Lecture 1:
Eleven Principles of Economics
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In this chapter,
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Jos-Luis Peydr
The principles of
HOW PEOPLE
MAKE DECISIONS
Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #1:
People Face Tradeoffs
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #1:
People Face Tradeoffs
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #1:
People Face Tradeoffs
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #1:
People Face Tradeoffs
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #2:
The Cost of Something Is What You Give Up to Get It
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #2:
The Cost of Something Is What You Give Up to Get It
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #2:
The Cost of Something Is What You Give Up to Get It
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #3:
Rational People Think at the Margin
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #3:
Rational People Think at the Margin
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #3:
Rational People Think at the Margin
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #4:
People Respond to Incentives
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Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
It is relevant to note that college completion rates have declined even though colleges require
less effort by students to graduate. This is consistent with colleges enrolling more students
who cant benefit significantly from a college education.
I see hope, however, in the MOOCsmassive open online courses, which offer enormous
potential cost savings and quality improvements for colleges. They can eliminate most of the
living expenses associated with college (students can live at home, presumably cheaply)
while enabling a reduction in faculty size (because there is no limit to the number of students
in an online course) coupled with an increase in average faculty quality, since there is no limit
on the number of students that a superb teacher can teach online. The MOOCs are not a
panacea, but they are the most promising response to the problem of the high costs of a
college education in America.
PRINCIPLE #4:
People Respond to Incentives
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #4:
People Respond to Incentives
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Jos-Luis Peydr
ACTIVE LEARNING
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ACTIVE LEARNING
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The principles of
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PRINCIPLE #5:
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PRINCIPLE #6:
Markets Are Usually A Good Way to
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PRINCIPLE #6:
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PRINCIPLE #6:
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PRINCIPLE #6:
Markets Are Usually A Good Way to
Organize Economic Activity
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PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
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PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
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PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
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Jos-Luis Peydr
On April 1, 1992, New Jersey's minimum wage rose from $4.25 to $5.05 per
hour. To evaluate the impact of the law we surveyed 410 fast-food restaurants in
New Jersey and eastern Pennsylvania before and after the rise. Comparisons of
employment growth at stores in New Jersey and Pennsylvania (where the
minimum wage was constant) provide simple estimates of the effect of the higher
minimum wage. We also compare employment changes at stores in New Jersey
that were initially paying high wages (above $5) to the changes at lower-wage
stores. We find no indication that the rise in the minimum wage reduced
employment. (JEL 530, 523)
cent studies that rely on a similar comparative methodology have failed to detect a
negative employment effect of higher minimum wages. Analyses of the 1990-1991 increases in the federal minimum wage
(Lawrence F. Katz and Krueger, 1992; Card,
1992a) and of an earlier increase in the
minimum wage in California (Card, 1992b)
find no adverse employment impact. A study
of minimum-wage floors in Britain (Stephen
Machin and Alan Manning, 1994) reaches a
similar conclusion.
This paper presents new evidence on the
effect of minimum wages on establishmentlevel employment outcomes. We analyze the
experiences of 410 fast-food restaurants in
New Jersey and Pennsylvania following the
increase in New Jersey's minimum wage
from $4.25 to $5.05 per hour. Comparisons
of employment, wages, and prices at stores
in New Jersey and Pennsylvania before and
after the rise offer a simple method for
evaluating the effects of the-minimum wage.
~~~~~~i~~~~ within N~~ jerseybetween
high-wage
paying
than the new minimum rate prior to its
effective date) and other stores provide an
alternative estimate of the impact of the
new lawe
In addition to the simplicity of our empirical methodology, several other features of
772
PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #7:
Governments Can Sometimes
Improve Market Outcomes
Jos-Luis Peydr
missing evidence is on possible changes over time in the link between the AFQT
performance and adult earnings.
In summary, it is far from clear whether opportunities of children from poorer families have
been declining in the US. Still, since abundant opportunity for these children is an important
goal of an efficient and attractive society, more effort might be needed to improve their
opportunities through better schools, better teachers, and perhaps in other ways as well.
Equality of Opportunity-Posner
Income inequality in the United States has grown substantially since the 1970s, to the point
where today the bottom 20 percent of the nations households have 5 percent of total income,
the top 10 percent about 50 percent, and the top 1 percent more than 20 percent. The
question is whether such a high level of inequality is likely to reduce what is called relative
mobility, or the likelihood that members of one generation of a family and members of the
next generation will end up at different points in the income distribution. You are very likely to
earn more than your father; the question is how likely are you to be higher (or lower) in the
income distribution. If he is in the bottom quartile, for example, how likely are you to be in the
next higher quartile?
Income inequality in the parents generation might be expected only to create income
inequality in the next generation. Whether income inequality will affect relative mobility will
depend on why income inequality in the current population is so high. One possibility is that,
because of increased assortative mating as a result of declining discrimination and of the
efficiency of online search for potential mates, there are greater differences in IQ across
families than there used to be. Another possibilitycloser to a certaintyis that as a result of
automation in the broadest sense, the economic returns to IQ have risen relative to the
returns to strength and stamina, which are the qualities important to such vocations as factory
work, construction, mining, and farming.
The combination of assortative mating with higher returns to IQ could have dramatic effects
on relative mobility if the effect was to insulate to a significant degree a prosperous familys
children from economic risk. And it may be. The adults in high-IQ families are
disproportionately represented in the jobs (professional, managerial, financial, and so forth)
that pay well, and their income can and often is used to give their children a boostfor
example in the form of payment of tuition to high-quality (and very expensive) private schools,
payment to tutors, a variety of other educational enrichments, and entry into high-quality
colleges without need for their children to borrow to finance college (or graduate or
professional school) and thus assume debt. Colleges like to admit kids from high-income
families, seeing such kids as future donors. And high-IQ parents are likely to produce high-IQ
children, further enhancing the childrens attractiveness to first-rate colleges. These factors,
which loom larger the greater the inequality in the income distribution, because that inequality
creates a highly affluent tier of families (a proximed by the income shares of the top 10
percent and within that group the top 1 percent) are likely to reduce relative mobility, by
securing a disproportionate number of the top college and university admissions and top jobs
for children of the intellectual-economic elite.
These factors can be offset to a significant extent by immigration, because immigrants tend to
be more ambitious, bold, and determined than the average member of their nation of origin;
refugee immigrants are often drawn from the elite of their nation of origin. First-generation
immigrants tend not to have a high income, but to endow their children with the attitudes and
abilities that enable the children to achieve economic success. Certainly the United States
has
benefited
greatly
in
recent
years from immigration from countries like China, India, and South Korea. But relative mobility
that is the consequence of the artificially depressed income of first-generation immigrant
families does nothing to promote relative mobility for the children of low-income native-born
Americans.
A 2011 study by Scott Winship for the Brookings Institution reports that the likelihood that an
American will rank higher in the income distribution than his parents is lower than in most
other wealthy countries. The report states: If being raised in the bottom fifth [of the income
distribution] were not a disadvantage and socioeconomic outcomes were random, we would
expect to see 20 percent of Americans who started in the bottom fifth remain there as adults,
while 20 percent would end up in each of the other fifths. Instead, about 40 percent are
unable to escape the bottom fifth. This trend holds true for other measures of mobility: About
40 percent of men will end up in low-skill work if their fathers had similar jobs, and about 40
percent will end up in the bottom fifth of family wealth (as opposed to income) if thats where
their parents were. Income inequality is greater in the United States than in our peer
countries, and may be responsible for our lower relative mobility. In the limit, an income
distribution that produces a very wealthy top tier of earners and a very large bottom tier of
poor or low-income families may reduce movement between the tiers in subsequent
generations.
Becker points to Headstart and other government programs as possible counters to the effect
of income inequality on economic opportunities for children of families that are rank low in the
income distribution. This raises the question whether there may be a more efficient way of
dealing with the problem of relative mobility than spending government money. A natural
starting point would be to increase the very low federal income tax rate (15 percent) on
dividends and capital gains, which is a significant factor in the increase in income inequality.
ACTIVE LEARNING
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Jos-Luis Peydr
The principles of
HOW THE ECONOMY
AS A WHOLE WORKS
Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #8:
A Countrys Standard of Living Depends on Its Ability
to Produce Goods & Services
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Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #8:
A Countrys Standard of Living Depends on Its Ability
to Produce Goods & Services
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Jos-Luis Peydr
Jos-Luis Peydr
Table 3: The Global Competitiveness Index 20132014 rankings and 20122013 comparisons
GCI 20132014
Country/Economy
Switzerland
Singapore
Finland
Germany
United States
Sweden
Hong Kong SAR
Netherlands
Japan
United Kingdom
Norway
Taiwan, China
Qatar
Canada
Denmark
Austria
Belgium
New Zealand
United Arab Emirates
Saudi Arabia
Australia
Luxembourg
France
Malaysia
Korea, Rep.
Brunei Darussalam
Israel
Ireland
China
Puerto Rico
Iceland
Estonia
Oman
Chile
Spain
Kuwait
Thailand
Indonesia
Azerbaijan
Panama
Malta
Poland
Rank
(out of 148)
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
Score
(17)
5.67
5.61
5.54
5.51
5.48
5.48
5.47
5.42
5.40
5.37
5.33
5.29
5.24
5.20
5.18
5.15
5.13
5.11
5.11
5.10
5.09
5.09
5.05
5.03
5.01
4.95
4.94
4.92
4.84
4.67
4.66
4.65
4.64
4.61
4.57
4.56
4.54
4.53
4.51
4.50
4.50
4.46
GCI 20132014
Rank among
20122013
economies*
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
GCI
20122013
1
2
3
6
7
4
9
5
10
8
15
13
11
14
12
16
17
23
24
18
20
22
21
25
19
28
26
27
29
31
30
34
32
33
36
37
38
50
46
40
47
41
Country/Economy
Rank
(out of 148)
Croatia
Romania
Morocco
Slovak Republic
Armenia
Seychelles
Lao PDR
Iran, Islamic Rep.
Tunisia
Ukraine
Uruguay
Guatemala
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Cambodia
Moldova
Namibia
Greece
Trinidad and Tobago
Zambia
Jamaica
Albania
Kenya
El Salvador
Bolivia
Nicaragua
Algeria
Serbia
Guyana
Lebanon
Argentina
Dominican Republic
Suriname
Mongolia
Libya
Bhutan
Bangladesh
Honduras
Gabon
Senegal
Jos-Luis
Ghana
Cameroon
Gambia, The
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
Peydr
114
115
116
Score
(17)
4.13
4.13
4.11
4.10
4.10
4.10
4.08
4.07
4.06
4.05
4.05
4.04
4.02
4.01
3.94
3.93
3.93
3.91
3.86
3.86
3.85
3.85
3.84
3.84
3.84
3.79
3.77
3.77
3.77
3.76
3.76
3.75
3.75
3.73
3.73
3.71
3.70
3.70
3.70
3.69
3.68
3.67
Rank amo
201220
economie
75
76
77
78
79
80
n/a
81
n/a
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
n/a
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
United Kingdom
Key indicators, 2012
United Kingdom
50,000
Advanced economies
40,000
30,000
20,000
10,000
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
Stage of development
Score
(17)
Transition
12
Transition
23
Factor
driven
Efficiency
driven
Innovation
driven
Institutions
Innovation
Infrastructure
6
5
Business
sophistication
Macroeconomic
environment
4
3
Market size
Health and
primary
education
Higher education
and training
Technological
readiness
Financial market
development
Goods market
efficiency
Labor market efficiency
United Kingdom
Innovation-driven economies
10
15
Percent of responses
Note:
From the list of factors above, respondents were asked to select the five most problematic for doing business in their country and to rank them between
1 (most problematic) and 5. The bars in the figure show the responses weighted according to their rankings.
20
25
30
United Kingdom
The Global Competitiveness Index in detail
INDICATOR
VALUE RANK/148
INDICATOR
2.01
2.02
2.03
2.04
2.05
2.06
2.07
2.08
2.09
3.01
3.02
3.03
3.04
3.05
4.01
4.02
4.03
4.04
4.05
4.06
4.07
4.08
4.09
4.10
5.01
5.02
5.03
5.04
5.05
5.06
5.07
5.08
VALUE RANK/148
7.01
7.02
7.03
7.04
7.05
7.06
7.07
7.08
7.09
7.10
8.01
8.02
8.03
8.04
8.05
8.06
8.07
8.08
9.01
9.02
9.03
9.04
9.05
9.06
9.07
10.01
10.02
10.03
10.04
11.01
11.02
11.03
11.04
11.05
11.06
11.07
11.08
11.09
12.01
12.02
12.03
12.04
12.05
12.06
12.07
Notes: Values are on a 1-to-7 scale unless otherwise annotated with an asterisk (*). For further details and explanation, please refer to the section How to Read
the Country/Economy Profiles on page 97.
The Global Competitiveness Report 20132014 | 381
PRINCIPLE #9:
Prices Rise When the Government Prints Too Much
Money
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #10:
Society Faces a Short-run Tradeoff Between
Inflation and Unemployment
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13/)'$*%,+3%'$*%/1+(+2'1%#()%5+6'01#6%*$#:'6'$@%7'66%7+3&%'(%56#1/*%6'&/%K3//1/%+3%M$#6@<%7'$"%>/3@%)'I/3/($%*$3.1$.3#6%
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Jos-Luis Peydr
PRINCIPLE #11:
Financial crises are very important for macro effects
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11 principles of economics
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Crisis in US
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Crisis in US
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Crisis in US
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Crisis in US
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Check http://www.globalpropertyguide.com/faq/guide-price-trends
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PRINCIPLE #11:
Financial Crises are very important for Macro
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PRINCIPLE #11:
Financial Crises are very important for Macro
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PRINCIPLE #11:
Financial crises are very important for macro effects
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23/11/14 20:04
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Feeble economic performance has occurred despite the most aggressive monetary policies
avid Cameron, the UK prime minister, states that red warning lights are once again flashing on the dashboard of the global
economy. The lights are not as red as in 2008. Nevertheless, the difficulties caused by the fiscal austerity that his government
recommends have become particularly evident in Japan and the eurozone. These stagnant high-income economies are the weakest
links in the world economy. To understand why, one needs to analyse todays most important economic illness: chronic demand
deficiency syndrome.
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Jack Lew, US Treasury secretary, provided a sobering overview in a speech delivered in Seattle, en route
to last weekends summit of the group of 20 leading high-income economies in Australia. As he noted,
the world is far from achieving the strong, sustainable, and balanced growth, promised at the 2009
summit in Pittsburgh.
Global recovery has been uneven, with sharply different trajectories, he said. In the US, domestic
demand surpassed pre-crisis levels in the first quarter of 2012 and is now about 6 per cent higher than
before the crisis. Domestic demand in both Japan and the UK is about 2 per cent higher, he added. But
demand in the eurozone has yet to recover the ground lost during the crisis, remaining more than 4 per
cent below its pre-crisis level.
What Mr Lew did not add is that this feeble performance even the 6 per cent rise in real demand in the
US over more than six years is pathetic by historical standards occurred despite the most aggressive monetary policies in history. The
official intervention rates of the US Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank and the Bank of England have been not far above zero
since late 2008. The ECB struggled to raise rates above 1 per cent in 2011, but then succumbed to the pull of near zero. The Bank of
Japan has been offering near zero rates for two decades.
Yet this has not been nearly enough. All these central banks have increased their balance sheets sharply. In the US and UK, the balance
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23/11/14 20:04
sheet expansion has stabilised. In the eurozone, the contraction since 2012 is being reversed, while the Bank of Japans balance sheet is
heading towards the economic stratosphere, at 80 per cent of gross domestic product and counting.
How do we explain such weak demand, particularly in the eurozone and Japan? Only if we understand this do we have any hope of
deciding on the right remedies. One can identify three sets of underlying explanations.
The first set stresses the post-crisis overhang of private debt and the damage to confidence caused by the sudden disintegration of the
financial system. The by-now canonical response consists of cleaning up balance sheets and forced injection of capital into the banking
system, supported by stress tests, to convince the public that the financial system is again creditworthy. To this should be added fiscal
and monetary support for demand. In this view, a return to growth should be swift.
The second set of explanations denies this last proposition. It argues that the pre-crisis
demand was unsustainable because it relied on huge accumulations of private and public
debt the former associated with bubbles in property prices. Japan suffered such a postbubble reversal in private debt accumulation after 1990; the US, UK and Spain after
2008. The implication of this is that economies suffer not just from a post-crisis balancesheet recession, but from an inability to generate credit-driven demand on the pre-crisis
scale. Behind the unsustainability of pre-crisis demand lie global imbalances, shifts in
income distribution and structurally weak investment. A symptom is a chronic financial
surplus (excess of income over spending) in the private sector, as in Japan and the
eurozone.
The third set of explanations points to a slowdown in potential growth, due to some
combination of demographic changes, slowing rises in productivity and weak investment.
But this last set of explanations feeds directly into the second. If growth of potential
supply is expected to slow, consumption and investment will be weak. That will generate
feeble growth in demand. If central banks fight this, they get bubbles. If they accept it, weak growth of supply turns into a self-fulfilling
prophecy.
The high-income economies suffer from all three sets of ailments, to a greater or lesser
extent: the US less, Japan and the eurozone more. Even China, albeit enjoying a much
higher prospective rate of growth, also suffers from the second and third sets of concerns
even if it has not suffered a financial crisis. Its growth of recent years was driven by
unsustainably rapid accumulations of debt and unsustainably high rates of investment,
given the deceleration in its underlying growth.
The reason that extreme policy has been so ineffective is that the economies suffer from
such deep-seated ailments. It is not just about weak supply. But it is also not just about
weak demand. Nor is it just about the debt overhang or financial shocks. Each economy
also has a different combination of ailments.
As a more demographically dynamic and more innovative economy, with low rates of
private saving, the chances of escape into normal policy settings are better for the US than
for the eurozone or Japan. Similarly, as an economy with catch-up potential, China ought
to have a manageable adjustment. But the eurozone and Japan face far bigger challenges
in restoring healthy growth. This is because their private sectors are unable to use the
savings they wish to generate. This leaves them with unconventional policy choices,
probably even more unconventional than those they have tried. The consequences of
going further could be politically devastating, particularly in the eurozone. What those
possibilities are and why they are so painful will be the topic of my next column.
martin.wolf@ft.com
------------------------------------------Letter in response to this column:
A critical shift in consumer psychology / From Albion M Urdank
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Page 2 of 3
Summary
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