Thomas Mann
George Lukacs
Thomas Mann
But it is not sufficient to stare with platonic wonder at contradictions in a philosopher. We must try to understand the problem
sympathetically. This is not to defend Manns war writings. If, as
still happens in England and America, later works like The Magic
Mountain (1924) are interpreted in the light of the Reflections of an
Unpolitical Man (1918), the result is necessarily a reactionary caricature. We must realise that Manns political outburst in the First
World War was not simply a chance phase in his search for bourgeois
man; it must be understood as an inevitable stage in the disastrous
general development of modern German thought.
Up to this point we have followed the problematical elements in
Manns work as these were posed for their creator. But that was their
social basis? (not that Mann was aware of it at the time). Some
ten years after the First World War Mann gave an excellent description of the relationship between most of the major German thinkers
and their countrys political development. He was writing about
Richard Wagner and his participation in the revolutionary upheavals of 1848, which cost him twelve years of tortured exile and
which he later minimized and denied as much as he could. He repented of his heedless optimism and confused to the best of his
ability the fait accompli of Bismarcks Reich with the realisation of
his early dreams. This was the path of the German bourgeoisie itself,
from revolution to disillusionment, to pessimism and to a resigned,
power-protected, emotional solipsism.
This last attitude has a long history behind it, which is deeply
rooted in the miserable political development of Germany. I have to
touch on it here since it not only throws light on Mann himself but
also clarifies his relationship to the German middle class.
To summarize: apart from exceptional figures like Lessing, the
whole of German classical literature and philosophy grew up in an
atmosphere of power-protected emotional solipsism. No doubt
the semi-feudal absolutism of the petty principalities seemed
questionable to German thinkers and writers of the time; and often
they were sincerely opposed to it. But when Napoleons invasion
thrust real power onto the scene, power bent on transforming
political and social conditions, the best Germans were fiercely
divided. Goethe and Hegel opted for Napoleon and were prepared to
see the whole of Germany turned into something like the Confederation of the Rhine. The Phenomenology of Mind, completed at
the time of the Battle of Jena (1806), described the French Revolution
and the new bourgeois society it had created as the climax of modern
history and admonished the Germans that it would be their task to
create an ideological superstructure appropriate to the new conditions. This was power-protected solipsism with a vengeance. This
power meanwhile guaranteed those political and social reforms
which Napoleon was to introduce against the wishes of the princes
of the Confederation of the Rhine. (Some years later Hegel was to
call Napoleon the great constitutional lawyer of Paris).
There is no need to waste much time to-day pointing out the
Utopianism of these conceptions. Goethes ideas were very similar.
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as they were: even the most outlandish and sharply etched of his
characters had therefore a familiar quality which his fellow-Germans
could also savour. When Mann placed his early work by citing the
names of Platen, Storm and Nietzsche, he characterised this remarkable situation with great precision. It was a body of work which
was exceptional in its strict logicality of form and content. Yet though
it far surpasses any other contemporary work, it is still engendered
and nourished by the best and worst of his time.
The relationship between Mann and the German middle-class
altered radically after his post-war philosophical, ethical and political
change of heart. The German middle-class now pursued a path which
diverged radically from the writers. The one idea that the Germans
salvaged from the collapse of their first attempt at world domination
was front-line experiencethe hope of achieving, another time,
with improved methods, what had failed this time. One method
was to be a thorough-going settling of accounts with democracy.
Thomas Mann, for his part, however, not only broke completely
and wholeheartedly with German imperialism; he also understood
perfectly the importance of democracy for the future rebirth of
Deutschtum (no matter how much he had spurned democracy
during the War as un-German). Further he at last grasped the
connection between the ideological and emotional vagaries of
Decadence and previous German political development. The struggle
for democracy was now transformed into a struggle against decadence. This is the paradoxical continuation, the fruitful contradiction,
of his wartime confessions. For the book had defended, as well as
the German war-effort, Decadence, the fascination with disease and
decay, with night and with death. But Thomas Manns defence
became so deeply enmeshed in the bewildering tangle of pros and
cons that, at the end of his frenzied attempt to justify German
Decadence, his own experience in 1918 convinced him that he was
utterly wrong.
This turn of events brought education into the forefront of Manns
writing. But, before we consider this development, we have to ask
whether this did not also mean the end of his ruling passion, his
peculiar genius, the anti-Utopian nature of his talent? Yes and no.
And rather more no than yes. For the mature Thomas Mann became
an educator sui generis, not simply by virtue of the ironical reservations in his narrative technique and the delicate good humour of his
story-telling. Though these were typical of his ease of mind, they
connect at a deeper level with his vital aims. He was not an educator
in the sense of imposing some lesson (albeit one thoroughly mastered)
on his students. He was an educator in the sense of Platos anamnesis:
the student himself is liberated to discover the new idea in himself,
so that it is he himself who brings it to life.
Having become the educator of his people, Thomas Mann was
now willing and able to look for Bourgeois Man at even deeper
levels. His search had now found a concrete incentive: he was looking
for the spirit of democracy in the mind of the German citizen. He
sought for hints and signs of this new idea in order to awaken and
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