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Cuba provides yet another attempt at achieving independence through revolutionary action. In this instance, the
result was the creation of a socialist state in the Caribbean. The influence of Britain, the United States and France
ensured that nation building in the modern Caribbean resulted in democratic regimes which evolved within the
western capitalist framework. The Cubans chose the socialist framework of the eastern bloc. This represented yet
another approach to nation building in the post colonial Caribbean.

The other interesting facet of the Cuban Revolution is that it is still on-going. As a result, when we study the Cuban
revolution we must keep in mind that we are attempting historical analysis of an event, which is in a very real sense
still in progress and is undergoing changes. Though experiencing several phases of change, the revolution has
maintained its socialist character and continues to survive against all odds. Other attempts in the Caribbean (in
Guyana, Jamaica and Grenada) to build a nation using socialist frameworks, as opposed to the more prevalent
capitalist structures, have not succeeded. This makes the accomplishments of Cuba even more outstanding.

Historic Roots
The Cuban Revolution occurred in 1959. However, in order to really understand the roots of the revolution we need
to begin almost a century earlier with the first concerted attempts of Cuba to wrestle control over their country from
the Spanish. Cuba had been the prime example of Spanish imperialism. She became the last Spanish stronghold
and the source of Spanish wealth. However, there was increasing dissatisfaction with Spanish rule. Though this
displeasure was by no means new, resentment grew as the economic prosperity of Cuba increased, particularly after
the Cuban sugar revolution in the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century.

Another interesting development of note in this early period is the increasing involvement of a newly independent
United States of America in the affairs of Cuba. As Spain proved increasingly unable to provide the necessary
developmental supports, the United States became a surrogate mother country. America became Cubas major
trading partner providing inputs, purchasing most of Cubas sugar and investing in the Cuban sugar industry. Spain
became increasingly obsolete; her major role being to ensure that Cuban wealth was transferred to Spanish
treasuries.

Opposition to external control increased in the second half of the nineteenth century. There was general
dissatisfaction with Spanish rule, however, there was no consensus on the extent or form of the opposition. There
were those who wanted internal self-government (autonomists), those who wanted independence (independentists),
and those who supported annexation to the United States (annexationists). By 1866, after failed attempts at
qualitative reform of the Spanish colonial administration, disillusionment with the system grew. There was growth of
nationalist sentiments and a mounting desire for a truly independent Cuba. The first attempt at autonomy through
revolution occurred on 10th October 1868 with the outbreak of the Ten Years War. The Grito de Yara was led by
Carlos Manuel de Cspedes. This was the beginning of the demand for independence from external control through
revolutionary means. It seemed as if the Cubans would be successful but after ten years the Spanish were able to
re-establish control and the Pacte de Zanjn was signed on February 1878 in which Spain promised reform.

It soon became clear that the Spanish were not going to engage in qualitative reformist measures. At the end of the
nineteenth century, the independence movement, which had never really died (there was a second outbreak 18791880), received renewed focus. Momentum picked up from the 1880s to 1895. This second phase of the movement
was led by Jos Mart. Mart was more than a revolutionary. He was a writer, a poet and a philosopher. Thus, he
led the movement not only physically, but also ideologically. Mart organized the War of Independence which was
fought from 1895 to 1898. However, he died in battle in 1895 but his spirit lived on and may have been as powerful
and influential as the man. Mart became the martyr of the independence movement.

By 1898, the Cubans had the upper hand in the battle with Spain. At this point, the United States joined the war on
the side of the Cubans. The war ended shortly after American intervention with the signing of the Treaty of Paris.
The War of Independence ended but, interestingly, Spain surrendered not to the Cubans but to the United States.
Sovereignty over the country was not handed to the Cubans, who had begun the battle and had been fighting for
years, but to the United States. Thus, yet another war had not resulted in the true independence of Cuba. The
United States occupied Cuba from 1898 to 1902. Finally, in 1902 the Americans handed over political control to the
Cubans, but it was not unconditional. The Platt Amendment was enacted into the Cuban constitution and this
restricted and redefined the parameters of Cuban control from 1902 to 1934, when it was revoked. Under the terms
of the Platt Amendment:
1. The Cuban government could not confer special rights or privileges to any other nations;
2. Cuba could not enter into long-term foreign debt arrangements;
3. All laws from the period of occupation had to be recognized;
4. Washington assumed the right to intervene in Cuba to protect Cuban independence, stability and property;
5. The United States gained control over the Isle of Pines; and
6. The United States retained the right to coaling stations and the military base, Guantanamo.

Thus, Cuba was not truly independent. She did not have the rights of a sovereign state over domestic, economic and
foreign policy. Historians have described Cuba after 1902 as having de jure independence but being transformed
de facto into an American protectorate.

Even after the Platt Amendment was revoked in 1934, Cuba was ruled by a series of leaders who were backed by the
United States. Thus, from 1898 to 1958 the Americans, through either direct or indirect control over governance in
Cuba, assumed superordinary control over Cuban affairs. During this period, American capital poured into Cuba and
the United States became Cubas major trading partner. Preferential tariffs were put in place favouring American
imports as well as Cuban exports to the United States.

Cuba Before 1958

American capital and technology contributed to swift economic growth in Cuba. The most important sectors of the
economythe sugarcane industry, the tobacco industry, the railroad, banks, the electricity service, and the telephone
service were all increasingly dominated by American interests. In the political arena, corruption became imbedded
into the very fabric of Cubas political culture. There were a series of coups leading to successive dictatorships.
America intervened in 1906, 1912, and 1917. To maintain power, leaders served the interest of the United States as
opposed to the local population. Socially, the division between rich and poor was growing. At the same time that
Cuba was prospering, poverty was increasing. In the early 1920s, Cuba experienced another Golden Age due to
post war increases in the price of sugar. The experience is referred to as The Dance of the Millons. There was a
rich Cuba with American and Cuban elite. Gambling tables, cabarets, night clubs and luxurious hotels attracted
weekend tourists and businessmen. At the same time, another Cuba existed. This Cuba was characterized by
unemployment, underemployment, poor social amenities, low levels of property ownership and high levels of
illiteracy. The groups most seriously affected were pockets of urban poor and the rural dwellers. Ironically, at this
point, Cuba was one of the most advanced Latin American nations. However, the wealth was concentrated in the
hands of a visible, unconscionable, excessive Cuban minority and an externally based group of American
businessmen who could be similarly characterized.

Opposition in Cuba began to grow. There was a growing desire for fundamental changes in the economical, political
and social systems. This was accompanied by a strong revival of Cuban nationalism, this time accompanied by an
upsurge of anti-American sentiments. It seemed that Cuba had merely exchanged one imperial power for another.
The demand grew for a Cuba for Cubans. The call for revolution accelerated to a crescendo. In a very real sense

the battle that had begun in 1868 was still being fought as late as 1958. Almost a hundred years had lapsed, but
Cuba was still in essence controlled by an external power. The fundamental problems of monoculture and social
inequality were still marked. The wealth of Cuba was not being enjoyed by the majority of the population.

Opposition increased, especially within the educated middle class and intelligencia. The post Platt Amendment
leadership in Cuba had been dominated by Fulgencio Batista who reflected almost everything that was wrong with
Cuba. He was a dictator but gained the support of the United States by opposing the Soviet Union and supporting
American businesses. This allowed him to maintain a reign of tyranny over Cuba, either directly or indirectly (at times
he was not actually President but maintained the power to influence the leadership), from 1934 to 1959.

Fidel Castro
The above account captures the environment into which Fidel Castro was born and in which he matured. Fidel
Castro was born in August 1926. He came from a middle class family. Even as a student, he stood out as an athlete,
a debater and somewhat of a rebel. By profession, Castro was a lawyer. From a youth, especially as a university
student, he became involved in the movement to unseat Batista. He joined the Orthodox Party which advocated for
implementation of ethical political parties. Castros first overt attempt to remove the dictator through revolution
occurred on 26th July 1953. The coup took place in the Oriente province. Castro led approximately 160 equally
young students. The attempt was unsuccessful. Most of his supporters were captured or killed. Estimates put the
number of deaths at between 60 to 80. Many were tortured, and the others, including Castro were imprisoned.
Although a dismal failure, this initial attempt has become marked in history because of Castros defense. He
defended himself, writing the speech that has been entitled History Will Absolve Me. This speech is regarded as the
foundation of the Castro movement and laid down the basis of what would be Castros future policies in Cuba.

Castro was pardoned in 1955 and made his way to the United States and from there he went to Mexico where he
regrouped and trained. Early in 1956, Castro severed ties with the Orthodox Party and formed his 26th July
Movement. In Mexico, Castro received arms and monetary support. He bonded with his brother Rul and Ch
Guevara, who would become key revolutionary figures. By the end of 1956, Castro was ready to spearhead yet
another coup. They planned to return to Cuba on a yachtthe Granma. It was overcrowded with over 82 rebels.
They arrived in Cuba on December 2nd, which was later than planned. The timing of the coup was affected. Their
local support base stuck to the originally anticipated time of the landing and was easily over powered. When Castro
and his men arrived, they too were easily obliterated. However, all was not lost, Castro with about 10 supporters
escaped into the SierraMountains.

From this position, Castro was able to recoup and consolidate his movement. From his mountain refuge, Castro
gained support for his movement. His exploits gained the support of the rural population. As the situation worsened
in Cuba, the opposition began to rally around Castros movement. Help also came from an unexpected quarterthe
American press, particularly, the New York Times. Castro was interviewed and portrayed as a folk hero. He became
the symbol of the defensive against injustice and deprivation of liberty.

Support for the movement consolidated between 1957 and 1958. The middle class, the Orthodox Party, the Student
Directorate, and the Communist Party all became aligned along the common goal of removing Batista. The
environment became increasingly volatile. Castro gradually extended his foothold from the mountains. Batistas
army began to desert and defect. By the end of 1958, Batista was not able to put up much of a defense. Castros
troops were outnumbered, but Batistas troops retreated. On December 31st, Batista went into exile in Santo
Domingo. Castro was able to consolidate his control throughout Cuba. As a result, on January 1st 1959 the Cuban
military revolution was over, but the revolutionary state was just being born. The process of nation building along new
principles was only beginning. Cuba was now theoretically free for the first time in her history to chart her own
course. In a very real sense, a battle which began in 1868 against Spain was completed in 1968 by Fidel Castro.

The Cuban revolution had been the result of strong nationalist feelings, resentment against American control,

domestic frustration, corruption and inequality. These outlined factors are in themselves important, but it should also
be noted that they had persisted in Cuba for centuries. Thus, the revolution was the result of historical aims, goals
and ideals which had never been achieved. These included: political sovereignty, economic independence, and a
new social culture. These factors would play a major role in the course the revolution would take.

Socialist Transformation
Castro had promised to do no less than purge Cuba. This implied the removal of fundamental social, economic and
political ills. Post revolution Cuba would experience changes in all three areas. Many of the most visible Cuban
problems could be linked to the course Cuban economic development had taken. The economy was overwhelmingly
dominated by sugar monoculture which, though at times had brought prosperity, was also subject to much
fluctuation. In periods of slow growth, the entire economy was affected because of the almost sole dependence on
this one source for national income. Sugar and its by products accounted for over 80% of exports. The immediate
pre-revolution period was one of slow economic growth.

Another characteristic of the pre-revolution economy which was drawing increasing opposition in Cuba was the extent
of the external dependence for inputs, marketing of outputs and as sources of investment. The following figures
effectively illustrate the extent and nature of the economic relationship with the United States. Estimates put United
States investment in Cuba by 1958 as the second largest sum invested in Latin America. As much as two-thirds of
Cuban trade was with the United States. There was very little local industrial development, even foodstuff was
imported from the United States of America, merely 90 miles away.

There were those who benefited tremendously from the economic system. Businessmen made huge profits. In the
area of agriculture, latifundium was still a major feature of land ownership. There were large concentrations of land
owned by a few and worked by landless masses. Among the urban and rural poor, unemployment and
underemployment levels were increasing. It is estimated that 20-25 percent of the population still worked in sugar,
these were the lucky ones. From 1919 to 1957, employment in agriculture had fallen by 10 per cent. Overall, 16
percent of the labour force was unemployed and 14 percent underemployed. Because of the nature of the sugar
industry much of the employment was seasonal and around harvest time.

The inequality that characterized the economy, especially between the lifestyles of the American and Cuban elite and
the urban and rural poor, has already been alluded to. Increasing corruption only worsened the situation and
increased the disparities among the social groups. It must be remembered, however, that in spite of these issues the
Cuban economy ranked among the highest in Latin America. Yet, because of the fundamental structural problems
discussed, there was much instability and uncertainty. In certain periods and among segments in the population, the
inequity became increasingly obvious. Further, these factors provided opposition groups with grounds for very vocal
and very effective protest.

In this environment, it is not surprising that the earliest reforms of the Revolutionary Government would involve radical
changes to the economic system. Time would prove that the economic course chartered would be a rocky one.
There were constant adjustments to cope with a changing international environment and the current domestic
context. Four distinct (yet overlapping) phases in economic policy can be identified, post 1959. As Cuba attempts to
build a new nation state, the economic infrastructure has not only undergone drastic modification but also continues
to experience changes in direction. The phases can be identified as follows:

Phase 1 - 1959-60: This is the immediate post revolution phase. The basis of the economic policy is characterized
by collectivism and nationalism.

Phase 2 - 1961-63: At this point, the revolution is declared socialist. In this phase, we see the introduction of
socialist economic structures.

Phase 3 - 1964-1970: This is a period of adjustment. There is the testing of alternative socialist economic models.

Phase 4 - post 1970: The Cuban economy undergoes economic reform as Cuba attempts to adjust Soviet policies
to suit her peculiar situation. Reforms of this nature have continued through the eighties and nineties to the present
day.

The new states earliest reforms benefited working and rural groups. In contrast, profits of large businesses and
corporations were reduced. The state also acquired property and assets, acquired through corruption or other illegal
means. Legislation was used to increase wages, lower prices and lower rents. Illegally acquired property,
particularly, that of Batistas followers, were confiscated. Companies, which did not cooperate or could not continue
to function profitably, were also appropriated by the state. By the end of 1960, a very large public domain had been
created by the government. Another major feature of the new economic policy was land reform. The first Agrarian
Reform Law was passed in May 1959. It broke up latifundias and made land available to peasants and tenants at low
prices. Cooperatives were set up.

Economic dependence on the United States was also reduced as the sugar quota was altered and eventually
suspended. Cuba increasingly replaced American markets and investment with Soviet goods, trade, money and
personnel. By early 1960, Cuba was importing Soviet oil.

The nationalization intensified after October 1960 when American companies refused to refine Soviet oil. In
response, the remaining American businesses were nationalized. The Americans countered with a total embargo on
Cuban trade. This finally severed the enduring influence of the United States on the Cuban economy. Cubas major
trading partners now came from the Eastern bloc. Moreover, their policies were more in sync with Castros
nationalization and collectivization drives. By the end of this second and more intensive phase of nationalization, all
American and large Cuban companies had been acquired by the state. These included: oil refineries, banks, sugar
mills, telephones and electricity companies, hotels and the transportation service. Government agencies were
created to oversee the states control over the economy. Two examples are the National Institute of Agrarian Reform
(INRA) and the Central Planning Board (JUCEPLAN).

Nationalization had progressed swiftly. In twelve to eighteen months, although the economy cannot yet be described
as socialist, nationalization and collectivization policies had replaced the capitalist system. However, the sugar
industry still remained central to the economy. The industrys earnings, as well as the gains from appropriation, led to
continued economic growth. In spite of this, there were adjustment problems, many of which had long-term effects.
Productivity was reduced, there were shortages of food supplies, and agricultural production generally declined.

In the second phase, Cuba attempted to set up a framework for economic development using a socialist model. The
process really began informally in the 1960s. Once Cuba began to trade increasingly with the Soviet bloc,
commercial agreements involved not only sugar and oil, and credit, but also Soviet manufactured goods, machinery
and expertise. The final break with the United States and the declaration of the revolution as Marxist, in 1961, further
facilitated the socialist reconstruction of the economy. Included in the new model for economic development was
diversification away from sugar production, emphasis on industrial development and creating centralized state
institutions to direct the process. The plan was clearly heavily influenced by the Soviet model. However, it was illsuited in many ways for Cuba, which, until quite recently, had been fully integrated into western systems. It may have
been a case of too much too soon.

Cubas economy began to decline from 1962. Diversification towards an industrial sector did not produce the
changes or the income expected and sugar was relegated to a lower level of importance. The rest of the agricultural
sector also showed declining productivity levels. By 1963, economic decline was even more evident. Prices were

frozen and rationing was introduced. The trade deficit grew and Cubas foreign debt increased, in spite of Soviet
assistance. The old stalwarts of the economy, in spite of all their faults, had been consistent income earners. They
had been relegated in the economic system but the space they left had not been filledthe chosen successor,
industrial development had not taken off. Thus, Cubas first attempt to change the economic base had failed.

In the third phase which spans 1964 to 1970, socialist economic constriction became firmly entrenched. In 1970,
Cuba finally entered the Soviet bloc through membership in CAMECON. However, some attempt was made to be
less mechanistic and develop a formula for economic development that was more suited to Cuba. Notably, there was
a return to concentration on sugar. Industrialization continued, but the pace was slow and economic decline
continued. In spite of problems of low levels of productivity, there was a much publicized campaign to produce 10
million tons of cane in 1970. The achievement of the goal came to symbolize the success or failure of the revolution.
There was massive mobilization of workers and a tremendous labour output. However, only 8.5 million tons were
harvested. The outcome was a major accomplishment. In spite of the many odds, they had only just fallen short of
the target. Nevertheless, symbolically it was regarded as a failure. This phase ended a period of strict adherence to
socialist models. From this point, qualitative reforms were made to the Cuban model.

From the 1970s, Cuba entered a period of economic reform characterized by the introduction of less restrictive
economic policies. The failures of the previous decade, coupled with financial downturn in the Soviet bloc itself, led to
adoption of more open policies like those of the Eastern European countries. Sugar continued to receive focus which
resulted in increased production levels. However, Cuba also opened her economy cautiously. Certain private
enterprises were legalized and limited trade began with capitalist countries. The integration was carefully controlled.

Continued economic decline and the fall of communism made the 1980s difficult years. Once more, however, the
Cuban economy showed that it was able to adapt. Cuba extended the reforms and opened up new channels of
commerce with what remained of the socialist block. The more liberal reforms included development of the tourism
sector. Today, Cuba continues to have an economy based on the socialist model, however, reforms are still on-going
as Cuba develops its own distinctive model.

Post Revolution Social Policy

The radical nature of Castros economic policies meant that there were equally radical social changes. Once more,
the areas targeted for transformation were clearly the result of the most glaring social inequalities which had existed
in pre-revolutionary Cuba. Among Latin American countries, Cuba ranked third in the quality of the social services
provided. However, most of these services were centered in and around the capital and other urban centers. Rural
areas lacked basic social amenities. Further, the quality of the services provided to the upper class in areas such as
education and health were far superior to that of the lower class. Castro aimed to rapidly transform Cubas social
services. His initial emphasis was in the areas of education, health and culture. He aimed to do more than merely
increase the quality of these services. He was determined to make them available to all. Such policies naturally drew
the support of the majority of the population who enthusiastically embraced Castros reforms. In contrast, the upper
classes were increasingly discomforted by Castros early reforms.

Education was transformed from a monopoly of the upper classes to a compulsory service, which all had access to.
To achieve this, Castro had to increase the number of teachers, the number of schools and update the curriculum.
Goldenberg estimated that, in 30 months, the Revolutionary Government opened more schools than the previous
governments had in 30 years. Schools were set up in old barracks, confiscated estates, and appropriated luxury
homes. Private schools disappeared. There was a massive training program for teachers. Finally, in June 1961, the
whole education system was nationalized. Attention was given to the method of instruction as well as the content of
teaching. Schools taught technical subjects, handicrafts and even agricultural mechanics and book-keeping. The
functional aspect of learning was emphasized. At schools, peasant girls were not only taught reading and writing, or
history and mathematics, but also practical skills, such as sewing or dressmaking. Many Cubans were sent to the
Soviet Union for further training.

Perhaps, the most outstanding program of the revolutionary government was the literacy campaign of 1961. The
goal was to eradicate illiteracy. By December, the government claimed success. Three hundred thousand persons
had participated in the program. One estimate puts the reduction of illiteracy at approximately 10% (from 14% to
3.9%).
Women also received special attention. Training colleges and programs, which focussed on women, were
introduced. Enrollment levels of women at university level increased. By 1962, among medical students, the
percentage of women had risen from 10 percent to 50 percent.

Another area with outstanding successes was the health sector. The government provided free, high quality health
care for the entire population. Cuba became one of the countries at the forefront of medical research and health
care. This is even more amazing when one considers that at least half of the doctors left after the revolution. By
1974, 16,000 doctors had been trained. By 2000, 50,000 were projected. Today, Cuba is grabbing headlines for
medical advances in such areas as heart treatment and cancer. Cuba provides medical assistance to the Caribbean
and Latin America, as well as other developing countries.

Cultural development was also important to the revolutionary government. Before 1959, refinement and culture in
Cuba was the domain of the elite. It was removed from the masses. Painting, architecture and museums were
regarded as leisurely pursuits of monied and propertied groups. Therefore, the government sought to bring Cuban
culture to the people. A national theatre was opened. The Havana Symphony Orchestra was rejuvenated and
traveled around the country. The museum was refurbished. Its holdings were greatly augmented by confiscation of
pieces held by individuals, especially counter-revolutionaries. An institute was established to provide films for the
revolution. The National Printing Works was also established. A wide range of literature including classical books and
revolutionary literature were published. These changes led to a massive increase in the reading population. The
readership of the National Library increased from 25,000 in 1957 to 165,000 in 1961.

These transformations were equally impressive in nature as for the speed of their implementation. These economic
and social reforms were enthusiastically embraced by the Cuban population. The social reforms also gained the
admiration of the international community. However, they also drew the ire of groups who were displaced because of
the extreme nature of the changes. Above all, these transformations gained the revolutionary government the
support of the people. Centres of education were also sources for political indoctrination and so served the
revolutions cause. Even keeping these points in consideration, the Cuban revolution has accomplished what many
more developed societies, with a longer experience at nation building, had not managed to accomplish in the spheres
of education (particularly literacy), health and culture.