history
dawn.com (http://www.dawn.com/news/1144214) November 14, 2014
For example, the nature of anti-Americanism one often comes across TV news
channels in Pakistan is primarily the animated vocation of two interlinked
entities: the religious and conservative parties and certain former military
men. Both felt alienated and angry after the American dollars that were dished
out for the anti-Soviet Afghan insurgency in the 1980s dried up.
Ayub Khan rides in a car with American First Lady, Jacqueline Kennedy, in
Karachi.
Some leading leftist activists of the movement also suggest that there were
precious little incidents during the protests in which an American flag was
torched.
The following is what Badar Hanif, a radical member of the left-wing National
Students Federation (NSF) in the late 1960s, wrote in a recent email to me:
"We were focused. We not only wanted to topple the US-backed Ayub
dictatorship, but the whole capitalist system."
When I wrote back asking him whether the US was a target as well, Badar
replied:
Seyyed Vali Nasr in his excellent book, Vanguards of the Islamic Revolution
writes that the religious parties (especially Jamat-i-Islami) began attributing
Pakistan's defeat in the 1971 war to the decadence and debauchery of men like
General Yahya Khan and due to the nation's failure to become good Muslims.
However, before that, a large number of Pakistanis had already begun to blame
the US because it had refused to help Pakistan in the war.
In his book Political Dynamics of Sindh 1947-1977, Tanvir Ahmed Tahir
suggests that the post-1971 anti-Americanism in Pakistan was more a vocation
of progressive and leftist political groups. This is confirmed in Hassan Abbas
book, Pakistans drift into extremism.'
A leftist students rally against capitalism and 'US imperialism' at the Karachi
University in 1973.
So, if the religious parties were still refusing to criticise the US, is it correct to
assume that these parties were really being escorted by the US against the
perceived threat of a take-over of pro-Soviet forces in Pakistani politics?
Progressive student leaders, activists and politicians of the era would answer in
the affirmative. Many of them explain this as a consequence of the Pakistan
religious parties strong links with oil-rich Arab monarchies, especially the
Saudi Arabia, a country that was a close ally of the US.
Anjum Athar who was associated with the Liberal Students Federation (LSF) at
the University of Karachi in 1974-75 once shared with me an interesting
observation. He said:
In those days (the 1970s) being socially and politically conservative did not
necessarily mean being anti-West. Even the most militant Islamic student
groups in the 1970s who wanted the imposition of Shariah were hardly ever
seen or heard badmouthing the US. Religious groups were more threatened by
the rise of communism, a threat they shared with the US and Saudi Arabia.
That is why anti-Americanism was more rampant among Pakistani leftists as
compared to the religious parties.
This trend continued across the 1980s.
America remained Pakistans leading aid donor. According to Lubna Rafiques
1994 paper, Benazir & British Press, it was only in the last year of Z.A.
Bhuttos regime (1977), that he started to allude to moving out of the
American camp, calling the US a white elephant. He also went on to accuse
the Jimmy Carter administration for financing the religious parties agitation
against him in 1977.
ZA Bhutto raising a toast at a state dinner during his 1975 trip to the US.
Throughout the Ziaul Haq dictatorship in the 1980s, anti-Americanism
remained a much polarised affair in Pakistan. Most religious parties and their
supporters, and the industrial/business classes that supported Zia, were either
openly pro-America or ambiguous on the subject.
Zia was backed by the Ronald Regan administration with military hardware and
dollars during the US proxy war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan
(for which Pakistan was used) and against communism in the region.
Consequently, anti-Americanism thus became more rampant among those
opposing Zia.
For example, though anti-Americanism among most PPP workers and its
student wing grew twofold after Z.A. Bhuttos execution at the hands of the Zia
dictatorship, the partys new chairperson, Benazir Bhutto, advised her party to
concentrate on the removal of Zia alone.
In 1986, when she returned to Pakistan from exile and was greeted by a
mammoth crowd in Lahore, groups of the PPPs student wing, the PSF, began
torching a US flag at the crowded rally. Benazir is said to have stopped them
from doing this, pointing out that they would not be able to fight a superpower
if they werent even able to remove a local dictator.
Though by the late 1980s, the intensity of anti-Americanism had grown in
Pakistan (compared to the preceding decades), it never became violent.