time felt responsible
for the household duties.
Regardless of the source of the expectations, the shift in traditional gender roles and responsibilities seemed to present some interesting challenges
in terms of the demands placed on the womens time, and in turn, the extent
to which they prepared and served traditional or nontraditional foods. Nearly
all of them expressed frustration at the limited time and energy they had at
the end of the day, and not being able to do the necessary shopping and
food preparation required to cook South Indian meals from scratch. They
complained about being forced to eat the more easily available North Indianstyle meals from Indian restaurants or adopt more westernized food habits of
eating convenient and fast foods which they believed ultimately negatively
impacted their familys health. Instead of preparing authentic recipes, they
talked about compromising by incorporating some nontraditional foods in

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

610

M. Mahadevan et al.

their daily meals. This also translated to far less trips to the supermarket,
eating out more frequently, and eating fast food or frozen TV dinners.
Passing down traditions through cooking and eating traditional South
Indian meals was another particular concern brought up by several women
in our study. They acknowledged that with each incident of ordering in,
eating out, or substituting fresh ingredients for more processed foods, there
was a risk of watering down of the culture. The shift in gender roles had
reportedly made it far more difficult to preserve cultural traditions. A few
explained how they ensured that at least one South Indian dish was eaten
each day or South Indian foods were prepared for religious holidays, all in
an attempt to instill traditional and cultural values in their children. This
added another degree of accountability to these immigrant mothers; not
only did they expect themselves to provide economic support and prepare
healthy foods for their family, but the future and propagation of culture
within their family also seemed to depend on them. Research with undocumented Mexican immigrant families revealed a similar trend. When the
mothers began working and increased their job responsibilities, they had
less time to prepare traditional Mexican meals for their families. While the
mothers attempted to maintain the Mexican culture and tradition through
food, their children continued to adapt to American culture and food habits,
thus intensifying the burden of immigration stress on these families further
(Bacallao and Smokowski 2007).

Theme 2: Changing Family Dynamics

A change in family dynamics upon immigration, particularly in the family structure, the womens relationships with their husbands and children,
and the extent of support they received from their family members were
all reported as playing an important role in the degree to which they were
able to prepare and consume South Indian meals. For example, nearly all
the women observed that their family structures in the United States were
vastly different from what they experienced growing up in India. They
reported growing up in an extended family system, consisting of several
members of the extended family including their grandparents, and sometimes uncles, aunts, and cousins. The preparation of meals in India was
described as a family task, with the female members of the family usually
working together, side by side in the kitchen, and preparing family meals.
In stark contrast, their present family structure in America is a nuclear system consisting of their immediate family, namely their husbands, children,
and occasionally, their own parents or in-laws. In reviewing the challenges
of living in such a family structure, the women explained that without this
cultural emphasis on sharing the task of food preparation, and sometimes,
without the guidance to prepare authentic meals, it was only inevitable that
they resorted to using more processed ingredients such as pre-made sauces

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

611

and soups instead of preparing them from scratch, and eating out, and eating fast food and other convenient food optionsas this required less time,
work and preparation in the kitchen.
Such findings support the trends found in earlier studies involving
Chinese and Taiwanese immigrants who adopted western food habits over
time. In households where the grandparents lived with the family, they
often took on some of the household chores, reportedly making less work
for the mother. With the transition to a more nuclear system however, the
entire responsibility for housework and cooking fell on the mother, leaving
less time for food preparation, cleaning, and other tasks around the house
(Rosenmoller et al. 2011; Sun 2008). An increase in the frequency of eating out and incorporating more convenience foods in the daily diet were
reported in these studies too, though specific details as to what types of
restaurants or convenience foods or actual portion size were not documented
in these studies.
In discussing aspects of family dynamics and the impact on their eating
habits, several women drew comparisons between the relationships they had
shared with their immediate and extended family members growing up in
India, and the relationships they now had with their own children and husbands. This aspect was discussed particularly in relation to family mealtimes.
Mealtimes in India were described in nostalgic terms, and as being a family affair, and a time of sharing and bonding. Conversely, eating a
meal in America was described as a matter of convenience, and mainly
a solitary act that depended on each persons schedule. They expressed
sadness and regret at the lack of bonding and cultural and familiar affirmation that comes along with family mealtimes. Some women asserted that
the lack of family mealtimes might be directly and primarily responsible
for the watering down of cultural values, and perhaps even the overall
poor nutritional quality of their daily food choices. Research with Filipino
immigrant families revealed a similar trend. As the family became busy
with work and outside life to eat together, it compounded the acculturation
stress placed upon the relationships not only between parent and child but
also between the husband and wife (Treas and Mezumdar 2002). For the
women in our study as well, it affected their relationships with her husbands and children causing them to perhaps reconfigure a new identity
for themselves - one of expediency, and one that blends their ingrained
traditional expectations with the temporal realities of a full time working, shopping, child caring, modern, middle class South Indian-American
woman.
As the women juggled the increased responsibilities that came with
balancing their professional and personal lives, the type and amount of physical, emotional, and social support they received from their family members
seemed to play an additional and an important role in influencing their
lifestyles and eating habits. Unlike their mothers who had had the support of

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

612

M. Mahadevan et al.

the extended family system with everyday household chores, these women
felt solely responsible for all the household chores including shopping, laundering, cleaning, and cooking. The lack of human support left them feeling
even more overwhelmed, with no immediate resolution in sight. Similar
sentiments were expressed among Portuguese immigrant families to North
America (Morrison and James 2009). The women had the most difficult time
being away from the extended family, leaving them with feeling isolated and
overwhelmed. The lack of support from their immediate family members also
made it difficult for a mixed group of immigrant women in Canada to deal
with their increased responsibilities of working in addition to taking care of
their families. The women in the Canadian study emphasized that the lack
of support left them feeling unsupported, lonely, isolated, and struggling
to do well with change. They increasingly turned to what was more convenient with respect to time rather than single handedly go through the lengthy
preparation process required in the preparation of traditional ingredients and
recipes (Koert et al. 2011).
Exacerbating the lack of extended family support in the current study
was the apparent lack of support from their husbands. Several women
echoed the sentiment that the shift in the traditional male and female roles
after immigrating to America was unequal or one-sided. They expressed
frustration at how their husbands reportedly never entered the kitchen and
knew particularly very little in regards to cooking. Research with Korean
immigrants living in New York City showed similar findings. The women
reported that while their husbands expected and valued their wives financial
contributions, they still held them responsible for the household chores (Min
2001). One couple detailed how they both worked long hours in their family
business. However upon returning home after work, the woman reported
cooking dinner, washing dishes, and cleaning the house while her husband
sat and read the newspaper or watched television. The demanding expectations of working and caring for the family, and not having the support of
their husbands was a significant limitation to the amount of time that these
Korean women had to devote to preparing food, and traditional Korean-style
meals in particular.
Vegetarianism is fast becoming an important phenomenon in this country; one that is consistent with a growing body of research that touts the
benefits of plant-based diets in reducing chronic disease risks (Bazzano
et al. 2002). Recent polls indicate that approximately 7.3 million people
in the United States today follow a vegetarian-based diet with 0.5 percent
of these people identifying as vegans, and consume no animal products at
all (Vegetarian Times 2008). The reasons for why people become or dont
remain vegetarians have been the focus of several empirical investigations.
One of the most common barriers to vegetarianism, among both men and
women, was craving the taste of meat followed by the lack of willingness

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

613

to make drastic changes to ones eating habits, personal beliefs that meat
is necessary for human survival or that vegetarianism is unhealthy or was
too time-consuming, family pressure, and lack of sufficient knowledge about
the nutritional value of vegetarian diets (Lea and Worsley 2003). However,
just as people report barriers, so too do people report several motivations.
The factors that cause people to maintain vegetarianism include strong personal convictions about the welfare of animals and the environment, beliefs
that a vegetarian diet is conducive to long-term weight loss, having culinary
knowledge and skills to prepare vegetarian dishes, easy availability of prepared vegetarian meals and other vegetarian food products in stores, and the
presence of a strong social network consisting of supportive family members
and friends (Barr and Chapman 2002).
South Indian Brahmins represent a group whose vegetarian dietary preferences may not only be the result of such personal beliefs but are also
seeped in religious notions of balance, purity, and pollution. In a previous
phase of this research involving a small group of South Indian Brahmin
families from State College and surrounding areas in Pennsylvania, several
participants lamented that while many meat-free food options were available,
most felt that these food items (e.g. baked goods made with eggs, soy-based
condiments containing fish bones, and vegetable soups made with chicken
broth or stock) did not cater to the strict meat and egg-free dietary strictures
of the South Indian Brahmin community. Many also felt that the local grocery
stores and Indian restaurants catered mostly to the food preferences of the
larger American society or the predominantly North Indian community. The
range of spices and other specialty vegetarian food items that characterized
the unique South Indian Brahmin cuisine were reportedly not easily available. They described strategies such as ordering online, driving up to bigger
cities in surrounding areas to obtain items that were not available locally,
stocking up on these supplies during their trips to India, and preparing dishes
in bulk portions and freezing for later use, as ways to adapt to the cultural
milieu of a nation that did not adequately represent the unique vegetarian
food traditions of South Indian Brahmins (Mahadevan and Blair 2009). While
the results of the study helped highlight this subgroups food acculturation
experience, the ease and rationale with which some families still managed
to retain their traditional food habits, and the reasons why other families
adopted more nontraditional, meat-based foods after decades of holding on
to orthodox vegetarian dietary codes remained unclear. An understanding of
how this group negotiates their food habits in a cultural environment that
may not easily accommodate their unique dietary codes for vegetarianism is
integral to helping nutritionists develop a more precise plan that will motivate these individuals to continue incorporating plant-based foods in their
diets, ultimately helping to reverse the trend of increased chronic disease
risks among them.

614

M. Mahadevan et al.

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

The emergent themes in the current study indicate that a change in food
habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins, including the shift from a
traditional plant-based diet to certain elements of the Western-style diet,
could be attributed to a shift in traditional gender roles and changes to
the family structure and dynamics. The shift in traditional gender roles
developed in response to perceived family, societal, and self-imposed
expectations. The competing demands of having a career and managing
their familys nutritional needs, all without the support of family members
may have played an important role in steering these women away from
cooking healthy traditional Indian meals, and resorting to convenience and
fast foods instead. To our knowledge, previous research in this area has not
addressed these issues.
Program planners and health care practitioners need to be aware of the
trends presented in this study, and recognize the significant role of these
factors in influencing the process of changing food habits in this community.
Strategies for dietary interventions should be directed towards improving the
barriers to retaining traditional healthy eating patterns that were specifically
identified within the confines of the shift in gender roles and changes to
the family support networks. For instance, the phenomenon of the lack of
social support, facilitation and interaction, especially during mealtimes, was
identified as a strong theme contributing to changes in their food preparation and consumption habits. These findings support proposals programs
that strengthen and facilitate the existing social support networks for South
Indian immigrant families at risk for negative health outcomes. Educational
components may be designed keeping in mind that in order to encourage the women to cook, serve, and consume more healthy meals, they
need resources, strategies, and solutions designed to help them balance their
work and home lives more efficiently. Connecting them to community-based
organizations consisting of support staff that are intimately familiar with the
customs and traditions of South Indian Brahmin immigrants may be instrumental in helping these individuals transform their mealtime experience from
just eating out of necessity to restoring them to a more positive state of
mind and body, both for themselves and their families. During the educational sessions, representatives from various entities that provide resources
for working mothers may be invited to speak, and help provide a more comprehensive and supportive educational experience. Sessions that specifically
address family issues in the workplace including the art of juggling professional and personal responsibilities for dual career couples, raising children
in a new and foreign cultural environment, how to negotiate for flexible
work schedules or work-at-home options, family leave, money management,
sound financial investing, and how to connect with online communities and

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

615

engage in a dialogue with other women in their same situation may help
these women feel more supported.
Other initiatives such as classes on a variety of topics including easy
ways to adapt nontraditional ingredients and recipes to more closely resemble healthier versions of traditional recipes, how to better adapt to a nuclear
family system, how to better deal with professional, social and familial pressures, time management skills, ways to accommodate and compromise with
the food preferences and nutritional needs of their children, and ways to
encourage and allow their husbands and children to be more involved in
menu planning and preparation may help motivate these women to attend
to their own and the nutritional needs of their families better. Ultimately, an
intervention that involves the entire family, and aims to build in more social
support networks can reverse the trend of increased risk to chronic diseases
among this group.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank the participants for their unhesitant cooperation and honesty in sharing their struggles. Without them, this manuscript
would have been impossible.

REFERENCES
Bacallao, M., and P. Smokowski. 2007. The costs of getting ahead: Mexican family
system changes after immigration. Family Relations 56:5266.
Bajpai, M. 2003. India: Then and now. New Delhi, India: Madhav Publications.
Barr, S. I., and G. E. Chapman. 2002. Perceptions and practices of self-defined current vegetarian, former vegetarian and nonvegetarian women. Journal of the
American Dietetic Association 102 (3): 354360.
Bauer, K. W., M. O. Hearst, K. Escoto, J. M. Berge, and D. Neumark-Sztainer. 2012.
Parental employment and workfamily stress: Associations with family food
environments. Social Science and Medicine 75:496504.
Bazzano, L. A., J. He, L. G. Ogden, C. M. Loria, S. Vupputuri, L. Myers, and
P. K. Whelton. 2002. Fruit and vegetable intake and risk of cardiovascular
disease in U.S. adults: The first National Health and Nutrition Examination
Survey Epidemiologic Follow-up Study. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition
76:9399.
Bhalla, V. 2008. Couch potatoes and super-women: Gender, migration, and the
emerging discourse on housework among Asian Indian immigrants. Journal of
American Ethnic History 27:7199.
Blunt, E. A. H. 1969. The caste system of North India. New Delhi, India: S. Chand
Publishers.

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

616

M. Mahadevan et al.

Bogdan, R., and S. Biklen. 1982. Qualitative research for education: An introduction
to theory and methods. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc.
Delavari, M., A. L. Senderlund, B. Swinburn, D. Mellor, and A. Renzaho. 2013.
Acculturation and obesity among migrant populations in high-income countries:
A systematic review. BMC Public Health 13:458469.
Fraser, G. E. 2009. Vegetarian diets: What do we know of their effects on common chronic diseases? The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 89 (5):
1607S1612S.
Gupta, S. 1975. Changes in the food habits of Asian-Indians in the United States: A
case study. Social Science Research 60:8799.
Hewamanne, S. 2012. Threading meaningful lives: Respectability, home businesses and identity negotiations among newly immigrant South Asian women.
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 19:320338.
Hoeffel, E., S. Rastogi, M. Kim, and H. Shahid. 2010. The Asian population: 2010.
Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau. http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/
briefs/c2010br-11.pdf (accessed February 6, 2013).
Karim, N., D. S. Bloch, G. Faliciglia, and L. Murthy. 1986. Modifications in food
consumption patterns reported by people from India living in Cincinnati, Ohio.
Ecology of Food and Nutrition 19:1118.
Kilara, I. K. K. 1992. Food and dietary habits of the Hindu. Food Technology
10:94100.
Koert, E., W. Borgen, and N. Amundson. 2011. Educated immigrant women workers
doing well with change: Helping and hindering factors. The Career Development
Quarterly 59:194207.
Lea, A., and Worsley, A. 2003. Benefits and barriers to the consumption of a
vegetarian diet in Australia. Public Health Nutrition 6 (5): 505511.
Lim, I. 1997. Korean immigrant womens challenge to gender inequality at home:
The interplay of economic resources, gender and family. Gender and Society
11:3151.
Mahadevan, M., and D. A. Blair. 2009. Changes in food habits of South Indian Hindu
Brahmin immigrants in State College, PA. Ecology of Food and Nutrition 48 (5):
404432.
Min, P. 2001. Changes in Korean immigrants gender role and social status, and their
marital conflicts. Sociological Forum 16:301320.
Morrison, M., and S. James. 2009. Portuguese immigrant families: The impact of
acculturation. Family Process 48:151166.
Nathawat, S. S., and A. Mathur. 1993. Marital adjustment and subjective well-being
in Indian-educated housewives and working women. The Journal of Psychology
127:353358.
Odermatt, A. 2011. The Western-style diet: A major risk factor for impaired kidney function and chronic kidney disease. American Journal of Physiology
301:F919F931.
Patel, K. C. R., and R. S. Bhopal. 2004. The epidemic of coronary heart disease in
South Asian populations: Causes and consequences. Birmingham, UK: South
Asian Health Foundation.

Downloaded by [Baskent Universitesi] at 08:18 20 December 2014

Changing Food Habits among South Indian Hindu Brahmins

617

Pew Research Center. 2012. Faith on the move: The religious affiliation of international migrants. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. http://www.pewforum.
org/2012/03/08/religious-migration-exec/ (accessed October, 2013)
Raj, S., Ganganna, P., and J. Bowering. 1999. Dietary habits of Asian Indians in
relation to length of residence in the United States. Journal of the American
Dietetic Association 99 (9): 11061108.
Rajeshwari, R., T. Nicklas, H. Pownall, and G. Berenson. 2005. Cardiovascular
diseasesA major health risk in Asian Indians. Nutrition Research 25 (6):
515533.
Rosenmoller, D., D. Gasevic, J. Seidell, and S. Lear. 2011. Determinants of changes
in dietary patterns among Chinese immigrants: A cross-sectional analysis.
International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity 8:18.
Roy, P. 1954. The sacred cow in India. Rural Sociology 10 (2): 815.
Ruby, M. B. 2012. Vegetarianism: A blossoming field of study. Appetite 58:141150.
Satia-Abouta, J., R. E. Patterson, M. L. Neuhouser., and J. Elder. 2002. Dietary
acculturation: Application to nutrition research and dietetics. Journal of the
American Dietetic Association 102:11051118.
Schlow, S. 1995. Whats in a name? Memories of State College. University Park, PA:
WPSX3.
Sen, C. T. 2004. Food culture in India. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group.
Spradley, J. P. 1979. The ethnographic interview. New York, NY: Holt, Reinhart, and
Winston.
Strauss, A., and J. Corbin. 1990. Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory
procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Sun, S. 2008. Housework and gender in nuclear versus extended family households:
Experiences of Taiwanese immigrants in Canada. Journal of Comparative Family
Studies 1:17.
Tesch, R. 1990. Qualitative research: Analysis types and software tools. London, UK:
Falmer Press.
Treas, J., and S. Mazumdar. 2002. Older people in Americas immigrant families:
dilemmas of dependence, integration, and isolation. Journal of Aging Studies
16:243258.
Tummala-Narra, P. 2004. Mothering in a foreign land. American Journal of
Psychoanalysis 64:16782.
Vegetarian Times. 2008. Vegetarianism in America. http://www.vegetariantimes.com/
features/archive_of_editorial/667 (accessed October, 2013).
Walsh, B. 2009. Double duty: Women who make it to the top in business carry the
burden of societys expectations. Colby Magazine 97:1419.